South and Central American Politics

This paper examines the formal features, the political rationale, distinctiveness, potential, and difficulties of post-liberal regionalism, with a particular focus on the case of UNASUR. Through this organization, traditional unionism and aspirations of Latin American regional integration are redefined in a South American geographic and ideational framework. Through this strategy South America became a political and economic construct in order to respond to globalization challenges and to achieve its members’ goals in development, regional autonomy (particularly in regards to the US), international influence and at the same time domestic governance of the involved countries. Nevertheless, the limits of this project’s future are being defined by nationalism, traditional visions of sovereignty and by a regional construction that involve significant institutional limitations, which are product of its intergovernmental logic, internal asymmetries and ambivalent Brazilian leadership

El objetivo general de las Jornadas de Diálogo UE-Centroamérica es proporcionar una plataforma para renovar el diálogo político y técnico con vistas a reforzar y dar visibilidad a la asociación birregional, a la vez que se debaten y proponen formas de abordar conjuntamente los retos de desarrollo pendientes en el marco de la recuperación pos pandémica sostenible. Los siguientes aspectos serán fundamentales en estas Jornadas:
- Hacer hincapié en la resiliencia económica, social e institucional.
- Perseguir la construcción institucional, la transferencia de conocimientos y la planificación.
- Fortalecer la asociación, cooperación y la financiación.
Las Jornadas de Diálogo UE-Centroamérica se celebrarán el 1 y 2 de junio en el Palacio Bolívar en Ciudad de Panamá.

This endeavor focuses on the historical relations of the South American countries of Bolivia, Chile, and Peru, and the effects their continuous conflict has had on the current geopolitical atmosphere of these nations. Mainstream literature on the present territorial and maritime disputes of these nations limits its focus on modern economic necessities; however, little is mentioned about the deep historical animosity that has formed among these countries. This study examines the cultural, economic, and political roots of these nations’ rivalry (particularly that of Chile and Peru), and thereby provides a more thorough understanding as to how their contemporary conflict has developed over the course of time.

Este documento tiene como objetivo central sistematizar
estudios académicos que persiguen explicar la
violencia en la región. En la primera parte se muestra
la situación general de la criminalidad violenta en
Centroamérica, a partir de los datos estadísticos disponibles
hasta el momento. La segunda parte presenta
cinco modelos académicos que pretenden explicar
la violencia en Centroamérica. Estos modelos son
el resultado de la sistematización de las principales
investigaciones académicas sobre el problema de la
violencia en la región.

From 1988 to 1989, General Manuel Antonio Noriega ruled Panama in just such a manner, taking cues from Niccolo Machiavelli’s The Prince as if this book was his own instruction manual. Noriega seized power from the political leadership of the country and ruled in his own interest.1 He was deeply implicated in the murder of a political rival, Dr. Hugo Spadafora, he ruled the drug trafficking trade, abused rival presidential candidates, and detained and grossly maltreated one group of officers involved in an attempted coup before executing other coup-plotters later. In total, he followed the princely dictum that being feared is better than being hated.2  However, his downfall came when he rhetorically challenged a foreign power, the US, and his sympathizers took his hyperbole to heart. Essentially, Noriega followed Machiavelli's playbook well and doing so enabled him to rule for a few years, until another power dethroned him.

Peter Moons is a US Army officer who served in Operation JUST CAUSE.  The views and opinions expressed here are solely those of the author and are not reflective of the official positions of the United States Army, the Department of Defense, or the United States Government.

In 2018 Spain will hold the first trial of one of the intellectual authors of the murder, in El Salvador, of six Jesuit priests, their housekeeper, and her daughter on November 16, 1989. But what about the complicity of the U.S. in the murders? and its active role in the subsequent cover-up?

