Indian Political Thought

From the late nineteenth to twentieth century, the Bhagavad-Gītā became a transnational text influenced and molded by British colonialism and Orientalism. In this article, I argue that a particularly influential western figure, Peter Brook, adapted and represented the Gītā for a transnational audience in ways that expanded a neocolonial and Orientalist interpretive horizon for its contemporary reception. This essay examines how Brook's particular approach to and universalist representation of the Gītā reveal an important decolonial paradox: the extension of colonial relations into artistic and scholarly exchanges when attempting to enhance a text's cross-cultural intelligibility. I advance this argument by critically exploring Brook's universalist claims and ethical reflections on war, showing how his neocolonial vision of order-along with his impulse for control and speedy consumption of "performance capital"-ultimately undercut his universalizing aspirations. Finally, this examination elucidates a positive strategy for addressing the decolonial paradox in a contemporary Indian setting.

The Āpaddharmaparvan, 'the book on conduct in times of distress', is an important section of the great Sanskrit epic the Mahābhārata which, despite its significance for Mahābhārata studies and for the history of Indian social and political thought, has received little attention in scholarly literature. This book places the Āpaddharmaparvan within its literary and ideological contexts. In so doing it explores the development of a conception of brahmanic kingship morally justifiable within the terms of a debate largely set by various alternative social movements of the period. This book further explores the implications for our understanding of the Mahābhārata that follow from the Āpaddharmaparvan's presentation as a poetically cohesive unit within itself and within the wider parameters of the Mahābhārata.

Kauṭilya's realism revolves around two distinct yet connected political goals, which can be attained to the extent that both are efficiently self-regulating: domestic security and foreign expansion. This chapter explores these two dimensions of his realism by tracing an analytical metaphor that pervades the Arthaśāstra: namely, the 'body' and its constituent parts, including the proper role that each part plays in securing internal order and external political expansion. The chapter explains how the underlying logic of this realist stance is a response to natural 'auto-tensions' that follow from individual, political and economic complexities associated with different levels of embodiment. Consequently, Kauṭilya's aim is not to eradicate this complexity but rather to hone and manage it as efficiently as possible, beginning with a unitary conception of ruling power at the top of the political order. Operating in both a top-down and an inside-out fashion, one can observe how a centrifugal, ascetic conception of ruling over oneself and others relies on a 'layered purity' through ritual self-discipline. In sum, Kauṭilyan realism amounts to a totalizing web of tightly controlled socioeconomic and political relations at the macro-level, which aim to mirror perfectly his desired level of control and purity at the micro-level of the ruler and the ruler's closest advisers.

This essay attempts to study and explicate the method of reading as operative in Ambedkar's writings. The essay is organized around five thematic sections, each aimed at discussing a methodological concern guiding Ambedkar's investigations. His engagements with the religious texts of Hinduism in general and the Manusmriti (The Laws of Manu or The Law Code of Manu) in particular have been used here to explicate the substance and implications of what has been described by Aishwary Kumar as Ambedkar's 'politics of reading', a highly suggestive phrase that points towards the political as well as epistemic stakes of Ambedkar's acts of reading.

Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar trained as a Barrister in London and returned to India with the intention of starting a legal practice. While this fact is frequently alluded to, little is known or studied about his experience as a practising lawyer.  Dr. Ambedkar’s relationship with the law has been studied through his interventions as a legislator, as a representative before Commissions, as Law Minister and most famously as the Chairman of the Drafting Committee of the Indian Constitution.
            The absence of material on his legal practice is explained in two ways, scholars either content that because of caste discrimination he wasn’t able to build a sustainable legal practice in the way that some of his contemporaries were; or that since almost all the leaders of the Indian national movement were lawyers, the legal training and practice of individuals offers no special insight.
            This chapter challenges both contentions by reconstructing Dr. Ambedkar’s legal career before the courts of Bombay presidency through newspaper articles, memoirs and legal reports. It is precisely because Dr. Ambedkar did not build up a commercial practice like his Gandhi and Jinnah (who were able to draw upon their caste networks for wealthy business cases), he was able to emerge as one of India’s most prolific political and civil rights lawyers. Covering a period of 20 years, this paper highlights Dr. Ambedkar’s defense of left wing and trade union leaders in criminal cases; the defense of the right to strike, the defense of free speech and of attempts to silence dalit and modernist writers through the use defamation, the defense of ordinary Indians arrested for their participation in Satyagraha and finally his engagement in the defense of indigent persons who were given the death penalty. Finally, the paper turns to his engagement with constitutional cases in the 1950 and the tension between the lawyer and the constitution maker. His cases are carefully chosen and reveal his conception of how law can be used to achieve certain political ends.
            Secondly, I argue that Dr. Ambedkar’s legal career is distinctly different from that of his contemporaries. Political life in Political life in India from the late 19th century till independence was dominated by men who had trained and practiced as lawyers. The domination by legal professionals has been used as a shorthand  for class to attribute the bourgeoisie character of mass politics in India. Lawyers are not an undifferentiated mass, and have very different experiences as legal professional. For Dr. Ambedkar, being a lawyer involved two acts of representation, that of his client but also his community before a largely hostile profession. Drawing on recent work on early African American and women lawyers, this paper argues that Dr. Ambedkar’s legal career offers an insight into the relationship between his professional identity, political ideals and caste identity.

