Racial Unequalities
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This paper presents detailed methods for constructing a flexible philosophical–analytical model through which to apply the analytic principles of CDA for the interpretation of metaphors across policy texts. Drawing on a theoretical... more
This paper presents detailed methods for constructing a flexible philosophical–analytical model through which to apply the analytic principles of CDA for the interpretation of metaphors across policy texts. Drawing on a theoretical framing from Foucault and the augmentation of Nietzsche’s views on valuation, we sketch a framework for examining ways in which evaluative semantic categories can be linked to sociological theories in order to bring out their relevance for the purpose of critical discourse analysis. This multi-level research framework draws upon a relationship between language analysis, the philosophical study of valuation, and political economy as a composite formulation of values through which neo-liberalism is discursively entwined and progressed through a system of principles of e/valuation.
This paper examines the way the metaphor of diversity provides a moral basis for inequality in Singapore’s meritocratic education system. Based upon a collection of policy texts from 2002 to 2012, our analysis illustrates that the... more
This paper examines the way the metaphor of diversity provides a moral basis for inequality in Singapore’s meritocratic education system. Based upon a collection of policy texts from 2002 to 2012, our analysis illustrates that the metaphor of diversity in policy texts provides ways for systemic discrimination within the education system and that this inequality is given legitimacy as necessary through various moral discourses. The paper employs a critical discourse analysis that draws upon the relationship between language analysis, the philosophical study of valuation, and political economy as a composite formulation of values to highlight the ways in which an argument for inequality permeates policy from within a frame of meritocracy, and to analyse how changes associated with new modes of value determination serve to legitimize inequality.
1. The article questions and challenges the official meritocratic principle of ‘equal opportunities’ (Wong, 2000) in Singapore's education system. Drawing on Foucault's and Nietzsche's philosophical perspectives, there is an explicit illustration through an in-depth analysis of how inequality is inbuilt in policy report/speech.
2. Discourse builds in/tangible structures in society and greatly determines the possibilities of the now. As such, I am also arguing that it would be more difficult to 'help' any 'community' if the structural discrimination which has been deeply embedded, is not made explicit through national policies, and by this I mean an explicit illustration through an in-depth policy analysis of how inequality is inbuilt in Singapore's education policies. It may be through this that discriminatory structures could be substantially challenged.
An initial analysis of the original 1979 policy on primary school streaming which I conducted illustrates how dichotomous (arbitrary) categorization of pupils, i.e. 'slow' and 'fast' learners legitimates and sustains increasing institutional/structural access (over the years terms like 'talents' have been employed in policy discourse), of who gets privileged knowledge access. Through this, I also ask then to what ends do forms of 'categorization' or conventional designation entail? By this, given that categorization legitimizes structural access, my question is, what is 'Malay/Muslim community' and how is this categorization necessary?
3. Even though the analysis in the article was based on Singapore's education system, it provides possible ways of understanding how inequality is continuously being inbuilt through policies on the basis of the ideology that economic growth is the (only) way forward. A way to critique this ideology is to expose its underlying assumptions. I believe the findings have much resonance with the widening inequality across many developed nations, as Singapore's policies have parallels with that of the U.K., U.S., and international organizations such as the World Bank.
4. Economically considered, the transliteration of meritocratic discourse into the metaphor of diversity pinpoints how the appeal of development for all necessarily also demands the advance of inequity for the sake of the whole, i.e. advancing the 'growth with inequity' principle.
5. The analysis highlights that value judgments are continually at work in the policy discourse and that despite the strong discourse of meritocracy that the Singapore education system promotes, it is argued that it is in the interests of the Singapore people that 'talents' should get privileged access to knowledge as it is through this that more 'opportunities' for the rest of the population are created. The findings demonstrate that although the underlying assumptions of this 'logic' that has been constructed in policies are unsubstantiated, the logic is continuously legitimated through forms of e/valuations.
This article has been featured in websites such as: http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2015/04/150428105815.htm
http://www.eurasiareview.com/28042015-what-is-value-of-inequality-within-singapores-education-system/
1. The article questions and challenges the official meritocratic principle of ‘equal opportunities’ (Wong, 2000) in Singapore's education system. Drawing on Foucault's and Nietzsche's philosophical perspectives, there is an explicit illustration through an in-depth analysis of how inequality is inbuilt in policy report/speech.
2. Discourse builds in/tangible structures in society and greatly determines the possibilities of the now. As such, I am also arguing that it would be more difficult to 'help' any 'community' if the structural discrimination which has been deeply embedded, is not made explicit through national policies, and by this I mean an explicit illustration through an in-depth policy analysis of how inequality is inbuilt in Singapore's education policies. It may be through this that discriminatory structures could be substantially challenged.
