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- Constitutional Law, Electoral systems, political parties, and executive-legislative structures, *Comparative Government (Political Systems) and Politics, International Law, International Relations, Human Rights Law, and 58 moreEuropean Union Law, Political Parties, History of Political Parties, Electoral Systems, Western Balkans, Local Government and Local Development, Law and Religion, Politics and Religion, Church and State, Comparative Secularism, Theocracy, Islam and Politics, COMPARATIVE RELIGIOUS LAWS, Freedom of Religion, History of Religious Freedom, Secularisms and Secularities, Islam and Secularism, New Religious Movements, Separation of Church and State, Canon Law, Secularization, Constitutional Theory, Comparative Constitutional Law, Religious Studies, Contemporary Religion, Method and Theory in the Study of Religion, History of Religion, Orthodox Christianity, Ottoman Millet System, Religion, Laicity, and Secularisation, Christian Orthodoxy and Nationalism, Comparative Politics, Constituionalism and Constitutional Law, Political Science, European Constitutional Law, Mormon studies, Political History, Religion & the Public Sphere, History of Political Thought, Theory of Religion, Municipal Heraldry, Heraldry and Vexillology, Religion and Politics, Comparative Religion, Eastern Christianity, Economics, Comparative Law, Balkan Studies, Sociology of Religion, Islam, Inter-religious Dialogue, Theology, Religion, History of Religions, American Political Thought, Public Relations & Social Media, Political Communication (Communication), and Public and Political Communicationedit
Oвој труд, како колективен ангажман на тројца универзитетски професори има за цел поблиску да го определи изучувањето на религиското образование во јавниот образовен систем на нашата држава. Споменатата цел се постигнува преку трите... more
Oвој труд, како колективен ангажман на тројца универзитетски професори има за цел поблиску да го определи изучувањето на религиското образование во јавниот образовен систем на нашата држава.
Споменатата цел се постигнува преку трите сегменти на ова дело од кои првиот се однесува на европските демократски стандарди, вториот на еволуцијата на националните стандарди, а третиот на досегашните искуства од практикувањето на последната и најдолга фаза во изучувањето на религиското образование. На самиот крај, пак, врз основа на анализираното, следуваат заклучни согледувања со кои се нудат решенија за актуелните предизвици пред кои е исправено религиското образование.
Авторите изразуваат благодарност до Претставништвото на Фондацијата Конрад Аденауер во Скопје затоа што ја поддржа реализацијата на оваа проектна идеја, давајќи свој придонес во насока на заштита и натамошно издигнување на вкупните образовни стандарди и слободата на вероисповед во нашата држава.
Споменатата цел се постигнува преку трите сегменти на ова дело од кои првиот се однесува на европските демократски стандарди, вториот на еволуцијата на националните стандарди, а третиот на досегашните искуства од практикувањето на последната и најдолга фаза во изучувањето на религиското образование. На самиот крај, пак, врз основа на анализираното, следуваат заклучни согледувања со кои се нудат решенија за актуелните предизвици пред кои е исправено религиското образование.
Авторите изразуваат благодарност до Претставништвото на Фондацијата Конрад Аденауер во Скопје затоа што ја поддржа реализацијата на оваа проектна идеја, давајќи свој придонес во насока на заштита и натамошно издигнување на вкупните образовни стандарди и слободата на вероисповед во нашата држава.
Research Interests:
Доколку 1990 е годината кога започнуваат и се интензивираат процесите на демократската транзиција и на политичкиот плурализам , а 1991та е годината кога започна процесот на осамостојувањето на земјата , тогаш 1992та е годината кога... more
Доколку 1990 е годината кога започнуваат и се интензивираат процесите на демократската транзиција и на политичкиот плурализам , а 1991та е годината кога започна процесот на осамостојувањето на земјата , тогаш 1992та е годината кога започна процесот на создавањето и на консолидирањето на клучните атрибути на веќе оформената независна и самостојна држава – Република Македонија.
Имајќи го во пред вид споменатото, 30 години подоцна, во 2022 година одбележуваме два важни јубилеи поврзани со едни од најважните елементи на македонската државност:
- Прво, 30 години од поставувањето на надворешната политика на земјата;
- Второ, 30 години од поставувањето на одбранбената политика на земјата.
Публикацијата е составена од теоретска анализа и од испитување на јавното мислење и има за цел да фрли дополнително светло врз овие два аспекта од најновата историја на државата.
Имајќи го во пред вид споменатото, 30 години подоцна, во 2022 година одбележуваме два важни јубилеи поврзани со едни од најважните елементи на македонската државност:
- Прво, 30 години од поставувањето на надворешната политика на земјата;
- Второ, 30 години од поставувањето на одбранбената политика на земјата.
Публикацијата е составена од теоретска анализа и од испитување на јавното мислење и има за цел да фрли дополнително светло врз овие два аспекта од најновата историја на државата.
Research Interests:
Основната намера да се напише ова дело произлезе, пред сè, од потребите на студентите што студираат на правните студии, на политичките студии, на студиите по новинарство, како и на студиите по односи со јавноста, организирани како студии... more
Основната намера да се напише ова дело произлезе, пред сè, од потребите на студентите што студираат на правните студии, на политичките студии, на студиите по новинарство, како и на студиите по односи со јавноста, организирани како студии од прв циклус, а, секако, и на студентите од вториот циклус, мастер студиите на насоката уставно право и политички систем и мастер студиите по политички науки. Истовремено, со оглед на целите на секој универзитетски учебник, веруваме дека ова дело ќе им биде од полза и на сите заинтересирани субјекти надвор од универзитетите кои се занимаваат или се интересираат за оваа значајна проблематика.
Учебникот е составен од шест дела со кои попрецизно се објаснуваат најважните теми и концепти што се предмет на проучување на оваа научна дисциплина.
Во првиот дел се разгледани воведните прашања, попрецизно се прикажани поимот, предметот на проучување и изворите на политичкиот систем како научна дисциплина; анализирани се класичните и современите класификации на политичките системи; изложени се современите теории за политичкиот систем; дефинирани се поимите политика, политички процес и политичка власт и прикажани се најновите сознанија за поимите легалитет, легитимитет, моќ и авторитет.
Вториот дел од учебникот се однесува на вредностите на политичкиот систем. Во него се изложени согледувања за демократијата како основна вредност преку нејзино поимно определување, дефинирање и анализа на најшироко елаборираните нејзини модели. Понатаму, во овој дел следуваат и попрецизни елаборации за либерализмот, либералната држава и либералната демократија, како и за правната држава и владеењето на правото. Конечно, во последната, четврта глава од овој дел, темелно се анализираат термините нација и национализам како важни составни делови на политичкиот систем.
Во третиот дел од учебникот, кој се однесува на системите на организација на државната власт, попрецизно се анализирани најважните класификации, по што следува детален осврт на парламентарниот, претседателскиот, мешовитиот и собранискиот систем.
Четвртиот дел од книгата се однесува на цивилното општество и политичкиот систем. Во него, на почетокот попрецизно се објаснува релацијата меѓу политичкиот систем и цивилното општество, по што следува осврт кон релацијата политички систем-граѓанин. Во следните три глави се анализирани политичките партии, партиските и изборните системи како важен елемент на современите политички системи. На крај, следува приказ на релациите помеѓу политичката култура и политичкиот систем, како и помеѓу јавното мислење и политичкиот систем.
