Nicholas Spykman

Resumo: O pensamento geopolítico clássico desenvolveu-se em torno de duas doutrinas antagônicas: a do poder marítimo e a do poder terrestre. Se os poderes marítimo e terrestre são antagônicos, então como um poder misto dos dois, o anfíbio, poderia se constituir? Teria ele uma fortaleza própria a partir do qual conquistaria o mundo, a exemplo do que o Heartland de Mackinder representa para o poder terrestre? Seria esse espaço o Rimland de Spykman? Ou em qualquer lugar do mundo uma potência anfíbia teria possibilidade de se desenvolver? Este trabalho tem como objetivo a compreensão da natureza do poder anfíbio. Para atingir este objetivo far-se-á uma análise comparativa das reflexões geopolíticas de Mackinder e Spykman.

Resumen: El pensamiento geopolítico clásico se desarrolló alrededor de dos doctrinas antagónicas: la del poder marítimo y la del poder terrestre. ¿Si los poderes marítimo y terrestre son antagónicos, entonces como un poder misto de los dos podría constituirse? ¿Tenería él una fortaleza propia a partir de lo cual conquistaría el mundo, a ejemplo lo que el Heartland de Mackinder representa para el poder terrestre? ¿Sería ese espacio el Rimland de Spykman? ¿O en cualquier ubicación del mundo una potencia anfibia tenería la posibilidad de desarrollarse? Este trabajo tiene como objetivo la comprensión de la naturaleza del poder anfibio. Para alcanzar este objetivo se hará un análisis comparativo de las reflexiones geopolíticas de Mackinder y Spykman.

Nicholas J. Spykman e la nascita del realismo politico americano Corrado StefanaChi storia del pensiero politico 2/2013, 283-310 ISSN 2279-9818 © Società editrice il Mulino Nicholas J. Spykman and the birth of the american political realism Though indisputably one of the fathers of the american political realism, Nicholas J. Spykman has been long neglected in the study of international relations (the academic field to which he belonged). This article argues that Spykman is still worth paying attention for (at least) the four following reasons. Firstly, Spykman's political thought is one of the clearest and earliest formulations of the tenets of the political realism in the american international relations theory. Secondly, Spykman's Geopolitics is an healthy reminder of the importance of the geographical factors in the international politics while shunning the geographical determinism which has undermined so much geo-political thinking of the last century. Thirdly, Spykman's Geopolitics provides a useful interpretation of the political and economic globalization unfolding in the Twentieth century as a marked change of the political significance of geography rather than an unprecedented condition of irrelevance of geography. Lastly, Spykman's ideas on power politics and geopolitical change contributed to the formation of the american «mental map» which presided over the shift of the United States' foreign policy from isolationism to internationalism. 1. introduzione. nicholas J. spykman: un maestro dimenticato? Nicholas John Spykman è indiscutibilmente uno dei padri del reali-smo politico americano, anche se le Relazioni Internazionali (l'ambito politologico in cui egli si è cimentato) sembrano quasi averne perso memoria: il suo nome e la sua opera fanno infatti fatica a trovare un posto nella galleria dei maestri del realismo che viene immancabilmen

В статье обсуждается книга американского политолога Роберта Каплана «Месть географии». Рецензент отмечает, что эта работа является манифестом американского политического «реализма», подвергающего сомнению уверенность либеральных интервенционистов в возможности принести народам свободу на крыльях бомбардировщиков. Ограниченность американской воздушной мощи, устойчивые географические структуры и исторически длительные временные протяженности кладут предел американской экспансии, ведущей лишь к хаосу. В конечном счете порядок важнее свободы, и не следует разрушать диктатуры без уверенности, что им на смену придет что-то лучшее, нежели кровавый хаос. Геополитическое содержание работы Каплана -это реставрация теорий классической геополитики - Маккиндера, Мэхена, Спайкмена. Рецензент отмечает, что основной пафос геополитических классиков - «сдерживание» российской экспансии к теплым морям. Однако практическая применимость этих теорий ограничена фундаментальной ошибкой Маккиндера - он квалифицировал русскую экспансию как сухопутную, а Хартленд определил как гидрологически изолированную территорию, в то время как русская экспансия была речной и арктической, а главное свойство «Хартленда» - теснейшее переплетение речных бассейнов. По наблюдению рецензента - Россия гораздо чаще обыгрывала Запад на океанских направлениях, нежели считают геополитики - в пример чего приводится геополитическое вторжение в самое средоточие американской мощи - в Карибское море, на Кубу. Регионоведческий очерк Каплана, посвященный России, рецензент оценивает как пример взгляда на Россию без русофобских очков. Каплан рассматривает русскую империю как вынужденно расширяющуюся из опасения нападения извне, а историю России - как циклический процесс «расширение - упадок - возрождение» и призывает никогда не сбрасывать Россию со счета.

