Fray Antonio De Guevara

Resumen: En este trabajo procuramos dar una explicación a la caracterización final del protagonista en el Lazarillo de Tormes. Es un problema que ha merecido la atención de la crítica y al que se le han dado diversas soluciones, como la del componente estruc-tural, humorístico, etc. En este caso, se aporta la hipótesis de que el autor del Lazarillo haya tenido como modelo la dicotomía entre lo honorable y lo útil del De officiis de Cicerón para representar el dilema que vive el propio Lázaro. Esta idea nos permite deslindar la faceta estoica del autor frente a la del narrador ficticio, y contribuye a enri-quecer la interpretación de la obra. Palabras clave: Lazarillo de Tormes, Cicerón, caracterización, estoicismo, erasmismo. Abstract: In this paper we try to give an explanation to the last protagonist's characterization in Lazarillo de Tormes. It is a problem that has deserved critical attention and various solutions, such as the structural, humorous component, etc. In this case, we affirm that the author of the Lazarillo has had as a model the dichotomy between the moral right and the expediency from Cicero's De officiis to represent the dilemma which Lazaro lives in. This idea allows us to distinguish the stoic facet of the author from that of the fictional narrator, and contributes to improve the interpretation of the novel.

Eva LARA y Alberto MONTANER (coords.), Señales, Portentos y Demonios: La magia en la literatura y la cultura españolas del Renacimiento, Salamanca, Sociedad de Estudios Medievales y Renacentistas, 2014, 950 pp., 232 ils.— ISBN 978-84-941708-2-9

Estudio de la arquitectura del desaparecido convento de San Francisco de Valladolid, con el objetivo de lograr la comprensión de su esquema funcional, planta y evolución de la manera más completa posible a través de fuentes documentales y gráficas, varias de ellas, inéditas. Se ofrece, por vez primera y única por el momento, una planta restituida de todo el conjunto conventual, desde la iglesia y sus capillas hasta dependencias como las celdas y dormitorios de los frailes o las cocinas. Este estudio fue motivado por la búsqueda del lugar del primer enterramiento de Cristóbal Colón (entre 1506 y 1509) en una de las capillas del cenobio dentro de la investigación más amplia que se está realizando sobre los orígenes del almirante a partir del ADN de sus restos conservados en la catedral de Sevilla. Publicación anterior al depósito del informe de las excavaciones arqueológicas efectuadas en el área de la capilla del enterramiento colombino en 2020 y los de dos prospecciones mediante georradar efectuadas en el área del cenobio en 2020-21, por lo que sus conclusiones no han de ser vistas como definitivas.

The mirror-for-princes Relox de Príncipes (1529) by the Spanish chronicler Antonio de Guevara (1481-1545) compared King of Spain Charles V (1500-1558) to the celebrated stoic Roman emperor Marcus Aurelius, the two being equal in their wisdom, sense of justice, and exemplary rulership. Thereafter, royal and higher-class Spaniards fashioned themselves as contemporary Aurelii, transforming the book into a symbol of the superiority of Spaniards and Spain. However, many countries which enjoyed a translation of the Relox had a more nuanced or negative perspective on Spaniards. This essay will delineate how proto-national attitudes towards Spaniards are decisive for the English (1557) and Dutch (1578) translations of the Relox, fashioning Aurelius as an exemplar for their own non-Spanish rulers and negotiating Hispanophilic and Hispanophobic Spanish representations.

L’exemplaire de Il terzo libro delle lettere du CESR est un in-octavo relié en basane, mutilé des gardes et des trois derniers feuillets, qui présente trois annotations manuscrites sur le contre-plat supérieur.  Une annotation presque illisible en italien se trouve en haut du contre-plat : « Questo libro e di Gir. Pietri » ; elle semble remonter à la fin du XVIIe siècle. Une autre inscription dans la même langue, biffée par la suite, figure plus bas, au sein d’une mention plus articulée...

À travers l’analyse d’une source employée par le chroniqueur-interprète Juan de Betanzos (1519-1576) dans la Suma y narración de los Incas (1551-1557), cet article se propose de contribuer à l’étude du processus d’écriture de l’histoire et de construction des passés indigènes dans l’Amérique du XVIe siècle. En effet, bien que l’historiographie pérouaniste ait fait de Betanzos un personnage dépourvu de toute culture et de son œuvre l’un des récits les moins historicisés en notre possession, la lecture attentive de la Suma révèle que le chroniqueur s’inspira de la Década de Césares de fray Antonio de Guevara (1539).



Mediante el análisis de una de las fuentes utilizada por el intérprete-cronista Juan de Betanzos (1519-1576) en la Suma y narración de los Incas (1551-1557), el artículo se propone contribuir al estudio del proceso de escritura de la historia y de construcción de los pasados indígenas en la América del siglo XVI. En efecto, aunque la historiografía peruanista hizo de Betanzos un personaje carente de cultura y de su obra un relato con un mínimum de historización, una lectura atenta de la Suma revela que el cronista se inspiró en la Década de Césares de fray Antonio de Guevara (1539).