Amerika menjadi bahan kajian penting bagi para studi Hubungan Internasional. Ada beberapa alasan mengapa Amerika menjadi penting untuk dipelajari salah satunya adalah karena di kawasan Amerika pertama kalinya muncul Regionalism yakni proses politik yang digunakan untuk meningkatkan kualitas penyatuan dalam kawasan geografis. Selain itu adanya indikasi dari perbedaan tingkatan penyatuan dalam unit-unit geografis. Terbentuknya kawasan Amerika antara lain adalah dengan persamaan kebudayaan, komunikasi, organisasi internasional, ekonomi dan perdagangan. Persamaan budaya seringkali menjadi faktor yang tidak terhindarkan oleh individu di suatu wilayah untuk membuat proses integrasi dengan wilayah lain yang memiliki kesamaan latar belakang seperti pernah dijajah oleh Negara yang sama. Begitu pula dengan Amerika,  indikasi dari terbentuknya sebuah kawasan adalah adanya kerjasama transnasional. Oleh karena keadaan ekonomi yang cenderung tidak terarah maka Amerika mengambil alih terutama dengan hubungan antar wilayah dalam kawasan regionalnya. Amerika menjalin beberapa hubungan kerjasama dengan Negara-negara di wilayahnya guna membangun dan memperkuat ekonominya meski sempat terhambat dengan beberapa insiden layaknya krisis missil Cuba. Tetapi Amerika tidak pantang menyerah, pengaruh dari ideologi liberal dan sistem ekonomi kapitalis terus disebarkan ke penjuru dunia. Organisasi regional tersebut diantaranya adalah NAFTA, CAFTA, CARICOM dan CACM.  Pada tulisan kali ini penulis akan meneliti tentang CAFTA, CARICOM dan CACM.

El presente libro tiene como objetivo analizar la
realidad social, política y económica de Nicaragua
desde la década de los setenta hasta hoy. En el
período analizado este país ha experimentado
uno de los itinerarios más singulares de la historia
de América Latina. En poco más de tres décadas
Nicaragua ha transitado por realidades políticas
excepcionales: fue gobernado por un linaje de
dictadores cleptómanos (desde 1936 hasta 1979),
experimentó un proceso revolucionario que
enfrentó una guerra patrocinada por la
administración norteamericana (1979-1990),
convocó elecciones libres en 1990 cuyo desenlace
fue la victoria de la formación opositora a la
«vanguardia revolucionaria» y, finalmente,
consolidó una democracia liberal que ha vuelto
a encumbrar –después de 16 años– a la formación
que lideró la insurrección de 1979.
Debido a su singularidad, la política nicaragüense
ha sido objeto de múltiples estudios y reflexiones.
Sin embargo el presente volumen pretende realizar
una reflexión diferente y novedosa: analizar las
continuidades que persisten en la política de
Nicaragua a pesar de las múltiples rupturas
experimentadas. Para llevar a cabo este cometido
se ha tomado como hilo conductor el estudio del
Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN).
A través del FSLN este libro analiza los partidos
y movimientos, la cultura política, las
instituciones, los procesos electorales y las
políticas públicas implementadas en Nicaragua
desde 1979 hasta hoy. Para ello los editores han
reunido contribuciones de académicos y expertos
de primer nivel con el fin de ofrecer un texto
consistente y de calidad para todos aquellos que
estén interesados en la política latinoamericana
en general, y en la nicaragüense en particular.

Resumen

Este artículo examina las particularidades de la aproximación latinoamericana al multilateralismo a través del “regionalismo post-liberal” y del caso de la Unión de Naciones Suramericana (UNASUR). Este es la expresión de un difícil “trilema” entre soberanía, integración regional, y autonomía regional e internacional, en particular frente a Estados Unidos. Se examina el origen y desarrollo de UNASUR, y su construcción institucional, que refleja una clara preferencia por el intergubernamentalismo. Con una ambigua relación con los esquemas existentes de integración económica, UNASUR es una organización de perfil eminentemente político, con una importante agenda de seguridad y defensa. El artículo examina el desempeño de UNASUR en distintas áreas de cooperación —energía, finanzas, infraestructura—, y en particular, su papel en la gestión de crisis. También se examina el papel del Consejo Sudamericano de Defensa (CDS), como órgano especializado de UNASUR. Las secciones finales se destinan a analizar el potencial y limitaciones de UNASUR para lograr sus objetivos declarados, prestando atención al papel clave de Brasil, de sus actores domésticos y de su política exterior, en la conformación y evolución futura de UNASUR.

