Cywilna kontrola nad służbami specjalnymi w Polsce z perspektywy trzech dekad funkcjonowania

Following most democratic coups, the military manages to secure exit benefits, which, depending on their degree, may foster various dysfunctions in the political system and undermine long-term democratic development. The dose determines the toxicity. A democratic regime can mature even with prerogatives for the military, as long as those prerogatives don’t interfere with democratic notions of civilian control of the armed forces. Although these prerogatives are often undesirable from civilians’ perspective, any attempts by civilians to immediately march the military back to the barracks empty-handed can prompt a backlash from the military leaders. They may dig in, rather than give in, and derail the transition process. And from civilians’ perspective, the military’s exit with benefits is often better than no exit at all.

The macro-objective level of studying the political environment of state policy actualizes the comprehension of the political system in the structure of the external environment through the description of the category «political culture». In general, scientific understanding of the phenomenon of political culture has become a derivative of various research traditions. At the present stage, it is possible to identify several more or less formalized conceptual positions on this matter: subjective objective approaches, cultural and political doctrines.The essence of political culture unites the behavioral, activity aspects of subjects in the sphere of politics and the way the political system operates. Also, the notion of political culture captures the established system of values, norms, institutions, political consciousness that has developed historically, and the forms of political activity that correspond to it. At the same time, all these concepts, approaches have a point of intersection, which represents the main environmental feature of the phenomenon of political culture - universality, presence in one form or another in all spheres of social life.Domestic researchers recognize and underscore the importance of the influence of political culture on the whole complex of relations between the participants in the political process, the form of organization of state power, the form and effectiveness of the political system, the structure of institutions of power, the ability of political culture through its regulatory mechanisms to achieve social consensus, to promote or impede democratic development national state. At the same time, the problem of the environmental significance of political culture for public policy in foreign and domestic scientific discourses arises more theoretically than practical.In our case, the empirical basis for such a reflection was the information and analytical materials of the Razumkov Center «Political Culture and Parliamentarism in Ukraine: Current Status and Main Problems». Proceeding from this generalization, political culture in the structure of the political environment is a systematically organized integrity whose influence extends to its sphere components (mental, social, institutional, economic, etc.), Their interaction, the result of interaction. And finds its manifestation at all levels of society. The combination of these areas and their content is the conditions and factors of the public policy environment.

This article analyses the phenomenon of judicial activism in the American electoral process. It tries to estimate whether the political system of the United States of America has become hostage to the law-making role of the judiciary, which actively controls the compliance of election laws with the Constitution, thus drawing courts into purely political processes, or whether the nature of the disputes settled by judges rather makes it impossible for them to avoid being influenced by and influencing issues of a political nature. The article analyses various legal acts and court decisions, mostly concerning the current status of federal campaign finance in the United States, and demonstrates that more spheres traditionally reserved for other branches of government are being appropriated by the judicial branch.

Burkina Faso’s military holds an important place in politics. It has intervened in Burkina Faso’s politics, temporarily taking power seven times, first in 1966 and most recently in 2015. Military officers have long held many of the most prominent political offices, and military coups d’état have been the most common method of transferring political power in Burkina Faso. Military interventions have typically addressed moments of political failure and widespread civil unrest. Political agitation from different groups in civil society has pressured every government that has come to power, and the government’s ability to manage these popular pressures has been a key feature in the military’s relationship with any given regime. This was particularly the case in the 1980s, when ideological divisions within the military resulted in four coups d’état, but it was also of consequential importance during Burkina Faso’s 2014–2015 political transition. The 27-year rule of Blaise Compaoré set in motion a process of institutional reform that expanded civilian authority over the administration of the military. However, it also saw the rise of preferential treatment for certain units of the military, in particular the presidential guard, which provided protection to the regime during moments of civil unrest until 2014. The gradual liberalization of the political system culminated in unprecedented civil unrest in 2014, and Compaoré was ousted from power in what is commonly referred to as a popular insurrection. The political transition following the events of 2014 led to the first peaceful transfer of power between civilian governments in Burkina Faso’s history and marked a potential shift in the military’s relationship with politics. The military’s political role in Burkina Faso often has been dictated by popular pressures on the political system, but gradual democratic reforms during the 1990s and 2000s helped to inculcate norms of civilian control over the military. While much remains to be seen about the future of Burkina Faso’s military in politics, the opportunity for the country’s political institutions to manage popular pressures on its government may indicate a new era of civilian governance and at least the possibility of reducing the military’s interference in politics.

The deliberation and exchanged of power is a matter of political importance For the Iraqi political system after 2003, The deliberation of power and its democratic transition and electoral integrity Is a good indicator of political stability and progress In the Iraqi parliamentary political system , The transfer of authority in terms of adopting the deliberative approach represents a structural and institutional dimension of the political process , it led the power to become Authority of the Foundation Exercised in accordance with the Constitution and the law not real power , And lead to the recognition of the existence of an official parliamentary opposition and its right to take political power later through the ballot box Makes the process of power transfer a peaceful and democratic process , it dose not allow the monopolization of power does not allow any bloc, party or sect, whatever the argument is political or social

The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.

Beginning in the early 1970s, Jewish and Muslim feminists, tackled “oral law”—Mishna and Talmud, in Judaism, and the parallel Hadith and Fiqh in Islam, and several analogous methodologies were devised. A parallel case study of maintenance and rebellion of wives —mezonoteha, moredet al ba?ala; nafaqa al-mar?a and nush?z—in classical Jewish and Islamic oral law demonstrates similarities in content and discourse. Differences between the two, however, were found in the application of oral law to daily life, as reflected in “responsa”—piskei halacha and fatwas. In modern times, as the state became more involved in regulating maintenance and disobedience, and Jewish law was backed for the first time in history by a state, state policy and implementation were influenced by the political system and socioeconomic circumstances of the country. Despite their similar origin in oral law, maintenance and rebellion have divergent relevance to modern Jews and Muslims.

As developing programs is the core in fostering knowledge on ethnic work for cadres and civil servants under Decision No. 402/QD-TTg dated 14/3/2016 of the Prime Minister, it is urgent to build training program on ethnic minority affairs for 04 target groups in the political system from central to local by 2020 with a vision to 2030. The article highlighted basic issues of practical basis to design training program of ethnic minority affairs in the past years; suggested solutions to build the training programs in integration and globalization period.