Петтиот дел од ова дело се однесува на политичкиот систем на Европската Унија. Во него се содржани осврти на теориите за европските интеграции, како и на институциите на Унијата.
Последниот, шестиот дел на учебникот е посветен на односот помеѓу религијата и политичкиот систем. Во него се анализирани релациите помеѓу религиските системи и државата и се опфатени најважните класификации на овие релации. Во овој дел се објаснети моделот на религиската држава, делот на државна религија, како и моделот на одвоеност на државата од религиите.
Учебникот е составен од шест дела со кои попрецизно се објаснуваат најважните теми и концепти што се предмет на проучување на оваа научна дисциплина.
Во првиот дел се разгледани воведните прашања, попрецизно се прикажани поимот, предметот на проучување и изворите на политичкиот систем како научна дисциплина; анализирани се класичните и современите класификации на политичките системи; изложени се современите теории за политичкиот систем; дефинирани се поимите политика, политички процес и политичка власт и прикажани се најновите сознанија за поимите легалитет, легитимитет, моќ и авторитет.
Вториот дел од учебникот се однесува на вредностите на политичкиот систем. Во него се изложени согледувања за демократијата како основна вредност преку нејзино поимно определување, дефинирање и анализа на најшироко елаборираните нејзини модели. Понатаму, во овој дел следуваат и попрецизни елаборации за либерализмот, либералната држава и либералната демократија, како и за правната држава и владеењето на правото. Конечно, во последната, четврта глава од овој дел, темелно се анализираат термините нација и национализам како важни составни делови на политичкиот систем.
Во третиот дел од учебникот, кој се однесува на системите на организација на државната власт, попрецизно се анализирани најважните класификации, по што следува детален осврт на парламентарниот, претседателскиот, мешовитиот и собранискиот систем.
Четвртиот дел од книгата се однесува на цивилното општество и политичкиот систем. Во него, на почетокот попрецизно се објаснува релацијата меѓу политичкиот систем и цивилното општество, по што следува осврт кон релацијата политички систем-граѓанин. Во следните три глави се анализирани политичките партии, партиските и изборните системи како важен елемент на современите политички системи. На крај, следува приказ на релациите помеѓу политичката култура и политичкиот систем, како и помеѓу јавното мислење и политичкиот систем.
Петтиот дел од ова дело се однесува на политичкиот систем на Европската Унија. Во него се содржани осврти на теориите за европските интеграции, како и на институциите на Унијата.
Последниот, шестиот дел на учебникот е посветен на односот помеѓу религијата и политичкиот систем. Во него се анализирани релациите помеѓу религиските системи и државата и се опфатени најважните класификации на овие релации. Во овој дел се објаснети моделот на религиската држава, делот на државна религија, како и моделот на одвоеност на државата од религиите.
Research Interests:
Во светло на претстојниот јубилеј, трудот: „30 години независност (Aнализа и истражување на јавното мислење)“, кој е изработен од страна на Институтот „МК91“ во соработка со ИПИС, а со поддршка на претставништвото на Фондацијата Конрад... more
Во светло на претстојниот јубилеј, трудот: „30 години независност (Aнализа и истражување на јавното мислење)“, кој е изработен од страна на Институтот „МК91“ во соработка со ИПИС, а со поддршка на претставништвото на Фондацијата Конрад Аденауер во Скопје има двојна цел:
» Прво, да фрли дополнително светло врз овој период од најновата историја во кој беа поставени темелите на државноста и
» Второ, да ги истражи перцепциите на граѓаните во врска со процесот на осамостојувањето, со успесите и со падовите на државата во овие 30 години, како и со очекувањата за стабилноста и растот во следните три децении.
Врз основа на добиените податоци се изнесени и соодветни заклучоци кои извираат од претходно анализираните сегменти.
» Прво, да фрли дополнително светло врз овој период од најновата историја во кој беа поставени темелите на државноста и
» Второ, да ги истражи перцепциите на граѓаните во врска со процесот на осамостојувањето, со успесите и со падовите на државата во овие 30 години, како и со очекувањата за стабилноста и растот во следните три децении.
Врз основа на добиените податоци се изнесени и соодветни заклучоци кои извираат од претходно анализираните сегменти.
Research Interests:
In different countries, in different periods, the words “parliament” and “crisis” were often put in the same sentence due to the different understanding by the politicians, on one hand, and the academics on the other. As Bracher noted... more
In different countries, in different periods, the words “parliament” and “crisis” were often put in the same sentence due to the different understanding by the politicians, on one hand, and the academics on the other.
As Bracher noted more than 50 years ago, this leaves an impression that crisis is directly related to the parliament and the parliamentary democracy.
Serious challenges and difficulties that come forward in the manner of organizing and functioning of the parliamentary democracies in Europe, our country included, partly come as a result of the insufficiently defined concept of the democracy in the practical meaning of the term.
In its biggest part, the crisis in the parliamentary democracy comes as a result of the more and more visible domination of the executive, over the legislative government. This domination undermines the strength of the parliamentary democracy and as a result, the parliament, as a representative, directly elected, and legitimate institution is transformed into a simple voting machine that serves the government, i.e. the executive government.
As the findings of this analysis indicate, the crisis in the parliamentary democracy begins in its epicenter, in the Parliament. The European parliaments, including the Macedonian Assembly, are going through a serious identity crisis, which is related directly to the deep crisis in the (non)application of the principle for division of power, the (dis)functionality, or the insufficient weight of the instruments and mechanisms for parliamentary political control over the work of the government members and the other public officials, the diminished role and the narrow scope of activity for the parliamentary opposition, the misuse of the parliamentary mandate and immunity by the MPs, the misuse of the position of the parliamentary speaker, manipulations during the phases of the legislative procedure, misuse of the shortened and urgent procedure during the adoption of the laws (also noted in the European Commission’s report regarding the Assembly), misuse of the European flag during the adoption of the laws, etc.
As Bracher noted more than 50 years ago, this leaves an impression that crisis is directly related to the parliament and the parliamentary democracy.
Serious challenges and difficulties that come forward in the manner of organizing and functioning of the parliamentary democracies in Europe, our country included, partly come as a result of the insufficiently defined concept of the democracy in the practical meaning of the term.
In its biggest part, the crisis in the parliamentary democracy comes as a result of the more and more visible domination of the executive, over the legislative government. This domination undermines the strength of the parliamentary democracy and as a result, the parliament, as a representative, directly elected, and legitimate institution is transformed into a simple voting machine that serves the government, i.e. the executive government.
As the findings of this analysis indicate, the crisis in the parliamentary democracy begins in its epicenter, in the Parliament. The European parliaments, including the Macedonian Assembly, are going through a serious identity crisis, which is related directly to the deep crisis in the (non)application of the principle for division of power, the (dis)functionality, or the insufficient weight of the instruments and mechanisms for parliamentary political control over the work of the government members and the other public officials, the diminished role and the narrow scope of activity for the parliamentary opposition, the misuse of the parliamentary mandate and immunity by the MPs, the misuse of the position of the parliamentary speaker, manipulations during the phases of the legislative procedure, misuse of the shortened and urgent procedure during the adoption of the laws (also noted in the European Commission’s report regarding the Assembly), misuse of the European flag during the adoption of the laws, etc.
