History of Assam

Caste has always been a much-contested area of study. In ancient Assam, the concept of caste had made its inroad with the coming of the Brahmanical religion into the Brahmaputra valley. It is worth mentioning here that the ancient dynasties of Assam had left us with a fair amount of epigraphical sources which helps us in constructing the history of Assam and reflects on the socio-political, economic issues of the time. Brahmanical religion made its appearance under the auspices of the rulers of that time. In the inscriptions, we find mention of various common caste groups such as Kāyasthas, Karaṇas etc., though in the inscriptions we do not find any specific word for caste. However, as in other regions of the Indian subcontinent, these groups had caste status so also in Assam they might have acquired some caste characteristics as by this time the Brahmanas had strengthened their positions in the valley. Here, the focus will be on the nature of the middle caste in Assam. The point of terming them as middle caste is based on their occupational status as referred to in the epigraphs. If we look from varṇa perspective then we find only two varṇas-Brahmanas and Sudras but, if we look from jāti perspective, then we find various caste groups existing in Prāgjyotisha-Kāmarūpa.

Manjeet Baruah’s Frontier Cultures: A Social History of Assamese Literature is another addition to the subject of Northeast India’s history, which has experienced extensive critical performances by a range of scholars in the recent past. However, Baruah uses new sources, experiments with methodology, takes a new, if not a very convincing, position and draws our attention towards certain shared ‘socio-spatial relationships’ which, according to him, various communities of Northeast India shared in the past or share even in the present. Furthermore, Baruah proposes to view the Northeast more as a ‘continental crossroad’ than as a frontier region of the Indian nation state.

Abstract: Despite of so many unique and natural beauties the North-eastern region of India is still place of least visited in India. Though the Government of India has been providing the financial assistance for development of tourist Infrastructure and promotion and marketing, the performances and development of the tourism in states is totally different. In this context, the present paper examines the tourism in North-eastern states of India. Major findings are the inflows of tourists are higher in Assam state and lower in Nagaland. Tourism sectors share in Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) is high in Assam. As for the growth rate of tourists’ influx is concerned, the growth rate in Arunachal Pradesh is much higher with 55 percent compared to other states. Further, the Density of Tourist Population (DTP) and The Percapita Tourist arrival (PCT) is high in Sikkim with 101.57 and 1.19 respectively and lowest in Nagaland with 1.35 and 0.01. The major constraints of North-east tourism development and uneven performance among states are insufficient funds, lack of infrastructure, transportation, lack of alternatives means of transport, Marketing, boundary issues, terror effect and permit period. Steps should be taken to wipe-out the constraints for tourism development. Keywords: Tourism, North-east India, tourism development, Tourists’ influx,

The only pictorial book on insurgency in India.  Very few regions in the world have given birth to as many insurgent outfits as India's Northeast - a strategic frontier zone comprising eight states and sandwiched between China, Bhutan, Myanmar and Bangladesh.  For the first time, Lens & The Guerrilla captures more than fifty of these groups in a wide range of photographs from the vintage to the present.

The Brahmaputra River is one of the important rivers of Asia. It is a trans-boundary river, which flows through China, Northeast India and Bangladesh. The Brahmaputra-Ganges delta is the world's largest delta which flows into the Bay of Bengal, and the river contributed to the development of the Northeast Indian region by connecting the region with the rest of India. The river also worked as an essential asset of war for the Ahoms due to which the North Indian Sultans and the Mughals were unable to incorporate Assam within their territories, and the area remained isolated from rest of India until its British occupation. Trade on the Brahmaputra River existed right from the 4th Century (i.e., Kamrupa Kingdom) on the sizeable riverine port of Pragjyotishpura (present-day Guwahati). This trade continued at the time of Ahom rule and increased to a considerable rate during the British rule. The British occupation of Assam in the nineteenth century led to new trends in trade on the Brahmaputra, and it continued right till the mid twentieth century. This paper shall discuss how the Brahmaputra River played a major role during the Ahom rule in checking the North Indian Invasions. It shall also discuss the reasons for the drastic change and new trends in the trade that occurred in Assam after the British annexation of the region in 1826.