An initial analysis of the original 1979 policy on primary school streaming which I conducted illustrates how dichotomous (arbitrary) categorization of pupils, i.e. 'slow' and 'fast' learners legitimates and sustains increasing institutional/structural access (over the years terms like 'talents' have been employed in policy discourse), of who gets privileged knowledge access. Through this, I also ask then to what ends do forms of 'categorization' or conventional designation entail? By this, given that categorization legitimizes structural access, my question is, what is 'Malay/Muslim community' and how is this categorization necessary?
3. Even though the analysis in the article was based on Singapore's education system, it provides possible ways of understanding how inequality is continuously being inbuilt through policies on the basis of the ideology that economic growth is the (only) way forward. A way to critique this ideology is to expose its underlying assumptions. I believe the findings have much resonance with the widening inequality across many developed nations, as Singapore's policies have parallels with that of the U.K., U.S., and international organizations such as the World Bank.
4. Economically considered, the transliteration of meritocratic discourse into the metaphor of diversity pinpoints how the appeal of development for all necessarily also demands the advance of inequity for the sake of the whole, i.e. advancing the 'growth with inequity' principle.
5. The analysis highlights that value judgments are continually at work in the policy discourse and that despite the strong discourse of meritocracy that the Singapore education system promotes, it is argued that it is in the interests of the Singapore people that 'talents' should get privileged access to knowledge as it is through this that more 'opportunities' for the rest of the population are created. The findings demonstrate that although the underlying assumptions of this 'logic' that has been constructed in policies are unsubstantiated, the logic is continuously legitimated through forms of e/valuations.
This article has been featured in websites such as: http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2015/04/150428105815.htm
http://www.eurasiareview.com/28042015-what-is-value-of-inequality-within-singapores-education-system/
Die Familie stellt heute die zentrale Institution der spanischen Gesellschaft dar, die die Versäumnisse und Defizite des Sozialstaates auffangen muss. Ohne den Einfluss der Kernfamilie hätte Spaniens Eintritt in die Europäische... more
Die Familie stellt heute die zentrale Institution der spanischen Gesellschaft dar, die die Versäumnisse und Defizite des Sozialstaates auffangen muss. Ohne den Einfluss der Kernfamilie hätte Spaniens Eintritt in die Europäische Gemeinschaft im Jahre 1986 und somit in die Reihe der wohlhabendsten Ländern auf dem europäischen Kontinent die sozialen Gegensätze verschärft und den sozialen Frieden in Gefahr gebracht. Statt dessen konnte und kann sich der Staat darauf verlassen, dass die jungen, ledigen Erwachsenen nicht eher das Elternhaus verlassen bis sie über einen festen Arbeitsplatz verfügen, auch wenn dies erst mit 30 Jahren geschieht. Die staatliche Fürsorgepflicht für in Not geratene junge Ledige entfällt und wird traditionell an die Familie abgegeben. Trotz ihrer gesellschaftstragenden Bedeutung sind auch in Spanien die Zahl der Geschiedenen und mehr noch die der Getrenntlebenden stetig gewachsen. Die Folge ist eine Pluralisierung von Familien- und Partnerschaftsformen wie Ein-Eltern-Familien oder Stieffamilien, die auf Scheidung oder Trennung zurückgehen. Daneben steigt bei den jüngeren Generationen unter 50 Jahren generell die Akzeptanz von nichtehelichen heterosexuellen Lebensgemeinschaften. Die größten generationellen Einstellungs- und Meinungsunterschiede zeigen sich aber bei der Frage nach homosexuellen Paaren. Während die Jüngeren Homosexualität im Allgemeinen und gleichgeschlechtliche Beziehungen als „normal“ einstufen, betrachten die älteren Generationen sie immer noch als „unnatürlich“, pervers und krank. Die großen Gegensätze zwischen Eltern und erwachsenen Kindern werden mit Hilfe der Kultur des Fingierens abgeschwächt und haben zu einem „Nebeneinander“ der Generationen geführt. Nicht wirkliche Kommunikation oder eine gute Vertrauensbasis ist bei den Eltern-Kinder-Beziehungen wichtig, sondern ein Respektieren der jeweiligen Extrempositionen, auch wenn verheimlicht, getäuscht oder gelogen werden muss. Ob aus dem „Nebeneinander“ der Generationen irgendwann einmal ein „Miteinander“ wird, darauf kann diese soziologische Analyse keine Antwort geben. Sicher ist, dass die Konfrontationslust der nachkommenden Teenagergenerationen größer ausfällt als die der Zwanzig- und Dreißigjährigen.