Abstract

This paper examines the particularities of the Latin American approach to multilateralism through the "post-liberal regionalism". This is the expression of a complex "trilemma" among sovereignty, regional integration, and regional and international autonomy, particularly vis-a-vis the United States. The paper further analyzes the origin and development of the UNASUR, and its institutional construction, which reflects a marked preference for intergovernmentalism. With an ambiguous relation with existing economic integration schemes, the UNASUR is mainly a political organization with a strong security and defense agenda. This article studies UNASUR's performance in different cooperation areas -energy, finance, infrastructure- and, in particular, its role in crisis management. The role of the CDS (South American Defense Council), as an stablished agency of UNASUR, is also examined. Finally, the paper analyzes the potential and restrictions of the UNASUR to achieve its declared objectives, focusing on the key role of Brazil, its domestic players and its foreign policy in UNASUR's structure and future evolution.

Summario

Este artigo aborda as particularidades da aproximação latino-americana ao multilateralismo por meio do “regionalismo pós-liberal” e do caso da União de Nações Sul-Americanas – UNASUL. Esta é a expressão de um difícil “trilema” entre soberania, integração regional e autonomia regional e internacional – em particular, perante os Estados Unidos.
O trabalho examina a origem e o desenvolvimento da Unasul e sua construção institucional, que reflete uma clara preferência pelo intergovernamentalismo. Com uma relação ambígua com os esquemas existentes de integração econômica, a UNASUL é uma organização de perfil eminentemente político, com uma importante agenda de segurança e defesa. O artigo analisa o desempenho da UNASUL em diversas áreas de cooperação – energia, finanças, infra-estrutura – e, em particular, seu papel na gestão de crise. Também examina o papel do Conselho Sul-Americano de Defesa (CDS), como órgão especializado da UNASUL. Nas seções finais, analisa o potencial e as limitações da UNASUL para alcançar seus objetivos declarados, dedicando atenção ao papel crucial do Brasil, de seus atores domésticos e de sua política exterior na constituição e evolução da UNASUL.

Brazil advanced the proposal for the South American Defense Council shortly before the summit that created UNASUR. It was approved a few months later on the occasion of another summit. The Defense Council is unprecedented in the region and challenges member states to design foreign policy together. Considering the history of security and defense arrangements in the hemisphere, Brazilian leadership in security and defense matters is an interesting new move towards regionalism. Besides the Council, during the Lula da Silva administration there have also been some other attempts at governance-building in and outside the region under Brazilian leadership. Since the theme of leadership is recurrent, especially since the military rule in Brazil, is there old wine in new bottles? Why Brazil? Why now?–these are the main research questions of this work, which also analyzes institution design and functions. Both the distinction and the connection between defense and security are explored together with an examination of both leadership and regionalism in Brazilian foreign policy and its recent move towards institution-building to deal with security and defense matters multilaterally. The paper suggests that whether the Council will be more inclined to deal with issues inside or outside the region is a key factor for the prospects of its effectiveness and endurance.

En el S. XVI mares y océanos se habían convertido en ajetreadas zonas de paso, confrontación, exploración, etc. por las que pululaban armadas, corsarios, piratas, comerciantes y aventureros tanto de coronas europeas como de reinos norteafricanos y orientales. La corona española centraba su interés en controlar las rutas comerciales, puertos, etc. tanto en las Américas como en el Mediterráneo y Norte de España, para proteger esos mercados tanto de la flota Otomana y los berberiscos en el Mediterráneo como de corsarios y demás enemigos en el Atlántico y pacifico, lo cual determino el sistema naval y defensivo que iba a emplear el imperio.