A large number of people in Assam are followers of Islam. It is the only state of NorthEast India which had early contacts with the Islamic world because of its routes and mountain passes which connected the region with other parts of South East Asia. Islam was introduced in Assam in the beginning of the thirteenth century with the attack of Ikhtiyar al-Din Muhammad bin Bakhtiyar Khilji. It was after this event that the Muslims started migrating to the region. The Muslims entered Assam at different time due to different reasons. They entered the region as invaders, travelers, traders, Sufis, etc. Most of them settled in the region and localized themselves while others returned to the places from where they came. The Muslims who settled in the region mixed with the local people and contributed towards the growth of the Assamese society in various ways. This paper shall discuss the role that the Muslims played towards the growth of the Assamese culture, society, language, literature, etc. during the process of socialization. It shall also discuss about legendary characters such as Azan Fakir, Muhammad Ali, Rokh Khan, etc. and show their contribution towards the Assamese society.

লক্ষ্মীনাথ বেজবৰুৱাৰ সম্পাদনাত ১৯০৯ চনৰ নৱেম্বৰ মাহত প্ৰথম প্ৰকাশিত ‘বাঁহী’ আলোচনীখনে অসমীয়া ভাষা- সাহিত্যক এক নতুন গতি দিয়ে।  ‘বাঁহী’ প্রকাশ হোৱা সময়খিনি অসমীয়া ভাষা সাহিত্যৰ বাবে এক দুৰ্যোগ আৰু সন্ধিক্ষণৰ সময় আছিল। ৰসৰাজ লক্ষ্মীনাথ বেজবৰুৱা অসমীয়া ভাষা সাহিত্যৰ প্রতিষ্ঠাৰ হকে হোৱা  যুঁজখনৰ ধ্বজা বাহক আছিল আৰ এই যুঁজৰ সফল পৰিসমাপ্তি ঘটাইছিল ড. বাণীকান্ত কাকতিয়ে তেওঁৰ গবেষণাত্মক গ্রন্থ ‘Assamese, Its formation and development’ৰ জড়িয়তে। ড. কাকতিৰ এই গ্রন্থয়ে অসমীয়া ভাষাৰ স্বকীয়তাক বিজ্ঞানসন্মতভাবে প্রমাণ কৰে আৰু লগতে অসমীয়া ভাষালৈ এক অনবদ্য অবদান আগবঢ়ায়। শ্রী চিত্তৰঞ্জন চৌধুৰীয়ে তেওঁৰ গ্রন্থ ‘ড. বাণীকান্ত কাকতি : জীৱন আৰু প্রতিভা’ শীৰ্ষক গ্রন্থত উল্লেখ কৰিছে যে, “ এচাম বাঙালীলোকৰ অসমৰ ভিতৰে বাহিৰে চেষ্টা- অসমীয়া ভাষা বালী ভাষাৰ গাঁৱলীয়া সংস্কৰণ বুলি।বেজবৰুৱাই কাণ্ডাৰী হৈ যুঁজ দিবলগীয়া হ’ল যে অসমীয়া ভাষা স্বতন্তৰীয় ভাষা।বেজবৰুৱা ৰণত জিকিল ; কিন্তু লেজুত বিষ থকাৰ দৰে বাক বিতণ্ডৰ যুঁজখন শেষ ন’হল। মাজে মাজে সুবিধা পালেই উক্ দিয়ে। অসমীয়া ভাষা যে স্বতন্ত্রৰীয়া এক শক্তিশালী ভাষা তাক বৈজ্ঞানিক- ভাষাতাত্বিক গবেষণাৰে প্রতিষ্ঠা কৰাৰ প্রয়োজন হ’ল। এই অভাৱ পূৰ কৰিলে  ড. বাণীকান্ত কাকতিয়ে ‘অসমীয়া ভাষাৰ গঠন আৰু বিকাশ’ গ্রন্থ লিখি।“

This will give a safety and protection to the communal rights and privileges of minority religions. ... Article 30 of the Indian Constitution states that, “(1) All minorities, whether based on religion or language, shall have the right to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice

One of the most interesting features of political tradition of pre-modern Northeast India was the presence of local powers tracing their descent from demonic beings. Historical evidence suggests that the demonic royal genealogy was proclaimed at a juncture of transition from pre-state to state society, though the time of transition varied according to the  area where it occurred. The nuclear area of the early state of the lower Brahmaputra valley witnessed it in the seventh century, and the spread of state formation from the lower valley to other remote areas of the northeast after the thirteenth century facilitated the dissemination of this lineage model through the agency of brahmins. Asymmetry between the cultural authority of migrant brahmins and peripheral rulers was crucial in this process. Focusing on the Chutiyas and the Dimasas, the local powers established in the fourteenth-century Sadiya area and in the sixteenth-century Cachar hills respectively, the present study will discuss how the descendants of demons were finally approved as kshatriyas; what strategies were employed in this unusual form of legitimation, and how deviation from the traditional demonic lineage occurred. It will help us understand the specificity of political traditions in the peripheral regions of South Asia which cannot be subsumed under the overarching theoretical framework of legitimation.