The relationship between liberty and equality is an unending debate in
modern political philosophy. The reference goes back to French, American
and Russian Revolutions which raised the slogans of liberty, equality, fraternity, property, and pursuit of happiness. However, the debate is also
visible in classical political philosophy as how to govern and what should
be the governing principle? In particular, these modern revolutions and its
political rhetoric had a great impact across the globe to expand the concepts
of liberty, equality and fraternity as a matter of human values and idea of
political normative. Later, they were adopted as fundamental human rights
by international organisations like the United Nations. These ideals are to
be practised in human relationships in order to advance the nature of our
political institutions and arrangements. Interestingly, liberty, equality, and
fraternity is the main foundation in Ambedkar’s political philosophy. I
argue, for Ambedkar, these ideals are important public good constitutive of
political and moral good, connected to idea of fraternity as a political
normative contributes to good society.

Jawaharlal Nehru was a passionate advocate of education to all. He was highly impressed by the scientific progress of the west and the value of English education. He supported the educational means as prevalent in the west and planned to established western type of education in India. This makes him the architect of modern educational system in India. He considered education as the most important means to social change.  It is only through right education a better order of Society could be built up believed Nehru. Nehru  stressed  two basic qualities which  education should aim at  building strength of  character would imply the development of all those traits which makes people into honest and courageous beings with a sense of integrity and right outlook would mean a developing mind which is receptive  and tolerant  and capable of grasping things in their entirety. Nehru’s pragmatic and progressive thinking could be assessed by the thought that he wanted education for both males as well as females equally. He emphasized that the advancement of  a nation dependent on its women being educated and trained to raise the young generation on the  right social values. Education did not means just the cultivation of social grace but an overall training to create a balance personality  capable of making a positive contribution to society.

The present research paper is undertaken to apprise the reader of the conditions which prevailed in India for ages. It is, however, hoped that an overall picture of the society will be delineated in a general way bringing out the highlights while projecting the trajectory from the study of literacy records. We have attempted to find, locate, understand, and narrate some aspects of good governance discussed at length in the ancient Indian Sanskrit texts in general with special reference to Rajadharma. Therefore, the real objective of Rajadharma is the welfare of all, the supremacy of the public good, growth of all, and good for all. The detailed description of multiple dimensions of Rajadharma has found considerable mention and explanation in ancient Indian works on Dharmasutra, epics, Smriti works, and Neeti treatises. Treatise in ancient India provides substantially detailed, deep, independent, organized, and systematic description of Rajadharma and the related concepts, more profusely than any other contemporary works.

Was Lenin a Philosopher-king or a mere dictator who used an ideology to gain power? Can comparisons be drawn between Plato's Republic and the Soviet Union that Lenin built  in the post-Russian Revolution era?