La ATCI es una propuesta en negociaciones entre la UE y EEUU para crear el más grande área de libre comercio internacional por extensión, población y volumen de intercambio comercial, de todas las existentes. A nuestro juicio, la ATCI sería la respuesta geoeconómica a los BRICS como espacio geopolítico, comercial y de cooperación en otros ámbitos como el militar en tanto que la ATCI reproduce a escala comercial la alianza político-militar ya existente entre buena parte de la UE y EEUU por la OTAN. En este artículo trataremos de exponer por qué la posible rivalidad ATCI vs. BRICS reproduciría en el siglo XXI los esquemas de “Guerra Fría” heredados del siglo XX, que a su vez reproducían los enfrentamientos geopolíticos derivados de la teoría del área pivote de Haltford McKinder y la tradicional contraposición entre imperialismos talasocráticos (gobierno sobre los mares y océanos) e imperialismos telurocráticos (gobierno sobre una extensísima porción de tierra emergida). Asímismo, trat...

Often unconsiously, strategists and statesmen all rely upon various geopolitical assumptions aboutthe world when developing theories or making long range plans. Though few today bother to tnvestigate its intellectual roots, the field of modern geopolitical study can be traced back almost a full century, Before exploring the history of geopolitical thought it will be useful to briefly explain a few of the tools and objectives of geopolitical theory. When used properly, geopolitical theory does not assign geography a strictly causal role in determining international. political change, Instead, geopolitical theorists seek to understand how relatively permanent geographical features of the globe condition or cQnstrain the impact of ever changing technological factors and political configurations on relations of power among states.1 The affect of geography on international politics can be conceptualized in terms of three primary factors: resource distribution, location, and movement or mobility,2, The resources available to a given state will affect its relative power potential. Factors such as climate, terrain, soil fertility, and extent of natural resources, etc. help determine whether a nation can sustain the sinews of modern industrial and military power, Location largely determines a state 9 s vulnerability to invasion and, conversely, its ability to project power outward. Location encompasses factors such as defensibility of borders, geographical relationship to surrounding states, and accessibility to rivers and oceans, These geographical limitations will bear on crucial strategic decisions including choice of allies, the size and character of a nation's armed forces, etc, On a global scale, the impact of geography on strategic interaction can largely be conceptualized in terms of movement or mobility. Geo

This book examines how IR’s European realist tradition evolved in Europe and, due to emigration, in the United States in the 20th century. It includes an introduction and eight chapters, focusing on historical classical and contemporary structural branches of realist IR theorizing in historical and political contexts in which realist thinking did develop. It reminds us of realist key figures, such as Edward H. Carr, John H. Herz or Hans J. Morgenthau, but also of almost forgotten realists such as Raymond Aron, Stanley Hoffmann or Nicholas Spykman. Given IR mainstream textbooks introducing realism as a conservative American Cold War theory, this selection aims to reintroduce realism as a primarily and distinctively European, liberal, normative and critical tradition. A tradition that is almost always misunderstood as a guide for practitioners how to maximize or at least preserve power in the name of the national interest, but that is in fact an argument against reckless and crude power politics, ideology and totalitarianism. This book is an invaluable resource for scholars, practitioners and students interested in the realist tradition in IR.

The aim of this article is to test the hypothesis that Halford Mackinder and Nicholas Spykman's geopolitical theories, which sustained the grand strategy of the United States with the implementation of 1946 Truman Doctrine, are still relevant today after their termination. The results indicate that the intellectual matrixes were found in documents of the grand strategy of the United States in two moments. First, in 1992, in the George Herbert Walker Bush's government's Defense Planning Guidance document, formulated by the Pentagon, in February 1992. Second, they were found replicated 10 years after in the first term of President George Walker Bush, inaugurated in 2001. In the latter, the theoretical formulations repercussions were depicted in the official documents Quadrennial Defense Review (2001) and the National Security Strategy (2002). The article concluded that the authors' ideas remain valid to explain and interpret the actions of the United States' grand strategy in the international scenario.