Focusing on one of the most prominent sacred sites of goddess(es) worship in  India, the Niacala (blue hill) of Guwahati in Assam, this article delineates the historical evolution of a local goddess cult and its association with the groups of multiple feminine deities. Based on literary, inscriptional, archeological and oral sources, it demonstrates three phases of transition amidst political changes:  i) worship of yoni, the local sacred geography, by autochthonous people, ii) the reorganized Tantric yoginI cult associated with a new regional goddess, who was worshipped by the ruling family of the Mlecchas and the Palas and iii) the magical and comprehensive Mahavidyas and the restored goddess Kamakhya cult by the Koches. Here the transition does not mean a sudden change, but a steady process by which a former tradition not only altered but also continued and acquired new connotation in a different socio-religious context. Instead of applying the analytical distinction which often simplifies the multi-sided and prevalent traditions in the form of binary opposition such as ‘tribal/Hindu’ or ‘local/universal’ or ‘Tantric/ Puranic’, this article shows how the divergent strands of incompatible religious traditions became mutually dependent.

Located on the west bank of the Dharala river in the present Cooch Behar district of West Bengal, Kāmatāpur has been the capital of the two important local powers, the Khens and the Koches: the former established themselves there in the first half of the fifteenth century and the latter kept their political centre in the same place from the sixteenth century onwards.  The relationship between the two powers was not definitely known. What they had in common were i) their establishment in a buffer zone between the Bengal Sultanate and the Ahoms, ii) their tribal origin on the fringes of sedentary agrarian society, and iii) their aspirations for upward mobility. Brahmins from Mithila and Bengal, in their own interest, tolerated or even encouraged vertical social mobility of both the Khen and Koch chiefs.  But the relationship between local powers and immigrant brahmins was replete with tension and friction. Focusing on popular narratives of Kāmatāpur and their historical context, this article discusses the cause of their conflict and questions the Brahmanical hegemony which is often taken for granted in Bengal society.

Kāmarūpa, the ancient past of Assam, has complicated implications, due to the importance given to it by the group of nationalist historians of Assam from the early twentieth century. For them, the redefinition of the past constituted a fundamental part of the regional identity formation. By locating the function and purpose of Sanskrit records in the socio-political context of early medieval eastern India, this article reconsiders the controversial issues of Kāmarūpa history, especially its temporal, spatial and social aspects. It delineates the two different historical processes, that is, the imagination of the region in the modern historiography on the one hand and the formation of the region in the early medieval period on the other.

Surya Pahar means "Sun mountain". It is located in the Indian state of Assam. It is a unique place and shows its antiquity to the Vedic period of India. Archaeological evidence shows the confluence of four different religions of three different language speakers of India, converging, sharing, and mixing their cultures and languages while worshiping their chosen religions. Hsuan-Tsang, a Chinese Buddhist traveler visited this place. and his notes attest to this statement.

“Coolie” is a generic category for the “unskilled” manual labour. The offering of services for hire had various pre-colonial lineages. In the nineteenth century there was an attempt to recast the term in discursive constructions and material practices for “mobilized-immobilized” labour. Coolie labour was often proclaimed as a deliberate compromise straddling the regimes of the past (slave labour) and the future (free labour). It was portrayed as a stage in a promised transition. The tea plantations of Assam, like many other tropical plantations in South Asia, were inaugurated and formalized during this period. They were initially worked by the locals. In the late 1850s, the locals were replaced by labourers imported from outside the province who were unquestioningly designated “coolies” in the historical literature. Qualifying this framework of transition (local to coolie labour) and introduction (of coolie labour), this study makes a case for the “production” of coolie labour in the history of the colonial-capitalist plantations in Assam. The intention of the research is not to suggest an unfettered agency of colonial-capitalism in defining and “producing” coolies, with an emphasis on the attendant contingencies, negotiations, contestations and crises. The study intervenes in the narratives of an abrupt appearance of the archetypical coolie of the tea gardens (i.e., imported and indentured) and situates this archetype’s emergence, sustenance and shifts in the context of material and discursive processes.

