Ephrem the Syrian

Настоящая статья представляет собой отзыв на монографию П. Ю. Малкова, посвященную исследованию патристической экзегезы трех загадочных эпизодов четвертого Евангелия: чудес исцеления Христом слепорожденного и воскрешения св. Лазаря Четверодневного, а также явлений воскресшего Спасителя св. Марии Магдалине и св. апостолу Фоме. Отмечается актуальность изучения святоотеческих толкований Священного Писания. Кратко представляется содержание книги, а также основные выводы исследователя в отношении понимания указанных мест древнецерковными авторами. Приводятся уточнения и дополнения автора статьи по поводу богословской проблематики теофаний Христа св. Магдалине, св. апостолам и св. Фоме, в частности по вопросам соотношения миссий Святого Духа в Ин 20 и Деян 2., а также природы воскресшего тела Спасителя.

The article is a review of the monograph by P. Yu. Malkov dedicated to studying the patristic exegesis of three mysterious episodes of the fourth Gospel: the miracles of Christ’s healing of the man born blind and his raising St. Lazarus from the dead, as well as the appearances of the risen Savior to St. Mary Magdalene and St. Apostle Thomas. The relevance of studying saint fathers’ interpretations of the Holy Scriptures is noted. The book contents are briefly presented, as well as the researcher’s main conclusions regarding the understanding of the episodes by ancient Church authors. The article’s author provides his clarifications and additions concerning the theological problems of the Christ’s theophanies to St. Magdalene, St. apostles and St. Thomas, in particular on the relationship between the missions of the Holy Spirit in John 20 and Acts 2, as well as on the nature of the Savior’s resurrected body.

The Virgin Mary had come to represent The Church in many Patristic theologies.  In representing the universal Church or being an icon of the Church; the Virgin Mary alone knows, loves, and has faith in the Lord Jesus. In this bond between them, Jesus Christ, loves the Church represented by the Pure Virgin Mother, and reveals to the Church first, his victory over death; the foundation stone of the Apostolic Church.

“Your spirit is your (wax) tablet”: Figurative images of education in the works of Ephrem the Syrian, paper presented at the XIX Oxford Patristics Conference (August 5–9, 2024), panel “Christianising and Christianized Images: Figurative Language in Ancient Christian
Literature”.

Ephrem was the most prominent theologian of the Syro-Mesopotamian area during the 4th century. As several studies have shown, his exceptional literary production is constantly innervated by a vivid symbolic imagination that make its comprehension nebulous, sometimes even to a reader with considerable familiarity with the contents of Holy Scripture. Far less attention has been paid to Ephrem's involvement in catechetical instruction as a malphānā (teacher), firstly in Nisibis (currently Diyarbakır) and after the city was ceded to the Sasanids in 363 due to the agreements between the emperor Jovian and the šāhān šāh Shāpūr II, in Edessa (Şanlıurfa). The aim of this paper is to analyze some passages from Ephrem's production (mēmrē and madrāšē, expecially Contra Haereses and De Fide), identifying and investigating rhetorical images and metaphors related to education and teaching. They range from allegories and symbolic images to similes and personifications of the learning process. It will be shown that, with a few exceptions, Ephrem's literary images reflect didactic practices of everyday life addressed to circles of disciples, aiming to show that the texts of the Old and New Testaments constitute the starting point and, at the same time, the arrival point of a path that promotes and reinforces the contemplation of Christian truth, which is intrinsically perfect. At last, the spread of rhetorical images used by Efrem on education in later Christian literature will be examinated, especially in the authors of the school of the Persians and Nisibis, who considered themselves heirs of Ephrem's teachings.

The short Greek text from which the following translation has been made was published by C. Tischendorf Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha (1851) pp. 261-265. There is an informative introduction on pp. lxxi-lxxvi. A brief description of its contents is made by M.R. James Apocryphal New Testament (1924) p. 471. Tischendorf claims that the Acta 'contain almost nothing that does not relate to the early apocryphal traditions of the apostles.' It is a brief text that has the appearance of not having been 'over-elaborated'. It begins with the story of the correspondence between Abgar V of Edessa and Christ and the resulting portrait made of Christ for Abgar in the throes of illness. After establishing Christianity at Edessa, Thaddaeus then moved north to Amida 1 and other parts of Syria, even as far as Berytus to preach.

