Did Aurangzeb Ban Music

Modern Asian Studies 41, 1 (2007) pp. 77120. C 2007 Cambridge University Press doi:10.
1017/S0026749X05002313 Printed in the United Kingdom
Did Aurangzeb Ban Music? Questions for the Historiography of his Reign1
KATHERINE BUTLER BROWN Corpus Christi College, Cambridge University
Bury [music] so deep under the earth that no sound or echo of it may rise again. - Attributed to Aurangzeb2 There is no safer way to blacken a persons reputation in the estimate of following generations than to attribute a wanton holocaust of wasted beauty to him. - Antonia Fraser on Oliver Cromwell3
Introduction It was towards the end of my research in India in 2001 that news began to lter in of the Talibans determination to obliterate the two ancient statues of the Buddha carved into the cliffs above Bamiyan, Afghanistan. The international condemnation that ensued was immediate, enormous, and surprisingly unied, including an attempt at intervention by leading Islamic jurists from al-Azhar University in Cairo.4 In deance of world opinion, the Taliban destroyed the statues in unswerving obedience to their narrow denition of the sharia law. Virtually overnight the Bamiyan Buddhas
1 This research was generously funded by a Postgraduate Award from the United Kingdom Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC). I am particularly grateful to Richard Widdess, Avril Powell, Jonathan Katz, and Gage Averill for their penetrating comments on this work at an earlier stage of its gestation; see Brown, Hindustani music in the time of Aurangzeb (2003), pp. 81117. 2 As reported by Mamuri in Kha Khan, Muntakhab al-Lubab (1977), p. 245. 3 Fraser, Cromwell (1973), p. 102. 4 Clerics fume at Talibans idea of Islam, Times of India, 19/03/2001.
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became a powerful exemplar of the vulnerability of cultural heritage to hostile religious ideology empowered by the state. At the time I thought it somewhat ironic that a world so unmoved by the plight of thousands of Afghan refugees streaming into Pakistan to escape the worst famine in years could become so impassioned about the fate of two carved stones, however irreplaceable. But the reasons were bigger than that, more visceral; emotional and symbolic. Reading the worlds liberal media, it was as if the soul of humanity, embodied in its cultural expressions, had been permanently violated by an almost incomprehensible act of vandalism. What intrigued me about the reaction of the Indian press and political bodies was how closely this event in Afghanistan seemed tied up with issues of Indian national identity.5 The Indian government offered to take the statues, the Shahi Imam of the Jama Masjid in Delhi declared that their destruction was in revenge for the demolition of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya in 1992, and Hindu nationalist organisations like the Bajrang Dal threatened to blow up the shrine of Sheikh Moinuddin Chishti in Ajmer in retaliation.6 Most interesting from my perspective were the parallels that were consistently drawn between the actions of the Taliban and the last Great Mughal emperor of India, Aurangzeb (r.16581707).7 It was repeatedly stated in the Indian and international media that the last person who had tried to destroy the statues was Aurangzeb, despite the fact that such an assertion is without historical foundation.8 The very name of Aurangzeb seems to act in the popular imagination as a signier of politico-religious bigotry and repression, regardless of historical accuracy. Aurangzebs lengthy reign was a pivotal period in Indian history. Only ninety years separated the coronations of his father Shah Jahan (r.162858) and his great-grandson Muhammad Shah (r.171948), but in that time vast changes occurred in the political landscape of Indiachanges that were to have important consequences for cultural
5 Maps of India drawn up by the Hindu nationalist group the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) include Afghanistan as part of Akhand Bharat, or unied India, the eventual reunication of which is part of their ideological agenda. 6 Shahi Imam makes new offer on Bamiyan Buddhas, Times of India, 08/03/2001; Bajrang Dal warns of backlash to Taliban action, Times of India, 05/03/2001. 7 e.g. Talibans are only the latest in the line, Times of India, 04/03/2001. 8 e.g. I feel a great personal loss, Time Asia, 29/06/2001; Habib et al., 14/03/2001 (statement by the Aligarh Historians Society to the internet forum South Asia Social Change Circuit, signed by Irfan Habib, Shireen Moosvi, Iqtidar Alam Khan and Satish Chandra).
DID AURANGZEB BAN MUSIC?
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history. During his reign, Aurangzeb pushed the Mughal empire to its greatest extent, only for it to enter a period of crisis immediately after his death. Between the years 1707 and 1719, a string of weak emperors, wars of succession, and coups by noblemen heralded the irrevocable weakening of Mughal power. In 1739, a mere thirty years after Aurangzebs death, the Persian army under Nadir Shah occupied and plundered Delhi, the temporal and spiritual seat of Mughal power, forcing the once almighty Mughal emperor to pay tribute to a foreign invader. Recent analyses have pointed out that the disintegration of centralised power in eighteenth-century India was far from being the disaster for Indian society many earlier historians portrayed.9 Nonetheless, it is undoubtedly the case that between 1707 and 1748, the Mughal centre lost much of its real power, and that this was a source of distress amongst the old ruling elites and of social upheaval 10 more generally. The causes of these eighteenth-century social and political changes were complex, and have been the subject of erce scholarly debate in recent years. However, most historians argue that the roots of Mughal decline lie in Aurangzebs reign. Scholars have argued this repeatedly in the case of music and culture.11 Aurangzeb is renowned in Indian history for his orthodox Islamic politico-religious ideology, which allegedly led to the widespread repression of many Indian religious and cultural expressions throughout his reign. One theory for the decline of empirenow fairly old-fashioned but still predominant in popular historiessuggests that it was this cultural and religious oppression that precipitated a series of rebellions against his rule, which eventually led to the collapse of the empire. It is in this area that the questions raised by the Talibans cultural policies in Afghanistan become relevant to a study of music and the Mughal state under Aurangzeb. For the theory of widespread cultural and religious oppression under Aurangzeb in part rests on a famous incident in Indian music history: the potent story of Aurangzebs burial of music in 16689. Although it attracted less international anguish than the Talibans destruction of the Bamiyan Buddhas, it was almost certainly of more signicance to the lives of ordinary Afghans that the Taliban also banned music. This action according to John Baily, not only threatened the survival of the rich
Alam and Subrahmanyam, Mughal state (1998), p. 70. Alam, Crisis of empire (1986), p. 9. 11 e.g. Sarkar, The condition of the people (1998), pp. 31213; Richards, Mughal empire (1993), p. 173.
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Afghan musical heritage, but had deep and wide-ranging [effects] for the Afghan people.12 The Talibans violent renunciations of the corrupting inuences of musicthe disembowelment of audio and video cassettes, the threats and beatings meted out to patrons and musicians, the burning and smashing of musical instruments13 are strikingly reminiscent of Niccolao Manuccis description of Aurangzebs ban on music in 16689:
Not resting content with the above orders [prohibiting alcohol, drugs, long beards, etc.], Aurangzeb. . .ordered the same ofcial [the muhtasib14 ] to stop music. If in any house or elsewhere he heard the sound of singing and instruments, he should forthwith hasten there and arrest as many as he could, breaking the instruments. Thus was caused a great destruction of musical instruments. Finding themselves in this difculty, their large earnings likely to cease, without there being any other mode of seeking a livelihood, the musicians took counsel together and tried to appease the king in the following way: About one thousand of them assembled on a Friday when Aurangzeb was going to the mosque. They came out with over twenty highly-ornamented biers, as is the custom of the country, crying aloud with great grief and many signs of feeling, as if they were escorting to the grave some distinguished defunct. From afar Aurangzeb saw this multitude and heard their great weeping and lamentation, and, wondering, sent to know the cause of so much sorrow. The musicians redoubled their outcry and their tears, fancying the king would take compassion upon them. Lamenting, they replied with sobs that the kings orders had killed Music, therefore they were bearing her to the grave. Report was made to the king, who quite calmly remarked that they should pray for the soul of Music, and see that she was thoroughly well buried. In spite of this, the nobles did not cease to listen to songs in secret. This strictness was enforced in the principal cities.15
What happens to a musical culture and the people involved in it when music is banned? And how do the effects and the success or failure of such a ban act as a cultural barometer of the nature of the state in relation to its subjects? Discussions of the effects of Aurangzebs policies on the history of music are often uncannily similar16 because of an overwhelming reliance on just two nearcontemporary sources, Manuccis Storia do Mogor (begun 1699) and
Baily, Can you stop the birds singing? (2001), p. 8. Ibid., pp. 369. 14 Ofcial in charge of enforcing the sharia. 15 Manucci, Storia (1907), vol. ii p. 8. 16 For example, compare Miner, Sitar and sarod (1993), pp. 769 and Wade, Imaging sound (1998), pp. 1857.
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Kha Khans Muntakhab al-Lubab (begun 1718).17 Largely reecting Manuccis perspective, the majority of historians and musicologists regard Aurangzebs ban as both the last word on music during his fty year reign, and as a potent indicator of the repressive nature of his regime.18 It is generally inferred from these two accounts that the ban was total and uncompromisingly enforced for the rest of his reign.19 A straightforward reading of Manuccis account certainly gives such an impression. One consequence of the ban is particularly emphasised here: the threat to the survival of the musical tradition, made more acute by the musicians economic ruin. As Baily points out, any hiatus that is forced on an oral system of transmission quickly leads to losses in that tradition. Other consequences are hinted at, such as the emotional and spiritual costs to a society that believed that music is food for the soul, as the Chishti Sus of Afghanistan still teach.20 If Aurangzebs ban was as extreme as Manucci suggests, it would therefore have wrought enormous and possibly catastrophic changes to all aspects of musical life. Most secondary discussions of music in Aurangzebs reign extend no further than the ban, showing that historians and musicologists generally assume that musical activity was at best curtailed, and development prevented, from 16689 until the emperors death in 1707.21 However, there are several problems with this reading of the burial of music. It is particularly difcult to reconcile Manucci and Kha Khans constructions of the story with conicting evidence found elsewhere, both internally and in the vast majority of other contemporary sources. These discrepancies have proved impossible to synthesise convincingly in the secondary literature. It needs to be remembered that Manucci and Kha Khan were not at all interested in writing the history of music in Aurangzebs reign. Both authors are primarily concerned with political history, and musical information is placed entirely at the service of the main themes of their narratives. This renders straightforward readings of their musical
17 e.g. Richards, Mughal empire (1993), p. 173; Wade, Imaging sound (1998), pp. 1857; Miner, Sitar and sarod (1993), pp. 769; Ahmad, Hindustani music (1984), pp. 37; Bor, The voice of the sarangi (1986/7), p. 84; and S. N. H. Rizvi, Music in Muslim India (1941), pp. 3378. 18 e.g. Richards, Mughal empire (1993), pp. 1715. 19 e.g. Wade, Imaging sound (1998), p. 187. 20 Qazi Hasan, Miftah al-Sarud SJ, f. 2b; Baily, Can you stop the birds singing? (2001), pp. 22, 47. 21 e.g. Wade, Imaging sound (1998), p. 187; S. N. H. Rizvi, Music in Muslim India (1941), pp. 3378; Veer, Music of India (1986), p. 133.