The network of decentralized institutions called satras was the most distinguishing feature of the neo-variṣṇava bhakti movement in Assam. Satra began as a temporal gathering of devotees in the early 16th century and evolved into an established religious institution having its own structural feature, elaborate paraphernalia and practices during the 17th and the 18th centuries. The Ahom court was not empathetic to the movement in its initial phase, but gradually adopted an amiable policy and patronized it. Focusing on the historical development of the movement, this paper delineates the interaction between satras and the court whereby the former came to be imbued with the state apparatus and brahmanical orthodoxy.

The genealogy of Naraka  continued throughout almost five-hundred years in the early medieval Kamarupa. However, this continuity does not mean the unilineal development of dynasties or any definite connection among different ruling families. In fact, each dynasty denied the validity of previous one for claiming their own legitimacy and the character and identity of progenitor, Naraka, were continuously re-formulated according to socio-political changes. The royal genealogy is not a record of the past, but a conceptual device for the present which validates existing political power. And the device still operates in the writing of particular version of history in present Assam.

Those who have first-hand experience of Assam will find that a sense of mutual respect and warm cordiality exists between the Hindus and the Muslims in Assam. The Muslims in Assam have been there since the last eight centuries. When one speaks of the existing cordiality between these two social groups, one has in mind mainly these early Muslim settlers of Assam. It may be recalled that there has been a large influx of Muslims from a neighbourhood, which is at the most a century old. This influx took place as a result of historical, economic and political factors. This article mainly speaks of the early Muslim settlers and their descendants. Some of the outstanding literary figures like Mofizuddin Ahmed Hazarika, freedom fighters like Md. Tayebullah, and social activists in Assam belong to the Muslim community of early origin. In respect of the dress worn by Muslim women also, there is no difference. It is identical with the Hindu women, and the interaction between the women of these two communities has been close and cordial. The Muslims celebrate Bohag Bihu, the main festival of Assam, with equal fervour with the other communities of Assam. Many Muslim families have surnames identical to Hindu families, for example the surnames such as Hazarika, Barbora, Saikia, Chaudhuri, Bora, etc. The friendship among Muslim and Hindu menfolk is also equally cordial and close. We are noticing that narrow-minded fanatic and communal elements amongst the Muslims who are active in different parts of India are raising their heads in Assam also. Occasional reports are found in the local press which says that these communal elements tend to influence the Muslim society of Assam which has co-existed peacefully and cordially with the Hindus for many centuries. In view of this, the Muslims of early origin have started organizing themselves in a manner that they do not get identified with communalistic sections. They are keen to see that their original liberal image is strengthened and their cordiality with their Hindu brethren is also further cemented. There have been reports that this liberal section of opinion is likely to organize themselves to start a campaign of strengthening the existing healthy relationship with the Hindus. The author of this article is a supporter of such a move. Dr Abu Hanifa is a teacher in Physics and is at present Head of the Department of Physics at Anandaram Dhekiyal Phukan College, Nagaon. He has also attended national and international seminars on the subject of Physics, Education and Environment. Besides his professional activities, he has also engaged himself in writing articles on socioeconomic issues, and literary and scientific subjects also. We find that this article on the Muslims of the Brahmaputra Valley provides an interesting study from the cultural and social point of view. It deals with the history and contribution of the Muslims within the broader framework of Assamese society. Dr. Abu Hanifa rightly says in the article that, " The Assamese people with their heart and mind

Akkel Ali Seikh (15 December 1890 – 12 November 1951) was a peasant leader in British India, Assam. He remained a rural-based and non-colonially educated leader revered for selflessness and solidarity with the oppressed. His short political tenure spanned the British colonial India

https://www.theindiaforum.in/article/politics-language-assam

Language has been at the heart of political debate in Assam since the formation of the British colonial province of Assam in 1874, then through the turbulent decades leading to Independence, the separation of Sylhet during Partition, and into our times.

Northeast India, a ‘zipper region’ that gives impetus to Southeast Asian and Himalasian studies, is marked by complexities and ambi- guities. The paper examines the multiple identity construction in contemporary Assam, the central state of this region and seeks to recover the other experiences that make ethnic life-world possible while challenging the ethnocentric discourses—in academia, politics, public and social movements. Acknowledging the presence of com- mon or possibly universal processes behind the production of such discourses, it aims to interrogate the factors that cut across socio- cultural, political-economical or ecological dimensions. It further examines the multiple discourses and narratives that makes that social possible in the region. In doing so, it locates the strategic positioning of such discourses and how they deal with Indian nation-state and beyond. This paper in essence is interested in the question of possibility of various discourses—as a question of post- history.