The paper presents the first modern translation of a metrical homily (memrā) attributed to Isaac of Antioch (5th century?) with the title "On Faith" or "On Trinity". The short notes discuss not only the relevant themes such as the "face of God", but also try to briefly analyse the hints from various manuscripts.

One of forty devotional entries reflecting on the crisis of world conviviality, the amplification of hatred by tribal globalized ideologies of the Colonial Matrix of Power [world system], and the possibility of intercultural/interpolitical conviviality. Imitatio Christi is reappropriated by way of Desert Spirituality, Christopraxis, and decoloniality. Sensing in the Spirit, Orthopathos, is reimagined as "sentipensar" (sensuous reason) —an indigenous knowledge ecology.  Following the conceptual map of García-Johnson's Probiotic Theology (Nuevo Mundo Theology), the themes are not organized systematically but rather rhizomatically. Aimed at communal and personal transformation, the most effective section for readers comes at the end, with the personal journal prompts.

This article analyzes and evaluates "charismatic prototype Christology". This is meant Christological thinking that has been developed within the charismatic movement, and which assumes that Christians potentially can do the same miraculous works as Jesus Christ. In recent times, quantum physics and neuroscience have been introduced in theological argumentation to justify this form of Christology. The article concentrates particularly on this development. Finally, an assessment is made in the light of Nicene Christology, to evaluate and provide alternative premises for theology about miracles.

The article is pre-reviewed and published in Norwegian in Theofilos, A Nordic Open Access Journal in Theology, Philosophy and Culture, published by NLA University College – in partnership with Johannelund School of Theology. Available at www.theofilos.no.  (Theofilos vol. 14 no. 1–2 2022, 63–83).

Lo scopo del presente contributo è analizzare l’impatto dei conflitti militari lungo la frontiera romano-sasanide sulle comunità cristiane disseminate negli agglomerati urbani lungo il limes, in particolare sui circoli di studenti impegnati in percorsi di catechesi raccolti intorno a figure vescovili, quali Aitalaha, vescovo di Edessa tra 324/325 e 345/346; Eusebio, episcopo di Emesa in un periodo compreso tra il 300 e il 350 e altri dalla documentazione meno consistente come Marea di Macedonopoli, Peperio di Samosata, e Archelao di Carcara. Dal momento che la scarsità di fonti disponibili impedisce di delineare un quadro organico, focus privilegiato sarà la cerchia di discepoli legata a Efrem il Siro (306-373), malpānā (maestro) al servizio del vescovo di Nisibi Giacomo (303-337) e dei
suoi successori Babu (337-346), Vologese (346-361) e Abramo (361-363). Si cercherà di mostrare come alcuni tra i complessi rivolgimenti che interessarono il settore siro-mesopotamico, insieme alla proliferazione di correnti manichee, marcionite, bardesanite e di altre sette percepite dall’ortodossia come ereticali, furono determinanti nell’influenzare i fenomeni di organizzazione e riorganizzazione dei centri di elaborazione culturale cristiana dell’area nel IV secolo. Edessa, capitale dell’Osroene, divenne, a seguito della ridefinizione dei confini orientali, il principale bacino di raccolta di allievi e di presbiteri/insegnanti (tra cui Efrem), la cui mobilità era probabilmente favorita dai meccanismi di un nascente network episcopale, che raggiunse un certo grado di maturità nel V secolo. L’interazione con l’ambiente edesseno, dove Efrem proseguì le proprie attività sotto l’episcopato di Barsai (363-371 o 373), ebbe un impulso rilevante nel coagulare un sistema proto-scolastico attrattivo non solo per i
locali ma per discepoli provenienti dall’alta Mesopotamia, dalla Siria e dalla Palestina, desiderosi di approfondire l’esegesi biblica. Interagendo con il tessuto cittadino e con l’organizzazione ecclesiastica locale, le pratiche didattiche vennero istituzionalizzate nei percorsi di studi della “scuola di Edessa”. Da ultimo si forniranno riflessioni in merito al tema della continuità tra le “scuole” dell’area nisibeno-edessena, discutendo alcuni passaggi della Causa della fondazione delle scuole, testo redatto tra la fine del VI sec. e l’inizio del VII da Barhadbeshabbā, vescovo nestoriano della città iranica di Halwan, nel quale si possono rintracciare elementi utili a delineare le ricadute del cambio di regime sulla frontiera nel IV secolo sui gruppi di studenti cristiani della regione.

