Balcanica XLIII 2013

BALCANICA XLIII
BALCANICA XLIII, Belgrade 2012, 1372

BALCANICA
UDC 930.85(412) ISSN 03507653
SERBIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES AND ARTS
INSTITUTE FOR BALKAN STUDIES
BELGRADE
2012
Editor
DUAN T. BATAKOVI
XLIII
ANNUAL OF THE INSTITUTE FOR BALKAN STUDIES
Editorial Board
FRANCIS CONTE (Paris), DJORDJE S. KOSTI, LJUBOMIR MAKSIMOVI,
DANICA POPOVI, GABRIELLA SCHUBERT (Jena), BILJANA SIKIMI,
ANTHONY-EMIL TACHIAOS (Tessaloniki), NIKOLA TASI (Director of the
Institute for Balkan Studies), SVETLANA M. TOLSTAJA (Moscow)
Volume XLIII of the annual Balcanica is printed with nancial support from the Ministry
of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia
The origin of the Institute goes back to the Institut des tudes balkaniques
founded in Belgrade in 1934 as the only of the kind in the Balkans. The
initiative came from King Alexander I Karadjordjevi, while the Institutes
scholarly profile was created by Ratko Pareanin and Svetozar Spanaevi.
The Institute published Revue internationale des tudes balkaniques, which
assembled most prominent European experts on the Balkans in various
disciplines. Its work was banned by the Nazi occupation authorities in 1941.
The Institute was not re-established until 1969, under its present-day name
and under the auspices of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. It
assembled a team of scholars to cover the Balkans from prehistory to the
modern age and in a range of different fields of study, such as archaeology,
ethnography, anthropology, history, culture, art, literature, law. This
multidisciplinary approach remains its long-term orientation.
Publisher
Institute for Balkan Studies
Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
Belgrade, Knez Mihailova 35
/IV
www.balkaninstitut.com
e-mail: balkinst@bi.sanu.ac.rs
Director of the Institute for Balkan Studies

N T
CONTENTS
ARTICLES
ARCHAEOLOGY
Dragana Filipovi & Nenad N. Tasi, Vina-Belo Brdo, a Late Neolithic
Site in Serbia: Consideration of the Macro-Botanical
Remains as Indicators of Dietary Habits . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Ivan Vrani, Te Classical and Hellenistic Economy and the
Paleo-Balkan Hinterland: A Case Study of the Iron Age
Hellenized Settlements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
ROMAN AND MEDIEVAL STUDIES
Sanja Pilipovi, Te Image of Persephone on the Upper Moesian Limes:
A Contribution to the Study of Ancient Cults . . . . . . . . 51
Valentina ivkovi, Medieval Concerns for Soul Salvation: Testamentary
Bequests to the Franciscan Order in Kotor (Cattaro) 13261337 67
Marka Tomi Djuri, Te Isles of Great Silence: Monastic Life on Lake
Scutari under the Patronage of the Balis . . . . . . . . . . 81
ANTHROPOLOGY
Aleksandra Djuri-Milovanovi, Serbs in Romania: Relationship
between Ethnic and Religious Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
CONTEMPORARY HISTORY
Suzana Raji, Te Russian Secret Service and King Alexander
Obrenovi of Serbia (19001903) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143
Duan T. Batakovi, Ahmed Bey Zogou et la Serbie: Une coopration
inacheve (19141916) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169
Dragan Baki, Te Port of Salonica in Yugoslav Foreign Policy
19191941 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
Alexander Mirkovic, Grey Falcon and the Union Man: Miloje Soki
Collection of the Clippings from the American Press
19411945 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221
Spyridon Sfetas,Te Bulgarian-Yugoslav Dispute over the Macedonian
Question as a Reection of the Soviet-Yugoslav
Controversy (19681980) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241
Slobodan G. Markovich, Dr. Djura Djurovi: A Lifelong Opponent
of Yugoslav Communist Totalitarianism . . . . . . . . . . . 273
Milo Kovi, Imagining the Serbs: Revisionism in the Recent
Historiography of Nineteenth-century Serbian History . . . 325
REVIEWS
Irena padijer: Danica Popovi, Branislav Todi and Dragan Vojvodi,
Deanska pustinja. Skitovi i kelije manastira Deana . . . . . . . 347
Ognjen Krei: Nicolas Vatin, Gilles Veinstein and Elizabeth Zachariadou,
Catalogue du fonds ottoman des archives du monastre
de Saint-Jean Patmos. Les vingt-deux premiers dossiers . . . . . 350
Aleksandra Kolakovi: Jovan Dj. Avakumovi, Memoari . . . . . . . . . . 352
Aleksandra Kolakovi: Memoari Vukaina J. Petrovia . . . . . . . . . . . . 355
Veljko Stani: Philippe Gelez, Safvet-beg Baagi (18701934). Aux racines
intellectuelles de la pense nationale chez les musulmans de
Bosnie-Herzgovine. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 358
Aleksandra Djuri Milovanovi: Andrej Milin, Miodrag Milin and
Cvetko Mihajlov, Srbi u Rumuniji za vreme komunizma.
Zvuni arhiv i prirunik o stradanju . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 364
Marija Ili & Lidija Deli: Te Balkans in Seattle. A Chronicle of the 18th
Biennial Conference on Balkan and South Slavic Linguistics,
Literature, and Folklore . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 366
Dragana Filipovi
School of Archaeology
University of Oxford
Nenad N. Tasi
Faculty of Philosophy
University of Belgrade
Vina-Belo Brdo, a Late Neolithic Site in Serbia
Consideration of the Macro-Botanical Remains as Indicators
of Dietary Habits
Abstract: Te analysis of macro-botanical remains from the late Neolithic site of
Vina-Belo Brdo has provided rst information on the range of crops and wild plants
present at the site, and revealed their potential role as foodstus. Te abundance and
distribution of certain plant taxa across dierent archaeological deposits suggests to
what extent they were used within the settlement. Te analysed plant remains also
oer insight into the types of food consumed by Vina residents and serve as a basis
for inferring the seasonality and method of food provision/production and activities
related to plant use.
Keywords: Vina, late Neolithic, plant remains, diet, Serbia
Introduction
R
econstructions of diet and dietary habits based on archaeological evi-
dence have been attempted for a range of periods in human prehistory
and history and across dierent geographical areas (e.g. Gilbert & Mielke,
eds. 1985; Renfrew 1985; Sobolik, ed. 1994; Cool 2006; Vaughan & Coul-
son, eds. 2000; Twiss, ed. 2007; Tasi & Filipovi 2011). Te knowledge of
what people ate at various times in the past provides a basis for understand-
ing the methods and scale of food procurement and consumption, as well
as social processes and organisation, and survival and progress of human
populations (e.g. Hastorf & Popper, eds. 1989; Ungar, ed. 2007; Reitz et
al., eds. 2008; Pinhasi & Stock, eds. 2011). Additionally, and supported by
information from e.g. ethnoarchaeological and experimental studies, the
food-evidence can reect preferences and taste of individuals or groups
of people in a given place and time, and reveal more technical aspects of
cooking/food preparation (e.g. Ertu-Yara 1997; Ertu 2000; Wood 2001;
Kreuz 2009).
