political opinions
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Virginia Woolf's 1938 essay Three Guineas contends that the material basis is indispensable for women not only to survive but also to voice their political opinions. Woolf proposes three strategies for women to take. First, women should assert their right to have access to independent income, and for this purpose they should demand that the state pay for their reproductive work that often limits their opportunity to do waged work. Second, they must object to the very wage system which is indeed in complicity with patriarchy, and through which women are doubly exploited as unwaged or under-waged workers. And third, women must remain outside male-dominated movements and must organise an autonomous group even if they share the same cause with male workers; intersectional association will be possible only when each exploited group empowers itself and regains its own voice. This article examines how this highly materialist aspect of Woolf's feminism was revisited by the Wages for Housework movement in the 1970s. By so doing, it argues that despite its facade of literary modernism and alleged elitism, Woolf's text contributes to real-life movements and continues to inspire people of different class backgrounds in different times. Discovering the connection between Woolf and Marxist feminism alters our way of seeing the history of feminist theory: the history is never a linear progress from one wave to another but a complex and interwoven narrative, in which once-forgotten ideas can travel across time and space, resurging as new ideas in different contexts.

The main objective of this chapter is to compare the political discourses of Polish and Spanish citizens on science issues such as vaccines and climate change expressed by the citizens participating in the public consultations held in València (Spain) and Łódź (Poland) during the autumn of 2019. As the general elections were held very close to the public consultations in both countries, it was expected that there would be references to election campaigns, political parties, or public policymaking during the debates. Then, those statements explicitly expressing political views on climate change and vaccines were selected from the debate transcripts before applying five specific frames and variables for analysis and interpretation. The results show that more political opinions were expressed in the debates on climate change than on vaccines. Moreover, the citizens' views on the science-politics dichotomy mainly were negative, with the men mixing science with politics more than the women.

During the period of Yuanyou and Yuanfu in the Northern Song Dynasty, “litigation offices” were established respectively. Although the names of the two are the same, the purpose of setting is completely opposite. The party dispute where the litigation was located played a very negative role in the change from political opinions to mood disputes, and accelerated the demise of the Northern Song Dynasty.