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stories valueless without a consideration of the writers motivations, and the ends to which they directed their plot devices and rhetoric. In assessing the truth of the story of the ban, we rstly need to confront the nature of all true stories, whether located in historical documents, or reinscribed in contemporary discourse. All historical narratives claim to tell the truth about the past. At the same time, the narrative form is constructive of the past, creatively presenting selected aspects of that past to elicit its meaning. All truth claims are therefore to some extent assertions of power, and all true stories thus act to silence competing claims to truth. In answering the question Did Aurangzeb ban music?, I will begin with a brief prologue, and then retell the story of Aurangzebs relationship with music from the most commonly used primary sources. I will then demonstrate how the testimony of previously unheard voices in the literature alongside a more critical interpretation of the canonical sources sheds a different light on these events. Finally, I will conclude with an examination of how music history can be used to illuminate the nature of Aurangzebs political regime. For this, I argue, explains the lasting universal appeal of the legend of Aurangzebs ban and burial of music. In the preface to John Bailys report on the censorship of music in Afghanistan, Marie Korpe echoes my thoughts on the meaning of the Bamiyan Buddhas in saying: When music is banned the very soul of a culture is being strangled.22 Beneath the pens of Manucci and Kha Khan, music was transformed into an elegy for freedom and tolerance crushed in the relentless grip of a bigoted despot. Hira Bai Zainabadi: a Prologue Histories of music under Aurangzeb usually begin with his enthronement in 1658, with an acknowledgement that he tolerated musical performance during the early years of his reign.23 Most scholars have therefore overlooked perhaps the most telling musical episode of his life. Both music and love rst entered the story of this austere prince in 1653, in the person of Hira Bai Zainabadi, a beautiful and accomplished singer and dancer who became the love of his life.24 A faint memory of her survives in Manuccis narrative,
22 23 24
Baily, Can you stop the birds singing? (2001), p. 6 Wade, Imaging sound (1998), p. 187 Shah Nawaz Khan, Maasir al-Umara (1999), p. 806.
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where she is forced to serve the travel writers vision of Aurangzeb as an extreme hypocrite, good and holy to look at, but in reality an ill-doer and devil.25 She appears nameless as the woman who caused him to
[neglect] for some time his prayers and his austerities, lling up his days with music and dances; and going even farther, he enlivened himself with wine, which he drank at the insistence of the said dancing girl. The dancer died, and Aurangzeb made a vow never to drink wine again nor to listen to music.26
The musical signicance Manucci attaches to Hira Bais death is misleading, as several other witnesses observed Aurangzeb listening to music long after this event. However, the basic outline of the story is conrmed by other more reliable sources. According to the Maasir al-Umara, Hira Bai was originally a singer and dancer in the household of Mir Khalil Khan Zaman, the husband of Aurangzebs maternal aunt, and himself a skilled musician and wellknown patron-connoisseur.27 In Shah Nawaz Khans more sympathetic retelling of the story, Aurangzeb met Hira Bai in Burhanpur, when he was viceroy of the Deccan, and immediately fell in love with her. However, in contrast to Manucci, Shah Nawaz Khan does not portray Aurangzeb as the devil of the piece. Rather, although the prince struggles manfully to maintain his purity, he is led involuntarily astray by the beauty of Hira Bai, whose movement was a heart-robbing one and it robbed the Prince of his self-control and his virtue. The conict between his love for her and the requirements of his sincere religious faith causes an intense crisis, eloquently portrayed in Hira Bais test of his love, whereby she induces him against his will to drink wine, only to save him from it at the last minute. Shah Nawaz Khan argues that it was Aurangzebs brother, Dara Shikoh, who maliciously transformed the story into evidence of Aurangzebs hypocrisy and untness to rule. In fact, the combination of wine, women and song is a standard rhetorical device frequently used in Indo-Persian literature to signify a princes untness to rule and his imminent downfall.28
Manucci, Storia (1907), vol. iii p. 253. Ibid., vol. i p. 231. 27 Shah Nawaz Khan, Maasir al-Umara (1999), pp. 8067. 28 Brown, If music be the food of love (forthcoming (a)). For further discussion of the close association of wine, women and song in Indo-Persian and European writings and its potential for use as a symbol of debauchery or hypocrisy, see also Brown, Reading Indian music (2000), pp. 1718.
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Instead, Shah Nawaz Khan presents the story of Hira Bai as a poignant representation of raq, the intensity of feeling associated with separation from a loved one that is such an important theme in Indian and Persian literature. Hira Bai died only nine months after she became Aurangzebs companion.29 Shah Nawaz Khan portrays in tragic language a man devastated by her death, and marked with the perpetual scar of separation:
As the death of ones beloved robs a man of his power, the Prince became altered on the day of her death and in his restlessness resolved to go out hunting. Mir Askari Aqil Khan was in his retinue, and when he had an opportunity of speaking privately to him he said: Will it be advisable for you to go hunting when in this state (of mind)? In reply the Prince recited the verse: Laments at home comfort not the heart, In the desert one can weep ones ll. Aqil Khan recited [his own] verse as suitable to the occasion: How easy love appeared. Alas! how hard it was. How hard was parting, what rest the beloved attained.30
In this version, there is no vow never again to listen to music on account of Hira Bais death, nor any hint of the pious aversion to music that characterise later episodes in other sources. On the contrary, Aurangzeb is portrayed here not as an antagonist of music, but as the devoted lover of a musician, the very embodiment of music. Intense rst experiences of both love and death often have a profound effect on future attitudes and behaviour. In Aurangzebs case, music was powerfully bound up with both. This important formative episode in the future emperors life suggests that at some level, Aurangzebs instinctive reaction to music was positive and powerful. It is signicant that the only other woman believed to have captured Aurangzebs heart, the darling of his old age Udaipuri Bai,31 was likewise a musician. Moreover, although Manuccis reading of the causal link between Hira Bais death and Aurangzebs future actions was inaccurate, he was arguably right in suspecting her life and
29 30 31
Sarkar, History of Aurangzib (191226), p. 171. Shah Nawaz Khan, Maasir al-Umara (1999), p. 807. Sarkar, Studies in Aurangzibs reign (1989), p. 17.
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death to be crucial in evaluating Aurangzebs later attitudes towards music.
Sweet Music in the Divan: Scene One In describing the War of Succession and the rst ten years of his reign (165868), Manucci uses several musical anecdotes to establish Aurangzebs character. As already demonstrated in his treatment of Hira Bai Zainabadi, Manucci is unable to project any aspect of Aurangzebs relationship with music as benign, because he perceives the emperors attitudes wholly in terms of hypocrisy and intolerance. In Manuccis hands, music becomes a weapon in the battle between good and evil, epitomised by the two main rivals for the throne, Dara Shikoh and Aurangzeb. As a partisan of Dara Shikoh and a mercenary in his army, Manucci consistently refers to his lord as a compassionate, liberal martyr, symbolised by his support of music, and to Aurangzeb as a cruel religious hypocrite, symbolised by his repression of it. After Daras extra-judicial execution while awaiting trial for treason, Manucci recalls that the common people composed a subversive protest song:
about Fortune and the little durability of its glories, it having placed Aurangzeb on the throne, made Shah Jahan a prisoner, and decapitated Prince Dara. It said: in turn it changed the faqirs (Aurangzebs) cowl,32 and beheaded the prince in passing. When Aurangzeb heard about this ballad, he ordered an announcement to be made that no one should sing it under penalty of losing his tongue. But the song was so pitiful that almost everybody sang it in concealment.33
This anecdote cannot be read as evidence of repressive tendencies towards music so early. For several years after this alleged episode, the ofcial Mughal chronicler recorded male and female musicians
32 This is a stab at Aurangzebs supposedly hypocritical piety, playing on the spurious rumour that he spent time as a faqir (poor religious mendicant), which probably arose from misunderstandings (deliberate or otherwise) of the phrase to turn recluse in connection with his rst falling out with Shah Jahan (c.1644); see Sarkar, History of Aurangzib (191226), pp. 768. To turn recluse simply meant to resign from imperial service as an act of political protest, rather than the devout act of becoming a faqir. The biography of Shah Quli Khan Mahram in the Maasir al-Umara describes a similar incident, in which Shah Quli Khan donned the dress of a jogi and went into retirement in protest at his punishment by Akbar; (1999), vol.ii p. 774. 33 Manucci, Storia (1907), vol. i p. 362.
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and dancers dominating the anniversary celebrations of Aurangzebs coronation, including the emperors notable bestowal of 7000 rupees on his principal musician, Khushhal Khan Kalawant.34 A number of dhrupads composed in Aurangzebs honour still preserved in oral and written forms bear witness to his active involvement as a patron of music.35 Writing after 1699 of a feast in Aurangzebs war camp in 1658, Manucci himself described Aurangzebs personal musicians performing all night as is commonly the practice in Hindustan.36 In 1665, the jewel merchant Jean-Baptiste Tavernier was similarly struck by the sweet and pleasant sounds of the court musicians performing in Aurangzebs presence at his daily darbar.37 That his patronage was not simply a concession to court ceremonial is demonstrated by Bakhtawar Khan in the Mirat-i Alam, which describes Aurangzeb as possessing a perfect experts knowledge of, and enjoying, the musical art.38 The high-ranking nobleman Faqirullah described Aurangzebs favourite singers and instrumentalists by name in 1666 in his musical treatise the Rag Darpan, and noted the emperors enthusiastic enjoyment of their talents.39 The alleged proscription of this treasonous song should therefore be regarded as a political act. However, in terms of Manuccis narrative structure, the protest-song story also acts as a type, or foreshadowing, of the burial story, designed to establish Aurangzebs fanatical character. Type refers to the narrative construction of an earlier event in the light of a later event, drawing attention to real or imagined similarities in order to reinforce the main point of both passages. Both stories have striking parallels: they describe responses by the powerless to an action by the powerful portrayed as having dealt a devastating blow to freedom and tolerance; and both have nearly identical narrative structures. Widespread distress (the song was pitiful, the musicians in great grief) leads everybody (the common people, the musicians) to rise up in musical protest (the protest song, the burial march). In a display of repressive power, Aurangzeb dismisses the sentiments of the people, and silences their public
34 Kha Khan, Muntakhab al-Lubab (taken from the Alamgirnama) (1977), pp. 106, 112, 131, 1612, 175. 35 See below and Ahmad, Hindustani music (1984), p. 104. 36 Manucci, Storia (1907), vol. i pp. 3005. 37 Tavernier, Travels (1925), pp. 81, xxi. 38 Bakhtawar Khan, Mirat-i Alam (1877), p. 157. 39 Faqirullah, Rag Darpan (1996), pp. 199, 207, 209.