Te studies aimed at reconstructing past diets using archaeological
data have often focused on indirect (organic and inorganic) evidence
faunal and human skeletal remains, archaeobotanical remains, food-related
objects and structures. In recent years, increasing number of studies exam-
DOI: 10.2298/BALC1243007F
Original scholarly work
Balcanica XLIII 8
ine direct indicators of diet such as substances that form human, but also
animal and plant bodies (trace elements, stable isotopes) and coprolites and
gut contents (e.g. Klepinger 1984, 1990; Grupe & Herrmann, eds. 1988;
Price, ed. 1989; Schoeninger & Moore 1992; Ambrose 1986; Ambrose &
Katzenberg, eds. 2000; Richards 2000). In order to obtain a broad and de-
tailed picture of human diet in the past, it is necessary to combine multiple
lines of evidence and carefully integrate the results of relevant analyses. Giv-
en that dierent approaches use dierent methodologies and are of varying
usefulness/reliability in reconstructions of diet of dierent populations, it
is also crucial to evaluate critically the suitability of available data, their
strengths and weaknesses, before generating any conclusions on an issue
vital to human existence (Wing & Brown 1979).
Renewed archaeological excavations at Vina (Tasi & Tasi 2003;
Tasi 2005) have produced a relatively large body of data relevant to various
aspects of food production and consumption. Analysis of plant and animal
remains (Filipovi 2004; Dimitrijevi 2006; Borojevi 2010), as well as of
pottery and other clay materials, chipped and ground stone objects, re in-
stallations, storage facilities and architecture (Nikoli, ed. 2008) have been
carried out, providing information on aspects of life at Neolithic Vina not
(widely) considered in previous excavations (Vasi 1932).
Te results of archaeobotanical analysis at Vina have yielded infor-
mation on the range of crops and wild plants present (and used) at the site.
Human skeletal remains discovered at Vina have not been examined in
terms of dietary indicators (i.e. bone chemistry, dental microwear); no direct
evidence of food consumption in the form of coprolites and gut contents
has been found. Tus, remains of edible plants and animals found in the
archaeological context constitute the main source of information on food
items; additional data are available from tools and structures used in the
food practices. In general, it appears that the diet of Vina residents relied
heavily on domesticated plants and animals, while wild plants and animals
played an important role. Here we use some of the available results from
archaeological excavations to present a preliminary picture of food intake at
Vina in the nal phases of the settlement occupation. A much more exten-
sive archaeobotanical dataset and detailed contextual analysis are required
to address specic questions of plant use and crop husbandry at Vina, such
as the scale and nature of crop production, the relationship between crop
and animal husbandry, the role of wild plants, the scale and methods of stor-
age of plant products etc. Furthermore, data on animal husbandry practices
and local landscape would greatly contribute to the overall understanding
of human life in the Neolithic at Vina culture sites. Insofar, the available
archaeobotanical dataset allows for some general observations on the plant-
based diet and some inferences on plant-based activities at the site.
D. Filipovi & N. N. Tasi, Vina-Belo Brdo, a Late Neolithic Site in Serbia 9
1. Te site
Vina-Belo Brdo is the largest known Vina culture site in Serbia (Nikoli,
ed. 2008). With its 10 m high stratigraphy, the mound covers a long period
of occupation, from the Middle Neolithic to the Bronze Age, whereas the
medieval (Serbian) cemetery seals the cultural deposits at the site (Vasi
1932). It has been considered a key settlement in the wider region of south-
east Europe for establishing the relative chronology and general under-
standing of the Balkan-Danubian Neolithic (Childe 1929; Chapman 1981;
Garaanin 1984; Srejovi, ed. 1988; Srejovi & Tasi, eds. 1990). Located
on the right bank of the Danube near Belgrade, it was discovered at the
beginning of the twentieth century by Miloje Vasi, who organized the rst
archaeological excavations, which revealed a complex sequence of continu-
ous occupation. Te remains of wattle-and-daub houses, ovens and hearths,
pits and storage bins, large quantity of pottery sherds and complete vessels
(many of them perfectly black polished) were found. A number of small
nds such as jewellery items (beads and pendants made of shell, bone, clay,
malachite, ochre etc), bone tools, polished and chipped stone tools, votive
items, and many more objects of unknown function were also discovered
(Vasi 1909, 1932). What made the site famous, apart from this general
richness in nds, were the anthropomorphic and zoomorphic clay gurines
(Tasi 2008, 2012). Tey were found in various archaeological contexts in
each habitation horizon; their style and appearance varied over time, but
their role in the life of Vina dwellers remains as yet unexplained (Gimbu-
tas 1991, 1982; Stankovi 1986; Srejovi & Tasi, eds. 1990). Te results
of Vasis excavations (carried out in 1908/09 and again in 192934) were
published in four volumes, with detailed descriptions of architecture and
archaeological material, numerous illustrations and photos, elaborate com-
ments and explanations; this monograph still constitutes one of the main
sources of information on Neolithic Vina.
In subsequent excavations, conducted in the 1970s and 1980s (eli,
ed. 1984; Jevti 1986; Tasi 1990, 1995; Stevanovi & Jovanovi 1996), up-
per horizons in selected non-excavated areas of the settlement were inves-
tigated, containing numerous storage pits and midden deposits belonging
to the Copper and Bronze Ages; Neolithic layers were also excavated. Te
articles and books published since then have oered a new perspective on
the site and its chronology, and the Vina culture as a regional phenomenon
was established (Whittle 1985, 1996). Many works on dierent archaeo-
logical materials found at Vina have conrmed that it was a long-lasting
Neolithic settlement, while absolute dating has shown that it was continu-
ously occupied from c. 5400/5200 to c. 4700/4600 BC (Bori 2009).
Balcanica XLIII 10
2. Macro-botanical remains
Previous analysis of botanical remains from Vina has been conducted by
Russian agronomist S. Lomejko; he analysed charred grains recovered from
several pottery vessels and determined the presence of few wheat species,
but provided only a brief note on the results (Vasi 1936).
Since 2001, as part of the renewed investigations, soil samples for
archaeobotanical analysis have been taken from each excavated unit. Mac-
roscopic archaeobotanical remains (wood, seed, cha, fruit, nut etc) have
been extracted from the soil using otation machine set up near the site, by
the Danube, and using water from the river. Flotation is the most eective
method for separating material residue that oats (mainly charred plant re-
mains, but also light bone fragments and small molluscs) from residue that
sinks in water (building material, pottery, stone, large bone etc), while the
ne sediment is washed away, and the rate of recovery of archaeobotanical
material is relatively high (Wagner 1988). Te material that oats (light
fraction) usually contains preserved plant parts, while some can also be re-
tained within the material that sinks (heavy fraction). Over one thousand
soil samples were processed, dried, bagged and stored at the site. Of those,
around 100 selected light fractions from a range of archaeological contexts
were sorted for macro-remains (Filipovi

2004). Another group of samples,
from the burnt building 01/06, was analysed in a separate study (Borojevi
2010).