This chapter explores Ephrem of Nisibis' use of a polemic of lineage in his heresiological works against Manichaeism. It focuses on Ephrem's efforts to symbolically read Mani into the biblical narrative of salvation history by connecting him to the work of the Evil One. Ephrem portrays the ministry of Mani as founded in the work of forebears, especially Marcion and Bar Daysan, whose true pedigree can be traced back to the serpent in the garden, and thus to Satan himself. Ephrem tells his audience that these opponents are the true heirs of the Evil one and thus of the serpent in the garden (Genesis 3) and the tares in the field (Matthew 13), carefully weaving them into a tapestry depicting arch-heretics and their satanic heritage.

The first half of this study explored 1 Corinthians 7 in the light of the Graeco-Roman Greek and Latin marriage and divorce papyri.1 These papyri showed that much of 1 Corinthians 7 has its basis in Graeco-Roman vocabulary and social structures. The believers at Corinth were facing the problem that divorce under Graeco-Roman law was legally complete when the dowry was returned and the couple separated. Comparisons with Jewish marriage and divorce papyri show that the lifestyle and morals that Paul wishes the Corinthians to adopt are based primarily on the Jewish interpretation of the Old Testament. This is illustrated from both Greek Jewish papyri, which show a Judaism thoroughly embedded in the Graeco

This article presents the history and theological developments of the most important ecclesiastical school in the East Syriac Church. It discusses the educational institution that trained the most prominent representatives of this Church and ensured its ecclesiastical unity over several centuries
when the harshness of historical conditions did not allow institutional structures to exercise authority.

Studies of Christian literature of the first seven centuries have shown that the ecumenical councils, although they did not allow distortion of the Christian message, nevertheless did not consider the essence of the problems that were created by the Chalcedonian definition and became the subject of Christological disputes of the VI-VII centuries. As a result, these problems, which in traditional (classical) theology were considered solved long ago, appeared again in all their complexity. In addition, in the last 150 years, Christian theology has faced new difficulties that have arisen in the course of scholarly study of the New Testament texts. The article lists these problems and shows that the modification of the Chalcedonian definition proposed by Karl Barth makes it possible to solve them.

Ephrem the Syrian (ca. 306-373 CE) was perhaps the most influential Father of Syriac-speaking Christianity. Chapter 2 of the Syriac commentary on Daniel ascribed to him is investigated in this paper: The biblical (Peshi†ta) text the author probably had at his disposal when he wrote the commentary, similarities and differences between the commentary and Ephrem’s interpretation of Daniel 2 as it is found in hymns known to have been written by him, and the way in which the text of Daniel 2 was interpreted for Syriac-speaking Christianity in this commentary. A comparison is also made between the exegesis found in the commentary and that of Ephrem’s older contemporary, Aphrahat the Persian Sage. The commentary is found to contain ideas very similar to that of Ephrem, so that it is possible that he or someone from his school of thought could have written it.