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expression (Cut out his tongue! Bury it!). The correspondences in Manuccis stories become clearer if we compare his version of the burial with the Indo-Persian account in the Muntakhab al-Lubab.40 Missing from Kha Khans narrative is the all-important moral of Manuccis accountthat in spite of [the ban], the nobles did not cease to listen to songs in secret.41 In Manuccis parallel narratives, the people (almost everybody, the nobles) thereafter engage in secret subversion, neatly undermining Aurangzebs authority and dislocating power from the centre. Both of Manuccis anecdotes are thus designed to make two seemingly contradictory points: that Aurangzeb possessed and exercised overwhelming might, but that his rule was in reality wholly unpopular, fragile, and ineffectual. The picture of Aurangzeb built up in the story of the protest song is predicated on the widespread European view of him as a caricature villain, and the wishful thinking inspired by European imperial ambitions.42 However, it also reects Manuccis personal antagonism towards Aurangzeb, and his difculty in reconciling his vision of an intolerant despot with widespread evidence of musical activity in the rst ten regnal years. All Manuccis musical stories of this period are designed to prove Aurangzebs puritanical tendencies; for example, his anecdote about a sarangi-smuggling ring supplying Shah Jahans prison behind Aurangzebs supposedly censorious back.43 Manuccis proof of long-standing antagonism towards music in this case is demonstrably false. Franc ois Bernier, a respected member of the court until 1668, noted that Shah Jahan continued to maintain all his singing and dancing women by Aurangzebs express permission, in all likelihood until his death in 1666.44 In other words, the truthfulness of Manuccis anecdotes is entirely secondary to the point he is trying to make: despite the evidence, Manucci cannot escape his rhetorical need to portray Aurangzeb as an ancient enemy of Indian culture. On the contrary, prior to the burial incident, there is little evidence of imperial hostility towards music outside the pages of Manuccis journal.
40 41 42 43 44
Kha Khan, Muntakhab al-Lubab (1977), p. 245. Manucci, Storia (1907), vol. ii p. 8. Brown, Reading Indian music, (1999), pp. 1213, 28. Manucci, Storia (1907), vol. ii p. 78. Bernier, Travels (1891), p. 166.
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That no Echo of it May Rise Again? Climax and Denouement While Manuccis account does not provide a date for the ban, three Indo-Persian sources agree that some kind of prohibition was made in 16689Kha Khans Muntakhab al-Lubab,45 Bakhtawar Khans Mirat-i Alam,46 and Saqi Mustaidd Khans Maasir-i Alamgiri,47 which cites Bakhtawar Khan.48 The latter two sources, however, have been somewhat neglected in the secondary literature.49 They present a very different view of the ban than the canonical accounts (see below). This is signicant, because it conrms that besides Manucci, only one nearcontemporary version of the burial story is known to existthat found in Kha Khan:
Distinguished and well-known musicians (kalawantan) and reciters of mystics verses (qawwals), who were in the service of the court, were ordered to desist from music and their mansabs increased. General orders were given for the prohibition of music and dancing. It is said that one day musicians collected together in a large crowd with great noise and tumult, prepared a bier with great dignity and carried it to the foot of the Jaroka Darshan, wailing in front of and behind the bier. When the matter was reported to Aurangzeb, he inquired about the funeral. The musicians said Music (rag) is dead; we are going to bury it. Bury it so deep under the earth Aurangzeb remarked, that no sound or echo of it may rise again.50
Kha Khans account of the ban diverges from Manuccis lavish tale of heartless destruction in several important respects. Firstly, there are no invasions of private houses, summary arrests, or destruction of instruments. As far as I am aware, Manucci is the only nearcontemporary writer to record these details. More importantly, the musicians are not left destitute because they cannot pursue their vocations; rather the reverse, as their salaries and status are increased in return for compliance. Secondly, unlike Manucci, Kha Khan places
Kha Khan, Muntakhab al-Lubab (1977), p. 245. Bakhtawar Khan, Mirat-i Alam (1877), p. 157. 47 Saqi Mustaidd Khan, Maasir-i Alamgiri (1947), p. 45. 48 A number of less likely dates have been suggested for the ban on music, including 1659, 1665, 1678 and 1688. However, these cannot be anything other than pure speculation, as the contemporary accounts are clear in naming 16689 as the date for the extension of sharia law. The ban certainly cannot have occurred earlier than 1668. Franc ois Bernier, who lived in Shahjahanabad until 1668, and whose journal was published in 1670, makes no mention of a prohibition against music during his residency in India. 49 Only one secondary author cites it directly; see Bhanu, Promotion of music (1955), p. 27. 50 Kha Khan, Muntakhab al-Lubab (1977), p. 245.
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little religious signicance on the episode, having the petitioners approach Aurangzeb at the jharoka-i darshan in the customary way, rather than waylaying him on the way to the mosque.51 (In assessing the historicity of Kha Khans anecdote, it is worth noting that an appearance before the jharoka-i darshan at this time would have been impossible, literally speaking, as Aurangzeb had already abolished it.) Finally, although Kha Khan does refer to general orders. . .for the prohibition of music and dancing, it is clear that the storys main concern is the fate of high-prestige court musicians and classical music. This is demonstrated by his emphasis on kalawants and qawwals, who at the time were the traditional exponents of dhrupad and khayal respectively,52 and his use of the word rag, which specically indicates Hindustani art music. Manuccis interpretation is far broader than this, implicating not only the male singers and instrumentalists of Hindustan, but the courtesans as well, whose long-abandoned palaces are described as falling into ruin.53 In contrast, Kha Khan seems to restrict Aurangzebs orders to high-prestige male performers of classical music, in the imperial court. Nevertheless, with this climactic event all mention of music ceases in the Muntakhab al-Lubab. This act of silence may indicate that Kha Khan wishes to give an impression contrary to his qualied narrative of the burial: that the ban was comprehensive, and effectively enforced. If so, we would expect references to music-making in Manuccis journal to disappear as well. This is far from the case. Paradoxically, the remainder of the Storia do Mogor contains some of the most informative European descriptions of musical life in the late seventeenth century. After describing categorically the banishment or forced marriage of all the female dancers in the empire, Manucci notes that Aurangzeb continued always to entertain in his palaces, for the diversion of the queens and his daughters, several dancing and singing women, an expression of leniency which Manucci predictably interprets as hypocrisy.54 These passages are likely to refer respectively to two separate communities of female musician, kanchani, a community of accomplished courtesans who performed in male space, and female musicans employed primarily in the harim, either
51 52 53 54
cf. Manucci, Storia (1907), vol. ii p. 8. Mirza Khan, Tohfat al-Hind, Bod f.115b. Manucci, Storia (1907), vol. ii pp. 89. Ibid., p. 335; Brown, Reading Indian music (2000), pp. 201.
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domni or concubines.55 It is likely in any case that Manuccis story of the suppression of female performers is merely an exaggeration of an incident recorded by Bernier. The latter noted with approval that by 1663, Aurangzeb had revoked Shah Jahans permission for kanchani to enter the imperial harim on his birthday, a practice Mughal etiquette widely censured as breaching the boundary between male and female space.56 They were nevertheless still permitted to visit Aurangzebs court on Wednesdays, although not to perform, in accordance with long established usage.57 Manucci also describes in detail musical performances at noble births, at Muslim weddings, in public processions, at private parties, and to ward off evil, in this case an eclipse of the sun.58 While Manuccis anecdotes are rarely dated, many of these descriptions can be pinpointed to occurences later than 16689. The reports of other European travellers in India c.16701700 conrm this picture. These include descriptions of Muslim weddings, funerals, public processions, Muslim and Hindu religious festivals, the eclipse, and female musicians and dancers.59 None of these writers mention any ofcial restrictions on Indian musical life, and all of them witnessed performances by courtesans, in many cases commissioned by eminent Mughal ofcials.60 If military music, religious music, music associated with life-cycle events, processional music, and other types of public music-making continued without hindrance, if public female musicians and dancers continued to play an integral part in both private and ofcial Mughal entertainments, and if, as Manucci suggests, the male elite continued to patronise masters of classical music regardless, it is hard to imagine what sort of ban could possibly have been enforced, let alone how it could have had any effect on musical life or change. Even if we accept the veracity of Manuccis and Kha Khans narratives, we can only argue that the ban was restricted to certain types of music, or that it was short lived, or that it was poorly enforced and widely outed. In all of these scenarios it would still be possible for Aurangzebs enemies to portray him as a fanatic
Brown, Hindustani music (2003), pp. 146, 14853, 1569. Ibid., 14853. 57 Bernier, Travels (1891), pp. 2734. 58 Manucci, Storia (1907), vol. ii pp. 343, vol. iii pp. 142, 14952. 59 Fryer, A new account of East India (190915), vol. i pp. 237, 2745, 334; Das, Norris Embassy (1959), pp. 115, 1612; Navarette Travels (19602), pp. 312, 31819; Carr e, Travels (1947), pp. 232, 301. 60 Carr e, Travels (1947), pp. 232.
56 55
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with despotic tendencies, one who was either arbitrarily ruthless, a hypocrite, or a laughable failure. What cannot be said on the basis of these accounts is that a universal ban was successfully enforced.
The Irresistible Logic of Stereotype Yet despite occasional qualications, this seems to be the view that most historians and musicologists wish to perpetuate. The accepted perception of Aurangzeb as a religious fanatic whose banishment of music characterised the tyrannical nature of his regimewhat I will call the received viewhas acted as a serious obstacle to the study of music during this period. Very little analytical work has been done on the history of music or indeed on any facet of high culture during Aurangzebs reign, and this has in turn reinforced the assumption that there is nothing there to study. Several works have included brief digressions on music under Aurangzeb,61 but most of these treatments rely on popular stereotypes and face-value readings of Manucci and Kha Khan. It seems to be largely unrecognised that the oral traditions of some of the most respected gharanas militate against the received view of Aurangzeb; the great Ustad Imrat Khan of the Imdad Khani gharana demonstrated for me in December 2000 a dhrupad composition in praise of Aurangzeb preserved in his familys repertoire for over 300 years. A few dissenting voices (notably those of Franc oise Delvoye and Shahab Sarmadee) have been raised against the received view, but these seem to have gone largely unheard.62 The consensus invariably reached on the basis of Manucci and Kha Khans accounts of the ban is that Aurangzebs reputation. . .was
61 Notably Bor, Voice of the sarangi (1986/7); Miner, Sitar and sarod (1993); Ahmad, Hindustani music (1984); Trivedi Tradition and transition (1999) and Hindustani music and dance (2000); Wade, Imaging sound (1998); S N H Rizvi, Music in Muslim India (1941) and Bhanu, Promotion of music (1955). Similar descriptions of Aurangzebs treatment of music appear in the standard political histories of his reign, such as Sarkar, History of Aurangzib (191226) and Richards, Mughal empire (1993). 62 Delvoye, Indo-Persian literature on art-music (1994) and Sarmadees introduction to Faqirullah, Rag Darpan (1996). Both base their dissenting views on the Indo-Persian primary sources rather than on Manucci and Kha Khan. Chandra (Cultural and political role of Delhi (1986)) also puts forward a perspective contrary to the received view, and Bor has conrmed his view that Aurangzebs banning of music is spurious (2002, personal communication).