Macro-botanical remains at Vina are in most cases charred, though
occasional occurrence of mineralised (silicied) material was noted. Charred
plant parts are resistant to natural decay and destruction by microorganisms
and can potentially retain their shape and internal structure over a long
period. Comparison of archaeobotanical and relevant modern specimens
and published illustrations resulted in determination of some forty plant-
types (family, genus and species identications Table 1). Te botanical
nomenclature follows Flora Europea (Tutin et al. 19641993); crop names
are taken from Zohary and Hopf (Zohary & Hopf 2000).
2.1 Crops
Preliminary results show that crop remains are the most abundant and ubiq-
uitous (i.e. most frequently occurring); grain and cha of emmer (Triticum
dicoccum) and einkorn (Triticum monococcum) were the most common nds.
Tey belong to the group of hulled wheats where seed is tightly wrapped in
glumes and remains enclosed even after threshing (see below). It is likely
that these two wheat taxa constituted the main crop staples in Neolithic
Vina, similarly to other archaeobotanically analysed Neolithic sites in Ser-
bia (Borojevi

1990, 2006). Much of the charred evidence for these two
cereal types came from grain; however, mineralised remains of (light) cha
were frequently encountered in burnt building material, as well as minera-
lised fragments and impressions of grass-type straw, suggesting wide use of
crop processing by-products as daub reinforcement.
Some of the grains and cha remains identied as either emmer or
einkorn probably belong to the new-type wheat ( Jones et al. 2000). Oc-
casional nds of grains of free-threshing wheat (Triticum durum/aestivum)
and probably naked barley (Hordeum vulgare var. nudum) may suggest their
status as contaminants of the main crops rather than being separately cul-
tivated ( Jones & Halstead 1995); both taxa have been reported at some of
the early and late Neolithic sites in Serbia (Renfrew 1979; Grger & Beug
1988; Borojevi

1990, 2006). A small number of broom millet grains (Pani-
cum miliaceum) in a few samples from Vina, and other late Neolithic sites
in Serbia, may constitute the earliest appearance of Panicum in that part of
the world, as it has been suggested that the cultivation of this crop in Eu-
rope started in later periods (Hunt et al. 2008).
Apart from cereals, three (domesticated?) legume types were identi-
ed in the samples; they occur in very small numbers, lentils (Lens cf. culi-
naris) and bitter vetch (Vicia ervilia) being the most common, followed by
pea (Pisum cf. sativum); they were also identied at other Neolithic sites in
the region (Borojevi 2006; Marinova 2007). As with most sites yielding
charred material, legume-processing data were lacking since fragile legume
pods are not preserved well by charring.
Seeds of single oil/bre plant ax were occasionally present in
the samples and, based on their average length (greater than 3 mm van
Zeist and Bakker-Heeres 1975), they most probably belong to the cultivar
(Linum usitatissimum). Interestingly, a concentration of some 380 ax seeds
was retrieved from a re installation context (oven 01/03, sample 447) per-
haps indicating local cultivation and processing of ax seeds for oil, but
also bre, as suggested by analysis of textile impressions sometimes visible
on pottery sherds (Nini, unpublished data). Flax seeds have also been re-
ported for some other Vina culture sites in Serbia (Borojevi

1990, 2006).
2.2 Wild plants
Edible fruits and seeds of several wild plants were discovered elderberry
(Sambucus nigra), dwarf elder (Sambucus ebulus), blackberry (Rubus cf. fruti-
cosus), sloe (Prunus cf. spinosa), Cornelian cherry (Cornus mas), acorn (Quer-
cus sp.), bladder cherry (Physalis alkekengi) and an unusual nd of relatively
large number of charred whole fruits of wild pear (Pyrus sp.). A single min-
eralised grape pip (Vitis sp.) found in a context within the top excavation
Balcanica XLIII 12
layer is probably recent; some nutshell fragments resemble water chestnut
(Trapa natans). Majority of the fruit/nut taxa were previously identied at
other Neolithic sites in Serbia (e.g. McLaren & Hubbard 1990; Borojevi
2006) and most likely represent gathered source of food, eaten fresh or
dried and stored for use in winter; some have potential medicinal value (i.e.
Sambucus) which may have been recognised by Vina settlers. It is also pos-
sible that some of the burnt fruit/nut remains arrived to the site attached
to kindling or bundle of sticks used as fuel. Analysis of wood charcoal from
Vina has not been conducted within this study.
Te wild seed assemblage also includes arable weeds and ruderal
plants; their botanical identication was dicult due to the lack of adequate
reference material and the fact that each taxon was represented by only a
few seeds. Many of the wild plants are listed in ethnobotanical and ethnop-
harmacological accounts as potentially useful food, avouring or medicine
for example leaves of knotweed (Polygonum) and dock (Rumex) species
and roots of carrot/parsley (Apiaceae) species used as wild greens, leaves
and roots of mallow family (Malvaceae) used as medicine (Tucakov 1986;
Ertu-Yara 1997; Behre 2008). Tese, as well as other recovered wild plants,
particularly members of grass family (e.g. Avena sp., Bromus sp., Echinochloa
crus-galli, Setaria viridis) and small-seeded wild legumes (cf. Medicago sp.,
Trifolium sp.) may also represent crop weeds or ruderal vegetation growing
on eld edges and in trampled areas. Together with crop processing by-
products, they would have been useful as fodder for herded animals.
3. Plant-based food at Vina
Just like any other animals, humans require nutrient-rich food that sup-
plies energy, protein and minerals. Within the available resources, people
select food items that will full their dietary needs and ensure successful
growth and maintenance of individuals, household members, communities.
Modern-time nutritional recommendations promote the consumption of
a balanced mixture of foods belonging to a few general food groups: cere-
als, fruits and vegetables, meat and sh, and dairy products. Interestingly,
the Arctic Inuit population, for example, has a quite successful native diet
composed of foods belonging to only one of these groups meat and sh
(Draper 1999). In addition to the range of foodstus potentially consumed
by Vina residents, the information presented here also allow for assessment
of basic nutritional composition of their diet and perhaps provide guide-
lines for examination of their overall health.
Te abundance and ubiquity across the samples of two cereal types
einkorn and emmer likely suggest their high importance in the food
production system and diet at Vina. Te two hulled wheats could have
been grown, processed, stored and consumed together (Popova & Pavlova
1994; Jones and Halstead 1995; also Hillman 1981), while there are also
examples of sowing of wheat-barley mixture (maslin) in order to reduce
the risk of crop failure ( Jones & Halstead 1995). On the other hand, in
some areas of Anatolia where the traditional wheats are still grown, there
is a clear separation between seed corn of emmer and einkorn, as they have
dierent purposes (e.g. emmer is intended for fodder Karagz 1995;
Filipovi, pers. observation 2008). Te analysis of a large concentration of
in situ burnt cereal remains from building 01/06 (a burnt crop store) sheds
more light on the role of dierent crop types (Borojevi

2010).