Esta es mi tesis doctoral. Analiza las dinámicas migratorias entre Nicaragua y Costa Rica, intentando explicar cómo el primer país se transformó en un país expulsor de población y el segundo en un país atractor de fuerza de trabajo migrante, un proceso que, dicho sea de paso, hunde sus raíces en el siglo XIX. Al final, analizo el caso de la migración rural estacional de población nicaragüense, intentando explicar las características de esta dinámica migratoria particular en el período 1990-2003.

Resumen:

Este artículo aborda el surgimiento y las características del “nuevo regionalismo” como estrategia de integración para promover el desarrollo y mejorar la inserción internacional de América Latina en un mundo globalizado. Desde comienzos de los noventa, la región ha adoptado el “regionalismo abierto” como una estrategia de desarrollo, con el objeto de mejorar su competitividad internacional, y mejorar la coordinación de políticas entre los miembros de los grupos regionales. Quince años más tarde, la integración regional ha alcanzado resultados significativos en materia de liberalización comercial, y comercio intrarregional, pero aún persisten barreras significativas, que perjudican los beneficios potenciales de una integración más profunda. El artículo también discute los beneficios y costes potenciales de la actual oleada de acuerdos “Sur-Norte” que varios países latinoamericanos están negociando con Estados Unidos y la Unión Europea, así como las perspectivas de la Comunidad Sudamericana de Naciones.

Abstract:

This article deals with the surge and features of “new regionalism” as strategy of integration to foster development and to improve the international position of Latin America in a globalized world. From the early nineties, the region has adopted “open regionalism” as an development strategy, in order to improve international competitiveness and to achieve better policy coordination among members of regional groupings. Fifteen years later, regional integration has achieved significant results in the realm of trade liberalization and intra-regional trade, but significant barriers still remains, harming the potential gains of a deeper integration. The article also discusses the potential benefits and costs of the current wave of “North-South” agreements that several Latin American countries are negotiating with the European Union and the United States, and the prospects of the South American Community of Nations.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar as perspectivas e desafios para a projeção geopolítica brasileira no Atlântico Sul, na consolidação de laços e parcerias estratégicas com os países da África Austral e Ocidental. Tendo em vista, o conceito de “Entorno Estratégico Brasileiro” (Política Nacional de Defesa – PND, 2005) compreendendo a América do Sul, Atlântico Sul, e os “países lindeiros” da África (a África Austral e Ocidental), este artigo pretende realizar um recorte histórico da visão geopolítica brasileira para a região, desde as iniciativas da Política Externa Independente – PEI até as perspectivas atuais de aproximação com a África do Sul, e os países da PALOP – Países Africanos de Língua Oficial Portuguesa, além de outros parceiros importantes. Assim, discutir-se-á o papel de iniciativas como a “Cooperação Sul-Sul”, UNASUL, ZOPACAS e o fórum IBAS como mecanismos de fortalecimento dos laços estratégicos entre a América do Sul e a África Ocidental e Austral, sendo esta última uma “ponte” para a Índia. Por outro lado, analisar a presença anglo-americana no Atlântico Sul como uma sobreposição ao “Entorno Estratégico Brasileiro” e podendo servir de entrave na aproximação dos dois blocos regionais.

The 1979 triumph of the Sandinista Revolution and the Sandinista National
Liberation Front’s resistance of U.S. efforts to oust it from power inspired thousands of individuals from all over the world to support Nicaragua’s struggle for self-determination.
One of the most important constituencies to take up the Sandinista cause was a significant portion of the U.S. public. What moved this collection of individuals and organizations to join a movement to oppose their own government’s policy and often even identify with the Sandinista cause? To date, Latin Americanists have neglected this movement and the role that Nicaraguans, both in their home country and in the United States,
played in its rise and success. A transnational approach to the movement’s origins and its relationship to Nicaraguan revolutionary social forces allows one to understand it as it really was: a transnational social movement in which U.S. and Nicaraguan citizens acted together for a common purpose.