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sealed forever. . .the prohibition against music applied to all.63 The supposed consequences of this injunction are rarely speculated upon at length. Several scholars note without explanation the continuing role of music in Aurangzebs harim, largely because Manuccis lengthy description of female harim musicians cannot be ignored.64 A few writers, notably Miner, Bhanu and N. P. Ahmad, briey explore the bans potential implications, including the possibility of subversion and alternative sources of patronage. All three use Manuccis assertion that the nobles ignored the ban to argue that aristocratic patronage of music continued under Aurangzeb, or even, according to Miners nuanced thesis, expanded.65 Nevertheless, even they seem to feel obliged to restate unequivocally that under Aurangzebs unyielding control music. . .suffered a setback. . .performance of music, except of a devotional nature, was prohibited,66 all musicians and singers [were dismissed] from his country;67 and music was ruthlessly suppressed by this fundamentalist ruler. . .[who] nally banned the practice of music altogether.68
Dealing with the Discrepancies Such unwillingness to challenge cherished assumptions about Aurangzeb has produced some convoluted manglings of primary source materials in attempts to deal with clear discrepancies between the sources and the received view. It is in fact almost impossible to maintain the received view of Aurangzeb based on the two versions of the burial story, in the face of evidence from the same sources that Aurangzebs nobles and harim continued their patronage of music largely unhindered. Thus, while forcefully asserting the historicity of a complete ban on musical activity, all the main discussions of Aurangzebs policies contain caveats that undermine such certainty. The tensions thus produced in discussions of the bans consequences
63 Wade, Imaging sound (1998), p. 187; see also S. N. H. Rizvi, Music in Muslim India (1941), p. 338; Bhanu, Promotion of music (1955), p. 28; Ahmad, Hindustani music (1984), p. 6; Miner, Sitar and sarod (1993), p. 76; Bor, Voice of the sarangi (1986/7), p. 84; Richards, Mughal empire (1993), p. 173. 64 Manucci, Storia (1907), vol. ii pp. 31214. 65 Miner, Sitar and sarod (1993), p. 78. 66 Ahmad, Hindustani music (1984), p. 6. 67 Bhanu, Promotion of music (1955), p. 28. 68 Miner, Sitar and sarod (1993), p. 76.
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are invariably glossed over by resorting to one of two solutions. The rst is to argue, following Manucci, that a complete ban was enforced, but that the nobles secretly subverted it. The only explicit supporter of this view surveyed here, Miner states both that Aurangzebs puritanical attitude led to a stoppage of support to music and a suppression of it to some degree, and that his repression had no real effect on the musical atmosphere of the court at all. She explains this apparent contradiction by arguing that in deance of the emperor, the Mughal amirs actually increased their patronage of music by taking on the large number of unemployed court musicians who remained in Delhi. She speculates that this shift in patronage led to large-scale musical change. Thus, while in her opinion Aurangzebs repressive policies had an undoubted effect on music in the seventeenth century, it was the opposite of what he had intended.69 The second solution reects Kha Khans more restricted view of the ban, and allows for a level of legal music making while still accepting the burial anecdote. One suggestion advanced by Bhanu and Miner is that a number of court musicians sought to escape Aurangzebs sphere of inuence by migrating to other (Hindu) courts such as Bikaner.70 Although some migration may have taken place (this was in any case commonplace)71 , this argument is problematic. It ignores the fact that the Rajput rulers of such states were fully and closely integrated into the Mughal hierarchy as mansabdars, many of them of very high rank, with a tradition of loyal service to the Mughal emperor. Raja Anup Singh of Bikaner, for example, was granted a mansab of 2500 zat, 2000 savar on his accession in the ninth year of Aurangzebs reign (1667).72 The emperor later increased this to 3500 as a reward for loyal service, ranking him among the top 150 nobles.73 Richards notes that loyalty was successfully maintained between Aurangzeb and his top 1000 mansabdars by a system of extensive face-to-face encounters.74 It is more than likely that the rulers of such states, with their entire households including musicians,75 spent a large amount of time at the imperial
Ibid., pp. 778. Bhanu, Promotion of music (1955), p. 29; see also Miner, Sitar and sarod (1993), p. 78. 71 e.g. della Valle, The pilgrim (1989), p. 243. 72 Shah Nawaz Khan, Maasir al-Umara (1999), vol.i pp. 7656. 73 Ali, The Mughal nobility (1966), p. 228. His son, Swarup Singh, was also a mansabdar (1500 savar); see Shah Nawaz Khan, Maasir al-Umara (1999), vol. i p. 766. 74 Richards, Mughal administration (1975), pp. 2434. 75 Mirza Nathan, a general in the armies of Jahangir and Shah Jahan, took his kalawants and courtesans with his household on military campaigns (Baharistan-i Ghaybi
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court in Delhi, and in Aurangzebs camp during his thirty years of campaigning in the Deccan. Hence, by transferring allegiance to these lesser rulers, the erstwhile imperial musicians would nevertheless have remained fully under Aurangzebs eye. Another possibility suggested by Bhanu is that the ban only applied to the court of the emperor.76 This would legitimise musical activity outside the specic limit of the imperial darbar. Finally, several writers argue that the large increase in the number of Indo-Persian musical treatises written under Aurangzeb was the direct result of his suppression of practical outlets for musical creativity. More musical treatises in Persian were written during Aurangzebs reign than in the previous 500 years of Muslim rule in India, and all of them make signicant references to current music making. Faced with this mass of primary evidence to the contrary, such scholars nevertheless cling to the view that music was silenced during this period, speculating instead that frustrated musicians were forced to channel their stied musicianship into writing about it.77 This somewhat perverse argument can only be understood in the context of an inability to escape the received view.
Did Aurangzeb Bury Music? Some of these solutions have merit, particularly those of Bhanu and Miner. However, they are all predicated on the assumption that the ban and burial stories in Kha Khan and Manucci are true, and that the information they present simply needs to be collated and explained. One solution that has not been considered by any proponent of the received view is that the burial anecdote, found in only two sources, is mythical. Most secondary accounts offer no assessment of the primary sources, treating them as fact, and those that do are largely uncritical.78 However, seventeenth-century travel journals require particular care in their assessment as historical sources,79 and of all the travel accounts of this period, Manuccis is the most
(1936), vol. i p. 512, vol. ii pp. 144, 476), as did men under the command of Ghaziuddin Feroz Jang during Aurangzebs reign (see below). 76 Bhanu, Promotion of music (1955), p. 29. 77 e.g. Ahmad, Hindustani music (1984), pp. 37. 78 e.g. Richards, Mughal empire (1993), p. 306; Wade, Imaging sound (1998), p. lii; and Bor, Voice of the sarangi (1986/7), p. 63. 79 See Brown, Reading Indian music (1999) and (2000).
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controversial.80 Kha Khans account is also not straightforward. As Delvoye suggests, in order to establish the historicity of the burial narratives, we rst need to conduct a thorough study of the personalities and the motivations of their authors, [which] would certainly lead to a serious questioning of this simplistic vision.81
The Origins of the Burial Kha Khan was born into an Irani family, and grew up in the Deccan. He took up a minor position in the Mughal administration as a revenue collector in 1684, and towards the end of Aurangzebs reign worked as a newswriter in the region of Ahmedabad.82 The Muntakhab alLubab, a general history of the Mughal dynasty, was compiled between 1718 and 1734. While the section devoted to Aurangzeb is based on contemporary records for the rst ten regnal years, Kha Khan complains that the lack of written sources after 1667 forced him to rely on his memory for subsequent events.83 Given that he was only four years old in 1668 and living in the Deccan, his memory of Aurangzebs ban is hardly likely to be reliable. This would seem to place his account of the ban and burial at least fty years after the event. In contrast, the Venetian adventurer Niccolao Manucci wrote his Storia do Mogor in Madras at the end of Aurangzebs lifetime, having spent some years in residence in Delhi. His version of the story would therefore appear to be earlier than Kha Khans. Nonetheless, it was still only written down after 1699, after more than thirty years had elapsed. Throughout his journal, Manucci emphasises his unique familiarity with Mughal society,84 and is keen to portray his account of the Mughal court as being trustworthier than all other travel writers.85 Certainly, Manucci presents some of the most extensive European descriptions of music during this period. These appear more valuable
80 See Maiello, Mughal justice (1984), pp. 6239; Sarkar, History of Aurangzib (191226), p. xxi-ii; Devra, Manuccis comments (1984), p. 351 and William Irvines introduction to the Storia do Mogor (1907), vol. i. 81 Delvoye, Indo-Persian literature (1994), p. 118. 82 Syeds introduction to Kha Khan, Muntakhab al-Lubab (1977), p. xiii-v. 83 Ibid., xiv. 84 Maiello, Mughal justice (1984), p. 628; Brown, Reading Indian music (1999), p. 27. 85 Manucci, Storia (1907), vol. i p. 3.
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when the length of his residence in India (16531717) and his rsthand knowledge of the imperial capital are considered. He also gives the impression of having been well acquainted with members of the Mughal establishment. However, he regularly exaggerates the extent of his inuence, portraying himself as indispensable to Mughal society, even giving the impression that he personally wielded more power than either the emperor or Islam:
It was so common to drink spirits when Aurangzeb ascended the throne, that one day he said in a passion that in all Hindustan no more than two men could be found who did not drink, namely, himself and Abd-al-wahhab, the chief qazi appointed by him. . . But with respect to Abd-al-wahhab he was in error, for I myself sent him every day a bottle of spirits (vino), which he drank in secret, so that the king could not nd it out.86
The sense of his being central to the imperial court, with a privileged understanding of its inner workings, is also conveyed in many of his descriptions of music. His detailed description of female musicians in the harim, for example, is presented as the eyewitness account of one who has a special acquaintance with all these secrets and of many others, which is not in place for me to state.87 Manuccis claim to be an eyewitness in this case is dubious. It is highly unlikely that he ever observed Aurangzebs harim. His description is possibly even inventedthe same names appear in more than one of his lists, including that of Hira Bai who had been dead since 1654. Even Franc ois Bernier, Dara Shikohs personal physician and an intimate of some of the leading nobles, entered Aurangzebs harim only once, blindfolded. He wrote: I now wish I could lead you about in the Seraglio, as I have done in the rest of the Fortress: but who is the Traveller that can speak of that as an eye-witness?.88 Perhaps to bolster his claim of possessing such information, Manucci gave his fellow traveller John Fryer the impression that he had been chief physician to Aurangzeb for forty years.89 This was simply not true. Manucci was a self-educated Venetian mercenary whose patchy contact with Mughal society was supplied by a series of the least desirable military jobs90 and a three-year stint as physician to the wife
Ibid., vol. ii p. 4. Ibid., vol. ii p. 334. 88 Teltscher, India inscribed (1997), p. 42. 89 Ibid. 90 See Gordon, Marathas, marauders (1994), p. 188, for a pungent description of the lowly status of artillerymen, of which Manucci was one.