When we analyse and compare Lenin's idea of Communist State to Plato's Just City in the Republic, similarities have been found in terms of
- the ideas of equality among different classes in both societies ,
- the rule of a philosopher-king and the Communist philosopher-ruler (called the Proletariat),
- the allegation of being a totalitarian state in terms of curtailment of rights or liberty of citizens on propagation or expression of views which the State considers will destroy unity,
- the suppression of discord or revolt using force (for discord being considered  the greatest evil and may lead to degradation or destruction of the society on the whole) in both,

There has been a sudden expansion and interest in Indian Political Thought (hereafter IPT) and this review article seeks to map the changing trajectories of IPT.  The four books under review are: Ananya Vajpeyi, Righteous Republic: The Political Foundations of Modern India. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2012.
C.A. Bayly, Recovering Liberties: Indian Thought in the Age of Liberalism and Empire. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012.
Gurpreet Mahajan, India: Political Ideas and the Making of a Democratic Discourse. London: Zed Books, 2013.
Pradip Kumar Datta, Sanjay Palshikar and Achin Vanaik, eds.: Indian Political Thought: Volume 3, ICSSR Research Surveys and Explorations: Political Science, Volumes 1-4. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2013.

In Iqbal's political philosophy and practice, parliamentary spiritual democratic system is universalistic and particularistic in its range. Global in nature, it is anchored in the religion of Islam that gives it a universal look. In 1926, when he entered politics to realize this ideal in practice, his ideas started to reflect the political scenario of the subcontinent. Besides Islam, Iqbal had made use of a good deal of western political concepts of nationalism, democracy, secularism, sovereignty, ethics of politics and communism. But he neither fully appreciates nor discards out rightly all these concepts. On the other hand, he has expounded his own political ideals of Tauhid, Khudi, Marde Momin, Islamic democracy, Millat, etc. Through these patterns of thought, Iqbal t r y t o train an individual, a society and a global Islamic order. This universal order as it is construed from the concept of ummah will strive for the promotion of pan-humanism, i.e., freedom, brotherhood, and equality of humanity. In this paper Iqbal's political philosophy, his concept of Khudi, how he perceives an ideal society will be analyzed. It will also be highlight that how his political philosophy changed from one stage to another.

Ambedkar’s quest for democracy as value, moral order, as a mode of associated living, and his warnings on the possible negation of the ‘moral/cultural good’ by Brahminism can be systematically evaluated in his key speeches, labour and parliamentary democracy (1943); failure of parliamentary democracy will result in rebellion, anarchy and communism (1951); conditions precedent for the successful working of democracy (1952); prospects of democracy in India (1956).

This intellectual treasury and his far-reaching attempts to evaluate and sustain democracy have been sidelined in the shrill and strident nationalism which is characterised by the Brahmin-Bania distaste for organic intellectualism and the intellectual sophistry of the bhadralok.
https://thewire.in/politics/india-ambedkar-democracy-caste-politics

Resumen: objetivo/contexto: el propósito de este artículo es dar a conocer las expresiones del indianismo del siglo XXI en países como Bolivia y, al mismo tiempo, intenta aportar un análisis que tenga como punto de partida que la lucha de los pueblos indios con el Estado no ha concluido en términos ideológicos. Metodología: la investigación que se presenta fue una combinación del análisis de datos obtenidos en el trabajo de campo con la revisión documental de textos históricos y documentos de propaganda política sobre el tema estudiado. El trabajo etnográfico se desarrolló durante el 2009 y, posteriormente, entre el 2013 y el 2014, y se centró en observaciones participantes hechas en espacios de discusión política de distintas organizaciones indígenas en las ciudades de La Paz y El Alto en Bolivia, durante el segundo periodo de gobierno de Evo Morales. Conclusiones: esta investigación muestra que hay varias experiencias que se reivindican como indianistas, pero estas no han formulado un proyecto político común orientado a la constitución del indio como sujeto político. Así el indianismo, más allá de una formulación ideológica, no ha logrado consolidar una base material que posibilite la organización de su proyecto, a diferencia del proyecto estatal que tiene los recursos y elementos económicos y sociales para su concreción. Originalidad: el presente artículo busca introducir una discusión —en términos epistemológicos y metodológicos de las disciplinas científicas políticas y sociales— en torno al caso del indianismo actual en Bolivia, como una experiencia de los pueblos indígenas que permite identificar la centralidad política del indio que llega, la mayoría de las veces, a ser invisibilizada incluso dentro de la misma academia en América Latina.

Palabras clave: Bolivia, descolonización, indianismo, indianismo-katarismo, intelectuales indios, sujeto político indio.

