Political attention to populism has rocked in recent years. But we still haven’t a common definition for this phenomenon and scholars conflicting on categorization boundaries between its different manifestations. Nevertheless, these... more
Political attention to populism has rocked in recent years. But we still haven’t a common definition for this phenomenon and scholars conflicting on categorization boundaries between its different manifestations. Nevertheless, these populist parties share a number of common characteristics. The first one is fighting against the prevailing political systems and division of society into two groups ‘the pure people’ vs. ‘the corrupt political elite’. Second, charismatic leaders call for radical and extremist ideas. as well as addressing issues that occupy public opinions like economic stagnation, Islamophobia, austerity, and a migration crisis.
Applying to the European Union case, it faces a critical time after the 2014 European parliamentary elections, where eurosceptic and populist parties have achieved unprecedented success by winning 214 out of the 751 seats, with %28 according to estimated results issued by the European Parliament. In the light of these results, we can refer to a huge crisis in front of classical political parties. The voters want to send a message to these mainstream elites, whereas the majority still in the hand of the regular party, but maybe withdraws from their hands in the next elections. Which we see in the European realty from a fierce competition in France elections between Marie le pen and macron, the role of UKIP party in united kingdom and its success to promote Brexit campaign. Finally the big shock in Italy.
In the light of these indicators will turn to populist experience in Italy, Following the general elections of 2018, for the first time ever one of the major countries of the European Union is now under the rule of Populist Party. Where the anti-establishment Five Star Movement won %32 and the Lega party won %17.4 of the total votes. Nevertheless , no party can achieve the majority requires to form the government alone and Italy had a hung parliament, which resulted in a a joint alliance that did not last long time .through this paper will discuss and understand main reasons that led to dominant of populist parties and the possible scenarios for the future of politics in Italy.
In recent years, the relationship between Italy and the European Union (EU) has worsened due to the emergence of an increasingly negative attitude towards the question of European integration. The growth in citizens’ disaffection with,... more
In recent years, the relationship between Italy and the European Union (EU) has worsened due to the emergence of an increasingly negative attitude towards the question of European integration. The growth in citizens’ disaffection with, and hostility towards, the political elites is part of a more general trend witnessed throughout the EU. From this point of view, an understanding of whether, and in what way, the role of Prime Minister (PM) has been affected by this change of perspective, especially following the various crises affecting the EU in the last 10 years, would be worthwhile we believe. This article examines the political positions of all PM during the so-called Second Republic (1994–now), by means of a longitudinal content analysis. This analysis reveals that after 2008, and for the first time in the history of the Italy–EU relationship, PMs’ speeches have included sharp criticism of the EU. In particular, two PMs (Renzi and Conte) have clearly rejected those conditionality mechanisms implied by the EU. The results of this study confirm the start of a phase of strong conflict/politicization in regard to the EU and its institutional functioning. This article contributes to the broader literature concerning the study of the relationship between political elites and the EU, by focusing for the first time not simply on party leaders but on one of the most important institutional roles in the Italian political system (the Presidenza del Consiglio).
In assenza di una legge nazionale, 5 Regioni italiane (Toscana, Molise, Abruzzo, Calabria, Lombardia) hanno legiferato in materia di lobbying e rappresentanza degli interessi, dando vita a 3 registri regionali (toscano, abruzzese,... more
In assenza di una legge nazionale, 5 Regioni italiane (Toscana, Molise, Abruzzo, Calabria, Lombardia) hanno legiferato in materia di lobbying e rappresentanza degli interessi, dando vita a 3 registri regionali (toscano, abruzzese, lombardo); altre Regioni (Puglia, Lazio) hanno avviato un percorso legislativo regionale. L'articolo cerca di rispondere alla domanda "perché alcune Regioni sono riuscite a regolare il lobbying in assenza di una disciplina nazionale?" a partire da riflessioni sulla cultura politica regionale, sulla qualità delle classi politiche regionali, sulle circostanze di contesto che hanno portato alla regolazione operativa, ripresa dal modello della UE.