This study examines how the princely court as a concept and the Habsburg dynasty as an actual power appears in the history of Hungary entitled De monarchia et sacra corona Regni Hungariae centuriae septem, written by the Lutheran lord and royal councilor, Péter Révay (1568–1622), and it also examines how he depicts the royal coronations held in Pozsony (today’s Bratislava). In his work, the author repeatedly referred to the problem of the court as a center of power, which was embodied in the exhortations addressed to the prince's counselors and to the prince himself. In this respect he was strongly influenced by the political literature of the time (mainly the works of Guevara and Lipsius, and to a lesser extent Bodin). Révay's relationship to actual princely power, that is, to the Habsburgs, is characterized by loyalty, but he made it a condition that the privileges of the secular elite be respected, namely, under the laws of 1608. The author considered Pozsony, and not Vienna, to be the capital of the country, and wrote in particular detail about the coronations of Anna of Tyrol and Ferdinand II (1613, 1618), which took place there. During these occasions, the old Hungarian royal court briefly came to life, as the members of the Hungarian elite actively revived their court positions (master of the table, etc.), and Révay was the chief organizer of the two ceremonies as a Royal Courtmaster. Presumably this is why it was important for him to capture these coronations, and because in this way he was able to emphasize the old glory and independence of the Kingdom of Hungary.

Eric C. Graf considera que la privatización del subsuelo en Latinoamérica debe ser una prioridad y que esta medida ayuda a asegurar que la regulación se limite a la ciencia y la a ingeniería con el fin de evitar la tragedia de los comunes.

Disponible en ElCato.org: https://www.elcato.org/por-que-hay-que-privatizar-el-subsuelo-en-colombia

Now online / Ahora con edición online > Depósit digital de documents de la UAB.
Con contribuciones de: Emily Butterworth, Emilio Blanco,  Giorgio Caravale, José Augusto Cardoso, Roger Chartier, Marie-Luce Demonet, Gigliola Fragnito, Donatella Gagliardi, Rosa Navarro, Zulmira Santos, María José Vega, Julian Weiss.

Dutch anti-Spanish propaganda was often based on original Spanish sources, using translations of political treatises, histories and picaresque novella’s to strengthen negative connotations. Yet, translations of Spanish literature could also point to positive aspects of the Spanish enemy, going as far as being exemplary to the Dutch. The Dutch translations of Antonio Guevara’s Reloj de príncipes (1529) – Milenus Clachte by Johan Baptista Houwaert (1577) and Den vorstelijcken lust-hof ende morgen-wecker by D.W.C. (1617) – show the ambivalent attitude the Dutch could have towards one Spanish text, using it as a vehicle for anti-Spanish sentiment as well as a means to inspire the inhabitants and rulers of the Dutch Republic to take note of the wise teachings of the Spanish philosopher and establish peace and unity in the country. This paper will demonstrate how fluctuations in Dutch-Spanish hostility influenced the appreciation and function of Guevara’s Reloj de Príncipes in the Dutch Republic.

Keywords: Antonio Guevara, Reloj de Princípes, Dutch Revolt, Twelve Years Truce, Dutch Translation.

One of the most frequently translated Spanish authors in the early-modern period was Antonio de Guevara (c. 1481-1545), whose Libro áureo de Marco Aurelio (1528) and Reloj de Príncipes (1529) were quickly available in numerous European languages and reprinted throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. As shown by Mezzatesta (1984), both works helped create the image of the emperor Marcus Aurelius as the perfect prince to imitate, his image being used to elevate Spanish monarchs and noblemen. Especially the Reloj de Príncipes did so, imagining the Spanish Emperor Charles V to whom the book was dedicated as the equal of the Roman Emperor.
The first English and the first and second Dutch translations of the Reloj de Príncipes were also dedicated to their current or prospective rulers, hoping for a similar embodiment of Marcus Aurelius’ virtues: Thomas North’s The Diall of Princes (1557) was dedicated to Queen Mary Tudor, Johan Baptista Houwaert’s Milenus Clachte (1577) to Prince William of Orange and D.W.C.’s Den vorstelijcken lust-hof ende morgen-wecker (1617) to Prince Maurice of Orange. However, the relationship of both countries with Spain, the authors and texts place of origin, problematized the use of the image of Marcus Aurelius, being explicitly and implicitly connected with the veneration of Spanish monarchs. This paper will show how the translators dealt with the Spanishness of Marcus Aurelius and the Reloj de Príncipes in general, transforming the text in such a way that Marcus Aurelius became exemplary for their own Hispanophilic and Hispanophobic rulers. Moreover, it will show that Hispanopohilia and Hispanophobia could go hand in hand and that an Hispanophobic environment did not necessitate the dismissal of ‘Spanish’  wisdom as exemplary.