Research Interests:
The research “Youth Religious Literacy” is part of the multi-year successful project that was concluded in Bucharest, Romania, between the Konrad Adenauer Foundation and the Faculty of Law “Iustinianus Primus” from Skopje, with its... more
The research “Youth Religious Literacy” is part of the multi-year successful project that was concluded in Bucharest, Romania, between the Konrad Adenauer Foundation and the Faculty of Law “Iustinianus Primus” from Skopje, with its representatives and participants, Prof. Tanja Karakamiseva-Jovanovska, Ph.D., and Prof. Aleksandar Spasenovski, Ph.D., through the Rule of Law Programme Southeast Europe.
This is the first comprehensive research on the perception of young people on issues related to the practice of freedom of religion, authored by Prof. Tanja Karakamisheva, Ph.D., Prof. Aleksandar Spasenovski, Ph.D., and Prof. Vladimir Bozinovski, Ph.D. from the Faculty of Law “Iustinianus Primus” in Skopje.
The survey was conducted nationwide at the end of August 2020, with young respondents aged between 18 and 35 years. This research aimed to examine the perception of young people regarding human rights and freedoms related to religion and the practice of religion. The questions in the questionnaire (except the first two introductory ones) were constructed in the form of statements, which each respondent could agree or disagree with. The answers were offered in the form of a Likert scale, i.e. each respondent had the opportunity to choose one of the four possible answers, two of which were affirmative (completely agree, and somewhat agree), and two, negative (strongly disagree, and somewhat disagree), in relation to the proposed claim.
The general conclusion from the research is that the young people in the country are predominantly religious, although the initial assumption of the authors of the research was that the young people would show a lower degree of interest in religion and religious practice than the elderly citizens.
On the other hand, the practice of religion itself moves within a clearly established constitutional and legal framework, which guarantees the freedoms and rights in accordance with the international and national legal acts.
Young people generally do not have problems exercising their freedom of confession and religious practice, although the viewpoints of some of the respondents incline towards the presence of a direct feeling of religious discrimination.
The main remark of the respondents deriving from the research is of systemic nature, i.e. the respondents show dissatisfaction with the institutions in charge of solving the issues related to the exercise of the rights and freedoms from this corpus, with an emphasis that their reaction is slow and inappropriate.
Hence, the main recommendation deriving from the research is to improve the institutional and procedural capacities of the state in order to create a quality systemic protection of the religious freedoms, in order to solve the problems of the religious members in a satisfactory way, and in the interest of strengthening the sentiment among the practitioners that no one is discriminated against, and everyone is free to practice their own religion. Strengthening the institutional capacities in the country will also benefit the religious communities to be more separated from the state, and to ensure greater equality before the law.
This is the first comprehensive research on the perception of young people on issues related to the practice of freedom of religion, authored by Prof. Tanja Karakamisheva, Ph.D., Prof. Aleksandar Spasenovski, Ph.D., and Prof. Vladimir Bozinovski, Ph.D. from the Faculty of Law “Iustinianus Primus” in Skopje.
The survey was conducted nationwide at the end of August 2020, with young respondents aged between 18 and 35 years. This research aimed to examine the perception of young people regarding human rights and freedoms related to religion and the practice of religion. The questions in the questionnaire (except the first two introductory ones) were constructed in the form of statements, which each respondent could agree or disagree with. The answers were offered in the form of a Likert scale, i.e. each respondent had the opportunity to choose one of the four possible answers, two of which were affirmative (completely agree, and somewhat agree), and two, negative (strongly disagree, and somewhat disagree), in relation to the proposed claim.
The general conclusion from the research is that the young people in the country are predominantly religious, although the initial assumption of the authors of the research was that the young people would show a lower degree of interest in religion and religious practice than the elderly citizens.
On the other hand, the practice of religion itself moves within a clearly established constitutional and legal framework, which guarantees the freedoms and rights in accordance with the international and national legal acts.
Young people generally do not have problems exercising their freedom of confession and religious practice, although the viewpoints of some of the respondents incline towards the presence of a direct feeling of religious discrimination.
The main remark of the respondents deriving from the research is of systemic nature, i.e. the respondents show dissatisfaction with the institutions in charge of solving the issues related to the exercise of the rights and freedoms from this corpus, with an emphasis that their reaction is slow and inappropriate.
Hence, the main recommendation deriving from the research is to improve the institutional and procedural capacities of the state in order to create a quality systemic protection of the religious freedoms, in order to solve the problems of the religious members in a satisfactory way, and in the interest of strengthening the sentiment among the practitioners that no one is discriminated against, and everyone is free to practice their own religion. Strengthening the institutional capacities in the country will also benefit the religious communities to be more separated from the state, and to ensure greater equality before the law.
Research Interests:
The Local Self-Government textbook is a collective work of a group of professors who belong to five different generations of academic staff from the Department of Constitutional Law and Political System at the Faculty of Law “Iustinianus... more
The Local Self-Government textbook is a collective work of a group of professors who belong to five different generations of academic staff from the Department of Constitutional Law and Political System at the Faculty of Law “Iustinianus Primus” in Skopje.
The Local Self-Government textbook is a real refreshment in the scientific and academic space both at the faculty and beyond. By actualizing and opening complex phenomena and concepts of local character, but with a wider discourse of political and national influence, as authors, we hope to succeed in our mission – to penetrate every pore of local self-government and local administration at home and in comparison, with a number of countries in order to develop all aspects and issues in this area.
The Local Self-Government textbook is a real refreshment in the scientific and academic space both at the faculty and beyond. By actualizing and opening complex phenomena and concepts of local character, but with a wider discourse of political and national influence, as authors, we hope to succeed in our mission – to penetrate every pore of local self-government and local administration at home and in comparison, with a number of countries in order to develop all aspects and issues in this area.
Research Interests:
The coursebook “Law and Religion” is a collective and comprehensive study prepared by Professor Tanja Karakamiseva, PhD, and Professor Aleksandar Spasenovski, PhD, both professors at the Constitutional Law and Political System department... more
The coursebook “Law and Religion” is a collective and comprehensive study prepared by Professor Tanja Karakamiseva, PhD, and Professor Aleksandar Spasenovski, PhD, both professors at the Constitutional Law and Political System department at the Law Faculty “Iustinianus Primus”, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University in Skopje.
The main purpose for writing this book derived primarily from the needs of the students of law, political studies, journalism, as well as public relations studies, organized as studies in the 1st cycle, and, of course, the students in the second cycle, or master studies in constitutional law and political system, as well as master studies in political sciences. At the same time, considering the aims of any university coursebook, we believe that this paper will be of benefit to all relevant stakeholders outside the Universities, who will be dealing with or are interested in this important issue.
The main purpose for writing this book derived primarily from the needs of the students of law, political studies, journalism, as well as public relations studies, organized as studies in the 1st cycle, and, of course, the students in the second cycle, or master studies in constitutional law and political system, as well as master studies in political sciences. At the same time, considering the aims of any university coursebook, we believe that this paper will be of benefit to all relevant stakeholders outside the Universities, who will be dealing with or are interested in this important issue.