So far, unambiguous consumption-related cereal debris is lacking
from the analysed macro-botanical record and so details of the potential
forms of cereal foods are not evident. Nonetheless, consumption of pound-
ed (coarse-ground to make bulgur), ground (to make our) or whole cooked
grains can be assumed, and this is supported by the nds of grinding stones
and pounders, possibly used in food preparation, though they could have
been used for many grinding purposes, such as processing of wild seed/fruit
or pigment preparation (Antonovi 2003, 2005). Te analysis of residue (e.g.
starch in case of plants) and microwear on the ground stone tools, but also
human teeth (i.e. grit damage on dental surface) would provide useful data
on the processing of cereal (and other) food before consumption.
Whereas cereals would have provided carbohydrates main source
of energy in human nutrition the major source of plant protein would
have been domesticated legumes. Peas, lentils and the like could have been
combined with cereals in porridge-type meals and gruels, added to soups
and stews, or the seeds might have been roasted/baked. Te status of bit-
ter vetch in diet is ambiguous, as it is necessary to remove toxins from the
seeds prior to human consumption; for this reason, the taxon has long been
considered as a human food only in times of famine (Zohary & Hopf 2000).
Results of archaeobotanical investigations from dierent parts of the world,
however, show that bitter vetch might have well been a regular element
of human diet, the toxicity diminished by soaking in water prior to cook-
ing and mixing with, for example, wheat (e.g. Dnmez 2005; Valamoti et
al. 2010). Overall, the remains of pulse indicate their potential food-role at
Vina, while both products and by-products (pulse cha) of legume pro-
duction could have been a good source of animal fodder (Butler 1992; But-
ler et al. 1999).
Wild fruits and nuts identied at Vina would have been an im-
portant source of a range of vitamins and minerals, also adding dierent
avours to the diet. Fruit and nut have relatively high carbohydrate con-
tent; nuts are also a source of oils and can be consumed in various states.
Acorns can be dried in the sun and then stored in earth pits for two-three
Balcanica XLIII 14
months where they lose astringency and can be eaten raw or boiled and,
ground to our (perhaps mixed with cereal our) used to make bread (Ma-
son & Nesbitt 2009). Although acorns are believed to be a food of famine,
they seem to represent an important element in diet of nomadic pastoralists
in the Zagros Mountains (Hole 1979), while in parts of Southwest Asia
they are quite often roasted and served as snack, much like sweet chestnut
(Filipovi, pers. observation 2008; Mason & Nesbitt 2009). Another type of
starch-containing nut recorded at Vina water chestnut (Trapa natans)
seems to have been an important food across Europe from Mesolithic
onwards, and is still consumed by humans in, for example, parts of northern
Italy (Karg 2006). Water chestnuts could have been used in a way similar
to acorns (Karg 2006; Borojevi 2009a, 2009b). K. Borojevi (2006, 2009a,
2009b) identied a large number of Trapa fragments at late Neolithic Op-
ovo in Vojvodina; she subsequently conducted an ethnobotanic study in
the Lake Skadar (Scutari) region and discovered the use of water chestnuts
until recent times as both human food and animal (pig) feed.
Among fruits, wild pears (probably Pyrus amygdaliformis, a wild pear
native to west Turkey, the Aegean basin and the south Balkans Zohary
& Hopf 2000) were the most common nds in light fractions (see above)
and in hand-collected samples; both fruits and seeds were recovered. Te
small fruits were probably dried after collection, which enabled their very
good archaeological preservation by charring (otherwise water content of
the fruit would cause bursting under high temperature). Te pears (and
other fruit, such as berries) could have been dried and stored for piece-
meal consumption throughout the year; drying would have diminished the
tannin content (which is the cause of astringency in some wild fruit) and
helped preserve the fruit over a longer period (Wiltshire 1995). Dried fruit,
especially berries, are not very tasty but if rehydrated (i.e. soaked in water
prior to consumption) they regain some of their avour. Pears have been
collected long before their cultivation (and domestication) and are a com-
mon nd at Neolithic sites in the region (Kroll 1991; Marinova 2007; Va-
lamoti 2009). It has been suggested that even in the Neolithic, pear- (and
apple-) tree growing areas were cleared of other vegetation and protected
from browsing animals (Neolithic orchards Kirleis & Kroll 2010). Te
relative abundance and frequency of wild pear fruit at Vina (compared to
the number of sturdier fruit/nut remains) may be indicative of their spe-
cial status and perhaps their use in drink preparation they could have
been crushed to extract juice or reduced to particles for further processing
(e.g. boiling).
Most observations made for wild pear apply to the other fruit taxa
identied at Vina Cornelian and bladder cherries (rich in vitamin
C), sloe, elder- and blackberries all could have been eaten raw by people
out in the landscape, and/or collected, (dried) and stored for later use. In
some instances, plant parts other than fruit could have (also) been used for
their medicinal properties, e.g. elderberry leaves and owers, blackberry
leaves ( Jani 1990). Other wild plants, including those also occurring
as arable weeds, may have been collected and used for food or medicinal
purposes (e.g. Behre 2008), the useable parts potentially including seeds,
fruits, nuts, tubers/roots, stems, owers and leaves ( Jani 1990; Ertu-
Yara 1997).
It must be highlighted that the archaeobotanical record, charred ma-
terial in particular, is usually an underrepresentation of the plant sources
that were in actual use (Schier 1976, 1987; Green 1981). Preservation by
charring implies that the most likely plants/plant parts to be recovered are
those intended and/or used as fuel (wood, by-products of plant process-
ing and consumption, plant parts in dung), those accidentally burnt (dur-
ing food preparation or in accidental res) or those intentionally burnt for
other reasons (removing infested/diseased seed, cleaning out of storage). It
also indicates human agency as the main factor to decide if and what kind
of material is exposed to re. Intended uses of a plant dictate its chances
of preservation (Dennell 1974), while physical plant/plant part properties
(e.g. sensitivity to thermal exposure, moisture content) and conditions of
charring (temperature, length of exposure etc) are also relevant (Wright
2003). Furthermore, postdepositional events and processes of the natural
environment, such as wind and water action, rodent activity and chemical
weathering also act upon and potentially transform archaeological evidence
(non-cultural formation processes Schier 1987). Terefore, the analy-
sed archaeobotanical assemblage from Vina probably oers only a glimpse
of the original use of plants and the range and availability of resources, and
should not be understood as determinate.
4. Implications for plant-related activities at Vina
Food provision takes up a large portion of time and energy of any popula-
tion; it was central to prehistoric communities. Food-related activities from
the time after the emergence/adoption of agriculture a process constitut-
ing one of few such large-scale cultural transformations are particularly
archaeologically visible. From the Neolithic onwards, planting and tending
of crops through the growing season, followed by harvesting, processing,
preparation and consumption, were activities crucial to the construction of
every-day life of households (and communities). Te study of botanical re-
mains from archaeological deposits provides insight into daily work tasks
surrounding plant production and use, and the ways in which farmers inter-
acted with the local landscape.