On 15 August 1950, just as India was celebrating its third independence anniversary, an earthquake of 8.6 magnitude struck the remote north-eastern state of Assam and its surrounding borderlands. Rivers came out of their bed and landslides blocked Himalayan valleys, destroying towns, villages, roads, fields, and tea gardens in their wake. Beyond the disaster’s shattering impact on the physical geography of the region, this paper explores how it participated in another reconfiguration — that of Assam’s place within India’s political geography and national imaginary. The Indian public had hitherto known very little about India’s remote ‘north-east frontier’; the cataclysm and subsequent relief measures served to carve out a space for it on Indian mental maps. Simultaneously, by forcing a large-scale encounter between Indian authorities and the people of the scarcely controlled eastern Himalayas, post-earthquake relief and rehabilitation led to unprecedented state expansion in this newly strategic borderland. Yet in the same breath, the aftermath of the disaster fuelled stereotypes about Assam and its hinterland that would eventually further their marginality within India and undermine their continued unity. The crystallisation of Assam’s image as a place irreducibly subject to the whims of nature, and more importantly incapable of taking care of itself (and hence, of its highland dependencies), would poison centre-state relations for decades to come. Imperfect and contradictory, the re-ordering of this border space from a colonial frontier to a component of independent India’s national space did not end marginality, but instead reinforced it.

Moving from one location to another for relaxation or recreation is referred to as tourism. Medical tourism refers to the practise of travelling from one location to another to receive medical treatment. It includes medical services as well as tourism-related services. Guwahati, as a corridor in the North Eastern region, offers high-quality health care at a lower cost without sacrificing quality. People from other Indian states, as well as people from neighbouring countries such as Bangladesh, Bhutan, and Nepal, among others, come to Assam for medical treatment, generating revenue for the state economy and encouraging an inflow of foreign reserves. The purpose of this paper is to examine the current state, prospects, and constraints of medical tourism in Assam. To analysis the various facts, standard statistical tools have been used. The primary competitive advantages of medical tourism in Assam are low costs, strong reputations, an advanced and high-quality healthcare system, and a diverse range of tourist destinations. Language barriers, difficulties in marketing strategy, poor infrastructure, brain drain issues, and other challenges face this sector. Medical tourism, also known as health care tourism, is a multi-billion-dollar industry that is rapidly expanding around the world. It is a type of economic activity that involves the exchange of services and combines two global industries, namely medicine and tourism. The cost of medical treatment for various diseases in India is found to be less expensive than in developed countries. Surprisingly, the cost of treatment in the state of Assam (Guwahati) has been found to be significantly lower than the national average. Guwahati, Assam, may be one of the most remarkable medical tourism destinations. An appropriate and efficient policy mechanism could establish this sector as a growth engine for the state of Assam's economy.

In the early nineties BJP politically aired a new slogan—‘Indianization of big cities’ since old names, to them were, symbolic to either Mughals or British slavery. The idea later became cheaper for all political parties with much vote bank credits.

And in the process Indian politicians spread a new virus in the world—every one has to redo or delete old data. The commercial capital of India Bombay became Mumbai, Madras changed into Chennai, the first British capital of India Calcutta became Kolkata and the hi-tech capital of India Bangalore followed to be Bengaluru.

Older cities pre-existing the founding of modern Guwahati city were important trade centers in the Indian eastern region. From the nineteenth century, the colonial regime began reorganizing the spaces in Indian urban centers through town planning schemes. The article investigates how town planning schemes and modern urban planning in Guwahati city changed the forms and locations of the public markets with the city's outwards expansion. An exploratory approach was taken to review the archival and documentary material available on Guwahati's public markets, including the publicly available historical maps and master plans to understand the public rationale for the changes. Although ideas of change and development were inducted into the city land-use plans, the article yields an answer to the problem of why successive master plans have failed to get the natural development of the city public markets to follow the urban planning goals for the city.

Northeast India is well known for the widespread megalithic structures found in different geographical and cultural contexts. Construction of megaliths is also a living tradition among many of the ethnic communities of this region. The dolmen, a megalithic structure made with a large undressed or roughly shaped stone slab supported by several upright stones at the base, is invariably found in all the megalithic cultural traditions across India. In the northeastern parts of India, dolmens are often constructed as resting and meeting places of a community. This paper presents the association of such dolmens with a traditional Raj Sabha (royal assembly) of the Khola king of the Tiwa community of Assam. The Raj Sabha, even today held annually at the Silchang megalithic site, is a unique tradition of a royal assembly functioning symbolically on a cluster of dolmens, and is significant to understanding the functional variability of the megaliths and the use of megaliths as a seat of power...