Research Interests:
Македонскиот модел на секуларност предвидува ин-ституционална секуларност, како и поставеност на др-жавата како нетеократска структура. Државата не може да биде водена од свештени лица, ниту државата може да се меша во изборот на... more
Македонскиот модел на секуларност предвидува ин-ституционална секуларност, како и поставеност на др-жавата како нетеократска структура. Државата не може да биде водена од свештени лица, ниту државата може да се меша во изборот на свештените лица или во внатрешното ра-ботење на верските организации. Но, она што треба да остане запаметено е дека, од друга страна, секуларизмот не може по силата на своето постоење во официјалниот правен систем да наметне или да ги моделира внатрешните чувства на граѓаните кон верските и религиозни организации и групи. Одделеноста на црковната од политич-ката власт е уставно загарантирана категорија, која натаму се разработува и во законите од оваа сфера, но личните чувства и личната припадност на луѓето кон одредена религија и вера многу тешко можат да бидат вкалапени во границите на тие прописи. Чувствата и припадноста кон одредена верска организа-ција се многу повеќе врзани со средината во која граѓаните живеат, со одредени непишани правила и обичаи на однесу-вање, отколку со правните прописи. Обичаите и навиките, тра-дицијата и конвенциите остануваат силни фактори кои често пати знаат да се измолкнат од секуларноста и непокането да се вмешаат и да ги проблематизираат законски пропишаните релации и односи.
Research Interests:
Основната намера да се напише ова дело произлезе, пред сė, од потребите на студентите што студираат на политичките студии, на студиите по новинарство, како и на студиите по односи со јавноста, организирани како студии од прв циклус, а,... more
Основната намера да се напише ова дело произлезе, пред сė, од потребите на студентите што студираат на политичките студии, на студиите по новинарство, како и на студиите по односи со јавноста, организирани како студии од прв циклус, а, секако и на студентите од постдипломските мастер студии на насоката Уставно право и мастер студиите по Политички науки. Освен тоа, овој учебник кореспондира и со наставните програми и на останатите факултети во Република Македонија за правни науки, за новинарство, за јавна администрација, за односи со јавноста, како и за останатите сродни академски области. Секако, со оглед на целите на секој високошколски учебник, веруваме дека ова дело ќе им биде корисно и на сите практичари надвор од универзитетите кои се занимаваат или се интересираат за проблематиката поврзана со уставното право и со политичкиот систем.
Учебникот „Современи политички системи“ е составенод предговор и два дела. Првиот дел од учебникот е воведен и теоретски и во него е изложена детална анализа за природата на оваа научна дисциплина посебно во делот на општите поими и категории како дел од политичкиот систем, на пример, што е политика, што е политичка власт, што се политички процеси, кои се елементите на политичката власт, каде се остварува политичката власт, што е систем на организација на власта, кои се елементите на законодавната, на извршната и на судската власт и.т.н. Понатаму, на темелот на изнесеното, дадена е и експликација на различните класификации на системите на организацијата на државната власт, видовите и подвидовите на системите, карактеристиките на институциите кои функционираат во политичките системи (парламент, претседател, влада, судство, н.з.) видот на нивните надлежности, правата и обврските на политичките институции, односите меѓу институциите, прашањето на политичката одговорност и слично. Вториот дел од учебникот е апликативен и во него е даден детален осврт на уставниот и политичкиот систем на Обединетото кралство, како држава-монархија во која најдоследно е имплементиран парламентарниот систем на организацијата на власта, потоа на Соединетите американски држави, како земја во која најдоследно е имплементиран претседателскиот систем на организацијата на власта, на Швајцарската конфедерација, како земја во која се најизразени елементите на собранискиот (директоријалниот) систем на организацијата на власта, како и на Сојузна Република Германија, како сложена, федеративна држава, во која егзистира рационализираниот парламентаризам како вид мешовит систем на организацијата на државната власт. Исто така, посебно внимание во учебникот добива и политичкиот систем на ЕУ, како посебен вид политички систем. Воведно-теоретските сознанија за системите заедно со апликативните елементи на конкретното функционирање на политичките институции во секоја од наведените држави нудат детална претстава за(не)ефикасноста,(не)успешноста, и резултатите што одделните модели на организацијата на државната власт ги имаат во пракса. Анализата на конкретните позитивни и негативни елементи од начинот на кој функционираат политичките институции во одделните политички системи ја заокружуваат целината на оваа научна дисциплина.
При пишувањето на учебникот „Современи политички системи“ е консултирана соодветна стручна и научна литература во која влегуваат и понови сознанија на референтни автори и научни авторитети. Секако, со оглед на фактот дека станува збор за тема која е предмет на уставно и законско регулирање на државите, консултирани се и поголем број уставни и законски текстови на државите чии уставни и политички системи се предмет на интерес. Авторите искрено веруваат дека со овој учебник дополнително ќе се разјасни и натамошно ќе се доближи оваа сложена и повеќеслојна проблематика до сите заинтересирани личности. Секако, наспроти систематичноста во пристапот и соодветната исцрпност во објаснувањата за секоја од темите, останува констатацијата дека овој сложен и бескраен простор и во иднина ќе се истражува, при што дополнително ќе се збогатува и облагородува овој труд во изданијата што ќе следуваат.
Учебникот „Современи политички системи“ е составенод предговор и два дела. Првиот дел од учебникот е воведен и теоретски и во него е изложена детална анализа за природата на оваа научна дисциплина посебно во делот на општите поими и категории како дел од политичкиот систем, на пример, што е политика, што е политичка власт, што се политички процеси, кои се елементите на политичката власт, каде се остварува политичката власт, што е систем на организација на власта, кои се елементите на законодавната, на извршната и на судската власт и.т.н. Понатаму, на темелот на изнесеното, дадена е и експликација на различните класификации на системите на организацијата на државната власт, видовите и подвидовите на системите, карактеристиките на институциите кои функционираат во политичките системи (парламент, претседател, влада, судство, н.з.) видот на нивните надлежности, правата и обврските на политичките институции, односите меѓу институциите, прашањето на политичката одговорност и слично. Вториот дел од учебникот е апликативен и во него е даден детален осврт на уставниот и политичкиот систем на Обединетото кралство, како држава-монархија во која најдоследно е имплементиран парламентарниот систем на организацијата на власта, потоа на Соединетите американски држави, како земја во која најдоследно е имплементиран претседателскиот систем на организацијата на власта, на Швајцарската конфедерација, како земја во која се најизразени елементите на собранискиот (директоријалниот) систем на организацијата на власта, како и на Сојузна Република Германија, како сложена, федеративна држава, во која егзистира рационализираниот парламентаризам како вид мешовит систем на организацијата на државната власт. Исто така, посебно внимание во учебникот добива и политичкиот систем на ЕУ, како посебен вид политички систем. Воведно-теоретските сознанија за системите заедно со апликативните елементи на конкретното функционирање на политичките институции во секоја од наведените држави нудат детална претстава за(не)ефикасноста,(не)успешноста, и резултатите што одделните модели на организацијата на државната власт ги имаат во пракса. Анализата на конкретните позитивни и негативни елементи од начинот на кој функционираат политичките институции во одделните политички системи ја заокружуваат целината на оваа научна дисциплина.
При пишувањето на учебникот „Современи политички системи“ е консултирана соодветна стручна и научна литература во која влегуваат и понови сознанија на референтни автори и научни авторитети. Секако, со оглед на фактот дека станува збор за тема која е предмет на уставно и законско регулирање на државите, консултирани се и поголем број уставни и законски текстови на државите чии уставни и политички системи се предмет на интерес. Авторите искрено веруваат дека со овој учебник дополнително ќе се разјасни и натамошно ќе се доближи оваа сложена и повеќеслојна проблематика до сите заинтересирани личности. Секако, наспроти систематичноста во пристапот и соодветната исцрпност во објаснувањата за секоја од темите, останува констатацијата дека овој сложен и бескраен простор и во иднина ќе се истражува, при што дополнително ќе се збогатува и облагородува овој труд во изданијата што ќе следуваат.