Balcanica XLIII 16
Te identied macro-botanical remains from Vina oer a prelimi-
nary basis for inferring o- and on-site plant-related activities and their
seasonal round. Based on the available data on internal organization of the
settlement architecture (Tasi 2008), the location and proximity of build-
ings, and size of external (in-between-house) spaces, it is hardly possible
that any cultivation plots, however small, could have been maintained with-
in the settlement. It is perhaps reasonable to assume that arable elds were
located on the Danube banks near the settlement, depending on the river
ooding regime, but also further inland, on dry hill slopes along the river.
Additional/alternative arable location, pinpointed by microtopographical
survey of the area, is the alluvial plain of the River Boleica that empties
itself at the foot of Belo Brdo site. Te fertile alluvial soil would have oered
highly productive agricultural land; moreover, the river valley(s) would have
been abundant in wild resources (plants and animals). Tis situation would
t Sherratts oodwater farming model (Sherratt 1980), where early farm-
ers take advantage of nutrient-rich, well-watered alluvial soils and practice
small-scale non-intensive cultivation, i.e. without high labour inputs, such
as tillage, hoeing, weeding etc. According to the model, crops would have
been sown in early spring, to take advantage of the short period of op-
timum water availability between winter oods and summer desiccation
(Sherratt 1980, 317). Due to the lack of palaeoenvironmental investigations
(of which geomorphological would be particularly useful), it is not known
whether regular (spring) ooding, and hence self-renewal of the fertile soil,
occurred in the two nearby river valleys in the Neolithic, nor is it possible
to gauge the extent/eect of ooding. Terefore, any suggestions for the
location of arable land remain speculative. Further analysis of the arable
weed ora from Vina would enable the reconstruction of, among other as-
pects, crop growing conditions and sowing/harvest time (for example, both
einkorn and emmer can be autumn- or spring-sown), and thus potential
location of crop elds (Holzner 1978; Wasylikowa 1981; Jones et al. 1999;
Bogaard 2004).
O-site agricultural activities would have included preparation of
soil for sowing (e.g. tillage), sowing and perhaps tending of crops (weeding,
hoeing), harvesting and returning of crops to the site. Harvesting could have
been performed in dierent ways: by reaping (with a sickle, low or high on
straw), and by uprooting (by hand or with blunt long-handled sickle used
as a lever; Hillman 1981). In highlands of Ethiopia, where emmer is still
grown and traditional cultivation methods used, emmer stems are cut about
5 cm above the ground with a sickle, while also uprooting using a sickle is
sometimes practised (DAndrea & Mitiku 2002). Ear-harvesting/plucking
is an alternative method, recorded in Spain (Pea-Chocarro 1996, 1999)
and is suitable for harvesting hulled wheats (e.g. einkorn and emmer) just
underneath the seed head, where the basal rachis would remain attached to
the straw (Hillman 1981, 1985; Ibez Estvez

et al. 2001). Te action can
be carried out by hand or with a tool mesorias (composed of two wooden
sticks attached with a string at one end) which is still used for cutting spelt
wheat stems in the region of Asturias in north Spain (Pea-Chocarro 1999;
Ibez Estvez

et al. 2001; Filipovi, pers. observation 2008). Similar to this
is the action of stripping grains o a stem, in which case only ripe grains/
spikelets come o, while unripe grain and basal spikelets stay on the stem
(P. Anderson, pers. comm. 2008).
Post-harvest operations, that is, initial cleaning of crops (threshing,
sieving, winnowing) probably occurred near the settlement or around its
edges; again, the arrangement of buildings does not indicate location of
threshing oor(s) within the settlement, aalthough the existence of open
space(s) for communal activities cannot be excluded. In general, threshing
breaks ears into spikelets (in hulled wheats) or releases grain from cha (in
free-threshing cereals and pulses), winnowing removes light parts (straw if
present, light cha, awns, light seeds), coarse sieving removes unthreshed
ears, straw nodes, large weed heads/pods and seeds, and ne sieving re-
moves heavy seeds smaller than crop grain/seed (Dennell 1974; Hillman
1981, 1984). In hulled wheats, initial threshing breaks ears into individual
spikelets (one or more grains enclosed by glumes) that require an additional
threshing/dehusking sequence. Spikelets are dehusked by pounding and
then again winnowed and/or sieved; hand-sorting of grain is also required
to remove contaminants inseparable from grain by sieving, and is usually
carried out as and when needed (on a daily/weekly basis Hillman 1984;
Jones 1984). Given the available evidence on the average size of rooms, it
seems unlikely that anything but the hand cleaning and storage of crops
could have taken place indoors. Wild plants also need basic preparation
for use, and their processing could have been carried out in or around the
houses.
Storage of crop and wild food probably took place indoors, in clay
bins and/or clay vessels, in bags and baskets, or bundles hanging from the
ceiling (cf. Chapman 1981). It would be interesting to see how storage of
plant products stands against storage of animal products and whether the
same rooms (pantries) were used for both types of food. Te in situ burnt
plant remains from house 01/06 (Borojevi 2010), and any burnt plant
stores potentially discovered in future excavations, will provide direct evi-
dence for the type (and quantity) of the stored material. Tey will also allow
investigations on the possible specialisation in plant procurement by dier-
ent households, amounts of stored products per household, their purpose
(e.g. food, fodder, seed corn) and so on.
Balcanica XLIII 18
As noted, the botanical dataset from Vina is quite limited in terms
of the potential for reconstruction of food consumption practices due to
the lack of direct evidence. It is, however, plausible to assume certain food
preparation activities and recipes, based on the range of available (stor-
able) foods such as cereals, legumes, fruits and nuts. Boiling, roasting, bak-
ing were quite possibly means by which the food was prepared, in addition
to eating fresh/raw fruit and greens at the time of the year when they were
available. Detailed examination of cooking-related vessels and other objects
(i.e. clay/stone balls, grinders) as well as re installations can provide addi-
tional information on food preparation, presentation and consumption (e.g.
Tasi & Filipovi 2011).
Food provision cultivation and collection, as well as procure-
ment of construction materials and fuels would have required consid-
erable planning, organization of labour and hard work, and a degree of
social co-operation within or between groups. It is likely that some o-
site plant-related activities involved engagement of a group of either kin
or non-related members of the community, as they were happening in the
wider landscape; they would have involved social interaction among those
doing the work, sharing experiences and knowledge. Some ethnographic
examples show women performing winnowing, sieving, dehusking and
hand-cleaning of grain, while both men and women are involved in land
preparation, sowing and land maintenance (Ertu-Yara 1997; DAndrea
& Mitiku 2002). From ethnobotanical research in Anatolia we know that
women are in charge of collecting wild plants and they have the knowl-
edge; they usually work in groups and that gives them an opportunity
for socialising (Ertu 2000). On the other hand, on-site activities such as
plant food storage, food preparation and consumption could have been
private and practised within individual households (cf. Borojevi 2010);
eating itself has social meanings, and family-based meals might have been
of considerable importance.