Prominent Marxist historian, revolutionary, poet and a litterateur from Assam - Dr Amalendu Guha - passed away at the age of 91 in the wee hours of 7 May 2015. His passing away is a huge loss for the world of historical scholarship in India. It is not an exaggeration to describe him as a pioneer of modern history of Assam and among the tallest of Indian historians of 20th century. In this article Bonojit Hussain and Mayur Chetia offers their last tribute to this lifelong communist, people's history and life-affirming poet.

A lot has been written and discussed how India is at the point of take-off.  Economic growth is accelerating, and most believe that high growth is going to continue for many years into the future.  A generation that is less affected by colonial hang-ups, more confident, highly educated and aware, is leading all sectors of the Indian economy.  However, differences within the country remain, and may even widen if concerted efforts are not put in.  Identifying the constraints and strengths at the state and sub-state level will enable a much more fine-tuned action.  This volume is designed to facilitate that objective by informing industry, students, government, NGOs, and any person interested in the progress of the states of India.

India has 6 Union Territories and 29 states (including Delhi which is now considered to be a state).  Of the 29 states, 19 have a population greater than 10 million – roughly the population of Poland.  Of the 235 countries of the world, 150 odd countries have a population below 10 million.  At 131 million UP has a population that is lower than only 8 countries including India.  A state such as Rajasthan has a land area greater than 342,000 sq. km and is larger than the United Kingdom and Ireland combined.  That there are significant differences in lifestyles, facilities, law and order, governance between different states is well known; but again, this common knowledge has come about more due to perceptions formed out of individual experiences.

Though most documents and reports bring out the salient features of the key states of India, few are able to bring out for the smaller states, Union Territories, and the north-east.  Moreover, precious few do so using data and information in an objective manner, such that anyone can decipher the strengths and weaknesses on various fronts.  Over and above that, very little is known about how states compare with each other.  Last, but not least, little is known how different parts of a state compare with each other. 

Indicus Analytics received support from PHDCCI to put together information on scores of different issues for all the states of India, including yours.  This information draws from the most credible and highly respected publications and databases brought out in recent years.  After ensuring that the information met the minimum quality specifications, it was analyzed in different ways.  Data for a state was compared over time and also with other states.   

Care has been taken that the researchers’ biases do not creep up, as is the case in many such comparisons.  The reader should for himself understand the various constraints that his or her state is facing, how well it is performing, how it compares to other states in the vicinity and with India overall.  This is all put together in such a way that the reader can draw his own conclusions. 

We hope that this profile benefits you in better understanding your state.  However, despite many crosschecks and dependence on credible information some errors might have crept in.  We accept those and would appreciate your comments for future improvements.

Title: দেবী, আদিবাসী-রাজা ও ব্রাহ্মণ্যবাদঃ প্রাগজ্যোতিষের ধার্মিক রূপান্তর ও সামাজিক অন্তর্দন্ধ (The Goddess, the Tribal Kings and Brahmanism: The Religious Transformations and Social Dynamics of Pragjyotisha)
Abstract: The paper deals with the religious transformations of Kamrup (India) between the 5th and 16th century vis-à-vis the Brahminical dominance in the Indo-Gangetic plains of India. It explores the trajectory of the transformations of the Kamakhya, the local cult/deity of ancient and medieval Assam into a Brahminical goddess. The paper also argues how the interpretations of Puranas and Tantras, were able to legitimize and include the pre-Hinduised practices of Kamrup into larger Brahminical fold and concludes by arguing that the many phases of religious transformations of Assam were a part of the larger political project of Kamrup/Pragjyotisha, where the tribal kings played an important role in seeking their political legitimacy in a multi-ethnic land at the borders of Brahminical and non-Brahminical practices.

This paper evaluates how the dynamics of land policy ambiguity of plurality in tenure security results in different forms of social exclusion, including total exclusion and partial exclusion from any form of land rights for both immigrants and indigenous people. This paper tries to analyze the Land Fund (LF) in the 1998 Land Act (LA98) as an inclusion factor targeted to help the government purchase land which can be redistributed to sitting tenants and reduce ethnic conflicts between immigrants and indigenous people in Kibale. The persistent of social exclusion has resulted into ethnic conflict and a hindrance to development in the Great Lakes Region in the specific context of Kibale district in Western Uganda and Assam immigrants in northeast India.