Understandably, most research on Venezuela in the last decade has focused exclusively on Chávez; oscillating between hagiographies and condemnations, commentators have mostly ignored the ideological ramifications of his credo. Although the
militaristic bent of the chavista government has been noticed, a more probing analysis of the political, social and cultural dimension of militarism and praetorianism in Venezuela after Chávez’s death remains a desideratum. My dissertation explores these topics, focusing on the presidential terms of Chávez himself (1999-2012) and Nicolás Maduro (2013-present), within a historical context spanning from Venezuela’s independence from the Spanish Empire to its forty-year democratic period (1958-1998). My arguments are based on the premise that Chávez’s most important legacy was neither the “socialism for the XXI century” nor the “dismantling of democracy”, but rather the institutional and ideological basis for the ongoing militarization of Venezuela.

The paper explores some complex aspects of political culture in Nicaragua that favor the emergence of authoritarian leadership. In the absence of the rule of law, authoritarianism undoubtedly deforms into tyranny. That is what happened to Daniel Ortega. Originally seen as a caudillo—that is a charismatic and authoritarian leader—who abandoned his Marxist origins and unexpectedly turned to conservative policies, Ortega is now perceived even, by former allies, as a dictator. The paper argues that, since 18 April 2018, very few people in Nicaragua and around the world doubt that Nicaragua has turned into a fully-fledged dictatorship. It also explains that that over the span of 11 years, the Ortega regime has demolished all democratic institutions including the judicial system, the electoral sytem, and even the national police. Finally, it presents a detailed account of several crimes againts humanity committted by the Ortega Regime and para-military groups, between April 18 and December 1st, 2018.

(Paper presented at SOAS University of London)

Former top-ranking Nazis collaborated with the incipient authoritarian capitalist state before and after the coup to set up concentration camps, where prisoners were systematically detained, tortured, and executed. As had occurred in Nazi Germany, perverse elements of the scientific and medical communities collaborated on a Junta torture programme, which included but was not limited to chemical and biological experimentation on political prisoners

¿Qué sucede cuando una chica de 16 años es violada por siete policías, embarazada, prohibida de abortar y, además, acusada de terrorista?, ¿cómo una mujer puede salir de este proceso de humillación y avasallamiento moral?, ¿qué se requiere además de coraje y cierta fe en la humanidad a pesar de todo? En este trabajo presentamos una de las historias que grafica con mayor exactitud la violencia hacia la mujer durante conflictos armados, en este caso, el que vivió el pueblo peruano durante los años 1980 a 2000. Se trata de una historia que puede repetirse en cualquier otra latitud, casi una historia característica de encuentros entre fuerzas armadas y policiales y población civil, excepto por la forma cómo “esta chica de 16 años” pudo sobrevivir a ella a través de un proceso simbólico bastante complejo que de alguna manera se manifiesta en el testimonio que brindó a la Comisión de la Verdad y la Reconciliación del Perú (en adelante CVR). Este testimonio, que fue recogido durante la primera audiencia pública que organizó la CVR en la ciudad más afectada por la violencia, Huamanga, en el departamento de Ayacucho, al sur del Perú, forma parte de un acumulado de más de dieciséis mil testimonios recogidos en el transcurso de dos años de trabajo y publicados muy parcialmente en el Informe Final de la CVR.

Engendering State Institutions: State Response to Violence Against Women in Latin America, provides a much-needed explanation for two questions central to general inquiries about the quality of democracy, state-building, and institutional performance: What are the conditions under which states will construct institutions that address the needs of historically marginalized groups? What explains variation in the performance of these institutions that are charged with protecting vulnerable groups and ensuring their access to justice? I examine the creation and performance of specialized policing institutions for women as examples of these broader state-building efforts. I conduct a rich in-depth comparative analysis of Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, with additional attention to Honduras and El Salvador.