Indianism and the Current Discussion on the Political Constitution of
Indians in Bolivia

Abstract: Objective/context: The purpose of this article is to introduce the expressions of 21st century Indianism in countries such as Bolivia and, at the same time, to provide an analysis that is based on the fact that the struggle of the Indian peoples with the State, in ideological terms, has not ended. Methodology: This study presents a combination of the analysis of data obtained in the field with the documentary revision of historical texts and political propaganda documents on the subject. The ethnographic work was developed, first, in 2009 and, then, between 2013 and 2014, and focused on participant observations conducted in spaces of political discussion by different Indian organizations in the cities of La Paz and El Alto in Bolivia, during the second term of the government of Evo Morales. Conclusions: This investigation shows that there are several experiences that are claimed as Indianist, but these have not formulated a common political project oriented to the constitution of the Indian as a political subject. Thus, Indianism, beyond an ideological formulation, has not been able to consolidate a material base that enables the organization of its project, unlike the state project that has the resources and economic and social elements for its concretion. Originality: This article seeks to introduce a discussion — in epistemological and methodological terms of the political and social scientific disciplines — around the case of current Indianism in Bolivia, as an experience of indigenous peoples that identifies the political centrality of the Indian who frequently becomes invisible even within Latin American academia.

Keywords: Bolivia, decolonization, Indianism, Indianism-Katarism, Indian
intellectuals, Indian political subject.

O indianismo e a discussão vigente sobre a constituição política do
índio na Bolívia

Resumo: objetivo/contexto: o objetivo deste artigo é dar a conhecer as expressões do indianismo do século XXI em países como a Bolívia e, ao mesmo tempo, pretende contribuir com uma análise que tenha como ponto de partida que a luta dos povos índios com o Estado não está concluída ainda em termos ideológicos. Metodologia: esta pesquisa foi uma combinação da análise de dados obtidos no trabalho de campo com a revisão documental de textos históricos e documentos de propaganda política sobre o tema estudado. O trabalho etnográfico foi desenvolvido em 2009 e, depois, entre 2013 e 2014; esteve centralizado em observações participantes feitas em espaços de discussão política de diferentes organizações indígenas nas cidades de La Paz e El Alto na Bolívia, durante o segundo período de governo de Evo Morales. Conclusões: esta pesquisa mostra que há várias experiências que se reivindicam como indianistas, mas que não formularam um projeto político comum orientado à constituição do índio como sujeito político. Assim, o indianismo, mais além de uma formulação ideológica, não pode consolidar uma base material que possibilite organizar seu projeto, à diferença do projeto estatal que tem os recursos e elementos econômicos e sociais para sua concreção. Originalidade: este artigo busca introduzir uma discussão — em termos epistemológicos e metodológicos das disciplinas científicas políticas e sociais — sobre o caso do indianismo atual na Bolívia, como uma experiência dos povos indígenas que permite identificar a centralidade política do índio que chega, na maioria das vezes, a ser invisibilizada inclusive dentro da própria academia na América Latina.

Palavras-chave: Bolívia, descolonização, indianismo, indianismo-katarismo, intelectuais indígenas, sujeito político indígena.

Sudipta Kaviraj’s work spans South Asian politics to intellectual history
in India and is tangentially connected to the project of postcolonial and
subaltern studies. Though his body of work is not enormous, the quality
of his scholarship has been path-breaking. It has had a profound effect
on, in general, South Asian studies and, in particular, in the analysis of
the politics of the postcolonial Indian state and the creation of a post-nationalist intellectual-historical project that deconstructs the travesty of
the so-called ‘Nationalist’ political history writing enterprise. This paper
discusses the major contributions and ideas of Kaviraj around the
emergence of nationalist thought in India. It traces the nature of colonial
modernity; works of anti-colonial writers; postcolonial state making and
the project of national reconstruction in India; and the slow
transformations of the political-economic sphere of the independent
Indian state in relation to the civil society.