4.1. Seasonality of plant procurement
Seasonality and human adaptation to seasonal changes were central to all
traditional food systems (De Garine 1994). Te timing of food-related
activities in foraging and farming societies was largely determined by the
availability/accessibility of foodstus over the year. In case of plant food, the
resource exploitation depended upon plant lifecycle e.g. the onset and
length of germination, owering, and the timing of fruiting/seed setting.
Terefore, plant production in farming communities required careful plan-
ning on the annual basis of agricultural and wild plant gathering activities
(from sowing to consumption), ensuring provision of food but also material
for fuel, construction, utensils, clothes. Apart from plant biological cycle,
the seasonal scheduling also had to take into account the availability of la-
bour force and time needed for completing the tasks, while having to avoid
scheduling conicts with, for example, animal husbandry.
Te sequence of arable production starts with sowing (or, prior to it,
soil preparation/tillage) which can take place in autumn (winter crops) or
spring (summer crops). Arable weeds accompanying crops in the eld are
potential indicators of crop sowing time, and they are frequently used in
archaeobotanical analysis to assess this and other aspects of crop husbandry
(e.g. Wasylikowa 1981; Jones et al. 1999; Jones 2002; Bogaard 2004). Te
weed ora recovered so far at Vina does not oer a rm basis for determin-
ing crop sowing time (too few seeds of arable taxa were present and often
not identiable to species level); at another Vina-culture site (late Neo-
lithic Opovo) autumn/winter sowing has been proposed for at least some
of the identied cereals (Borojevi 1998, 234; 2006). Wheat and barley are
generally not suited for spring sowing as they need a long period of vernali-
sation (exposure to cold) to produce seed; legumes, on the other hand, have
a shorter growing season and they could have been spring-sown.
If (some) sowing took place in autumn, it would have partially over-
lapped with the collection of wild fruit that ripe at around this time (e.g.
Cornelian cherry, elderberry, and water chestnut), and probably fuel and
fodder to be stored and used in winter, turning autumn into a very busy pe-
riod of the year. Spring would have also been work-loaded with tasks such
as tending of cereal elds (weeding, protection from grazing animals), sow-
ing of legumes, collection of spring greens etc. It appears that the climate
in the Neolithic Balkans was quite warm and wet (Willis & Bennet 1994)
and so winter-sown crops would have matured by June/July or even earlier.
Crop harvest and processing would have been the main activity in mid-late
summer, alongside sun-drying of crops and wild fruits intended for storage
as part of the preparation for winter. Winter would have been a good time
for collection of reed, most likely used as building/roong material.
Te intensive plant-related activity for most of the year would have
placed considerable labour demands upon the residents and would have
required good organisation of time and tasks. Te long-lasting occupation
and stability of the site in the Neolithic points to, among other things, the
existence of a successful subsistence strategy, probably based on a strong and
widely accepted set of rules and traditions. Te presented views of plant use
at Vina are preliminary and very general. A much more detailed research
is needed on archaeobotanical and other indicators of food production and
consumption practices at Vina, as well as on natural environment through-
out the history of the site, in order to ll in the gaps in our understanding of
context and meaning of the plant record. It is hoped that future investiga-
Balcanica XLIII 20
tions will be aimed at producing data on practical issues such as logistics
(e.g. provision of food, fuel, raw materials) and technology/methods of pro-
duction, but also more indirect, i.e. social and symbolic spheres of life over
the long history of the sites occupation.*
Table 1 Plant taxa from VinaBelo Brdo
TAXA plant part wild/weed plant part
cereals Amaranthus sp. seed
Triticum monococcum seed and cha Avena sp. seed
Triticum dicoccum seed and cha Bromus secalinus seed
Triticum, new type cha Bromus sp. seed
Triticum aestivum/
durum
seed Chenopodium cifolium seed
Triticum aestivum cha Chenopodium sp. seed
Hordeum vulgare
nudum
seed
Convolvulus arvensis
type
seed
Hordeum vulgare
vulgare (?)
seed Echinochloa crus-galli seed
Hordeum vulgare seed Galium aparine type seed
Panicum miliaceum seed Galium cf. mollugo seed
Cerealia
indeterminata
seed and cha Galium sp. seed
legumes Medicago sp. seed
Lens cf. culinaris seed Phalaris sp. seed
Pisum sativum seed Phragmites australis culm nodes
Vicia ervilia seed Polygonum aviculare seed
* Acknowledgements: We would like to thank Dr Ksenija Borojevi for assisting with
initiating archaeobotanical sampling and otation at Vina, and for kindly providing
valuable advice on eld and laboratory techniques over the years. D. Filipovi is also
grateful to Dr Elena M. Marinova, for introducing her to the basics of archaeobotany
and oering guidance in the early stages of the analysis, and Aleksandar Medovi, for
help with some of the identications. We are also indebted to all the team members
who, armed with patience and sunscreen, processed hundreds of samples in our ota-
tion area by the Danube. Te paper is based on the results presented in D. Filipovis
graduation thesis, submitted in 2004 at the Department of Archaeology, University of
Belgrade.
Leguminosae sativae
indeterminatae
seed Polygonum convolvulus seed
oil/bre plants Polygonum cf. persicaria seed
Linum usitatissimum seed Polygonum sp. seed
fruits and nuts Rumex sp. seed
Cornus mas stone, fragment Setaria viridis seed
Physalis alkekengi seed Silene sp. seed
Prunus sp. stone, fragment Teucrium sp. seed
Pyrus sp. fruit and seed Tymelea passerina seed
Quercus sp. cupula, fragment Trifolium sp. seed
Rubus fruticosus seed Trigonella sp. seed
Rubus sp. seed Vicia sp. seed
Sambucus ebulus seed Apiaceae seed
Sambucus nigra seed Cruciferae seed
Trapa natans shell fragment Malvaceae seed
Poaceae seed
Solanaceae seed
UDC 903.28(497.11 Vina)6347
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Tis paper results from the project of the Institute for Balkan Studies Society, spiritual
and material culture and communications in prehistory and early history of the Balkans (no.
177012) funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technologiocal Develop-
ment of the Republic of Serbia.
Ivan Vrani
Institute of Archaeology
Belgrade
Te Classical and Hellenistic Economy and
the Paleo-Balkan Hinterland
A Case Study of the Iron Age Hellenized Settlements
Abstract: Dozens of similar fortied settlements exhibiting a familiarity with some
Greek building techniques and traditions existed in some parts of the Balkans dur-
ing the Iron Age, especially from the fth to third century BC. Te settlements are
documented in a vast continental area stretching from modern-day Albania, the
FYR Macedonia and south central Serbia to Bulgaria. Archaeological interpretations
mostly accept that economic factors and trade with late Classical and early Hellenis-
tic Greece were instrumental in their emergence, and the phenomenon is interpreted
as Greek inuence and local imitation of Mediterranean culture. Presenting the
most inuential interpretations of the Classical and Hellenistic economy and some
perspectives in economic anthropology, this paper examines the traditional (mostly
formalistic) culture-historical understanding of the Balkan Hellenized settlements
of the mid-rst millennium BC and Mediterranean interrelations. It also looks at the
construction and role of status identity as a crucial social factor in shaping the Iron
Age communities in the hinterland, and denes possible trade and exchange activities
as only one aspect of the identity of a burgeoning elite.
