Maoist movement

This research paper aims to explore the traumatic representation of Maoist insurgency in Wagle's Palpasa Café from the prospective of cultural trauma. Novel appears to be some what historical account of Nepal presenting the story of Maoist revel through the view of the writer. Writer Narayan Wagle, being a renounced journalist also makes some impact in the story because of his work, which happened to be good and bad at the same time to present the real picture of country. But was not free from critics. However, we can clearly see this beautiful love stroy Palpasa Café carrying the heartbreaking history of our past. Wagle, presents the traumatic melodrama of war between state force and Maoist. As the novel is written in the backdrop of the ten years civil war, it clearly deals with the cultural trauma emerged in different people of different social categories in the Nepalese society. Cultural trauma, as Jeffrey Alexander argues, is the suffering of a collectivity or any social group which promotes the sense of "weness" and takes one's suffering as the suffering of the whole group or community in which they belong to.

"Opposing the neoliberal rhetoric of a shining middle-class India, the Communist Party of India (Maoist) has, since 2004, called for a New Democratic Revolution. Indian Maoists dismiss parliamentary democracy as a sham insofar as it fails to address the concerns and aspirations of the majority of its citizens, nearly four-fifths of whom live below two dollars a day. In their party programme, Maoists characterize the postcolonial Indian state as ‘reactionary’ and ‘autocratic’ and seek a ‘worker-peasant alliance’ to overthrow ‘imperialism, feudalism and comprador bureaucratic capitalism’ via an armed revolutionary struggle. The CPI (Maoist) politburo, which constitutes its ideological leadership, is thus supported by an underground People’s Liberation Army (PLA). The party’s long-term objective is to establish a ‘people’s democratic state under the leadership of the proletariat’ that will ‘guarantee real democracy for the vast majority of people while exercising dictatorship over a tiny minority of exploiters’.

The CPI (Maoist) is active mostly in eastern and central India, where human development levels rank among the lowest in the world, forest cover and rugged terrain facilitate guerrilla tactics and protracted low-intensity insurgency, and tribal and lower caste groups are preponderant. According to the Indian prime minister, Maoist rebels pose the greatest internal security threat to India since independence. In reality, however, Maoist cadres are estimated to be anywhere between 10,000 and 40,000 in a country of nearly 1.2 billion people, though this number does not include sympathizers and non-combatants. These thinly-spread cadres are concentrated chiefly in what journalists, policymakers, and scholars call the Red Corridor, running from the Nepalese border through the states of Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal, Orissa, Chhattisgarh, and Andhra Pradesh. In these areas, regular elections are held, state and non-governmental organizations routinely participate in rural development, and state police and forest officials coexist with armed rebels and their rural supporters. Since 2005-06, the state has deployed paramilitaries to supplement state police forces in combating Maoist guerillas, which has intensified state-sponsored violence and led to widespread human rights abuses, yet it has been incapable of establishing anything akin to a monopoly of legitimate violence. Shared sovereignty is thus the norm, not the exception, as in other insurgent zones in India such as Kashmir and the northeastern frontier. This state of affairs also suggests that the everyday realities of Indian Maoism are somewhat different from its ideological self-image as a vanguardist revolutionary movement."

There has been much research on why Maoist conflict occurred, what is the root causes of its persistence, and what could be effective antidote of Maoist violence, but because of multifarious reasons and lack of lucid understanding about Maoist conflict no one theory can claim that it thoroughly propounds the recurrence of this decades-old violence phenomenon. This part of chapter deals with theoretical perspectives which are basically foundations in our studying of Maoist violence. ‘The government of India uses several strategies and paradigms to tackle insurgencies and armed conflicts. The dominant strategy is based on the security paradigm, which consists of maintaining the status quo and putting down insurgencies with the use of the force to regain control and establish law and order along with development projects and welfare schemes like employment generation, lone waivers’  and attractive surrender policy. After brief discussion on various theoretical foundations that underpin our understanding of India’s biggest security challenge – the Maoist violence – I will discover the gaps and propose an alternative in broader contextualisation of human security perspective.

This study aims to examine the political discourses and approaches of the Iranian socialist and left-wing movements, with a focus on the Maoist tendencies before, during, and after the 1979 Revolution. The first part provides a historical background by discussing the emergence of the Iranian modern political culture and main political tendencies. Later, the emergence of socialist guerilla movements are discussed with a focus on the Maoist tendencies. The archives of socialist journals, pamphlets and posters are used to provide an understanding of the political discourses of these movements. Finally, the 1979 Revolution and the subsequent political elimination of the socialist movements are discussed. Particular attention is paid to the approaches of socialist movements towards the post-1979 Islamist government.

This study analyzes the ideology and worldview of Turkish and
some Kurdish militants of the Turkish socialist movement from
the late 1960s until the early 1980s based on the memoirs of the
protagonists. In these writings, we can observe the exuberance as
well as the disappointments of these young militants and their
approach to world affairs in general and Turkish and Middle
Eastern politics in particular. In their worldview, America and its
allies, especially Israel, were the real enemy whereas they purported
to aspire to the creation of a socialist state in Turkey. The
Turkish left-wing militants got involved in Palestinian politics
through their training at the Palestinian camps in Lebanon,
Syria, and Jordan as they perceived the Palestinian struggle
against Israel as a part of the world-wide revolutionary movement
for the overthrow of imperialism and its replacement by socialist
governments all around the globe.

उदार भारतीय बुद्धिजीवियों का वर्ग इस बात से सहमत है कि उत्तर-औपनिवेशिक भारत में सशस्त्र हिंसा की निरंतरता का प्रमुख कारण सामाजिक-आर्थिक विकास के संकेतकों में प्रतिगमन, प्रभावित क्षेत्रों में अपर्याप्त एवं दयनीय जनतान्त्रिक माहौल और सामाजिक-आर्थिक समावेशन की सुस्त-चाल है, जिसने प्रत्यक्ष और अप्रत्यक्ष रूप से वंचना और हाशिएकरण की प्रक्रिया को बढ़ाया है। यह सत्य है कि जो क्षेत्र आर्थिक रूप से पिछड़े और अल्पविकसित हैं, माओवादी हिंसा वहीं सबसे ज्यादा फल-फूल रही है, जबकि ये क्षेत्र खनिज संपदाओं की दृष्टि से भारत के सर्वाधिक सम्पन्न क्षेत्र हैं। भारत के बारे में दिलचस्प तथ्य यह है कि उसकी धरती समृद्ध है और लोग गरीब। देश की प्राकृतिक संपदा और उसकी अंतर्निहित क्षमता आबादी को खुशहाल बनाने के लिए पर्याप्त है, लेकिन यह विडंबना ही है कि समृद्धिशाली भूमि पर निवास करना एक बड़ी आबादी के लिए उसकी वंचना और अनेक प्रकार की हिंसा का कारण बन रहा है।