Race Equality

We often hear claims made about sport’s special status as a meritocratic ‘level playing field’, where sporting success is seen to be directly related to talent, and where discrimination and social inequalities can be dissolved through the cohesive power of sport. This is perhaps particularly relevant when it comes to ideas of ‘race’  and racism (Long 2000, St Louis 2004), where sport is often regarded as having some ‘inherent property that makes it a possible instrument of integration’ (Jarvie and Reid 1997: 211). These types of egalitarian ideologies that are embedded in sporting structures and cultures - in the UK at least – might suggest sport organisations would warmly embrace the principles of race equality. Indeed, high-profile and well supported anti-racism campaigns such as ‘Kick It Out’ in English Football point to something of a general consensus within British sport around the need to challenge racism and tackle inequalities associated with ideas of ‘race’ – both in sport itself (in terms of the diversity of its participants and representatives), and in wider society through sport (in contributing to wider community development, social inclusion and cohesion). There are a number of reasons why we should treat this anti-racist ‘consensus’ in sport sceptically, not least because the evidence around ethnic minority participation in sport in the UK and beyond indicate that ideas of ‘race’ have both a long-standing and on-going mediating influence on people’s involvement in sport – not only in terms of actual participation, but representation in the whole raft of positions in sport; be it officials, coaches, managers, volunteers, board members or administrators (see Long et al 2009). While there are obvious examples of ethnic minority achievement in sports across the world, the broader trends indicate the continued presence of racialised inequalities in sport. In this chapter I want try to address some of the reasons why race equality policies in UK sport seem to have limited impact since their formation. Elsewhere (Lusted 2009, Lusted & O’Gorman 2010, Lusted 2011) I have focused particularly on the structural and cultural conditions of English grass-roots football governance organisations that, I have suggested, do not lend themselves easily to embracing what are relatively ‘new’ race equality policies. I will take a slightly different approach here by exploring the ways in which these policies have been ‘sold’ to sports organisations – particularly national and local governing bodies. What factors have encouraged the formation of such policies at this particular moment? Why do sport organisations feel it necessary to engage with race equality when, for the majority of their histories, there is little evidence of any formal commitment to such ideals? It is important to understand the various mechanisms that have caused the rather sudden uptake of race equality policies among sport organisations because they can help indicate the underlying motivation behind such policy formation. As I will show, the mechanisms behind the adoption of race equality policies can differ quite considerably and are likely to help us predict the extent to which organisations will meaningfully engage with such policy aims and embed their principles into sport. Moreover, the chapter should be of interest to sport managers who are increasingly tasked with implementing race equality policies and initiatives – often with a range of targets associated with future funding contracts. A better understanding of the underlying motivation of an organisation in adopting race equality policies might help sport managers to implement changes that go further than the very basic  rhetorical commitment to race equality that characterises many sport organisations in the UK.

This research aimed to:
1. Identify the general support and development needed by BAME community organisations to operate effectively.
2. Identify the support and development needs of BAME communities, who have not formed community groups or networks, to organise in some way to voice their needs.
And as subsidiary aims:
3. Discover what BAME communities think about the effectiveness of council services.
4. Increase the opportunities for individuals and communities to participate in future forums.
5. Connect with smaller BAME communities and those living in the semi-rural north of the borough.
The Race and Ethnic Diversity Research and Policy Partnership (REDRAPP), De Montfort University and 1990 Trust conducted the research using the 'social action research model'. This has provided people from local BAME communities with quality training allowing them to play a significant role in developing research instruments, before conducting and assisting in the analysis of the research.
Thirty two focus groups and 40 semi-structured interviews were completed across a wide range of BAME groups (see Appendices 1 and 2). Over 300 people participated in this research project. Many of the participants of focus groups were not members of any organised groups and had had minimal contact with the council. Several groups had participants from wide geographical areas. Results from focus groups and interviews are presented under the headings of the topic guides which were used for the focus groups. In addition there is a discrete section on health.
Questions originally designed for minority groups were not always appropriate for every group particularly for Travellers and for some Somalian groups. One of the focus group facilitators put together what she thought to be a more relevant set of questions for Travellers and this was warmly welcomed by the researchers who believe it is critical that people develop methods of inquiry most relevant to them. The findings from the Travellers’ focus groups (which were a collection of family and individual interviews due to the difficulties in getting groups together) are extremely rich data sources and could form the basis of a separate report and more extensive inquiry.
There was a great deal of initial scepticism from community members involved about what the project would achieve and whether there would be any real support for the groups as a result. These sensitivities revealed through the setting up of focus groups are extremely important for officers to take on board.
Following an interim report in September 2001 interviews with key personnel in Hillingdon were conducted as there was perceived to be a lack of information about what was already happening in Hillingdon. Our original brief was to examine BAME needs in Hillingdon and after further discussion to also explore perceptions of the council. The interviews with key personnel was an additional agreement and had two strands, one to find out what the council or other agencies were doing with regard to key issues of BAME communities and also to see what they thought needs might be, including how they found this out
Findings included:
 A mismatch between community perceptions of council and other authorities’ services and what these authorities state they are doing
 The community consortium is a very welcome move forward but care must be taken not to overload the group.
 There was a unanimous perception of lack of information about funding and how to make applications (this was both in regard to the council and other external sources)
 Information with regard to premises for meetings and for community lease or purchase was required, in addition to information about which voluntary groups already utilise council premises.
 Capacity building is required in a variety of forms – technical and functional skills, self-organisation and confidence building.
 Widespread concern over safety and discrimination
 A need for better rationalisation and clarity about council services especially with regard to equalities strategies
 While some individuals in the Council had clear understandings of equality issues strategic approaches needed development.
 Widespread concern about education relating to minority groups
 Policing in Hillingdon seems to be proactive and the police willing to engage with equality issues but barriers still exist. Under-resourcing means attention to clear up rates particularly with regard to racial attacks is not as the police or community would wish.

This report explores the steps taken by employers in Northern Ireland to address the race equality agenda, and the challenges employers identify in moving this agenda forward.
The research, which has been conducted in partnership with Business in the Community NI and CRAIC NI, adds a solid evidence base to understandings of how employers are benefitting from and supporting ethnic diversity in the workplace, and how they are planning for diversity in future workforce development.