Surprisingly, countries with the fewest resources such as Nicaragua have developed a wide network of policing institutions, while countries with more capacity such as Costa Rica have not. I explain that the history and strength of transnational advocacy networking determines the creation and performance of these new state institutions, as opposed to efforts located and initiated primarily within the state or within local civil society. Transnational advocacy networks help to solve the twin problems of lack of will within the state and lack of resources within civil society by providing external pressure and funding. To support this argument, I draw heavily on 18 months of fieldwork with over 200 in-depth interviews conducted in Latin America with actors in the state, civil society, and international organizations between 2007 and 2014. Engendering State Institutions makes a unique contribution to existing scholarship both in terms of its empirical contribution (it is the first on the topic of responsiveness to violence against women that focuses comparatively on Central American countries) as well as its theoretical contribution (it is the first to advance a theoretical framework explaining how states build institutions to protect women victims of violence).

Please see http://www.d.umn.edu/~sdwalsh for updates and further information.

The isolationist presidency of Donald Trump was only the last, albeit the most radical, of a series of United States administrations that have largely ignored fostering close relations with Latin America and the Caribbean. This apparent withdrawal has resulted in the steady rise of Brazil as a significant regional power as well as the incursion of Russian and Chinese influence in the region. In light of these developments, this article presents a historical overview of United States hegemony in the western hemisphere before outlining how recent setbacks have undermined this trend in the areas of regional trade, diplomacy, and security. As the Biden administration makes its transition, the article finishes by proposing how the United States could regain influence in the region by collaborating with its southern neighbors to promote economic development, defend human rights, and confront the region's ongoing security issues.

O objetivo deste trabalho é identificar a balança de poder na América do Sul, entre os anos de 1990 e 2002, à luz das teorias de Mearsheimer e Wohlforth. Após caracterizado o sistema regional, procura-se analisar o comportamento do Brasil, nos anos selecionados, a partir de uma análise da política externa do país para a América do Sul. Pretende-se compreender o papel do Brasil em sua região e no sistema internacional, partindo da hipótese que o país é um hegêmona regional / potência unipolar na sua região. Discorre-se, neste trabalho, acerca das teorias do realismo estrutural (ou neo-realista) e do realismo ofensivo das relações internacionais. A análise trabalha ainda a respeito da integração regional na América do Sul e da cooperação entre os Estados da região. A análise final busca testar as teorias apresentadas e apontar se o Brasil se comporta conforme o esperado, através de uma análise crítica da política externa do país.

El artículo examina el discurso elaborado por el Partido Comunista de Chile en relación con la democracia y el problema de su participación en lo que consideraban las instituciones de la " democracia burguesa ". El periodo que va de 1956 a 1964 resultó crucial para los comunistas pues, tras el fracaso del Frente Popular, desarrollaron una nueva línea política, el Frente de Liberación, y adoptaron la vía pacífica al socialismo como parte de su estrategia. Se argumenta que, gracias a estos a estos cambios, el Partido Comunista fue capaz de integrar efectivamente a su discurso algunos elementos de la democracia representativa, incluso cuando fuesen ajenos a su teoría marxista. Palabras clave: Partido Comunista de Chile, democracia, vía pacífica, comunismo

The article examines the discourse elaborated by the Communist Party of Chile regarding democracy and the problem of its participation in what they considered to be the institutions of bourgeois democracy. The period that ranges from 1956 to 1964 was crucial for the Communist because, after the failure of the Popular Front, they developed a new political guideline, the Frente de Liberación Nacional (National Liberation Front) and adopted the pacific road to socialism as part of their strategy. It is argued that, thanks to these changes, the Communist Party was able to effectively integrate to its discourse some elements of representative democracy, even when they were alien to its Marxist theory.