PT. Este trabalho busca trazer uma reflexão acerca da importância da Placar para a construção do jornalismo esportivo no Brasil, fazendo uma sistematização das diferentes fases e seus distintos momentos. Mais longeva revista esportiva brasileira em circulação, o periódico completou, apesar da quase intermitente luta pela sobrevivência, meio século de vida em 2020. Como parte da mídia, também foi ao longo dos anos, de certo modo, um catalisador dos anseios e câmbios sociais e, por isso, esteve sempre em processo de mutação, descrevendo-os e, paralelamente, sendo influenciada pelos contextos das diferentes épocas. Tratamentos sexistas ao futebol de mulheres, como os de “musas” e “gostosas”, por exemplo, atravessaram fases históricas da revista, como as versões Placar Mais (1984), Placar Todos os Esportes (1988) e Futebol, Sexo & Rock and Roll (1995 a 1999). Com o advento do feminismo, esses termos não apenas ficaram para trás como a revista chegou a publicar em 2019 um pedido de desculpas pelo passado misógino e machista. O entrelaçamento histórico também pôde-se observar quando a revista deu voz a jogadores que não se furtavam a declarar seu posicionamento político (no contexto de efervescência em torno da redemocratização do país, nas chamadas “Diretas Já”) ou de discussões em torno da profissionalização do futebol nacional ou denúncias sobre corrupção no esporte. Neste estudo, evidencia-se a existência de uma linha tênue entre a história da sociedade brasileira e a história do futebol no país. Assim, a partir de entrevistas com sete jornalistas que fizeram parte de diferentes fases da revista (Celso Unzelte, Marcelo Duarte, Maurício Barros, Paulo Vinícius Coelho, Ricardo Corrêa, Sérgio Xavier Filho e o mais longínquo editor, Juca Kfouri), este artigo busca contribuir para a construção histórica de um capítulo relevante do entrelaçamento da cultura esportiva com a cultura social no Brasil através da Placar, uma peça fundamental da história do jornalismo esportivo nacional que se mantém viva. *** EN. This article discusses the importance of Placar magazine in the construction of sports journalism in Brazil. It is based on the systematization of different phases of the magazine and the great moments of its history. Placar is the oldest Brazilian sports magazine published and celebrated its jubilee in 2020, after fifty years of a continuous struggle to ensure its existence.As an actor of the media sphere in Brazil, it has also been a catalyst of social yearnings and changes over the years. Therefore, it has always been in a process of mutation, describing them and, in parallel, being influenced by the social and political contexts. Sexism towards women in soccer, expressed by the use of terms such as "muses" or "hotties", is a part of the magazine’s history, more specifically during the time of Placar Mais (1984), Placar Todos os Esportes (1988) and Futebol, Sexo & Rock and Roll (1995 to 1999). With the rise of feminist movements, these terms were discarded, and the magazine took a stand in 2019 by apologizing for the misogynistic and sexist content published in the past. Content imbued with historical momentums also appears at times when the magazine features players who voice political opinions (for instance during the effervescence of the context of redemocratization, at the time of the first direct elections after the fall of the military dictatorship, the so-called "Diretas Já") or share opinions on the professionalization of Brazilian soccer and the corruption operating within the sport’s institutions. The study highlights how fine is the line between the history of Brazilian society and the history of Brazilian soccer. Based on interviews with seven journalists who contributed to the magazine during different phases of its existence (Celso Unzelte, Marcelo Duarte, Maurício Barros, Paulo Vinícius Coelho, Ricardo Corrêa, Sérgio Xavier Filho and the veteran editor, Juca Kfouri), the article contributes to the historical construction of an important testimony of the intertwining of sports and social history in Brazil. This relationship is illustrated through the history of Placar, shown as a contemporary and central player in the history of Brazilian sports journalism. *** FR. Cet article propose une réflexion sur l'importance du magazine Placar dans la construction du journalisme sportif au Brésil, à partir d’une systématisation de ses différentes phases et des grands moments de son histoire. Premier magazine sportif brésilien, Placar a fêté son jubilé en 2020, après cinquante années marquées par un combat continuel pour assurer son existence. En tant qu’acteur du monde médiatique brésilien durant toutes ces années, il représente un catalyseur des aspirations et des changements sociaux. Si, d’un côté, il décrit les contextes des différentes époques du pays, il en subit simultanément l’influence, ce qui explique ses constantes mutations. Le sexisme à l’égard du football féminin, énoncé par des termes tels que « muses » ou « bombasses », a ainsi marqué l’histoire du magazine, dans ses versions Placar Mais (1984), Placar Todos os Esportes (1988) et Futebol, Sexo & Rock and Roll (1995 à 1999). Avec l'avènement du féminisme, ces termes ont non seulement été écartés, mais le magazine a été jusqu’à publier, en 2019, des excuses pour son passé misogyne et sexiste. Cette imbrication historique s’observe également lorsque le magazine donne la parole à des joueurs qui n’hésitent pas à donner leurs opinions, qu’elles soient politiques (dans le contexte effervescent de la redémocratisation du pays, au moment des premières élections directes après la dictature militaire, les « Diretas Já ») ou dans le cadre des discussions autour de la professionnalisation du football brésilien et de la corruption dans le sport. Cette étude montre que seule une frontière ténue sépare l'histoire de la société brésilienne de celle de son football. À partir d'entretiens avec sept journalistes qui ont marqué les différentes phases du magazine (Celso Unzelte, Marcelo Duarte, Maurício Barros, Paulo Vinícius Coelho, Ricardo Corrêa, Sérgio Xavier Filho et le vétéran des rédacteurs, Juca Kfouri), cet article contribue à la construction historique d'un chapitre important de l'entrelacement de la culture sportive et sociale au Brésil. Cette relation est ici mise en perspective à partir du magazine sportif Placar, personnage toujours vivant et fondamental de l'histoire du journalisme sportif brésilien. ***

This article attempts to identify the relationship between the persistent polarisation of political opinions and diverse levels of social and economic development. The coexistence of these phenomena may indicate a barrier to inclusive economic development, which connects with the United Nations Agenda for Sustainable Development. A research aim was to test two hypotheses: Hypothesis 1 (H1)—The increase in the spatial disparity of political support in Poland is persistent; and Hypothesis 2 (H2)—The spatial distribution of support for specific political options shows significant correlations with the distribution of social and economic growth. The study involves the following research methods implementation: desk research, intensity indicators and regression analysis. The results confirmed the persistence of spatial divisions in political support, whose distribution reflects to a large extent the diverse levels of social and economic development that exist. Two axes dividing Poland are identified, one between west and east and the other between urban and rural areas. The article connects with the international debate regarding “places that don’t matter” and the reasons behind the growing popularity of populist ideas in society.

The author’s goal is to add to the understanding of the issue of where the border line is that marks the passage from an enlarged copy (an augmented or developed version) of a given chronicle to an independent authorial entity. In this context a side question arises concerning the acceptability of textual borrowing in the face of medieval authorial practices and conventions, i.e. where compiling ends and falsifying begins. The aforementioned issues are discussed on the basis of five historiographical texts composed between the mid–thirteenth and the third quarter of the 15th cent. Their common denominator is their affinity with the famous Chronicle of Popes and Emperors by Martin the Pole (or of Oppavia). Examining the character of the borrowings, their ideological stance, and their political opinions, the author reaches the conclusion that it was not the copy–and–paste technique frequently employed by the chroniclers, but their intentions that decide whether the resulting works should be treated as new entities, sometimes even forgeries.

