military conflict
Recently Published Documents

Research in political communication has recently begun to explore the role of non-Western English-language state-funded international broadcasters (NEIBs) in influencing international audiences. Despite this, there has been little attention given to understanding how NEIBs engage and influence young people in ‘Western’ democracies. Our article addresses this gap by providing a detailed analysis of RT's English-language, youth-orientated news product ICYMI. Launched in 2018, ICYMI is a social media-based news brand that consists of a series of 2–3-min videos that deliver satirical takes on recent global events including military conflict, financial scandals, and culture clashes. Our findings, which examine the first year of the platform's activity, show that ICYMI is a novel form of engagement, one that is not easily categorised as either public diplomacy or propaganda, nor can it be described as traditional journalism. Instead, we label this approach as geopolitical culture jamming. In this article, we conduct a discourse analysis of 45 videos published on YouTube by ICYMI over its first year to examine how the platform attempts to influence how young people relate to traditional foreign policy discourses. Our empirical analysis centres on how viewers engage with and interpret ICYMI's videos with the aim of addressing how RT may be influencing younger audiences, particularly its core demographic of Anglophone white males whose comments reflect an attachment to ICYMI's populist, anti-elite worldview.

In general, from a long-term perspective, we implement various systems aimed to improve our lives. The exception, however, is war, which — by definition — assumes achieving certain benefits through losses. Therefore, in the case of armed conflicts, it is impossible to ensure stabilisation and balance of social relations, as every military conflict, while serving future goals, simultaneously ruins the present ones. After all, war is the manifestation of risks undertaken in the name of uncertain objectives and a tragedy experienced both by losers and winners. War always entails losses, suffering and widespread crime, as well as blurs the concept of moral good. From this point of view, war appears to be foolish and dangerous to life and health. Nevertheless, militarisation has been the most pronounced trend underlining the dynamics of history, driving technological progress and civilisational development, even at the cost of abandoning transcendental hope for the better. War, although an unquestionable evil, does not deter people, but rather entices them, as exemplified by various dangerous behaviours in common risk-taking at various levels.

The need to implement a project to provide scientific support for financial planning for the development of territorial communities in eastern Ukraine is due to the presence of major risks arising from the military conflict and the COVID pandemic. The implementation of the project on decentralization of fiscal processes in territorial communities in the East of Ukraine will help communities to orientate in financial planning, as well as will benefit other stakeholders. The purpose of the article is to substantiate the project on the need and possibility of scientific support for the decentralization of fiscal processes in territorial communities in eastern Ukraine. The object of research - territorial communities in eastern Ukraine. Methods used in the study: comparative and expert analysis, detailing and generalization. The hypothesis of the study was the assumption that the project to decentralize fiscal processes in local communities in eastern Ukraine should be implemented by experts - economists and lawyers in the number of six people who will perform the proposed list of scientific and analytical work within - six months. Presentation of the main material: in order to intensify the process of decentralization of fiscal processes in territorial communities in eastern Ukraine, it is appropriate to implement a project involving the formation of a group of experts (economists and lawyers), logical and related research to be carried out by specific experts. which should get the appropriate results. The proposals developed by experts will create sustainable financial mechanisms that will help reduce the risk of disasters at the community level. The originality and practical significance of the study lies in the proposal to involve in the project relevant specialists who must perform the established list of scientific and analytical work and obtain concrete results. Conclusions and prospects for further research. Substantiation of the project on the need and possibility of scientific support for decentralization of fiscal processes in local communities in eastern Ukraine led to the conclusion that the project will help local communities in eastern Ukraine to understand the features of financial planning, as well as benefit other stakeholders. financial opportunities and sources of development of territorial communities in order to strengthen their economic potential. The proposals developed by experts will create sustainable financial mechanisms that will help reduce the risk of disasters at the community level. Further research should be aimed at implementing the proposed proposals and evaluating their effectiveness.

The study examines the features of transitional justice. The author gives definitions and goals of this concept. As it was noted by the scientists Ovcharenko and Shcherbaniuk, transitional justice includes judicial and extrajudicial mechanisms, such as prosecution, compensation, truth commissions, institutional transformations, and a combination of the above. For the first time, the content, main elements, and mechanisms of transitional justice are described in detail, which is considered in the context of the simultaneous transformation of Ukrainian society from an authoritarian past to a democratic present and from military conflict to post-conflict. Referring to Arkadiy Bushchenko (2017) transitional justice, as a model of society's transition from authoritarian to democratic, and from armed conflict to post-conflict, is currently the most modern approach to solving the problems that Ukraine has been dealing with since the end of 2013. Therefore, given this understanding, there is a prospect of developing a national legal model for the implementation of the basic principles of transitional justice. With the ultimate goal of the process of reconciliation in society, the concept of transitional justice involves the simultaneous operation of the state in four areas: effective criminal prosecutions, reparations, institutional reforms, and official statement of historical truth.

The article analyzes the content of international legal acts related to the protection of the rights of victims of military conflicts. At the same time, its results identify the characteristics of its implementation in Ukraine. It has been established that some of these legal sources have not been ratified by Ukraine or otherwise Ukraine has not given them a binding legal effect. Using a documentary-based methodology close to legal and political hermeneutics, this article develops scientifically sound and relevant proposals aimed at improving the legal mechanism to protect the legitimate interests and rights of the victims of the military conflict in Eastern Ukraine. It is concluded that the current legal problems not only negatively affect the state of law enforcement activity in Ukraine, which is directly related to the content of this process, but also does not allow adequate influence on the determinants that give rise to, and cause military and territorial conflicts in Ukraine, a situation that can be extrapolated to other societies near or far.