Research Interests:
The first edition of the university textbook Political Parties and Interest Groups by the authors Prof. Savo Klomovski (PhD) and Prof. Tanja Karakamiseva (PhD) was published in 2007. Nine years later, in April 2016, a reformed and... more
The first edition of the university textbook Political Parties and Interest Groups by the authors Prof. Savo Klomovski (PhD) and Prof. Tanja Karakamiseva (PhD) was published in 2007. Nine years later, in April 2016, a reformed and supplemented edition of this work has been published by the authors Prof. Savo Klimovski (PhD), Prof. Tanja Karakamiseva (PhD), and lecturer Aleksandar Spasenovski (PhD).
This work is primarily intended for the students of Political Science at the Law Faculty Iustinianus Primus in Skopje, as well as for other students from other universities in the country who study this exquisitely significant issue as part of their courses. Besides that, this textbook corresponds to the curricula of the faculties of law, journalism, public administration, public relations, as well as other similar academic areas. Of course, considering the aims of each high education textbook, we trust this edition will be of use to all professionals outside the universities who deal with, or are interested in, issues related to political parties and interest groups.
The authors truly believe that this textbook will provide additional clarifications and will bring this complex and multi layered topic closer to all concerned individuals. Of course, despite the systematic approach and the proper diligence in exposing each of the topics there is an opportunity for this complex and infinite area to be explored further, which will only enrich and ennoble this work in the editions to come.
This work is primarily intended for the students of Political Science at the Law Faculty Iustinianus Primus in Skopje, as well as for other students from other universities in the country who study this exquisitely significant issue as part of their courses. Besides that, this textbook corresponds to the curricula of the faculties of law, journalism, public administration, public relations, as well as other similar academic areas. Of course, considering the aims of each high education textbook, we trust this edition will be of use to all professionals outside the universities who deal with, or are interested in, issues related to political parties and interest groups.
The authors truly believe that this textbook will provide additional clarifications and will bring this complex and multi layered topic closer to all concerned individuals. Of course, despite the systematic approach and the proper diligence in exposing each of the topics there is an opportunity for this complex and infinite area to be explored further, which will only enrich and ennoble this work in the editions to come.
Research Interests:
The first edition of the university textbook Political Parties and Interest Groups by the authors Prof. Savo Klomovski (PhD) and Prof. Tanja Karakamiseva (PhD) was published in 2007. Nine years later, in April 2016, a reformed and... more
The first edition of the university textbook Political Parties and Interest Groups by the authors Prof. Savo Klomovski (PhD) and Prof. Tanja Karakamiseva (PhD) was published in 2007. Nine years later, in April 2016, a reformed and supplemented edition of this work has been published by the authors Prof. Savo Klimovski (PhD), Prof. Tanja Karakamiseva (PhD), and lecturer Aleksandar Spasenovski (PhD).
This work is primarily intended for the students of Political Science at the Law Faculty Iustinianus Primus in Skopje, as well as for other students from other universities in the country who study this exquisitely significant issue as part of their courses. Besides that, this textbook corresponds to the curricula of the faculties of law, journalism, public administration, public relations, as well as other similar academic areas. Of course, considering the aims of each high education textbook, we trust this edition will be of use to all professionals outside the universities who deal with, or are interested in, issues related to political parties and interest groups.
The textbook Political Parties and Interest Groups consists of five parts.
The authors truly believe that this textbook will provide additional clarifications and will bring this complex and multi layered topic closer to all concerned individuals. Of course, despite the systematic approach and the proper diligence in exposing each of the topics there is an opportunity for this complex and infinite area to be explored further, which will only enrich and ennoble this work in the editions to come.
This work is primarily intended for the students of Political Science at the Law Faculty Iustinianus Primus in Skopje, as well as for other students from other universities in the country who study this exquisitely significant issue as part of their courses. Besides that, this textbook corresponds to the curricula of the faculties of law, journalism, public administration, public relations, as well as other similar academic areas. Of course, considering the aims of each high education textbook, we trust this edition will be of use to all professionals outside the universities who deal with, or are interested in, issues related to political parties and interest groups.
The textbook Political Parties and Interest Groups consists of five parts.
The authors truly believe that this textbook will provide additional clarifications and will bring this complex and multi layered topic closer to all concerned individuals. Of course, despite the systematic approach and the proper diligence in exposing each of the topics there is an opportunity for this complex and infinite area to be explored further, which will only enrich and ennoble this work in the editions to come.
Research Interests:
The basis for the book “Head of state and the foreign policy” was set in April 2007 in the postgraduate thesis entitled “The role of the Head of state in foreign policy (the case of the Republic of Macedonia) which I wrote during my... more
The basis for the book “Head of state and the foreign policy” was set in April 2007 in the postgraduate thesis entitled “The role of the Head of state in foreign policy (the case of the Republic of Macedonia) which I wrote during my postgraduate studies in international law and politics at the Faculty of Law “Iustinian I” in Skopje, the Republic of Macedonia, and I take this opportunity to express my sincere gratitude to my mentor and to the members of the Commission for their useful suggestions in the process of shaping the initial text. As regards this text, in order to achieve sufficient clarity and precision, some of the parts have been reformulated or further clarified.
The book consists of an introduction, two parts and final observations. The first part, entitled “Head of state and the foreign policy” is composed of three chapters, the first one bearing the title “Head of state”, the second one “Foreign policy” , and the third one "Head of state and the foreign policy". The second part, entitled “The head of state and foreign policy in the Republic of Macedonia" is also composed of three chapters, entitled as "Head of state in the Republic of Macedonia”, “Foreign affairs authorities in the Republic of Macedonia” and "Head of state and foreign policy in the Republic of Macedonia" respectively.
The book consists of an introduction, two parts and final observations. The first part, entitled “Head of state and the foreign policy” is composed of three chapters, the first one bearing the title “Head of state”, the second one “Foreign policy” , and the third one "Head of state and the foreign policy". The second part, entitled “The head of state and foreign policy in the Republic of Macedonia" is also composed of three chapters, entitled as "Head of state in the Republic of Macedonia”, “Foreign affairs authorities in the Republic of Macedonia” and "Head of state and foreign policy in the Republic of Macedonia" respectively.
Research Interests:
The fall of the Berlin wall and the unification of Germany marked the end of the bipolar division of the world. In the Balkans, such milestone was the disintegration of Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). Following the... more
The fall of the Berlin wall and the unification of Germany marked the end of the bipolar division of the world. In the Balkans, such milestone was the disintegration of Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). Following the overcoming of the problems caused by the dissolution of the federations and the calming of the euphoric nationalism, transition processes have been initiated in all spheres of societal life. The integration into NATO and the EU was the topmost political goal of most of the leaderships of former socialist countries. On the other hand, as regards the economy, the transition from a socialist, centrally planned, to a market oriented economy was the most serious transformation to be completed. The political achievements of the former socialist countries depended, to a great extent, on the manner of implementation of the economic reforms. Nowadays, one may conclude that some of the countries have managed to go through the transition, while others are still coping with it, seeing its end, and yet there are others that still wander around the post-socialist bends, trying to keep the pace with the rest of the European countries. As regards the latter, one may undoubtedly state that it comprises the greatest number of countries of the Western Balkans. The above points out to the conclusion that these are the places to bear witness of the final consolidation and democratization of Eastern Europe.