El artículo muestra datos extraídos de encuestas realizadas a las élites parlamentarias de El Sal-vador, Guatemala y Nicaragua desde la década de 1990 hasta 2017 respecto a los temas de la de-mocracia, las instituciones del Estado de Derecho, los actores políticos, sus respectivos partidos, los partidos con los que compiten, y a la relación entre el Estado y el mercado en sus países. El objetivo del trabajo es analizar las percepciones sobre cómo han evolucionado los sistemas políticos democráti-cos en El Salvador, Guatemala y Nicaragua, que na-cieron como democracias de nuevo cuño en un con-texto de crisis y guerra. Los temas centrales sobre los que el artículo reflexiona son la consolidación democrática en El Salvador, la frágil permanencia democrática en Guatemala y la des-democratiza-ción en Nicaragua, y la difícil reconciliación entre los actores políticos en contextos de posconflicto. AbstrAct The text shows data taken from surveys of the parliamentary elites of El Salvador, Guatemala and Nicaragua from the 1900s to 2017 on issues of democracy, the rule of law, political actors, their respective parties, parties with which compete, and the relationship between the state and the market in their countries. The objective of the work is to analyze the perceptions of how democratic political systems have evolved in El Salvador, Guatemala and Nicaragua, which were born as new democracies in a context of crisis and war. The central issues on which the article deals are two: the democratic consolidation in El Salvador, the fragile democratic permanence in Guatemala and the de-democratization in Nicaragua, and the difficult reconciliation between political actors in post-conflict contexts. evolución de las percepciones de las élites políticas en democracias frágiles: los casos de el salvador, Guatemala y nicaragua / Evolution of the perceptions of political elites in fragile democracies: the cases of El salvador, Guatemala and Nicaragua salvador martí i Puig

The use of the past has been a political tool used traditionally to shape or reshape
a specific national identity. Based on the political need to create national narratives
that could benefit or support the dominant political regime, political elites develop
invented traditions that redefine the collective memory of historic events with the
goal of manipulating o taken advantage of its message and the implicit values
associated with them. In Costa Rica, the Filibuster War is recognized as the national
narrative per excellence. This includes the Battle of Santa Rosa of 1856. A hundred
years later, a second battle of Santa Rosa, from 1955, was used by the governing
party to support a new national narrative that promoted a new national project. The
attempt, though, failed. This article analyzes the concepts of collective memory
and invented traditions in order to explain the circumstances of this failure.

This article focuses on the Brazilian sociologist Gilberto Freyre (1900-1987). It is my goal to demonstrate how Freyre applied Nietzschean ideas to his interpretation of Brazilian society in an attempt to concretize the prophecy of the “new man” in the shape of the multiracial “mestiço.” By Nietzschean ideas I mean ideas indebted to Nietzsche directly or indirectly and reflected in the rhetorical, stylistic and argumentative strategies used by Freyre. It is not my intention to discuss whether Freyre interpreted Nietzsche’s ideas correctly; rather, I wish to highlight parallels to Nietzschean concepts and to indicate how the eclectic, even opportunistic, use of Nietzsche’s work allowed Freyre to move the discussion on Brazilian identity in a new direction.

Casa-grande & Senzala (1933), a obra secular de Gilberto Freyre, foi traditionalmente interpretado de um ponto de vista sociólogo e histórico. Esta interpretação deixou duas questões essenciais em aberto: 1) Como se pode explicar que Freyre interpretou a noção de miscegenação de uma forma (muito) mais positiva do que sociólogos anteriores e 2) Como se pode explicar as tendências elitistas e aristocráticas na sua obra? Este artigo explore estas duas perguntas analisando a influência em Freyre da filosofia de Friedrich Nietzsche através da interpretação de Henry L. Mencken. Argumenta que a influência de Mencken foi maior do que tradicionalmente tem sido admitido e que na obra de Mencken sobre Nietzsche se pode encontrar a mesma interpretação de miscigenação que Freyre mais tarde explorou em Casa-grande & Senzala. Argumenta também que Mencken profundamente influenciou Freyre com as suas ideias aristocráticas e elitistas."