Saint Ephrem the Syrian has a special message to offer to theology today. The model he gives in opening the spiritual eyes for the light of Christ to radiate in his body, leads to radiating this light into pastoral action. Thus, pastoral theology ought to be based on this experience of light, practiced in spiritual words and actions. Saint Ephrem wrote teaching hymns, defending the faith against heresies, and fighting social injustice. As an enlightened man of God, he became a master of both spirituality and pastoral ministry. This research aims to analyze how Saint Ephrem translates his personal experience of light into pastoral work, by examining how he expresses his theological thought, interprets pastoral theology, and presents the ministry of episcopacy in particular. For this Antiochian saint, theology is a hymn to the Light, translated into genuine acts of love, faith, and life.

The main purpose of the present volume is to portray the multiple aspects of the presence and interpretation of the Holy Scriptures in the theology and spirituality of Syriac Christianity of the first millennium. To achieve this goal, the authors of the studies gathered here have been invited to respond from different points of view. These contributors have devoted a good part of their lives and concerns to the study of these wonderful Syriac writings.
    The volume's diverse yet unified content invites the reader to read it on three main levels: 1. historical and patristic 2. theological 3. exegetical and hermeneutical.

The article focuses on the astronomical and calendrical lore which the Syriac poet-theologian Ephrem the Syrian abundantly uses in his 6th hymn De crucifi xione. In this hymn devoted to the interpretation of the three-day problem of Jesus’ resurrection, the Syriac poet and theologian employs some astronomical data, i.e., the duration of solar and lunar years, the duration of the lunar months, the necessity of the intercalations in the calendars, &c. The article analyses this lore in the context of the astronomical knowledge existing in Ephrem’s epoch. On the one hand, the article pays attention to the similar use of the astronomical data in many Jewish and Christian works of the 3rd and 4th centuries. In this period, the astronomical calculations were actively used both in Christian and Jewish milieux. On the other hand, the calculations by Ephrem refl ect the peculiarities of the region of Northern Mesopotamia where he lived and wrote his works. For example, the article demonstrates that Ephrem could be infl uenced by the old Babylonian astronomical theory and could use in his computations the Babylonian “double hour”. It is also suggested that the calculations by Ephrem are strikingly similar to the ones in the “Panarion” by Epiphanius of Salamis. Epiphanius was probably acquainted with Ephrem’s works or used the similar tradition, which goes back to the Babylonian tradition. The conclusion of the article is that the calculations in the hymns are used to express Ephrem’s self-presentation as a scribe and a sage who obtains the cosmic “mysteries”. This picture is deeply rooted both in the old Mesopotamian literature and in Jewish Aramaic texts. It is pointed out that Ephrem uses the astronomical lore in the liturgical context rather than in the theological “scientifi c’’ treatise. Hence, Ephrem constructs a new religious and poetic narrative about the Crucifi xion and Pasch, which has clear connections with both the Christian and Jewish traditions.

, présenté au XIIIe Symposium Syriacum (Paris, 4-9 juillet 2022).

Le texte anonyme intitulé Autres [questions et énigmes] philosophiques
et leur solution se compose d’un « recueil d[e soixante-douze] énigmes à sujet philosophique, embrassant la logique, spécialement les thèmes traités par Porphyre dans l’Introduction [Isagogè], la physique et aussi quelques concepts métaphysicothéologiques », précédées par onze définitions connues par d’autres gnomologies syriaques. Il fut édité en 1919 dans la Revue de l’Orient Chrétien avec une traduction française émaillée de passages n’offrant qu’une rétroversion en grec ancien. Aucune étude n’ayant été dédiée à ce texte, il convient de présenter sommairement le manuscrit et les textes qu’il renferme en vue d’étayer la datation estimée par les éditeurs. Nous analysons ensuite trois énigmes portant sur le symbolisme des lettres, dont certains détails se retrouvent dans Les Mystères des lettres grecques et le Sefer Yeṣira, ce qui permet de nous éclairer sur le milieu de composition. Enfin, nous émettons l’hypothèse que cette série de devinettes s’articule en fonction d’une tripartition hiérarchique des connaissances. Sur le plan du contenu, ce texte fournit un échantillon privilégié des horizons de la littérature sapientiale syriaque des VIe-VIIIe siècles, en conjuguant jargon péripatéticien, eschatologie chrétienne, exégèse ésotérique et visée pédagogique.