The history of Indian politics has different shades. One of these has been the identity politics. In every kind of identity politics, identities are created deliberately by the new leadership along the line of commonality in terms of factors like ethnicity, nation, language, castes etc, for either of the two purposes: either to assimilate myriad fractions of people under one identity and to claim a larger share of power and distributive resources, or to preserve the distinctiveness of a particular section of the society from being exploited by the others as well as to uphold their legitimate interest.
The history of the 19th century western Indian politics shows that in the 19th century Maratha Pradesh, the people of the lower castes emerged as a distinct social and political identity group which vehemently challenged the age old  Brahmanical social order and strongly voiced for their equal status in the society as well as equal share in development, power and resources, under the leadership of Mahatma Jyotirao Phule.
The study, therefore, presents a critical analysis as well as evaluation of Mahatma Phule’s contribution in the identity politics of the 19th century Maratha Pradesh. At the outset the study critically analyses Phule’s effort to create an `identity’- `Kshatriya identity’, then delineates his attempts to organize these lower castes Marathas along the line of that created identity by founding the first lower castes’ organization- the Satyasodhak Samaj, and finally presents an overall critical explanation of his politics behind such attempts.

THIS PAPER SEEKS TO EXPLORE TWO PHASES OF GOLWALKAR'S HINDU IDENTITY,  CRITICALLY ANALYSES SAVARKAR AND GOLWALKAR'S VERSION OF NATION, NATIONAL IDENTITY AND NATION - BUILDING IN THE LIGHT OF THE POLITICS OF NATION AND NATION - BUILDING DURING THE YEARS OF 19TH ANDF20 TH CENTURY.
THIS PAPER HAS BEEN PUBLISHED IN  'INQUEST:A JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE AND HUMANITIES'  DEC 2015 ,ISSN 2349-5472 VOL.1 ISSUE 2 Pg 178-194

There are two aspects for taking its period:-View of foreign scholars: Winter Nath, Jolly, Kith say that the epic would not be innovated before 3.A.D. They say that it would not be come into existence at the Maurya's ruling time. If would be so, then there would be definitely motioned Maurya's ruling and its political structure. In the context, they say that Yagyavalyak's memories and epic were contemporary. View of Indian scholars: Dr. Jaisawal. Dr. Shyamshastri agrees with that Arthasastra is the innovation of ChanderGupta's Prime Minister Kautilya. They say that Chander Gupta caught the throne in 321 B.C. and Ashoka 296 B.C. respectively. Therefore, this epic would be between 321B.C.to 300B.C. Kautilya innovated it for guidance Maurya's ruling. Indian literature says that in epics of Jainism and Buddhism we can get the information about Kautilya. At the analysis of above aspects Dr. Shyam lal Pandey says, "The epic Arthasastra either contemporary of Maurya or a new edition after ruled but it has to be accepted that political principles in this epic are of Maurya's time. Nature and subject-matter of Arthasastra Arthasastra may be an epic with its name, but it is not. It informs only about structure of ruling of a state. T.N.Ramaswamy said, "The Arthasastra is truly an anthology of political wisdom and theory and an art of statecraft, scattered in pre-Kautilyan writings, streamlined and reinterpreted by Kautilya in his attempt to construct a separate and distinct science of statecraft." Dr. Shastri is creditable for taking it into existing life. He was the healer of library of oriental. He got a script of Pandulipi from a saint (Brahman) from Tinjore and versioned it into English in 1905. The first edition of epic was published in 1909 with the help of Mysore. In the initial part, Brahaspati from Gods and Sukra from Gaints had been worshipped. According to Kautilya "Artha" means living and Earth, Living is related to everybody and earth wanted to get from kingdom expansion. Thus, Arthasastra is an epic which works for guidance of king, ruling and politics. Origin of the state Kautilya's philosophy says state as central theme. Monarchy system was adopted in that time. Kautilya had discussed about state's origin, nature and working. In regarding to origin of state he accepted the theory of social-cohesion. There was injustice everywhere in the society. So, Manu had been selected as ruler. Indian religious epic had been considered as to be first Indian king. People decided to give the 1/6 of their harvest, 1/10 of their trades and some taxes from gold. Kautilya had not thought about the monarchy. He could only use of this wealth for welfare and security of the people. Thus, by Kautilya's view was used for social cohesion. In this context Dr. Shamasastry says, "The theory of social contract was not unknown in the days of Chanakya." Kautilya did not speculate on the origin of the state. Like Machiavelli, he was concerned with the State of his own times. He was not interested in the question as the how the State, which had come into the possession of Chandragupta Maurya, had been brought up into the existence, but with the more urgent problem of how to make it a mighty and vigorous

Representations are culturally constructed entities and are multi-dimensional. Ideology being an integral part of representations as well as the processes of knowledge production and its construction in
India has its genesis not only in the political context of the functioning of the mind but is also engaged in caste-hierarchy positions. Thus, the knowledge production process gets structured in the hierarchical constructions deeply rooted in caste and religious norms. The paper analyses hegemonic knowledge production process as well as claimed post-colonial frame work as part of the Brahmanic narrative, politics of representation and also cultural contestations through the frame work of 'protected ignorance'.