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of Shah Alam (later Bahadur Shah, r.170712). While in the princess service, Manucci may have had contact with female slaves in Shah Alams residential quarters. However, these slaves did not belong to the imperial harim, as none of the royal princes lived within the walls of the imperial fort.91 Moreover, Manucci was not even living in Shah Alams palace, and he specically states that it was only through the princes female slaves that he gained information about life within this household. It is also clear from Manuccis descriptions that all his dealings with the princess were conducted through a curtain.92 Despite this, he claims that Shah Alam allowed him freely to wander about the harim whenever he liked:
It is the custom in the royal household, when a physician is called within the mahal, for the eunuch to cover his head with a cloth, which hangs down to his waist. They then conduct him to the patients room, and he is taken out in the same manner. . .The prince. . .ordered them to uncover me, and that in future I was to be allowed to come in and go out without being covered. He said that the minds of Christians were not lthy like those of Mahomedans.93
This passage is quite implausible, and appears to have been designed to draw attention to Manuccis superiority over his literary archrival, Bernier. Bernier witnessed many of the same events as Manucci, from a much more privileged position,94 and published his travels (1670) to great acclaim thirty years before Manucci began writing. Manucci frequently sneers at Berniers supposed shortcomings when compared with his own superior understanding of the situation.95 However, it is well known that Manucci relied heavily on Berniers published journal, not merely for the form of his observations, but also for their contents and perspective. Maiello argues that Manuccis work often seems an articial elaboration of Berniers comments. . .given Berniers accurate and detailed description, Manuccis observations not only appear redundant but also somewhat insipid. Furthermore, his attempt to outdo Bernier leads the Venetian traveller. . .to give undue credit to sordid hearsay information.96 Even William Irvine, who suggests more kindly that Manucci merely used Bernier as a memory aid, argues that his supposed extracts from the Mogul ofcial
Blake, Shahjahanabad (1993), pp. 45, 75. Manucci, Storia (1907), vol. iii pp. 393, 3978. 93 Ibid., p. 400. 94 After Dara Shikohs death, Bernier was appointed personal adviser to Danishmand Khan, Aurangzebs secretary of state for foreign affairs. 95 e.g. Ibid., vol. i p. 220, vol. ii pp. 6575. 96 Maiello, Mughal justice (1984), pp. 6256.
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chronicles are for the reigns preceding that of Shahjahan a tissue of absurdities.97 Manuccis reliance on bazaar rumours for the rest of his narrative is also proverbial.98 In short, Manucci did possess extensive experiential knowledge of Mughal India, and served various members of the Mughal establishment over some years. It would be unwise summarily to dismiss his descriptions of musical events in Aurangzebs reign as similarly being a tissue of absurdities. However, rather than being a trusted and close servant of the court with personal access to Aurangzebs harim and extensive inuence among the nobles, not only did Manucci have no more than a marginal position in Shahjahanabad, but his observations and even his opinions are often based on Berniers account, many of those that are original are second-hand anecdotes of dubious origin, and his claims to be a privileged eyewitness sometimes collapse under scrutiny. Moreover, Manuccis travel journal demonstrates a hatred for Aurangzeb that verges on the irrational. Maiello argues that this erce antagonism created the most blatant distortion present in his narrative,99 a distortion that I have shown to be present in many of his musical anecdotes. Given Manuccis hostility towards Aurangzeb and his treatment of music primarily in symbolic terms, it is very difcult to verify the extent of historical accuracy in his account of the ban and burial. The ban itself seems to have some basis in fact, as there is evidence independent of the two burial stories to conrm that some sort of restrictions were placed on music in 16689. However, the burial story is of more dubious genesis. In this case, Manucci did not use Bernier as a source, as Bernier makes no mention of the ban. Nor does Manucci claim to have been an eyewitness, which almost certainly shows that he was not there. At best, Manuccis version of the ban and burial is probably second-hand gossip written down at a distance of thirty years, embellished to portray Aurangzeb in the worst possible light. In the absence of an earlier version of the burial story than Manuccis, it would be tempting to dismiss it as a product of his fertile imagination. However, a closer inspection of Kha Khans narrative shows that his burial narrative was copied almost word for word from a signicantly earlier source than Manucci, attributed to an Aurangzebi
97 98 99
Manucci, Storia (1907), vol. i pp. lxxii-iii. Sarkar, History of Aurangzib (191226), p. xxi-ii. Maiello, Mughal justice (1984), pp. 629.
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mansabdar, Mamuri.100 Abdul Fazl Mamuri supposedly entered imperial service c.1655 and lived to record Aurangzebs death in 1707. However, Syed points out that such a lengthy period of service would have been unlikely. Furthermore, the only mansabdar by the name of Abdul Fazl Mamuri listed anywhere in the records died in 1655. Syed argues that Mamuri was the collective nom de plume of at least three imperial ofcers who wished, on account of their opposition to Aurangzeb, to remain anonymous. Although Mamuri seems to have had contact with various courtiers, as well as Aurangzeb himself, Syed states that the account is chronologically inaccurate and contains many other errors. However, Mamuri may have begun writing as early as 1681.101 This means that Kha Khans account of the ban and burial represents a considerably earlier version of the story than Manuccis, borrowed from an author who claimed to be an eyewitness.102 Given the mystery surrounding Mamuri, however, this claim is difcult to rely on; the author also gives himself a ctional background, positions, and mansab rank.103 In addition, any story told by Mamuri is likely deliberately to portray the emperor in a negative light. The historicity of the burial story therefore remains doubtful. All that can be said with any degree of certainty is that Manucci was not its originator, and that, at least among Aurangzebs enemies, the story was in circulation thirteen years after the event.
Disposing of the Body My conclusions on the trustworthiness of the burial story have several implications in assessing the nature of Aurangzebs restrictions on music. Firstly, if Kha Khans account is the earlier version of the story, we should disregard as ctional any information or interpretations that appear only in Manucci. Secondly, there is no evidence that the story of the burial protest is anything other than a myth propagated by Aurangzebs enemies. This is not to downplay its contemporary signicance as a metaphor of the anxieties and frustrated ideals of one faction of Mughal society. However, its status as music history, and especially its claims of totality, should be rejected. We need to dismiss
100 101 102 103
Kha Khan, Muntakhab al-Lubab (1977), p. 245; cf. Mamuri, f.139b-40a. Ibid., p. xii-xxv. Ibid., p. 245 n.1; Mamuri, f.140a. Ibid., p. xxiii-vi.
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both accounts of the burial protest, and to accept the priority of Kha Khans interpretation of the ban itself. By integrating this perspective with a discussion of the lesser-used primary sources, a very different picture to the received view of Aurangzeb begins to emerge.
Reinterpreting the Ban Kha Khans understanding of the ban suggests that Aurangzebs restrictions may only have applied to qawwals and kalawants in the service of the imperial court. Furthermore, these restrictions were designed to minimise any hardship the musicians might otherwise have endured. This picture corresponds with the record of the ban in the much earlier Mirat-i Alam by Bakhtawar Khan (written 1658 1684). Bakhtawar Khans interpretation also coincides with Berniers understanding of the restrictions placed on the kanchani. In 16689, as the Emperor had no liking for pleasure, and his devotion to duty left him no time for festivity, he ordered that the chief musicians Khushhal Khan, Bisram Khan, Rasbin, and others might come to the Court, but must not make music.104 The Mirat-i Alam conrms Kha Khans statement that the musicians mansabs were increased if they chose to renounce their vocation.105 Moreover, in noting that the emperors alternative solution to increasing their salaries was to grant land for their maintenance, Bakhtawar Khans account is conrmed by the record of a land grant drawn up precisely around this time (5 June 1672), bestowed upon Ilah-Dad, son of one of the court musicians on account of his giving up music (sarud) as a means of earning (kasb).106
Cited in Saqi Mustaidd Khan, Maasir-i Alamgiri (1947), p. 45. Bakhtawar Khan, Mirat-i Alam (1877), p. 157. 106 Shakeb, Batala collection of Mughal documents (1990), pp. 89. The fuller text runs as follows: A hukm-nama dated 8 Saf [1083] (5 June 1672) issued by Asad Khan during the 15th regnal year of Aurangzeb. . .The agents (gumashtas) of the present and future jagirdars and karuris of the pargana of Jalalabad in Punjab suba are informed that a grant of ten bighas of fallow but cultivable land excluded from tax (kharaj-jam) was assigned to Ilah-Dad son of Darbar Mughanni [probably simply court musician rather than a title or name] on account of his giving up music (sarud) as a means of earning (kasb). . .The agents should therefore. . .leave the said land in the grantees possession after measuring and marking it out. They should henceforth show no interest in it whatsoever nor initiate any change or alteration so that the grantee may keep himself engaged in prayer for the perpetuation of the empire while using its yields (hasilat) unhindered for his livelihood (maishat) (italics mine). It should be noted that the italicised nal phrase is a standard exhortation used on most land grants regardless of the status of the grantee, prayer merely constituting the quid pro quo of being the grateful beneciary
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What is most interesting about Bakhtawar Khans account though, is that it portrays Aurangzebs restrictions purely as an act of personal piety with no wider implications for public policy. It is important to note that Aurangzeb personally authorised the publication of the Mirat-i Alam. Historians commonly state that he banned the writing of historical chronicles along with everything else in the eleventh year of his reign.107 On the contrary, after Bakhtawar Khans death in 1684, Aurangzeb gave the authors disciple Saqi Mustaidd Khan permission to publish the Mirat-i Alam. This work echoes the ofcial line so closely that some scholars say it might as well have been written by Aurangzeb himself.108 Hence, the interpretation of the ban found in the Mirat-i Alam and the Maasir-i Alamgiri is most likely to represent Aurangzebs ofcial stance on music:
Though he has collected at the foot of his [throne]. . .singers who possess lovely voices and clever instrumental performers, and in the commencement of his reign sometimes used to hear them sing and play, and though he himself understands music well, yet now for several years past, on account of his great restraint and self-denial, and observance of the great Imam. . .he entirely abstains from this amusement. If any of the singers and musicians becomes ashamed of his calling, he makes an allowance for him or grants him land for his maintenance. . .Mirza Mukarram Khan Safavi, who was an expert in the musical art, once said to His Majesty What is your Majestys view of music? The Emperor answered (in Arabic) It is mubah [permissible], neither good nor bad. The Khan asked, Then what kind of it is in your opinion most worthy to be heard? The Emperor replied, I cannot listen to music without [instruments] especially pakhawaj, but that is unanimously prohibited (haram); so I have left off hearing singing too.109
Exactly what genres Aurangzeb regarded as haram is unclear. From the names of the musicians whom he requested to stop performing in his presence, it is apparent that Aurangzeb no longer allowed himself to listen to dhrupad, always accompanied by pakhawaj, or to instrumental music. Khushhal Khan Kalawant, a descendant of Tansen, was the greatest dhrupad singer of his generation, and Ras Bin was a superb
of the emperors bounty, and nothing to do with this particular grantee having been a musician. 107 e.g. Richards, Mughal empire (1993), p. 173. 108 S. A. A. Rizvi, A socio-intellectual history (1986), p. 2757. 109 Bakhtawar Khan, Mirat-i Alam (1877), p. 157; Saqi Mustaidd Khan, Maasir-i Alamgiri (1947), p. 313. Sarkar translates mazamir here as utes (Saqi Mustaidd Khan, Maasir-i Alamgiri (1947), p. 313); this is incorrect. In the context of legal debates on sama, from which Aurangzebs statements ultimately derive, the word mazamir means instruments generically.
