PA WORSHIP: THE EARLY FORM OF STU TAI RELIGIOUS TOURISM

Dr Pimmada Wichasin

Pilgrimage and tourism can be related to each other, especially religious tourism. It can be said that pilgrimage is considered an early form of religious tourism due to the fact that these two share similar aspects. The relationship of pilgrimage and tourism with the emphasis on the case of stu pa worship is illustrated in this paper. Stu pa worship is regarded to be an early form of both the pilgrimage and tourism of Tai. The Tai in this context refers to those who share Lanna cultural features such as Tai Lanna, Tai Lue, Tai Yai, Tai Khuen, and Laos.

Pilgrimage as religious tourism

Pilgrimage is a religious phenomenon existing in all main religions of the world: Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism and Islamism. Barber dened pilgrimage as a journey resulting from religious causes, externally to a holy site, internally for spiritual purposes and internal understanding (1993, 1). Leeming and Odajnyk (2001, 269) suggest that pilgrimage involves three essential steps. The rst step involves the signicant separation through pilgrimage from home and ordinary life and a journey to a sacred centre. This separation can be identied with clothes, ritual or any unusual behaviour. The second step is the interaction with the sacred as with ritual acts. The third step is the return home, which is always marked by a sense of renewal. Pilgrimage has often been linked with tourism. It might be said that the pilgrimage should be seen as the earliest form of travelling (Cohen 2004). In the context of tourism, most researchers refer to the pilgrim as a religious tourist (for example, Kaplan and Bar-On 1991; Smith 1989, 1992; Turner and Turner 1978). One of the reasons is that pilgrimage provides a mix of pious and pleasurable states through the means of travel. With the exception of the devotional aspect, pilgrimage involves sightseeing, travelling and visiting different places. Besides, the nature of tourist experience shares some similarity with the essential steps of pilgrimage. For example, MacCannell claims that the tourist can be compared with the modern-day pilgrim because they make a journey to experience a quest for authenticity (MacCannell 1973 cited in Collins-Kreiner and Kliot 2000). Contemporary Buddhism, Vol. 10, No. 1, May 2009
ISSN 1463-9947 print/1476-7953 online/09/010185-191 q 2009 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/14639940902969168

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Graburn also describes tourism as a sacred journey, in the sense that it is the situation in which an individual escapes from the secular everyday world to the land of play (Graburn 1989 cited in Collins-Kreiner and Kliot 2000).

The pilgrimage of Tai to worship stu pas

In the early period, generally, Tai peoples were not travellers in the sense of westerners who seek for new adventures or new lands. A long journey for a Tai was mainly for trade purposes, and most of those traders were men. There was hardly a chance for women or laymen to travel on a long journey until pilgrimage for stu pa worship began in the thirteenth century (Aksorndit 2002). The sacred journey was undertaken mainly for religious purposes, but leisure purposes were also in evidence. The next part illustrates the early form of pilgrimage and religious tourism by Tai people involving visits to stu pas. In Buddhism, the abstract symbol of Lord Buddha is the Buddhist doctrine, while the concrete symbols are stu pas containing bone or hair relics, footprints and even the bed of Lord Buddha. In the thirteenth century, stu pas were widely constructed by Tai rulers in the belief that these works would help them toward enlightenment. Since a stu pa is the sacred representative of Lord Buddha, Buddhists living in Thailand and other countries undertook pilgrimage to worship stu pas in the belief that this journey would protect them from all forms of danger. Pilgrimage to stu pas was not only widely practiced among laymen but also among the Tai rulers (Aksorndit 2002). As a matter of fact, pilgrimage to worship stu pas was a compulsory annual custom of Tai rulers and royalty in so far as they were the patrons of Buddhism. An example of annual pilgrimage by a Tai royal is portrayed in Khlong Niras Hariphunchai. A Niras is a Thai literary work describing a voyage. In this Niras, there is a description of the Prince Royal of Chiangmai and his mother visiting the Hariphunchai Stu pa in Lampoon (Na Nagara 1973). Since then, it was considered the strict duty for every ruler of Chiangmai to take care and worship this stu pa. According to Srisawat (2004), in the kingdom of Laos, two out of 14 rules mentioned for the king concern worshipping stu pas. They are:
Rule number 11: in the 11th month of the year, the king had to worship Jomsri stu pa as annual ceremony in order that the kingdom would be peaceful and prosperous. Rule number 12: in the 12th month of the year, the king had a duty to gather all population under his reign including the minority ethnic groups into Luang Pra Bang and take a pilgrimage to worship the Sridhammasokaraj stu pa.