‘Mahatma Gandhi has made a lasting contribution to political philosophy and this
requires that succeeding generations of scholars interpret that contribution in ways
that meet the needs of the changing times and intellectual trends. Gandhi and the
Contemporary World meets this requirement very admirably: it presents Gandhi in a
critical, lively and timely fashion. Enjoy this excellent addition to Gandhi literature’.
Anthony J. Parel, Professor Emeritus of Political Science, University of Calgary, Canada
‘

The paper introduces porcine bodies as landscapes upon which
caste as wildness, primitive, or savage are inscribed and asserted in
India, by the Hindu Right and the Dalit Right, to respectively
advance parochial nationalisms. The general obscuration of the
pig in violent nationalist discourses, is itself due to her inherent
caste status as impure/polluting. Hindu Vedic scriptures endorse
a civilizational rhetoric of the cows as Brahminical and divine, and
the pigs as associated with filth and ferality. Caste advances or
obstructs political and economic power, and is interlocked with
market capitalism, which relies on nature – and casteised subhuman/
nonhuman bodies – as both profitable (and venerable), and
expendable (and despicable). The visceral socio-political contempt
the pig evokes is intertwined with their use in performing economic
labor as waste scavenger, and political labor as superfluous to
a nation in which pigs, and people associated with pigs do not
belong. Via empirical work in Chennai city, this paper focusses the
pig, ecologically and sociologically wild, feral and promiscuous, as
enmeshed in a long-enduring, constructed caste conflict around
Brahmin/Dravida; Hindu/Tamil; civilized/primitive; and even,
human/animal binaries. Finally, it specifies species as also core to
identity politics, as part of a transformative praxis to a post-casteist
society.

Contrary to his usual depiction as a modern secular thinker, heteronomous imaginaries of sacrality and kingship are pervasive in Rabindranath Tagore’s plays. A return to these referents, as I show in this paper, releases Tagore’s thought-world from the stranglehold of derivative categories and allows for his reconstruction as a political thinker. Eschewing the nationalist ideal of valiant and noble rulers shored up from histories and myths as legitimate alternatives to the colonial regime, Tagore aesthetically employed the imaginary of an “absent king” sourced from the Upanishads. Avoiding the tropes of spectrality of a dead king or an exceptional interregnal anarchic moment, emptiness was inscribed in the very heart of the monarchical model, thereby transfiguring it into a radical instituting imaginary of the social. This curiously brought together the apparently antithetical categories of sovereignty and freedom through an insistence on creative will and action.

Despite the democratic upsurge, the traditional social value system perpetuates oppression, humiliation and violence against the oppressed communities, groups and individuals. The oppressed community's struggle for recognition then becomes necessary in order to be able to live a good life. The various theories of recognition aim towards establishing human good as a normative ethical ideal. However, the scope of existing theories of recognition is limited as they propose new values without adequately displacing the old ones. This creates a contradiction or incoherence within the theory. B. R. Ambedkar's Annihilation of Caste exposes such a gap and seeks to devise a more capable normative alternative theory. The first part of this paper tries to problematize the idea of recognition. In the second part, it interrogates and engages with the different discourses of recognition. Finally, in the third part, it presents Ambedkar's theory of recognition as a normative ideal, which encapsulates the project of emancipation.

This paper will argue that B.R. Ambedkar attacked the social law of Hindu dharma for legalizing and legitimizing Brahminical sovereignty in the form of a birth-based caste order centred around the ambivalent sacrality of untouchability. Although Ambedkar inaugurated postcolonial India's transformative constitutional project, its juridical language of secular legality was not powerful enough an antidote against the social customs of caste and untouchability. Since these practices were ultimately grounded in a Hindu theology imputing responsibility for action to a fixed immutable being, Ambedkar sought to unsettle and destabilize it by proffering a counter-theology of Buddhism that delinked action from any substantial being, and thereby opened up sovereignty as an empty place of political power. His Buddhism though, was less a religion of selfless renunciation, and more a religion of rupture mediated by the political law of fraternal freedom, actualized in the excessive subjectivity of the Dalit community of converted Buddhists.