The history shall provide the answer to the question whether such radical deviation of the Eastern European countries was to be expected, as well as whether the imminent transformation was successful or not. However, for those of us who were coerced into becoming a part of the transitional occurrences, the expert explication on the achievements and the shapes they (used to) take, shall mean a significant insight. It is precisely the clarification of parts of those processes that may help us grasp the essence of this book. It provides the esteemed readership with an insight into selected analyses, which, in the course of 2005, have been publicized in the Daily Briefing, published by the International Politics Research and Analysis Centre within the Euro-Balkan Institute, in the political-societal magazine Political Thought, published by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation and the Democracy, Solidarity and Civil Society Institute, as well as other text, not published so far, which specifically deal with the Balkans related themes.
The history shall provide the answer to the question whether such radical deviation of the Eastern European countries was to be expected, as well as whether the imminent transformation was successful or not. However, for those of us who were coerced into becoming a part of the transitional occurrences, the expert explication on the achievements and the shapes they (used to) take, shall mean a significant insight. It is precisely the clarification of parts of those processes that may help us grasp the essence of this book. It provides the esteemed readership with an insight into selected analyses, which, in the course of 2005, have been publicized in the Daily Briefing, published by the International Politics Research and Analysis Centre within the Euro-Balkan Institute, in the political-societal magazine Political Thought, published by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation and the Democracy, Solidarity and Civil Society Institute, as well as other text, not published so far, which specifically deal with the Balkans related themes.
Research Interests:
Geographical position of the Republic of Macedonia continues to shape its religious landscape as dramatically as in the times of Byzantium or communism. Taking into account the aforementioned, this paper will encompass the legal,... more
Geographical position of the Republic of Macedonia continues to shape its religious landscape as dramatically as in the times of Byzantium or communism. Taking into account the aforementioned, this paper will encompass the legal, political and sociological aspects of the Macedonian model of secularism. In this respect, the content of the constitutional provisions suggests that Republic of Macedonia most broadly defines the right to equality, guaranteeing the same rights, independently from the religious determination of its citizens, among other things. The state also guarantees the freedom of religion, allowing its citizens to freely practice their religion either alone or in community with others. The state allows specific religions to form religious schools, foundations and charitable organizations. Taking into account the aforementioned, at the end can be concluded that the Republic of Macedonia continues to share the fate of the European countries in both a positive and negativ...
Research Interests:
The protection of national identity is an impossible mission without insisting on protecting its constitutional specifics, or in other words, national identity is the second face of constitutional identity. Without a protected... more
The protection of national identity is an impossible mission without insisting on protecting its constitutional specifics, or in other words, national identity is the second face of constitutional identity. Without a protected constitutional identity, there is no complete national identity of the country and vice versa. Although no founding treaty of the EU mentions the constitutional identity, it is found and confirmed in a broader axiological meaning in the national identity of each member state of the Union. And again the same question posed above in the analysis: what is national identity if not part of the constitutional identity, and can we talk about the national identity of a country without it being partially or completely perceived through the prism of the continuity of the constitutional identity development of the country if it is known that exactly that constitutional development contains the contours and values of the national identity of the country?
From the analysis, we can conclude that the connection of the national with the constitutional identity is part of the practice of the EU member states’ constitutional courts that favor that relation as a natural course of society’s development.
The question of constitutional identity becomes more complicated when viewed through the lens of the functioning of the EU and, in that sense, the position of the EU Court of Justice. Although Article 4 (2) of the EU Treaty does not contain the values that make up national identity, the fact is that the range of values is not limited with each EU member state having the right to decide which values are important to enter into the content of this principle.
From the analysis, we can conclude that the connection of the national with the constitutional identity is part of the practice of the EU member states’ constitutional courts that favor that relation as a natural course of society’s development.
The question of constitutional identity becomes more complicated when viewed through the lens of the functioning of the EU and, in that sense, the position of the EU Court of Justice. Although Article 4 (2) of the EU Treaty does not contain the values that make up national identity, the fact is that the range of values is not limited with each EU member state having the right to decide which values are important to enter into the content of this principle.
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The Republic of Macedonia, in respect to the status of the religious organizations and religious freedom, is faced with two groups of challenges. In the first group are challenges that are shared with all West European countries. These... more
The Republic of Macedonia, in respect to the status of the religious organizations and religious freedom, is faced with two groups of challenges. In the first group are challenges that are shared with all West European countries. These challenges are widely discussed and well known. Our distinctiveness is defined by the second group of challenges that are characteristic only for the Republic of Macedonia. Generally, these challenges are not to a large extent because of the highly democratic level of functioning of Macedonian institutions over the years. In any case, the challenges that Macedonian secularism needs to gradually overcome are: overcoming the problem of illegal operation of a parallel Orthodox Christian religious organization in the state against the Macedonian Orthodox Church - Ohrid Archbishopric, overcoming the problems
with the Bektashi order among Muslims, application of social response to the increased dynamic of religious landscape changes caused by migrations, disproportionate birth rates of some ethnic or religious groups, and problems arising from proselytizing.
with the Bektashi order among Muslims, application of social response to the increased dynamic of religious landscape changes caused by migrations, disproportionate birth rates of some ethnic or religious groups, and problems arising from proselytizing.
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The great horrors in the world always end with peace treaties. In this context, the European heritage is highly significant both in the positive and negative sense of the word. The wars fought were a warning that was as important as the... more
The great horrors in the world always end with peace treaties. In this context, the European heritage is highly significant both in the positive and negative sense of the word. The wars fought were a warning that was as important as the great events which put these wars to an end. The Congress of Vienna should serve as an excellent reminder of the outcomes of the conflicts, the role of the great powers, the ways in which the fate of the peoples and states were decided at the “green table”, etc. Regardless of the nature of the solutions, it is indisputable that the Congress of Vienna completely altered the European political map and played a significant role in what the European states represent today on the world map.
The Republic of Macedonia, as well as the major European countries in the period between the Treaty of Westphalia of 1648 and the establishment of the UN in 1945, were trying to create a balance between satisfying the expectations of its citizens and the political realities at the time. The complex compromises that were made in order to realize the great goal of a final democratic stabilization and integration of the state, from the aspect of their austerity and importance, provide a clear answer concerning the extensive concessions that the great European sates of today once made. However, in the case of the Republic of Macedonia, there is a lack of a centuries-long historical distance after which it is possible to make a relevant evaluation of their justification. In any case, until such a time, the faith of the
citizens of the Republic of Macedonia in the realization of the main goal of a stable, democratic and integrated state remains strong.
The Republic of Macedonia, as well as the major European countries in the period between the Treaty of Westphalia of 1648 and the establishment of the UN in 1945, were trying to create a balance between satisfying the expectations of its citizens and the political realities at the time. The complex compromises that were made in order to realize the great goal of a final democratic stabilization and integration of the state, from the aspect of their austerity and importance, provide a clear answer concerning the extensive concessions that the great European sates of today once made. However, in the case of the Republic of Macedonia, there is a lack of a centuries-long historical distance after which it is possible to make a relevant evaluation of their justification. In any case, until such a time, the faith of the
citizens of the Republic of Macedonia in the realization of the main goal of a stable, democratic and integrated state remains strong.