Resumen

La ATCI es una propuesta en negociaciones entre la UE y EEUU para crear el más grande área de libre comercio internacional por extensión, población y volumen de intercambio comercial, de todas las existentes. A nuestro juicio, la ATCI sería la respuesta geoeconómica a los BRICS como espacio geopolítico, comercial y de cooperación en otros ámbitos como el militar en tanto que la ATCI reproduce a escala comercial la alianza político-militar ya existente entre buena parte de la UE y EEUU por la OTAN. En este artículo trataremos de exponer por qué la posible rivalidad ATCI vs. BRICS reproduciría en el siglo XXI los esquemas de " Guerra Fría " heredados del siglo XX, que a su vez reproducían los enfrentamientos geopolíticos derivados de la teoría del área pivote de Haltford McKinder y la tradicional contraposición entre imperialismos talasocráticos (gobierno sobre los mares y océanos) e imperialismos telurocráticos (gobierno sobre una extensísima porción de tierra emergida). Asímismo, trataremos de mostrar por qué a nivel de dialéctica de Estados aquellas sociedades políticas más pobladas, más extensas territorialmente y con mayor cantidad de recursos serán las que tengan mayor capacidad para imponer un determinado modelo de relaciones internacionales y de hegemonía geopolítica a escala universal atendiendo a este viable enfrentamiento ATCI, más ATCE, vs. BRICS.

Abstract

The TTIP is a proposal on negotiations between the EU and the USA in order to create the largest free international trade area by extension, population and volume of trade of all existing ones. In our view, TTIP would be the geoeconomic answer to BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa), as a comercial, geopolitical and cooperation space in other areas such as the military, in both that TTIP reproduce on a commercial scale the political and military alliance already existing between good part of the EU and USA by the NATO. In this paper we will try to explain why the possible rivalry between TTIP and BRICS would reproduce in the XXIst. Century the schemes of " Cold War " inherited from XXth. Century, that in turn reproduced the geopolitical confrontations arising from the theory of Haltford McKinder pivot area and the traditional opposition between thalassocratic imperialisms (government on the seas and oceans) and tellurocratic imperialisms (government on an enormous portion of emerged land). Likewise, we will try to show why, at a dialectic of States level, the most populated, territorially extensive and with greater amount of resources political societies will be those that have the greatest ability to impose a particular model of international relations and its geopolitical hegemony on a universal scale in response to this viable confrontation between TTIP, plus TTP, vs. BRICS.

Sono ormai almeno due decenni che si assiste ad un forte ritorno di interesse per il "realismo politico", ovvero per una tradizione di pensiero caratterizzata da uno sguardo lucido, penetrante, disincantato sulle cose della politica (interna e internazionale). Uno sguardo di cui si è avvertita sempre più la necessità dopo il declino delle grandi ideologie che hanno scandito la parabola storica del "secolo breve", generando grandi passioni, ma anche immani tragedie e profonde delusioni. Ciò nonostante, il realismo politico rimane a tutt'oggi una tradizione assai controversa, sulla quale gravano non pochi equivoci e pregiudizi: se per alcuni esso è un salutare antidoto ad ogni forma di furore ideologico o di falsa coscienza, per altri non è che un'ideologia mascherata, che in nome del richiamo alla realtà rischia di privare la politica di ogni spessore normativo. In questo volume, che nasce da un'iniziativa dell'Istituto di Politica e della «Rivista di Politica», il lettore troverà 53 saggi scritti da studiosi di chiara fama e da giovani ricercatori su autori, temi, concetti riconducibili al realismo politico, nonché su vicende politiche dei nostri giorni lette alla luce dei suoi strumenti analitici. Si tratta di un atlante di straordinaria ampiezza, che chiunque sia interessato al realismo politico potrà leggere in modo sistematico oppure consultare a seconda dei 'viaggi intellettuali' che sta compiendo o che vorrebbe intraprendere. Alessandro Campi insegna Storia delle dottrine politiche, Scienza politica e Relazioni internazionali nell'Università di Perugia. Ha curato saggi, volumi e antologie

The New Silk Road project means more than just investments facilitating trade in goods. It means also a way for China to become independent of US-dominated maritime trade. In modern history, no country has succeeded in offsetting the maritime domination so far. Will China be the first country to successfully implement the theories of Halford John Mackinder and Nicolas Spykman?

Το παρόν έγγραφο δημοσιεύτηκε πρώτα υπό την μορφή άρθρου στον διαδικτυακό τόπο, με θέματα άμυνας: ''Πτήση & Διάστημα'' / The following paper was first published as an article on the ''Ptisi & Diastima'' web site: https://www.ptisidiastima.com/arctic-ocean-new-global-conflicts/#google_vignette


This article highlights the arctic developments under the light of the great powers competition and the strategic-geopolitical significance of communication passages in the region since the Cold-War era. Under the theoritical view of Mackinder's theory, Arctic rivalry can reveal a new North Mediterranean or Arctic Mediterranean [By the term ''Mediterranean'' I understand the Center of the World. The german word of ''Mittelmeer'' makes it more clear] that could shake and revise the hitherto competition of land and sea power.