Keywords: Hellenized settlements, Hellenization and the Balkan Iron Age hin-
terland, economic anthropology, Classical and Hellenistic economy, status identity,
Kale-Krevica
Introduction: Hellenized settlements in the Balkan archaeological traditions
C
onducted in the last few decades, archaeological excavations in the Bal-
kan hinterland have shown that numerous fortied settlements often
described as Hellenized and built according to Greek models, came into
existence between the mid-fth and mid-fourth century BC. In modern-day
Bulgaria such sites are referred to as Late Iron Age settlements (Popov 2002;
Archibald 1998; 2000; Teodossiev 2011); in the FYR Macedonia, as Early
Classical (Early Antiquity) (I. Mikuli 1982; 1999; Lili 2009; Sokolovska
1986; 2011);

and in Albania, as Urban Illyrian Phase (Ceka 2005; Popov 2002,
181263; Wilkes 1992). Similar, but not thoroughly investigated sites have
been documented in modern-day Kosovo and Metohija and southeast cen-
tral Serbia (Vukmanovi, Popovi 1982; Shukriu 1996; Tasi 1998). Kale, an
archaeological site in the village of Krevica near the town of Vranje, stands
out as a rare example of a systematically excavated Hellenized settlement
site in Serbia (Popovi 2005; 2006; 2007a; 2007b; 2007c; 2009a; 2009b;
DOI: 10.2298/BALC1243029V
Balcanica XLIII 30
Popovi & Vrani 1998; Popovi & Kapouran 2007; Popovi & Vukadinovi
2011). Compared to earlier and insuciently known Early Iron Age forms,
these settlements correspond to a supposed change in habitation patterns and
mark a dierent social, political and economic milieu of Paleo-Balkan so-
cieties and identities from the fth century BC onwards (Archibald 1998).
Te richest architectural phases and most prominent cases have been dated
to the fourth and early third century BC, when most sites were abandoned
change traditionally seen as the result of Celtic migrations (Sokolovska
1986; 2011; I. Mikuli 1999).
Teir most conspicuous similarity to the material culture of late Clas-
sical and Hellenistic Greek centres is observable in architecture (Nankov
2008; Bitrakova-Grozdanova 2006; Archibald 1994; 1998; 2010). Some have
assumed that Greek builders were instrumental in the appearance of ashlar
masonry, usually observable in massive ramparts built of stone blocks, mud
bricks and Greek type roof tiles an intriguing phenomenon considering
the settlements great distance from the Mediterranean (see Tsetskhladze
1998; 2000; 2009, 161163; Archibald 1998, 140). Similarities are observ-
able in other forms of material culture as well. A well-known example is
the wheel-thrown household greyware (Sokolovska 1992; Changova 1981;
Domaradski 2002; Shukriu 1996; Vrani 2009), whose shapes (kantharoi,
skyphoi, oinochoai, hydriai, etc.) and style correspond to late Classical and
early Hellenistic Greek household pottery (cf. Rotro 2004; 2006; Sparkes
& Talkot 1970). In the Macedonian archaeological literature these forms
are commonly known as Early Antiquity/Classical Hellenized pottery, while
Bulgarian archaeology uses the term Tracian grey wares. At the same time,
numerous imports from the Mediterranean have been documented. Apart
from abundant amphorae, which presumably attest to the distribution of
olive oil and wine, mostly from Tasos and the Khalkidhiki, there are also
imports from much remoter centres, such as Chios or Rhodes (see Bouzek
et al. 2007; Titz 2002; Tzozhev 2009, 5572; Popovi 2007c). Commonly
found within the settlements are also late Classical and early Hellenistic
painted wares (e.g. Archibald 1996; 2002; G. Mikuli 1990; 2005; Krsti
2005; Parovi-Peikan 1992) and coins (e.g. Popovi 2007b).
Apart from some terminological dierences, which in the Balkan ar-
chaeological traditions are mostly related to ethnicities (Tracian, Paeonian,
Illyrian, etc) (see Vrani 2011), the term Hellenized settlements articulates
the interpretative signicance of contacts, and reects the ultimate goal of
most researchers, which is to recognize (formal) analogies with the Greek
world. Te still prevailing culture-historical approach sees their emergence
as a result of intensied contacts between Paleo-Balkan communities and
late Classical and early Hellenistic Greece. Te usual perspective is that the
settlements were built after Greek models and that their material culture
I. Vrani, Case Study of the Iron Age Hellenized Settlements 31
imitates shapes and technologies of the north-Aegean cities (e.g. Popov
2002; I. Mikuli 1999 Dimitrov & Ivanov 1984; Changova 1981; Bozkova
& Delev 2002; Ristov 2003; Neidinger & Matthews 2008; Neidinger et
al. 2009; Sokolovska 1986; 1990; Petrova 1991). Te wide distribution of
Mediterranean imports is used to support the hypothesis about local social
changes occurring as a result of Hellenization a recognizable traditional
narrative viewing the spread of Greek culture as an expected consequence
of contact between less developed Iron Age communities and Classical
and Hellenistic civilizations (Teodossiev 2011, 14; e.g. Papazoglu 1980).
Culture-historical epistemology
1
in the Balkans approaches changes
in material culture from two perspectives: as the result of the appearance of
a new population (migrations), or as the result of the spreading of inu-
ences (diusion). It assumes that communities and individual actors were
essentially static and that they had never produced change in material cul-
ture on their own. Te change that took place is considered to be the result
of external inuences in this case, Classical and Hellenistic Greece. In-
terpretations of the Hellenized settlements favouring the migration per-
spective e.g. Demir Kapija and the supposed Greek presence from the
fth century BC on (Sokolovska 1978; 1986, 4751; 2011, 13; I. Mikuli
1999, 176182); Damastion as a Greek silver-mining town (Ujes & Romi
1996; Popovi 1987, 2434; 2012; Sokolovska 1990; 2003; Petrova 1991);
Pernik as Philip IIs stronghold (Popov 2002, 138, 141); emporion Pistiros
(Bouzek et al. 1996; 2002; 2007) are mostly subsidiary (and reserved for
the most prominent sites) as against the prevailing idea of the diusion of
Greek cultural traits (e.g. Sokolovska 1986; Petrova 1991; Bitrakova-Groz-
danova 1987). Combination of these two approaches is responsible for the
construction of the narrative of the spread of an advanced culture, tending
to overlook the issue of causes and new meanings of the diused culture.
Among the many reasons for the continued existence of this theoret-
ical perspective
2
is the traditional view on trade and exchange. A common
thread upon which it hangs is the idea of the superiority of Greek culture,
and of its spreading as an inevitable outcome. Another common thread is
the use of commercial factors as a universal explanation for the motives for
establishing contact. Ancient Greece is perceived as a developed civiliza-
tion which established contacts with Paleo-Balkan communities because
it lacked raw materials. Te next step is to identify the Hellenized settle-
ments as international trading centres and to recognize the economic ne-
1
On the importance of culture-historical archaeology in general, see Olsen 2002, 30
39; Johnson 1999, 1520; Trigger 2006.