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bin player,110 both considered art music. The forbidden status of the pakhawaj furthermore suggests that Aurangzebs restrictions would have applied to all accompanied genres, which included most genres of art music. However, it is also clear that Aurangzebs abstinence was a private matter, undertaken at personal cost to one who was obviously a connoisseur, for reasons of religious conscience and dedication to weightier matters.111 The idea that music should not be permitted to interfere with a mans serious duties was the consensus of Mughal male culture from at least Akbars reign.112 However, Aurangzebs declaration that music is permissible indicates that his personal renunciation was not intended to be forced upon other patronconnoisseurs. The Mirat-i Alam also suggests that the court musicians were encouraged rather than forced to give up performing. In short, the semi-ofcial account depicts Aurangzeb as a benign, cultured ruler who personally gave up listening to art music out of religious conviction, but who did not translate his act of personal piety into public policy. There are two possible ways of interpreting this portrayal of Aurangzebs ofcial stance. It may be that in 16689 he did attempt more general restrictions on music that were extensively outed and therefore became unenforceable. This account may represent a face-saving exercise aimed at maintaining the integrity of Aurangzebs public persona, while covering up the failure of his attempts at prohibition by retrospectively transforming public orders into unofcial encouragement and voluntary renunciation. However, this seems improbable. Instead, on the evidence of Saqi Mustaidd Khan and Bakhtawar Khan, I would propose that there was no public prohibition of music in Aurangzebs reign, and that the only music that was prohibited was the performance of elite, accompanied genres in the presence of the emperor himself. Moreover, as Dargah Quli Khan shows with respect to Muhammad Shah, the personal abstention of the emperor from musical life would have had no negative impact outside the imperial darbar.113
110 Ras Baras Khan, Shams al-Aswat SJ, ff. 3a-b; Faqirullah, Rag Darpan (1996), p. 209. 111 Saqi Mustaidd Khan, Maasir-i Alamgiri (1947), p. 45. 112 Brown, Hindustani music (2003), p. 13841 and If music be the food of love (forthcoming (a)). 113 Dargah Quli Khan, Muraqqa-i Dehli (1993), p. 102. After Nadir Shahs invasion of Delhi in 1739, Muhammad Shah abstains himself from the musical soirees and
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Musical Life in Aurangzebs Empire This last point is fully borne out by evidence from other primary sources. The Mirzanama of Mirza Kamran, written no earlier than 1672, shows that musical patronage continued as customary amongst the Mughal amirs.114 The popular masnavi of Muhammad Akram Ghanimat, Nairang-i Ishq, written in 1685, makes extensive (if partly allegorical) commentary on the presence of musicians and dancers at mehls he attended, one of whom he famously fell in love with.115 A large number of Aurangzebs amirs are remembered as patrons of music during his reign, including many who were his close associates and relatives. The father of Aurangzebs principal wife, Shah Nawaz Khan Safavi, is described in the Maasir al-Umara as having given his heart to rag. . . He gathered together singers and instrumentalists, the like of which were not to be found in any other place at that time.116 As previously noted, Aurangzebs uncle by marriage, Mir Khalil Khan Zaman (5000 zat/4000 savar d. 1684), was similarly renowned for his patronage of music, and also for his own musicianship.117 Aurangzebs powerful prime minister Asad Khan (7000/7000 appointed 1686, d. 1717) likewise maintained a company of singers and musicians of legendary proportions,118 and the important manuscripts on Hindustani music known to have been commissioned by Diyanat Khan (2000/1500 d. 1713), governor of Aurangabad during Aurangzebs Deccan campaign, indicate that he too was an important patron. Chandra argues there was no shortage of other patrons willing to ll the gap left by Aurangzebs withdrawal from musical patronage in the shape of the governors of provincial capitals.119 Several paintings, for example, produced c.16801710 at the court of Udaipur depict musicians performing for Maharana Jai Singh (5000/5000 savar) and Maharana Amar Singh (also 5000/5000), both (publicly at least) loyal to Aurangzeb.120
has suspended them at court; ibid., p. 122. This had no observable impact on musical lifethe Muraqqa-i Dehli is a byword for vibrant descriptions of musical culture. 114 Mirza Kamran, Mirzanama (1913), pp. 6, 11. 115 Muhammad Akram Ghanimat, Nairang-i Ishq, f.13a-14a. 116 Shah Nawaz Khan, Maasir al-Umara (1888), vol. ii p. 685. 117 Ibid. (1999), vol. i p. 806. 118 Ibid., vol. i p. 279. 119 Chandra, Cultural and political life (1986), p. 208. 120 Topseld, Paintings from Rajasthan (1980), pp. 578, 60 and The royal paintings (1995), p. 189. Mewar (Udaipur) was one of the Rajput states that rose unsuccessfully
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Delhi itself seems to have continued as a centre of cultural patronage under the governorship of Aurangzebs intimate companion, Mir Askari Aqil Khan (4000/1000 d. 1696), after the emperor left for the Deccan in 1679, never to return. Chandra suggests that a small leisured class had emerged at Delhi which had both the means and the desire to offer patronage to cultural activities at this time.121 Patronage seems to have centred around the royalty and the upper echelons of the nobility, and on circles of Su adepts. It is likely that the great patrons of the day, notably Aurangzebs sister Jahanara (d.1681), his favourite daughter Zebunnissa,122 and Aqil Khan himself, continued to provide employment for musicians who remained in Delhi.123 The imperial capital was also a major centre of Chishti Susm, with an important patron in the princess Jahanara. S. A. A. Rizvi states that both Naqshbandi and Chishti Sus in Delhi engaged in the practice of sama throughout Aurangzebs reign.124 The celebrated poet Mirza Abdul Qadir Bedil (500 zat d. 1720), who lived in Delhi from 1684 until 1720 and was an intimate of Aqil Khan, was famous for his musicianship,125 as were several other members of his circle126 including Saif Khan Faqirullah (3000/2500, d. 1684), who wrote the most important musical treatise of Aurangzebs reign, the Rag Darpan (1666). It could perhaps be argued that Aurangzebs absence from Delhi led to a renaissance of musical life there, nourished by a select group of patrons away from the emperors reproving eye. However, there is ample evidence to suggest that musicians continued to attend their patrons in Aurangzebs war camps and temporary capitals in the Deccan. Musicians were highly visible in the entourage of Ghaziuddin Feroz Jang (7000/7000 d.1711), the Mughal general who was responsible for the successful siege of Bijapur in 1687 and was
against Aurangzeb in 167980, under Jai Singhs father Raj Singh, who submitted to Aurangzeb before his death in 1680; see Shah Nawaz Khan, Maasir al-Umara (1999), vol. i pp. 7634. Jai Singhs and Amar Singhs mansabs placed both among Aurangzebs top fty noblemen; see Ali, Mughal nobility (1964), p. 220. 121 Chandra, Cultural and political life (1986), p. 209. 122 Shah Nawaz Khan, Maasir al-Umara (1999), vol. ii p. 612. 123 Chandra, Cultural and political life (1986), p. 208. 124 S. A. A. Rizvi, History of Susm (1983), pp. 250, 272. 125 Bindraban Das, Sana-i Khushgu, f. 72a. 126 For details of the overlapping friendship circles primarily responsible for the cultivation of music in Aurangzebs reign, see Brown, Hindustani music (2003), pp. 12833. These expose a strong link between the patronage of music and poetry and adherence to Susm.
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rewarded for his loyalty with one of the highest mansab ranks.127 Their performances brought the hearts of listeners to ecstasy with sweet melodies, singing and playing the tambur and other instruments.128 The English ambassador to Aurangzeb, William Norris (16991702), used a Flemish musician in the service of Osman Dara as a translator in the imperial camp.129 The traveller Careri witnessed Holi celebrations in the Mughal camp in 1693 that included a formal performance of singing and dancing to entertain the Mughal governor.130 It is also reasonable to suggest that Raja Anup Singh of Bikaner (3500/2000 d.1697), who spent most of his life campaigning for Aurangzeb in the Deccan, may have included in his entourage his most famous imperial trophy, the musician and theorist Bhava Bhatta.131 Under these circumstances, it is hard to imagine that Aurangzeb, lying in his tent at night, would never have heard the faint strains of music carried on the wind from the tents of his loyal generals all around him. But by far the most important patron of music in the late seventeenth century was Aurangzebs third son, Muhammad Azam Shah (16531707). He was a widely popular gure,132 and for much of his life, Azam was also Aurangzebs favourite son.133 As he was only fteen years old in 1668, and died in the same year as his father, his entire career as a patron coincided with the years of Aurangzebs supposed ban. Azam was famous for his superior musicianship. According to Bindraban Das, he was unequalled in his knowledge of the fundamentals of music and dance, and even the great masters asked his advice. He possessed a perfect command of many genres of Hindavi poetry, and he was above all famed for his excellent musical compositions.134 Azam was also renowned as a patron of great discernment, demonstrated in his crucial involvement in establishing the career of Bedil (who was in his service until 1684). His mehls were remembered well into the eighteenth century for attracting the greatest connoisseurs and musicians.135 Not only did he commission
Shah Nawaz Khan, Maasir al-Umara (1999), pp. 589. Simon Digby, Some Asian wanderers (1993), p. 264. 129 Das, Norris Embassy (1959), p. 211. 130 Careri, Indian travels (1949), pp. 21011. 131 Bhanu, Promotion of music (1955), p. 29. 132 Bindraban Das, Sana-i Khushgu, f. 36a. 133 Sarkar, Studies in Aurangzibs reign (1989), p. 43; Shah Nawaz Khan, Maasir al-Umara (1999), p. 790. 134 Bindraban Das, Sana-i Khushgu, f. 36a. 135 Inayat Khan Rasikh, Risala-i Zikr-i Mughanniyan-i Hindustan (1961), pp. 301.
128
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one of the most inuential musical treatises of the seventeenth century, the fth chapter of the Tohfat al-Hind (c.1675),136 but he was responsible for nurturing the early career of one of the greatest musicians of the next century, Nimat Khan Kalawant Sadarang, as well as patronising his father Nirmol Khan.137 It seems likely that the critical role of the imperial patron in nourishing musical life and inspiring new trends devolved onto Muhammad Azam Shah after his father renounced it. If this was the case, it is conceivable that Azam inherited the patronage of the musicians who once adorned Aurangzebs mehls.