The present study deals with a theme of spirituality frequently found in the writings of St. Isaac the Syrian, namely the idea of "way of life" (Syr.-dubara). Essential to understand the whole of his theology, this theme is treated in a manner little used until recently, but which is now becoming established in current academic research on Isaac, namely by appeal to his Syriac texts. This is achieved practically by pointing out the meanings of the Syriac term dubara and its Greek translation by politeia. The paper makes important clarifications of Isaac's terminology, and the novelty is that it highlights the connection between the text and the ascetical practices to which it refers. To this end, the study also presents the ideational synonyms of the Syriac term in question, as well as the various theological expressions in which it appears.

The first half of this study explored 1 Corinthians 7 in the light of the Graeco-Roman Greek and Latin marriage and divorce papyri.1 These papyri showed that much of 1 Corinthians 7 has its basis in Graeco-Roman vocabulary and social structures. The believers at Corinth were facing the problem that divorce under Graeco-Roman law was legally complete when the dowry was returned and the couple separated. Comparisons with Jewish marriage and divorce papyri show that the lifestyle and morals that Paul wishes the Corinthians to adopt are based primarily on the Jewish interpretation of the Old Testament. This is illustrated from both Greek Jewish papyri, which show a Judaism thoroughly embedded in the Graeco

This chapter traces the way that Edmund Beck situated questions of authorship and authenticity at the centre of his organisation of the unwieldy body of Syriac poetry ascribed to Ephrem. Faced with an unreliable biographical tradition, and a poetic corpus in which the boundaries between the authentic and inauthentic blurred, Beck constructed a history, a chronology, and a notion of literary genius and consequent decline to map this corpus. I suggest that such a focus has often rested on questionable assumptions about the context of the poetry and has been pursued at the expense of other modes of organising this corpus.

The homily In vanam vitam (CPG 4031 / 4622) was very popular both in the Greek and Slavonic traditions. At least three Greek versions (α, β, γ) are known; they are defined by several significant variant readings and numerous smaller variations. The Slavonic versions (V1, V2, V3, V4) are very diverse as well. Some differences between them correspond to the different Greek versions, other deviations and additions in the text have no parallel in Greek, and yet other passages are identical in most of the versions. The textological analysis shows that the homily was translated into Old Church Slavonic twice, and that one of the translations went through at least three redactions based on different Greek versions as well as through multiple secondary revisions. The Slavonic translations and revised versions became part of several types of manuscripts (e.g., the Zlatostruy collection and some homiliaries) probably as early as the tenth century. The article systematizes the main differences between the versions, groups the known Slavonic copies according to their beginnings and major distinctive features, and discusses the similarities and differences between them in comparison to their Greek sources. At the end, it offers an edition of the homiliary version of the text with an extensive critical apparatus with the variant readings of the manuscripts from the same textual group.

The article provides the publication of the Betrothal and Marriage service which forms part of a manuscript of the late Yuan period, at present located in Taipei, but formerly in Beijing. Other parts of the manuscript contain short addresses to saints, East Syriac anaphoral prayers, and select Psalms. The text of the Betrothal and Marriage service is multilingual:  while the main text of the service in Syriac, there is a section in New Persian (which will be published separately) and there are glosses in Uyghur. A comparison of the structure of the Betrothal and Marriage services with that of the rite of the Church of the East indicates several
marked differences, as well as certain basic similarities

These are translation notes I made on the Syriac text on the Life of Saint Ephrem. Page numbers are according to the text I was working from, which was copied by Hacham Yizhak Yerushalmi, to whom I owe everything I received in Aramaic and Suryoyo. I've tried hard to track down the Syriac text online to no avail, but I believe this was taken from the main work of E. Beck, CSCO [Syriac text with German translation], unfortunately I cannot give the exact version to look for. There are *invaluable* audio mp3 commentaries on this by Dr. Yerushalmi that I have, but I would need permission to share these.