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Today the protection of the religious rights and freedoms is an extremely serious task, because it means that coherent legal rules are necessary to enable balance in exercising the rights and duties of all citizens – the believers of the... more
Today the protection of the religious rights and freedoms is an extremely serious task, because it means that coherent legal rules are necessary to enable balance in exercising the rights and duties of all citizens – the believers of the different faiths and the non-believers. Taking this into consideration, the international organizations, as well as the sovereign democratic states, are trying to find appropriate legal solutions related to these important issues.
The Republic of Macedonia as a democratic European state is constructing a constitutional and political system that is founded on these essential legal standards of the developed world. They, in turn, found its legal expression in the documents of the relevant international governmental organizations accepted by our state. In this regard, the relevant documents of the United Nations and of the Council of Europe, as organizations in which the Republic of Macedonia is a member state, in accordance with the norms of our constitution, are part of our internal legal order.
Considering the aforementioned, in this paper, the questions related to the freedom of religious belief are revealed in the four sections, whereby in the first section entitled “theoretical-historical overview” an overview is presented of the development of the ideas for the freedom of religion throughout the history. The second section entitled “The United Nations and the freedom of religious belief”, contains legal analysis of the meaning and scope of the freedom of religious belief in the documents of this world organization, while the third section titled: “The Council of Europe and the freedom of religious belief” contains an identical analysis, as in the previous section, related to the this oldest European regional organization. On the foundation of the presented information in all parts of this paper, the last section titled “concluding observations” includes the findings related to the scope of the freedom of religious belief in the Republic of Macedonia.
The Republic of Macedonia as a democratic European state is constructing a constitutional and political system that is founded on these essential legal standards of the developed world. They, in turn, found its legal expression in the documents of the relevant international governmental organizations accepted by our state. In this regard, the relevant documents of the United Nations and of the Council of Europe, as organizations in which the Republic of Macedonia is a member state, in accordance with the norms of our constitution, are part of our internal legal order.
Considering the aforementioned, in this paper, the questions related to the freedom of religious belief are revealed in the four sections, whereby in the first section entitled “theoretical-historical overview” an overview is presented of the development of the ideas for the freedom of religion throughout the history. The second section entitled “The United Nations and the freedom of religious belief”, contains legal analysis of the meaning and scope of the freedom of religious belief in the documents of this world organization, while the third section titled: “The Council of Europe and the freedom of religious belief” contains an identical analysis, as in the previous section, related to the this oldest European regional organization. On the foundation of the presented information in all parts of this paper, the last section titled “concluding observations” includes the findings related to the scope of the freedom of religious belief in the Republic of Macedonia.
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This work is a continuation of the previous research about the Macedonian model of secularism supported by the “Konrad Adenauer” Foundation in the Republic of Macedonia. Consequently to the first policy brief titled “Political parties and... more
This work is a continuation of the previous research about the Macedonian model of secularism supported by the “Konrad Adenauer” Foundation in the Republic of Macedonia. Consequently to the first policy brief titled “Political parties and the boundaries of secularism in Republic of Macedonia” which sheds light on the influence of the state and the political parties over the work of the religious communities, the goal of this work is to closely define the reverse process - “the influence of the religious communities on the civil institutions and politics in Republic of Macedonia”.
Republic of Macedonia implements authentic model of secularism. The Macedonian model for relations with religious organizations is positioned somewhere in the middle between the model of state religion and the model of secularism, because in the historical-statehood and symbolic sense, the Orthodox church in Macedonia is singled opposed to other religious organizations, but still the basic corpus of rights, as well as the boundaries of freedom of religion are on the level of the democratic standards of the developed world.
In the determination of the relations of religious communities and state institutions we distinguish three periods. The first period lasted from 1945 to 1990 when the religious communities have no impact on state institutions and politics. The second period began in 1990 with the amendments to the socialist constitution of socialist Republic of Macedonia 1974 and lasted until the adoption of the Constitution in 1991 when religious communities have limited impact on state institutions and politics. The third period starts with the adoption of the Constitution in 1991 and onward, when religious communities have an impact on public policy and institutions.
The religious communities in Republic of Macedonia, as in any other democratic state have the possibility to actively engage in the societal processes, standing out with their own positions or projects. The civil institutions and the politics however, sometimes adopt the initiatives of the religious organizations and sometimes don’t. The initiatives that are adopted, find their legal or political expression. There are many examples of legal acts that represent this valorisation of the demands and interests of the religious organizations by the state. Among them the most notable ones are: Law on religious communities and religious groups from 1997 banning within a religion to have more religious organizations, with whom the state directly protects the interests of the Macedonian Orthodox Church; The Decision on religious blessings in public schools from 1999 which was abolished by the Constitutional Court in 2000; Declaration of the Parliament of Republic of Macedonia to support the autocephaly of the Macedonian Orthodox Church in 2004, which is an important example of the influence of religious communities on the policies and institutions.
The different forms of influence by the religious communities over the institutions and politics, surely are a civilization gains. Anticipating the high European democratic standards in this part, Republic of Macedonia strives to create balance trough integration of its own internal specifications in the model it creates. However, the established constitutional basis that guarantees the possibility of influence of religious communities on the institutions and policies needs to be further regulated especially in light of the duties of the state to act as a neutral factor which provides equal chances to all segments, of course, taking into account the state-building aspects of such legal solutions in terms of the extent of the contribution of various religious organizations in the shaping of the independence of the Republic of Macedonia.
Republic of Macedonia implements authentic model of secularism. The Macedonian model for relations with religious organizations is positioned somewhere in the middle between the model of state religion and the model of secularism, because in the historical-statehood and symbolic sense, the Orthodox church in Macedonia is singled opposed to other religious organizations, but still the basic corpus of rights, as well as the boundaries of freedom of religion are on the level of the democratic standards of the developed world.
In the determination of the relations of religious communities and state institutions we distinguish three periods. The first period lasted from 1945 to 1990 when the religious communities have no impact on state institutions and politics. The second period began in 1990 with the amendments to the socialist constitution of socialist Republic of Macedonia 1974 and lasted until the adoption of the Constitution in 1991 when religious communities have limited impact on state institutions and politics. The third period starts with the adoption of the Constitution in 1991 and onward, when religious communities have an impact on public policy and institutions.
The religious communities in Republic of Macedonia, as in any other democratic state have the possibility to actively engage in the societal processes, standing out with their own positions or projects. The civil institutions and the politics however, sometimes adopt the initiatives of the religious organizations and sometimes don’t. The initiatives that are adopted, find their legal or political expression. There are many examples of legal acts that represent this valorisation of the demands and interests of the religious organizations by the state. Among them the most notable ones are: Law on religious communities and religious groups from 1997 banning within a religion to have more religious organizations, with whom the state directly protects the interests of the Macedonian Orthodox Church; The Decision on religious blessings in public schools from 1999 which was abolished by the Constitutional Court in 2000; Declaration of the Parliament of Republic of Macedonia to support the autocephaly of the Macedonian Orthodox Church in 2004, which is an important example of the influence of religious communities on the policies and institutions.
The different forms of influence by the religious communities over the institutions and politics, surely are a civilization gains. Anticipating the high European democratic standards in this part, Republic of Macedonia strives to create balance trough integration of its own internal specifications in the model it creates. However, the established constitutional basis that guarantees the possibility of influence of religious communities on the institutions and policies needs to be further regulated especially in light of the duties of the state to act as a neutral factor which provides equal chances to all segments, of course, taking into account the state-building aspects of such legal solutions in terms of the extent of the contribution of various religious organizations in the shaping of the independence of the Republic of Macedonia.