Significance It signals to the Party and the country at large that Xi, his ideas and his leadership approach have the support, or at least the compliance, of the political elite. Impacts The Resolution's omission of previous criticism of 'personality cults' will make intra-Party criticism of Xi's more difficult. Circumspect language on national security suggests a cautious approach to issues involving the potential for military conflict. The Resolution will add impetus to the policies advanced under the 'common prosperity' slogan.

This chapter offers thoughts about origin and function of the Jovian Narrative. The Jovian Narrative is a composite text in which various narratives about Julian and Jovian circulating in northern Mesopotamia and the Syriac-speaking world were combined. The Jovian Narrative is part of the Syriac tradition of Christian discourse of imagination, and the author is likely to have made use of various Syriac narrative traditions. Edessa is in all probability the Christian intellectual center where most of these texts were produced, and the Jovian Narrative most likely had its origin in Edessa. For the composition of his text, the composer is likely to have made use of various Syriac narrative traditions as well as historical information. The compilation of the Jovian Narrative as a cohesive text should probably be seen against the background of the religious and geopolitical policy of the emperor Justinian (527–565). Under his reign the Roman–Persian military conflict flared up again in all vehemence after many years of peaceful coexistence between the two empires. Furthermore, the Jovian Narrative intervenes on an eschatological level in the conflict between Chalcedonians and non-Chalcedonians in the reign of Justinian. Jovian is presented as the eschatological realization of the ideal Christian emperor, who represents a return to the orthodox ideal as it existed under Constantine.

The author considers the position of Iran regarding the Afghan armed conflict (1978-1979) before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan, as well as the consistent evolution of this position and the involvement of Iran in internal Afghan events. The author relies mainly on documentary sources, but also attracts scientific works in Russian and English (including the works of Iranian authors). According to the author, the analysis and study of Irans position on Afghanistan and the evolution of this position deserve a separate article because, firstly, the religious factor began to especially influence Irans foreign policy after the events of the Islamic Revolution of 1979; secondly, for the two years chosen for consideration in an article in Iran, the political regime has radically changed, and it is useful to consider the transformation of Irans foreign policy from the reign of the shah to the theocratic regime. In the first part of the article, the author analyzes the position of the Shah of the Iranian regime regarding the April Revolution of 1979 and the political changes that took place in Afghanistan after the revolution. The second part is devoted to the policy of Iran with respect to Afghanistan in 1979, and in this part the author argues that the Herat rebellion, which took place in March 1979, became the main trigger for transforming Irans attitude towards Afghanistan from a wait-and-see attitude to active involvement. The author also notes, that Irans policy towards Afghanistan in 1978-1979 developed sequentially, despite the radical transformation of power in Iran itself during this period.

It’s not easy to discuss,and think about the pedagogy when the nation suffers during the military conflict and invasion, which was the case of Poland during the Second World War – during such dramatic times the priority is survival. However, many years after the war, it is worth pointingout the effort and the dedication of teachers/educators who stayed with their students until the end. They remained in schools, orphanages and other educational institutions where kids could need them. Based on documents, literature and the personal experiencesof the author, the paper “Survive and save your identity” describes in a detail the activity of the Female Scouts who were the part of the RGO, an Organisation For the Youth of Warsaw in the years 1939-1945. The article manifests the importance of pedagogical and moral principles during the nations fight for survival.

<p>Anxiety and fear were central to the condition of settler colonialism in 1860s New Zealand. The Land Wars of the 1860s in New Zealand provoked potent anxiety about the enemy, about loved ones’ lives and about survival. The anxiety could transform into full-blown fear and panic with the onset of violence, or even the prospect or threat of violence. This thesis examines and compares evacuations of ‘refugee’ settler women and children from the sites of Land Wars conflicts in Taranaki (1860-61), and at Waerenga-a-hika (1865) and Matawhero (1868) in Poverty Bay. It explores the character and response to danger of what might be described as ‘settler anxiety’. Settlers of the 1860s used the specific term ‘refugee’ to describe the displaced settler women and children. Māori also faced displacement during the wars, though their situation is not within the scope of this thesis. The story of the Land Wars thus far has focused mainly on the narrative of the military conflict and examines events primarily as a male-centric, racial conflict. However, the time has come to examine experiences off the battlefield – of non-combatants. Women and children in particular are far more central to the history of the wars than is currently acknowledged. The first part of the thesis explores how the Land Wars ‘refugees’ coped with separation from homes and family. The second part examines how settler society, both on a formal governmental basis and on a more informal community level, reacted to the presence of ‘refugees’ emotively and with practical assistance. The research examines the language settlers used and the points they emphasised in their writing or speeches to reveal the frameworks of settler colonialism. Personal diaries, letters and memoirs are used to understand the settlers’ situations. To understand the broader reaction of settler society the thesis draws on newspapers, provincial council correspondence and records, and general government debate and legislation. This thesis argues that the existence of women and children settler ‘refugees’ during the Land Wars represented the settler colonial system in turmoil, providing evidence that the wars involved a conflict off the battlefield as well as on it. Colonists dreamed of creating a safe and secure colony where settlers could acquire land and make a livelihood to support a family. Consequently, attacks on family went to the heart of settler colonialism. The ‘refugees’ symbolised the ‘unsettling’ of settler colonialism, both literally by their locational displacement and figuratively by igniting fear about the stability of the settler colony. In response to the ‘refugee’ crisis settlers vehemently asserted their attachment to ‘home’, to prove their right to live in the colony, and promoted their solidarity with the ‘refugees’ and against enemy Māori, who they saw as threatening the settler dream. The evacuation of Land Wars ‘refugees’ is also considered for its similarities and differences to other ‘refugee’ situations internationally during the colonial era.</p>