During the Trump era there was a significant rise of hate crimes, racial bullying, and violence against the LGBTQ+ community which can be explained by political polarization. Both major political parties were pushed to the far ends of the spectrum to counteract the influence of the other side. We tested how this polarization occurs at the level of individual political issues, and study the political factors under Trump that contributed to it. We used a survey research method to collect data on peoples’ beliefs over 5 different contentious political topics (abortion, climate change, gun control, healthcare, and immigration). This data was compared to data from studies performed in 2016 (pre-Trump). To ensure standardization of the data, our survey used the same questions as the previous surveys. Along with the questions gauging opinion, we also included an individual question per issue that gauged how the participant formed that opinion. Compared to 2016 there was a shift towards more government involvement and regulation in the areas of healthcare and gun control, respectively. There was a shift towards environmental protection, and less stringent immigration standards. More participants were in favor of abortion. Most participants said they formed ALL of their political opinions individually. However, social media and major news outlets had played a role in shaping opinions about abortion and environment, respectively. Compared to 2016 surveys there was a significant change in public opinion about various issues of contemporary importance, partly influenced by political polarization and by social media and news outlets.

<p>The Burmese diaspora in Thailand attracts significant academic attention. However, the voices of migrant Burmese children are largely unexplored and often ignored altogether. On arriving in Thailand young migrants find themselves located within a new cultural, social, and linguistically different geographic space. Underpinned by the recognition that migrant youth actively engage with the world around them, this study challenges the idea that young migrants are passive bearers of circumstance. Rather, as they seek education in Thailand they exercise their agency in unique ways by performing their cultural traditions, creating their ‘own place’, navigating opportunities, voicing critical political opinions, displaying resilience and setting future goals.  Using the participatory method of ‘photo-voice’ this research explores the everyday experiences and stories of fifteen Burmese migrant children living in Thailand as they present them through photography. The participants, most of whom crossed the border unaccompanied, have assessed the relative opportunities available to them in Burma and Thailand. They have chosen to endure the hardships associated with living in a marginalised space away from their parents, culture and country in order to gain an education in Thailand. Technically considered ‘illegal’, these young migrants are facing their present challenges, setting life goals and bending the rules in order to receive an education and establish successful futures.</p>

<p>The Burmese diaspora in Thailand attracts significant academic attention. However, the voices of migrant Burmese children are largely unexplored and often ignored altogether. On arriving in Thailand young migrants find themselves located within a new cultural, social, and linguistically different geographic space. Underpinned by the recognition that migrant youth actively engage with the world around them, this study challenges the idea that young migrants are passive bearers of circumstance. Rather, as they seek education in Thailand they exercise their agency in unique ways by performing their cultural traditions, creating their ‘own place’, navigating opportunities, voicing critical political opinions, displaying resilience and setting future goals.  Using the participatory method of ‘photo-voice’ this research explores the everyday experiences and stories of fifteen Burmese migrant children living in Thailand as they present them through photography. The participants, most of whom crossed the border unaccompanied, have assessed the relative opportunities available to them in Burma and Thailand. They have chosen to endure the hardships associated with living in a marginalised space away from their parents, culture and country in order to gain an education in Thailand. Technically considered ‘illegal’, these young migrants are facing their present challenges, setting life goals and bending the rules in order to receive an education and establish successful futures.</p>

The 21st century has been characterized by an increased attention to social networks. Nowadays, going 24 hours without getting in touch with them in some way has become difficult. Facebook and Twitter, these social platforms are now part of everyday life. Thus, these social networks have become important sources to be aware of frequently discussed topics or public opinions on a current issue. A lot of people write messages about current events, give their opinion on any topic and discuss social issues more and more. The emergence and enormous popularity of these social networks have led to the emergence of several types of analysis to take advantage of them. One of them is the analysis of opinions in texts. It aims at automatically classifying opinions in order to position them on a sentiment scale, thus allowing to characterize a set of opinions without having to rely on a human to read them. Currently, opinion analysis offers us a lot of information related to public opinion, either in the commercial world or in the political world. Many studies have shown that machine learning techniques, such as the support vector machine (SVM) and the naive Bayes classifier (NB), perform well in this type of classification. In our study, we first propose an approach for tracking and analyzing political opinions in social networks. Then, we propose a trained and evaluated machine learning model for political opinion classification. And finally, the study aims at setting up a web interface to collect and analyze in real time political opinions from social networks