Aurangzeb and the Kalawants Finally Speak Nevertheless, exactly what happened to Khushhal Khan Kalawant and the other kalawants and qawwals in Aurangzebs service remains unclear. It seems fairly certain from Bakhtawar Khan and Saqi Mustaidd Khan that, contrary to Miner and Chandra,138 the imperial musicians were not dismissed, and could comfortably have remained in Aurangzebs service with their increased mansabs had they so wished. However, Dargah Quli Khan suggests that the emperors personal musicians (in the case of Muhammad Shah) were forbidden from performing outside his assemblies unless they were released from his service.139 It may be that Aurangzebs qawwals and kalawants effectively felt encouraged to choose between never performing again, or leaving his service. Because of the religious motivations behind his actions, the musicians and Aurangzebs opponents could conceivably have construed this as constructive dismissaland as evidence of an increasingly Islamic public agenda. There are two insurmountable problems with this scenario. The rst is that there is no evidence of a mass departure of kalawants and qawwals from Aurangzebs service, or even, apart from the accounts above, of an order to keep silent in the emperors presence. One would expect such
136
Brown, Hindustani music (2003), pp. 734; Ansari, Tohfat al-Hind (1968),
p. 5. Inayat Khan Rasikh, Risala-i Zikr-i Mughanniyan-i Hindustan (1961), pp. 301. Chandra, Cultural and political role (1986), pp. 2078. 139 Dargah Quli Khan, Muraqqa-i Dehli (1993), p. 102. The female kalawant Kamal Bai could only be heard in public after Muhammad Shah suspended the patronage of his musicians.
138 137
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a major event in music history as the cessation of imperial patronage to warrant at least some commentary in the Indo-Persian musical treatises of the period. Yet not one treatise written between 1660 and 1750 mentions any restrictions on music during Aurangzebs reign, or any large-scale departure or dismissal of musicians from the imperial court. Furthermore, all of them make signicant references to current music making. Most crucially, there is no mention of any politicallyinspired musical crises in the Shams al-Aswat, written in 1698 by the son of Khushhal Khan Kalawant, the principal target of Aurangzebs order to stop performing. Ras Baras Khan Kalawant describes his fathers life and career at length, including such detailed information as the fact that he had weak blood and died of an apoplexy.140 There is no record of him either ceasing to perform on Aurangzebs request, or leaving imperial service. Furthermore, Ras Baras Khans introduction includes an unusually lengthy dedication to Aurangzeb, demonstrating that the emperor was still his patron.141 Ras Baras Khans extravagant dedication to the emperor suggests that Aurangzeb continued to encourage theoretical discourse on music as late as 1698. Moreover, the Shams al-Aswat includes some of the most original descriptions of current musical practice in the Indo-Persian corpus. Most importantly, however, an early eighteenthcentury treatise names Ras Baras Khan as the greatest performing musician of his generation.142 It does not necessarily follow that Aurangzeb himself reverted to his earlier engagement with live music. However, it does show that he consented to its perpetuation. The Shams al-Aswat demonstrates not only that some kalawants remained under Aurangzebs patronage throughout his reign, but that they were permitted to continue performing. Secondly, the scenario of a mass departure from the imperial court is predicated on Bakhtawar Khans suggestion that Aurangzeb encouraged his companions and servants to renounce music. However, a letter to his son Muhammad Azam Shah dated c.1690 demonstrates that, at least in private, the exact opposite was the case. In praising
Ras Baras Khan, Shams al-Aswat SJ, f. 3b. Ibid., ff. 11a-12a. According to Faqirullah, the presence of the emperors name in the preface of a treatise signied that he was not just the patron in name, but that he had seen the nished product and approved it; see Rag Darpan (1996), p. 225. 142 Anonymous, Risala dar Tal, f. 59a; also Ras Baras Khan, Shams al-Aswat EUL, f. 1b.
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his own fathers way of life, Aurangzeb wrote:

After sunset he retired from the Divan-i-Am, offered evening prayers and (then) entered his special private chamber. There were present sweettongued historians, eloquent story-tellers, sweet-voiced musicians [qawwalani khush al-han]. . .In short, His Majesty passed, till midnight, the hours of day and night, in this manner, and (thus) did justice to life and sovereignty. As (my) paternal love regarding (my) son is from the heart (i.e. true) and not from the pen (i.e. false), I was obliged to write and inform (my) dear son what was good and valuable.143
This does not necessarily imply that Aurangzeb himself continued to listen to performances by qawwals, who were the pre-eminent exponents of khayal at this time.144 Nevertheless, it conclusively demonstrates contrary to expectation that he considered the patronage and performance of music, at least in relation to the qawwals, to be essentially good and valuable. In this letter he strongly recommends Shah Jahans practice to his son. It is impossible to argue on this basis that Aurangzeb actively discouraged his subjects from listening to music. It is equally difcult to believe that he would have forbidden the qawwals who remained under his patronage from performing. The story of the banning of music therefore seems to be wrong about both the kalawants and the qawwals.
The Two Faces of Aurangzeb These nal and most authoritative clues to what happened to music in Aurangzebs reign not only refute the received view of a universal ban, but also seem to conict with the authorised version of a personal renunciation. Listening only to the voices of the actors in the drama, it would be possible to conclude that even the stories of Aurangzebs personal abstinence from music have been exaggerated for political reasons. It could be argued that Aurangzeb never requested his musicians to stop playing in his presence, or if he did, the stories refer to a temporary situation or a trivial incident. However, instead, I would propose that the discrepancies between the constructed
143
Aurangzeb, Rukaat-i Alamgiri (1972), p. 19; Faqirullah, Rag Darpan (1996),
p. xli.
144 Brown, Origins and development of khayal, (forthcoming (b)). This passage has no specic religious connotations, and I have therefore taken it to include the range of music performed by qawwals.
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historical narratives, and Aurangzebs private letters and the writings of his musicians, represent the difference between Aurangzebs public persona, deliberately constructed to serve political ends, and his private persona, a more nuanced gure. The face Aurangzeb needed to show the world was clear-cut; pious but reasonable, someone whose commitment to the strictures of Islamic orthodoxy was demonstrated in his personal renunciation of music, which was pursued with integrity and fairness to those affected. Privately, however, his beliefs were altogether less black and white. I would argue it is possible to reconcile the two faces of Aurangzeb. To do so, however, we need to return to Hira Bai.
Hira Bai Zainabadi: an Epilogue With the substantial support of later evidence, Aurangzebs experience with Hira Bai demonstrates that he fundamentally enjoyed music. But it also showed him how much power music had to lead him astray, to make him lose control over his emotions and his body.145 The power of music to move the emotions and to heal the body is extensively addressed in the Indo-Persian treatises. According to Muzaffar Husain, physician to Muhammad Shah, if the sick are occupied with singing from morning until night, they nd relief from sorrow, sickness, disease and the burden of troubles.146 This is partially to do with the benecial physical effects of the expulsion of breath from the body that accompanies the act of singing. However, it is mainly related to the fact that music touches the human soul and produces benecial emotions that give physical strength to the weak.147 Music was believed to arouse tranquillity, melancholy, longing, grief, regret, attachment and desire in the heart of the listener. It was also able to produce truth, discernment, and even enlightenment in the seeker of righteousness. However, above all, music was believed to induce profound feelings of joy and love, human as well as divine.148 The emotional power of music made it highly controversial in Islamic
Shah Nawaz Khan, Maasir al-Umara (1999), p. 806. Also Ras Baras Khan, Shams al-Aswat SJ, f. 8b. 147 Muzaffar Husayn, Jam-i Jahan-numa, ff. 230a-1a. 148 Mirza Khan, Tohfat al-Hind KB, f. 303b; Ras Baras Khan, Shams al-Aswat SJ, f. 8b; Mirza Bedil, Kulliyat-i Bidil, f. 56a; Qazi Hasan, Sarud al-Bahr, f. 2b.
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writings, and music was portrayed as potentially having the power to make a man lose control. In seventeenth-century Indo-Persian texts, the power of women and music to destroy mens self-control and political power was taken for granted, and was transformed into cautionary tales about the dangers of falling in love with a courtesan.149 It is this trope that haunts the story of Aurangzeb and Hira Bai. Aurangzebs doomed relationship with Hira Bai did not turn him against music. However, his desperate attraction to her did act as a warning to him. In order for a sincerely religious man to regain control over himself, the orthodox solution was clear: as Abdul Haqq Dehlavi so succinctly put it, Some have said that listening to music increases passion. The way of piety is not to listen to it.150 Finding visible ways to maintain his integrity as a pious Muslim was critical to Aurangzeb in the rst part of his reign, because his dubious claims of political legitimacy relied on his adherence to religious orthodoxy.151 Moreover, in Mughal male society at this time, the ability to control ones passions was not just a religious imperative, but was central to the maintenance of princely adab, or mirzai. There were signicant connections between the realms of religion and princely etiquette. OHanlon notes that elite male adab in Mughal India shared much in common with su spirituality, and many su mystics were known for their qualities of mirzai.152 According to OHanlon, elite manliness in Aurangzebs court was signied and maintained by a careful disciplining of the body:
A mans spiritual and emotional states were most powerfully affected by techniques of the body, and by careful control of his physical environment. But this was now a much more individuated body, marked out as such by carefully chosen forms of knowledge and consumption, and deployed more self-consciously as an instrument to perfect the soul.153
It is striking, therefore, that Faqirullah should choose to describe Aurangzeb in these very terms: as a Su whose discipline was bodily to
149 Brown, Reading Indian music (2000), p. 18 and If music be the food of love (forthcoming (a)). 150 Abdul Haqq Dehlavi, Risala-i Talisa-i Qur us-Sama, f. 62b. 151 Richards, Mughal empire (1993), p. 172; Chandra, Cultural and political role (19867), pp. 8990. 152 OHanlon, Manliness and imperial service (1999), p. 71. 153 Ibid., p. 85.
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perform his adab as emperor, in order to attain spiritual perfection:

He wears the crown to shake off the shackles (as a Su does in sheer ecstasy); and he sits on the throne to discipline his soul (as again a Su does in Chilla: forty days course of self-purication).154
In this way Mughal ideals of manliness were grafted onto Islamic notions of piety to determine how Aurangzeb displayed himself publicly as a good Muslim ruler. The mastery of princely self-discipline included the negotiation of highly detailed rules for the patronage of music.155 These established a repertoire of behaviours within dened limits of decency and deviance, between which a patron could chart his own course according to his personal ideology. In order to maintain his integrity as an orthodox Muslim, Aurangzeb had to discipline his passions and behaviour to conform to his chosen ideology. Because his public piety helped maintain his sometimes fragile hold on power, and because music had in the past dramatically affected his self-control, the demands of his public persona now required Aurangzeb to abstain from music. I am not suggesting that Aurangzebs renunciation of music was cynical and insincere, designed purely for public consumption. Rather, much as heavy drinkers might renounce alcohol in order to live a life consistent with their private beliefs and achieve their public ambitions, Aurangzeb may have felt that giving up music was a sacrice worth making to maintain his public piety and therefore his political power. It is unlikely that Aurangzeb hypocritically listened to music in private while at the same time maintaining public abstinence. Even Manucci believed that Aurangzeb was consistent in matters of practical piety, such as abstaining from alcohol.156 Whether at some stage later in his reign Aurangzeb began to listen to his musicians again is not clear; the increasingly liberal religious ideology Chandra notes in the latter half of his reign might suggest an accompanying relaxation of his stance on music.157 It may be that he simply continued to allow the musicians in his service to pursue their vocations, privately acknowledging to his companions and children the value of listening to music. No matter how long Aurangzeb maintained his abstinence from music, all the evidence suggests that his private attitudes were more
Faqirullah, Rag Darpan (1996), p. 217. See Brown, Hindustani music (2003), pp. 11876 and If music be the food of love (forthcoming (a)). 156 Manucci, Storia (1907), vol. ii p. 5. 157 Chandra, Cultural and political role (1986), pp. 989, 101.