Rule number 12 states that this pilgrimage would encourage populations from various ethnic backgrounds to meet and befriend each other. It also supported Buddhist faith among a large section of the population irrespective of ethnic background. Everyone had the same faith, belief and precepts. There was no

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difference in social class, as this sacred journey allowed people to intermix. This could create good relations between races, communities and cultures at village, town and country levels (Aksorndit 2002, 326327). The pilgrimage supported the opportunity to engage in activities together, such as renovating the stu pa, cooking so as to make merit, and eating together. It was also a chance to exchange the culture of hosts and guests. There were also three-day celebrations at the stu pa with various entertainments including reworks, light rockets and various kinds of live performance. Another example can be found in The Customs and rules of the Cao Fa Sali No Kham of Mueng Sing (cited in Grabowsky and Wichasin 2009, 212213). It states:
on the full moon day of the rst month, people come together for the procession with the cao fa up to worship the great stu pa of Chiang Tuem. They stay there for one night and then light rockets and reworks, according to the will of everyone in all monasteries, villages and towns. Then people amuse themselves throughout the night.

Tai Lue rulers of Sipsong panna also followed the tradition of visiting the Shwedagon in Rangon, Myanmar (Wichasin 2001). In Twilight over Burma (Sargent 1994), it is mentioned that there was a ceremony of worshipping the Bawgyo stu pa as an annual custom. Bawgyo is near the town of Hsipaw in Northern Shan State. The ceremony was set on the full moon of March. People from all over Shan State gathered together to worship this stu pa containing four holy images of Lord Buddha and attended the seven-day ceremony. Cao Fa of Hsipaw had to attend as a compulsory duty. This custom continued until the last Cao Fa before the decline of the Cao Fa system in Myanmar. There is evidence that King Mangtra of Myanmar brought his retinue to worship Bawgyo stu pa during the ceremony time and requested a meeting with Cao Fa Laung Khun Kham of Saenwi because of his reputation for ability in both religious and secular affairs (Wichasin 2007). Pilgrimage gave a religious and a tourist benet at the same time, in the sense that the pilgrim could enjoy the tourist attractions all the way to the stu pa, and then could worship the sacred stu pa on arrival. Besides, there were also ceremonies at the stu pa to entertain the pilgrim. Therefore, the stu pa could be considered the visitor attraction in a tourist sense. Pilgrimage can also be the motive for writing travel literature, as well as romantic literature, describing the beautiful scenery along the way of the pilgrimage. Some works became classic literature. These travelogues portray beautiful scenery, entertaining activities, attractions along the way giving a picture of the geography, society and culture of local areas en route to the stu pa. As for the transportation of the day, the pilgrims travelled by boat, on foot, in carts or on elephants. As people began to move from their point of origin to their destination, there would be more and more people joining the pilgrimage along the way. Thus, small groups of pilgrims would turn into large caravans.

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As for accommodation for pilgrims: layman stayed at the temple or at the homes of relatives. Sometimes, they might even stay with someone with whom they were not well acquainted. The hosts gave support to this religious activity as it gave them a chance to play a part in this sacred journey. Although they personally did not have a chance to join the pilgrimage, at least they could kindly offer accommodation to the pilgrims. In regard to the location of stu pas, they are mostly built on higher ground or mountains. This can be put down to pre-Buddhist animist beliefs respecting nature and mountains. In time, the older belief was assimilated to Buddhism. Thus, the concrete symbols of Lord Buddha were mostly situated on mountains. Scholars also believe that the construction of stu pas on mountains was part of the culture of the people who live in the upper part of Northern Thailand (Lanna). According to Aksorndits (2002) survey, there are 66 stu pas in the region. Tai who were inuenced by Lanna culture called pilgrimage Khuen That, which means climbing to worship a stu pa on higher ground. They do not use the word Wai That, which means paying respect to the stu pa. A popular time for pilgrimage to Khuen That was either before sowing the paddy or after harvest (Aksorndit 2002). This is the Songkran Day, which is regarded as the rst day of the year in the Thai context. People visit a stu pa to worship and to pour water on it. In the past, people would use a bunch of owers or leaves dipped in kafr lime water and ick them at the stu pa. Today, the temples employ technology by using machines to help in pouring water on the stu pa from the top to the base. In addition, there is also the ceremony of pouring water on a Buddha image.