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ABSTRACT The goal of this work is to define the boundaries of the Macedonian model of secularism, and to determine the ideological positions of the Macedonian center-left Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (SDSM), and center-right... more
ABSTRACT
The goal of this work is to define the boundaries of the Macedonian model of secularism, and to determine the ideological positions of the Macedonian center-left Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (SDSM), and center-right VMRO – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE), which are parties towards the majority of the Christians gravitate, concerning the same issues this paper also observes the key political parties of the Albanians in the Republic of Macedonia as well (Party for Democratic Prosperity, Democratic Party of the Albanians and Democratic Union for Integration), towards which most of the citizens with Islamic religion gravitate.
All of this is achieved through proper theoretical analysis, as well as analysis of the attitudes of the respective parties in the periods when the Republic of Macedonia voted the key legislation related to the nature of the Macedonian model of secularism, which dates from the adoption of the Constitution in 1991, the period of its changes in 2001, as well as, in the periods when other legal acts concerning these subjects were being adopted, which have been related to this work.
Based on the analysis, we can conclude that the model of secularism in the Republic of Macedonia is founded on the international Western European standards, the traditions of the majority of the population that belongs to the Orthodox branch of Christianity, and the realities of the existing religious landscape, as well as its challenges consisted in the art of insuring balance among them. The political parties, however, that manage or influence the institutions have a duty to contribute to the establishment of such a balance.
VMRO-DPMNE, as a center-right party, is promoting a less emphasized separation of the state and the religious communities, and it seeks to highlight the role of the Macedonian Orthodox Church – the Ohrid Archbishopric (MOC-OA), but not at expense of the other religions. This party, starting in 2001, addresses equally potently the citizens from other Christian denominations (Catholic and Protestant), as well as the citizens of the Islamic religion.
SDSM, as a center-left party, advocates a stronger separation of state and religion, without favoring any religious community. This, in a practical sense, means institutional non-interference in the religious matters, and also disabling religious communities to interfere in the work of the state institutions.
The political parties of the Albanians in the Republic of Macedonia that also attract the citizens of Islamic confession, advocate for an advanced type of secularism, similar to the one that SDSM also advocates. However, this initial position is not permanent. Furthermore, every time when in a state where there are endeavors to emphasize the role of MOC-OA, there are also vehement political and social tendencies in order to enable the same rights to the Islamic Religious Community in Macedonia.
The ideological and political pillars that determine the Macedonian model of secularism do not always work in complete harmony. We can draw this conclusion from the character of the legal regulations that address this area, as well as from the fundamental opposition of the ideological views of the key Macedonian parties, which entails that more time is needed for achieving the political and social unanimity regarding the perfect balance of the three factors that determine the Macedonian model of secularism.
Taking this into consideration, it is highly important, the political and religious sub-jects to continue with recognition and acceptance of all crucial pillars that give a substance to the Macedonian model of secularism. With this, our state will achieve a new quality in its relations with the religious communities, but would also get blown up and the overall standards of the human rights where religious freedom is a central part.
The goal of this work is to define the boundaries of the Macedonian model of secularism, and to determine the ideological positions of the Macedonian center-left Social Democratic Union of Macedonia (SDSM), and center-right VMRO – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE), which are parties towards the majority of the Christians gravitate, concerning the same issues this paper also observes the key political parties of the Albanians in the Republic of Macedonia as well (Party for Democratic Prosperity, Democratic Party of the Albanians and Democratic Union for Integration), towards which most of the citizens with Islamic religion gravitate.
All of this is achieved through proper theoretical analysis, as well as analysis of the attitudes of the respective parties in the periods when the Republic of Macedonia voted the key legislation related to the nature of the Macedonian model of secularism, which dates from the adoption of the Constitution in 1991, the period of its changes in 2001, as well as, in the periods when other legal acts concerning these subjects were being adopted, which have been related to this work.
Based on the analysis, we can conclude that the model of secularism in the Republic of Macedonia is founded on the international Western European standards, the traditions of the majority of the population that belongs to the Orthodox branch of Christianity, and the realities of the existing religious landscape, as well as its challenges consisted in the art of insuring balance among them. The political parties, however, that manage or influence the institutions have a duty to contribute to the establishment of such a balance.
VMRO-DPMNE, as a center-right party, is promoting a less emphasized separation of the state and the religious communities, and it seeks to highlight the role of the Macedonian Orthodox Church – the Ohrid Archbishopric (MOC-OA), but not at expense of the other religions. This party, starting in 2001, addresses equally potently the citizens from other Christian denominations (Catholic and Protestant), as well as the citizens of the Islamic religion.
SDSM, as a center-left party, advocates a stronger separation of state and religion, without favoring any religious community. This, in a practical sense, means institutional non-interference in the religious matters, and also disabling religious communities to interfere in the work of the state institutions.
The political parties of the Albanians in the Republic of Macedonia that also attract the citizens of Islamic confession, advocate for an advanced type of secularism, similar to the one that SDSM also advocates. However, this initial position is not permanent. Furthermore, every time when in a state where there are endeavors to emphasize the role of MOC-OA, there are also vehement political and social tendencies in order to enable the same rights to the Islamic Religious Community in Macedonia.
The ideological and political pillars that determine the Macedonian model of secularism do not always work in complete harmony. We can draw this conclusion from the character of the legal regulations that address this area, as well as from the fundamental opposition of the ideological views of the key Macedonian parties, which entails that more time is needed for achieving the political and social unanimity regarding the perfect balance of the three factors that determine the Macedonian model of secularism.
Taking this into consideration, it is highly important, the political and religious sub-jects to continue with recognition and acceptance of all crucial pillars that give a substance to the Macedonian model of secularism. With this, our state will achieve a new quality in its relations with the religious communities, but would also get blown up and the overall standards of the human rights where religious freedom is a central part.
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ABSTRACT In this essay, the author analyzes the proper constitutional and the legal provisions in the Socialist Macedonia that refer on the relations among the state and the religious organizations as well as the freedom of religious... more
ABSTRACT
In this essay, the author analyzes the proper constitutional and the legal provisions in the Socialist Macedonia that refer on the relations among the state and the religious organizations as well as the freedom of religious belief. The major intention is to clarify the nature of the Macedonian socialist form of secularism to further recognize the contemporary relations of the state with the religious organizations.
In this essay, the author analyzes the proper constitutional and the legal provisions in the Socialist Macedonia that refer on the relations among the state and the religious organizations as well as the freedom of religious belief. The major intention is to clarify the nature of the Macedonian socialist form of secularism to further recognize the contemporary relations of the state with the religious organizations.
Research Interests:
In all historical periods people have searched for the answers that concern life’s basic questions that, inter alia, receive their finalized expression in the form of religious teachings. In this context, we arrive to the conclusion that... more
In all historical periods people have searched for the answers that concern life’s basic questions that, inter alia, receive their finalized expression in the form of religious teachings. In this context, we arrive to the conclusion that these religious teachings have played and continue to play a crucial role in the development of people as individuals, as well as cumulatively, within the development of societies. This conclusion serves as a foundation for the further development of the thesis based on a connection between religion and the foreign policies of states. Hence, the aim of this paper is to argue the existence of a connection between religion and foreign policy. This shall be achieved through a systematic overview of the relevant theoretical views that support this connection from the aspect of established value systems of states, and the aspect of personal levels of values of state leaders, as well as through an elaboration of relevant historical examples.