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supportive of musical practice than his public persona implies, and that he acquiesced in the continuance of aristocratic patronage outside his darbar. In any case, it seems most likely he would have continued to sustain in public the benignly neutral stance towards music described in the Mirat-i Alam and the Maasir-i Alamgiri throughout his reign. Conclusions In this discussion of Aurangzebs policy towards music, I have been seeking to establish the extent and effectiveness of his ban on music, and the real effects of his policy on musical life. Manucci states that Aurangzeb banished all music from his empire, destroying instruments and livelihoods and creating great distress, only to have his policy undermined by the subversive activities of his amirs. Kha Khan argues that the ban was restricted to the top classical musicians in the imperial court and had much less severe consequences for them, after which music disappears from his narrative as if Aurangzeb really did kill rag. Not only do the two sources of the burial story contradict each other, but Manucci contradicts himself, the evidence of other Indo-Persian and European sources substantially refutes Kha Khan and Manucci, and their credibility is further undermined by exaggeration, plagiarism, and their antagonism towards the emperor. The majority of scholars nevertheless read them uncritically, and then have immense trouble piecing together what are, after all, two entirely different jigsaws. When Aurangzeb himself suggests that listening to the singing of qawwals is good and valuable, and a leading kalawant devotes three pages of his musical treatise to praising his imperial patron, the contradictions between a rather bewildering array of primary sources become overwhelming. They only begin to fall into place once we come to the conclusion that there was no ban at all, unless it was so brief as to be meaningless. Instead, I have argued that for reasons of personal religious integrity, Aurangzeb felt it necessary to abstain from an activity that he enjoyed, while maintaining an attitude of benign neutrality towards music in public, and of impersonal support in private. As a result, his withdrawal from active engagement with music had no negative effects on musical life during his reign. The real impact of Aurangzebs entirely personal, voluntary renunciation of music was symbolic. This is why the persuasive myth of the burial of music endures as history amongst musicologists, historians, journalists, and men and women on the street. The story of the ban and burial is a musical
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parable158 of the supposedly devastating effects of Aurangzebs Islamic orthodoxy on the liberal and tolerant culture of India. It is transformed into a cautionary tale to remind readers of the dangers of allowing regimes like the Taliban to go unchecked.159 Or it becomes a convenient brick to be used in the construction of a national identity on the ruins of a mosque. It has credibility and power because there is a grain of truth in it. Although the widely believed anecdote of Aurangzebs becoming or pretending to be a religious ascetic in his youth is unlikely to be true,160 his strictness in the area of personal piety is beyond question. From this, it has often been argued that his personal devotion to Islam was manifested in the public arena in an increasing Islamisation of the state that, when coupled with over-centralisation, led to widespread repression of the nonMuslim majority.161 This in turn began a vicious circle of acts of resistance by various Hindu groups, followed by further repressive and iconoclastic measures, which eventually led to the breakdown of the empire.162 Lists of Aurangzebs offences are often mustered from older secondary sources, such as Jadunath Sarkar and Sri Ram Sharma,163 to demonstrate the extent of his religious obsession. It is in this context that the story of the burial of music is usually retold as evidence that:
the goal of the new Islamic ideologies were simply dened: the Mughal Empire must become a Muslim state governed by the precepts of the Sharia for the benet of the Indian Muslim community. The regime would make every possible effort to encourage conversion of the indel population.164
In this way, the banning of music is transformed into a cultural indicator of the intolerant and repressive nature of Aurangzebs regime. How then should our understanding of the nature of the Mughal state be affected by the fact that the ban never occurred? Firstly, it indicates that the empire was less centralised and its cultural life less dictated by the predilections of the emperor than has often been suggested. As Alam and Subrahmanyam have pointed out, this
Delvoye, Indo-Persian literature (1994), p. 118. Nazir Jairazbhoy, Musical perspectives on music and September 11 (2001). 160 e.g. Ahmad, Studies in Islamic culture (1964), p. 197; see also Sarkar, History of Aurangzib (191226), p. 78. 161 Richards, Mughal empire (1993), pp. 1715. 162 Pearson, Shivaji (1976), p. 221. 163 Sharma, Religious policy of the Mughal Emperors (1940). 164 Richards, Mughal empire (1993), p. 171.
159 158
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perception of Aurangzebs regime is based on the idea that history is shaped solely by powerful individuals whose personality aws have the potential to destroy civilisations.165 Not only is this simplistic, the evidence I have found that Aurangzebs personal religious views did not necessarily interfere with his public policies also contradicts it. My understanding of Aurangzebs laissez-faire relationship with his nobles on the issue of musical patronage particularly militates against Stephen Blakes hyper-centralised166 understanding of the Mughal state as a patrimonial-bureaucratic empire. Blake argues that:
the patrimonial ruler tried to assimilate state to household: he attempted to administer, control, and nance the entire realm as if it were part of his own private domain. . .the patrimonial-bureaucratic emperor dominated the social, economic, and cultural life of the city. . .the sovereign city was an enormously extended patriarchal household, the imperial palace-fortress writ large. . .The emperor intended that his command of the city. . .be symbolic and paradigmatic of the control he and his subordinates exerted over the empire.167
In other words, Aurangzebs personal stance on music was the cultural policy of the empire, and therefore must have precipitated a mass withdrawal of musical patronage from the royal princes right down to the small householder on the imperial border. It would also have signied the immediate application of a stricter Islamic agenda throughout the empire. However, the musical evidence suggests that Aurangzebs relationship with his subjects was looser than this. He did not impose his stance on anyone, and his personal abstinence had little effect on musical patronage or practice. This evidence opposes Blakes thesis, and suggests that not only did Aurangzeb abdicate control over cultural life (and there is no evidence he ever possessed it), in the case of music the emperors personal ideology was not synonymous with Mughal cultural policy. More importantly, though, the fact that Aurangzeb did not order a universal ban on music lends support to the idea that his regime was less intolerant and repressive than has been widely believed in the past. Many accounts of Aurangzebs architectural iconoclasm have recently come under attack. As is the case with the burial story, they are often based on uncritical readings of primary sources, particularly panegyric Indo-Persian descriptions in Elliott and Dowsons controversial
165 166 167
Alam and Subrahmanyam, Mughal state (1998), p. 56. See Subrahmanyam, Mughal state (1992). Blake, Shahjahanabad (1993), pp. xii-iii.
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English translation.168 Catherine Asher points out that many of the stories of Aurangzebs wanton destruction of Hindu temples and monuments are wrongly ascribed to religious zeal, and are sometimes false. She provides a number of examples to argue that temples were nearly always destroyed for political and not religious reasons as a punishment for rebellion, and that Hindus who remained loyal were rewarded.169 Aziz Ahmad demonstrates that the destruction of religious sites as a political act was a long-established practice amongst Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs alike170 and was often perpetrated against co-religionists.171 Citing Aurangzebs widely alleged destruction of the caves at Ellora as one example of false attribution, Asher notes that, on the contrary, he praised them in his own writings and attributed them to the work of Allah. Moreover, she states that decrees (farman) testify that imperial support was provided for temples throughout Aurangzebs reign.172 Barbara Metcalf points out that Aurangzeb built far more temples than he destroyed.173 Furthermore, Jalaluddin provides incontrovertible evidence, in the way of farmans, of tax-free grants Aurangzeb bestowed on Hindu temples as late as 1691, notably those of the Jangam Bari Math at Benares and Balajis temple at Chitrakoot.174 The contents of the latter farman deserve to be noted for the record.175
Metcalf, Too little and too much (1995), p. 954. The extracts published by Elliott and Dowson were deliberately chosen because they purported to demonstrate Mughal intolerance compared with enlightened British rule (p. 954). Such interpretations ignore the fact that the language of jihad and the textual evidence of discriminatory laws and destruction of indel property may be nothing more than hyperbole employed to portray the Emperor as a good Muslim (p. 957), or to win the allegiance of a recalcitrant Muslim community (Chandra, Cultural and political role (1986), pp. 8990). According to Metcalf, in the defeat of Vijayanagar in 1556, the Qutb Shahi ruler himself claimed that he established a mosque on the remains of a temple. Yet inscriptions show that ve years later that same Qutb Shahi was granting villages to support the same temple! (Metcalf, Too little and too much (1995), p. 95). 169 Asher, Architecture of Mughal India (1992), p. 254. 170 Ahmad, Studies in Islamic culture (1964), p. 89. 171 Metcalf, Too little and too much (1995), p. 958. 172 Asher, Architecture of Mughal India (1992), pp. 2545. 173 Metcalf, Too little and too much (1995), p. 958. 174 Jalaluddin, Some important farmans (1978), pp. 447. 175 The famous temple of Balaji had got the reverence of Emperor Aurangzeb who, in due recognition of the religious sanctity of the place, issued a farman in A.D. 1691 conferring a big grant on its Mahant Balak Das Nirvani. The grant comprises of eight villages as mua and 330 bighas, situated in Sarkar (District) Kalinjar Suba Allahabad, for the purpose of meeting the expenses of Puja and Bhog of Thakur Balaji. . .All the aforesaid grants have been allowed to be enjoyed generation after generation and no tax whatsoever was allowed to be realised from the income of the said grants. The
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Thus, the overwhelming evidence against a ban on musical practice in Aurangzebs reign suggests that the nature of his state was less orthodox, tyrannical and centralised than has previously been thought. The fact that Aurangzebs iconoclasm did not translate into a ban on music, however, means that the other question I raised in relation to the Talibanwhat happens to a musical culture and the people involved in it when the most important thing about it is that it has been suppressed?cannot be answered with reference to Aurangzeb. In this case parallels between him and Oliver Cromwell become more relevant. In terms of seventeenth-century European and particularly English portrayals of Aurangzeb, it is not insignicant that Cromwell died in the same year that Aurangzeb usurped the throne, nor that Manucci spent his formative years under the protection of an escaping Royalist. Furthermore, modern analogies between the two rulers were rst drawn by Sri Ram Sharma and Jadunath Sarkar,176 whose works have proved perhaps the most inuential studies of Aurangzebs religious policies to date. Antonia Fraser points out that as Puritans, Cromwells soldiers were particularly vulnerable to accusations of iconoclasm, merited or unmerited, by Royalist propagandists:
From. . .sparse stories have sprung the much more formidable body of legends and folklore on the subject which surround and tarnish his name. . .Very many of the pieces of vandalism now popularly attributed to Oliver Cromwell, whether castles knocked down, churches deled, statues broken, are on examination so ludicrously misdated or occur in areas so far from any point he personally visited as to be hardly worth repetition.177
This statement applies equally to the charge of musical iconoclasm so often levelled at Aurangzeb. It is high time the story of the burial of music was nally laid to rest. References
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Modern Asian Studies 41, 1 (2007) pp. 77120. C 2007 Cambridge University Press doi:10.

1017/S0026749X05002313 Printed in the United Kingdom

KATHERINE BUTLER BROWN