Dr Ambedkar’s was a multi-faceted and multi-dimensional personality
who made a significant contribution to modern India society in the
various facets of life. The present paper restricts itself to explain
Ambedkar’s vision of a ‘good society’ which is one of the most important
and least explored theoretical contributions of Ambedkar. It is important
to understand his ideals of ‘good society’ and also his determined
action and strategy which he employed in his lifelong struggle against
different kinds of exploitation and hierarchy present in the Indian
society. In Ambedkar’s vision of ‘good society, this paper examines
the following two categories of thoughts: social democracy and reinterpretation of Buddhism both of which were central to his vision of
good society

The main thesis of this talk, entitled Indian Ideas of Freedom, is the common ground among prominent modern Indian political thinkers that may be called the “group of seven.”. My research and writing on this subject started over 50 years ago, and resulted in a first book with this title that will be reproduced and enlarged in a forthcoming publication. That work examined the conceptual correspondences among Swami Vivekananda, Sri Aurobindo, Mahatma Gandhi and Rabindranath Tagore. Now this group has been extended to include M.N. Roy, B.R. Ambedkar, and J.P. Narayan. The differences among these thinkers are apparent to any serious reader of their extensive writings. However, their similarities or theoretical parallels are less viewed or interpreted as a constellation of ideas, so the comparative analysis will be directed at this thesis. The intellectual cluster conceived here focuses on how their core ideas about freedom cohere with several other associated conceptions: the relationship of means to ends; the search for self-transformation; aspects of nonviolent change; and ethics in politics.
Among the major political movements of the 20th century, the Indian freedom struggle has arguably earned the most favorable verdict of history. This judgement comes in large part from the intellectual renaissance its preeminent thinkers collectively produced. The selection of the seven presented here is definitely not exclusive, exhaustive or limited in any respect. Nor did this deep reservoir of creative thinking cease at the moment of Indian independence. As presented here, it flowed forth afterwards in the ideas of Roy, Ambedkar and Narayan, whose later writings merit close analysis. The conclusion is that this collective body of political ideas constitutes a significant contribution to the subject that deserves far more recognition than thus far received.

he wants to form.
In the prologue, we are told why the author wrote the book. “All things considered, there has been a bent towards maintaining a conspiracy of silence about blatantly inappropriate PM-level decisions which had hugely negative consequences for the country.”
He refuses to succumb to despondency within the autumn of his life and quotes Dylan Thomas: “Do not go gentle into that farewell, adulthood should burn and rage at close of day….” Bhagwati has in mind millennials as he takes the reader through the primary 72 years of independent India.

The book is sensibly structured. The Prime Ministers are given scores for 3 Cs—Character, Competence, and Charisma “in that order of importance”. I was able to comply with the very best importance to character. After all, Hitler and Mussolini excelled in charisma, and Hitler showed competence in organizing the Holocaust.

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https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/modern-intellectual-history/article/future-of-islam-16721924/3790D12997E969770B3377018062981B/share/2f1f3fee5c30c49192779ff8efa29eb937669799

This article examines the ways in which defining the character of early Islam has been instrumental to contemporary political debates at distinct moments in time. It looks in particular at Restoration-era England and the last decades of the Ottoman Caliphate. In the latter period, European and Muslim scholars alike reappraised Islamic history in the context of the often polemical discourse surrounding pan-Islamism and the future of Islam. Indian Muslim writers especially moved into new and inventive historical territory. They took up the vocabulary of modern politics in their histories and in doing so pluralized the heritage of certain ideas and concepts, including democracy, constitutionalism, republicanism, and socialism. The result was the articulation of a usable, progressive Islamic past.

Political theory and intellectual history have witnessed a wave of newfound interest in comparing and connecting the philosophical traditions of the world. In this conversation, Pratap Bhanu Mehta and Hansong Li explore the coherence and diversity of South Asian political thought, the reimagination and misappropriation of ancient sources for modern political lives, the nexus of domestic and international politics, as well as the intellectual origins of international frictions and geopolitical
tensions, especially in the case of Sino-Indian relations. Moving forward, the interlocutors argue for inter-civilisational education as the basis for mutual understanding, international cooperation, and global governance.