The rise of stu pa worship in relation to birth year

At the beginning of the seventeenth century, in Lanna cultural areas, there appeared the idea of worshipping stu pas in relation to ones birth-year symbol (Aksorndit 2002). Thai people give importance to the birth date on account of the belief that it is information useful for predicting or foretelling the future of that person. In Lanna astrology, animals are conceived as symbols of each birth year of the 12-year cycle. This is called nakshat. There are 12 animal symbols and therefore, in relation to pilgrimage, 12 stu pas visited for worship. These stu pas are mostly situated in the northern part of Thailand. Table 1 presents the relationship of nakshat and the stu pas that are linked to these animals. From the table, it can be seen that Bantak stu pa was specied as a replacement for Shwedagon stu pa in Myanmar. The reason for this is that, in the past, people walked through Tak province to visit Shwedagon stu pa in Yangon, Myanmar. Later, the visit to Yangon became difcult due to various reasons at the moment. Therefore, the abbot of Bantak temple built the new stu pa around the old stu pa, imitating the Shwedagon (Phra Kru Pitakbarommathat 2007). There are two more cases of substitutions for convenience. They are The Bodhi tree at Jed

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TABLE 1 Nakshat and stu pas
Nakshat The year of the Rat The year of the Ox The year of the Tiger The year of the Rabbit The year of the Big Snake The year of the Snake The year of the Horse The year of the Goat The year of the Monkey The year of the Cock The year of the Dog Stu pas to be visited Jom Thong, Chiangmai, Thailand Lampang Luang, Lampang, Thailand Cho-Hae, Prae, Thailand Chae-Haeng, Nan, Thailand Phra-Sing or the image of Lord Buddha called Phra Phuddha Si Hing, Chiangmai, Thailand Buddhagaya, India or The Bodhi Tree or Jet Yod temple, Chiangmai, Thailand Shwedagon, Myanmar or Bantak Stu pa, Tak, Thailand Doi Su Thep, Chiangmai, Thailand Pha-nom, Nakhonphanom, Thailand Hariphunchai, Lampoon, Thailand Ket Kaew Chula Manee in heaven. However, it is allowed to pay a visit to Ket Ka Ram temple, Chiangmai, Thailand, or Kyaihtiyo, Myanmar Doi Tung, Chiangrai, Thailand

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The year of the Pig

Yod temple, Chiangmai, substituting Buddhaga ya in India; and Ket Ka Ram Temple in Chiangmai and Kyaihtiyo, Myanmar substituting for Ket Kaew Chula Manee in heaven. Aksorndit (2002) suggests that the belief of worshipping stu pas in relation to birth year was encouraged by Lanna people so as to resist the ambition of Siam to capture Lanna. The Lanna people wanted to show the strength of their identity to Siam, that they had their own culture and belief. Later, when Lanna became part of Siam, this belief faded with time. The practice was only maintained among Lanna royals and monks. The belief of visiting birth-year stu pas was temporarily revived by Kru Ba Sri Wi Chai, a very respected monk in the Lanna area. He was born in the year of the tiger and he visited Cho-Hae stu pa at Prae. He also brought a small tiger made of wood to the stu pa as an act of respect. The practice declined after his death. However, the popularity of visiting ones the birth-year stu pa has revived again in the past ve years as part of a tourism campaign. Apart from Chiangmai, most of the provinces where stu pas are situated are not popular tourist destinations. Reviving the idea of visiting birth year stu pas can encourage tourists to visit those destinations. The campaign has combined religious belief with tourism. Stu pa worship can be inserted in the travel programme if that stu pa is related to tour members naksat. For example, Jom Thong stu pa is situated on the way to Inthanon mountain, which is the highest mountain of Thailand. So, people who were born on the year of the rat tend to stop off and pay respect. The visit to Jom Thong stu pa is motivated by religious intent en route to visiting Inthanon for the purpose of tourism.

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In the present day, with greater availability of time and transport, alongside the development of infrastructure, visits to stu pas are made individually rather than as a group practice. With the improvement of the road to the stu pa, the time spent travelling there is reduced. Automobiles make the journey more exible. People can choose to travel anytime of the year. Therefore, the journey to a birth year stu pa can take place anytime rather than coinciding with the ceremonial period. This contrasts to past practice, where stu pa worship was a sacred journey attended by people who gathered for religious purposes at a certain time of year. It is like tourism without promotion, because everyone knew the time of the annual ceremony. In summary, pilgrimage can be regarded as religious tourism because the two share similar aspects, including the experience of the journey, sightseeing and entertainment. Pilgrimage not only meets a spiritual purpose, but also the purpose of entertainment. Stu pa worship was an early form of pilgrimage or religious tourism for Tai people. Visiting stu pas faded away and was revived again as the blend of religious and touristic purpose changed. Stu pa worship has come into favour again through the promotion of tourism. REFERENCES
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Dr Pimmada Wichasin, MBA (Hospitality Management) Programme, Suan Dusit Rajabhat University, 295 Ratchasima Road, Du it, Bangkok, 10300. E-mail: pimmada@hotmail.com