2
On the complex development of culture-historical archaeology in the Balkans, see
Palavestra 2011.
Balcanica XLIII 32
cessity of emerging market economies which developed as the result of the
appearance of Greek merchants, the demand for raw materials and the
constant supply of Greek goods (e.g. I. Mikuli 1999; Domaradski 2000;
Petrova 1991, 2324; Bitrakova-Grozdanova 1987, 8892; Srejovi 2002,
3234; erkov 1969, 18, 80).
Contacts between dierent communities and the interpretation of the
supposed social changes related to these contacts are essential theoretical is-
sues in the archaeology concerned with identity construction, but they are
also economic issues in the broadest sense. In the case of contacts between
ancient Greece, treated in the European intellectual tradition as the begin-
ning of our civilisation (Shanks 1996; Morley 2009; Babi 2008; 2010;
Kuzmanovi 2011, 601), and communities in the Mediterranean hinterland,
there is always the danger of a Eurocentric perspective. Tis paper seeks to
show that it is precisely the view of the market economy as instrumental in
the Hellenization process that reects a Eurocentric perspective of mod-
ern Balkan researchers (cf. Morley 2009, 2145; Tomas 2004; Kuzmanovi
2010). It is observable in the formalistic view of the Greek economy as the
beginning of the European capitalistic system on the one hand and, on the
other, in Hellenocentricity recognition of Mediterranean social charac-
teristics in barbaric settings (e.g. Dimitrov & Ivanov 1984; Changova 1981;
Bozkova & Delev 2002; Sokolovska 1986; 1990; Petrova 1991; Bouzek et al.
1996; 2002; 2007; Cohen 1995, 7988). On this epistemological basis, it is
argued, often uncritically, that besides similarities in architecture and other
forms of material culture there should be expected in the hinterland socio-
economic and socio-political institutions comparable to those in late Classical
and early Hellenistic Greece. As a result, the Iron Age heritage, unearthed
in modern Balkan countries, becomes civilized and more important in the
contemporary political context (Vrani 2011).
Hellenized settlements and Classical and Hellenistic economy
Culture-historical literature is rarely concerned with interrelations of the
Iron Age Hellenized communities and the Mediterranean world as a tan-
gible case study on the level of individual actors, conscious social change or
mechanisms leading to newly-established hybrid cultures (Hall 2002; Gos-
den 2004; Dietler 1997). At the same time, these interrelations are taken
as the unquestionable, universal and widely-accepted cause of the appear-
ance of the Hellenized settlements and of many other changes in the lo-
cal cultural landscape. Tis interpretative paradox stems from theoretical
premises.
Te traditional approach to the economic aspect of the contact is taken
from the modern Western evolutionary perspective. As a result, it assumes
that the more developed side initiated contact out of its own interests (Wilk
1996, 126; Adams 1974). When it comes to the emergence of the settle-
ments, it is supposed that Greece imported raw materials (usually minerals,
grains or furs) and slaves from the hinterland, and that the role of Balkan Iron
Age communities was to meet the needs of the superior partner. Documen-
tary sources provide some hints as to possible Paleo-Balkan exports, which
archaeologists usually take for a fact. In the case of the central Balkans, the
presumed Paeonian territory (the Vardar valley in the FYR Macedonia and
the west of modern-day Bulgaria) is known for the export of silver (e.g. I.
Mikuli 1999; Sokolovska 1990; 2003) and wheat (Papazoglu 1967; Petrova
1991, 2324; Rostovtze 1941, 216), while the southern regions of ancient
Macedonia are generally recognized as exporters of wood and resin the
materials widely used in Athenian shipbuilding (Millett 2010, 474). Some
form of prot for the Paleo-Balkan side is recognized in imported objects,
which are treated as Greek goods and, therefore, as indirect evidence for
trading activity. Culture-historical authors tend to identify Greek merchants
as the most prominent culprits for this form of contact traditional dis-
course in the modern European archaeological and historical literature as-
suming the critical role of trade in Greek society, portraying the traders caste
as free entrepreneurs who came in contact with the barbarian world on the
principles of market economy and personal gain (Rostovtze 1941, 300;
Boardman 1980, 162). In Bulgaria, researchers even suggest the existence of
emporia permanent Greek trading colonies emerging in the upper Maritza
valley in the fth century BC, as the key socio-political factor in the Helle-
nization process (Bouzek et al. 1996; 2002; 2007; Archibald 2000, 212233;
2004, 885899; Domaradski 2002).
In a broader theoretical sense, this interpretative concept is closest
to formalists in economic anthropology and modernizers in history
perspectives that assume that trading activities in pre-capitalist economies
functioned on market-based principles similar to the modern age (Plattner
1989, 120; Carrier 2005; Wilk 1996; Morley 2007). Tey focus on indi-
viduals, whose rationality and need for prots are supposedly present in
all societies (past or present), and on the cross-cultural concepts of scarcity,
maximization and surplus. Trade and exchange are considered to be just a
means by which this universal human instinct, which exists beyond culture
and society, is channelled with the view to minimizing the eort and maxi-
mizing the advantage (Ericson & Earle 1982, 2; Hodder 1982, 201203).
Among the most prominent historians insisting on market econo-
my as the fundamental cause of the spreading of Greek inuences in the
Mediterranean was M. Rostovtze (1941; cf. Archibald et al. 2001). His
modernizing approach to Hellenistic monarchies is focused on the evolu-
tion of new social structures based on the hypothesis that commerce and
Balcanica XLIII 34
economic reasons led to the integration of Greek and Eastern cultures. It
is predicated on the premise that the Classical and Hellenistic poleis were
socio-economic units organized toward the production and export of
goods, which generated prots that made these producer cities (cf. We-
ber 1958, 6870) sustainable. Tis Eurocentric approach uncritically trans-
fers modern capitalistic characteristics to the ancient economy, constructing
the notion of the Greek socio-economic system as an important phase in
the development of capitalism (Morley 2007; 2009; Kuzmanovi 2010).
Te archaeologists dealing with the Hellenized settlements in the
Balkans only occasionally cited Rostovtzes monumental work (e.g. Papa-
zoglu 1957; Bitrakova-Grozdanova 1987; Petrova 1991). However, whether
aware of his work or not, those who did not cite him tended to apply the
same theoretical concept (e.g. Sokolovska 1986; Mikuli 1982; 1999). Us-
ing a simplied version of the modernizing model,
3
they assume that the
quantity of imported objects is in itself proof enough that trade was the
overriding motive for contact. Cheap raw materials and the demand for
Greek products led to a change in settlement patterns and to the emer-
gence of new trading centres, followed by a growth of crafts within these
newly-established cities that imitated Greek poleis (e.g. I. Mikuli 1999;
Petrova 1991, 2324; Bitrakova-Grozdanova 1987, 8892; Srejovi 2002,
3234; Domaradski 2000; Bouzek et al. 1996; 2002; 2007). Consequently,
international trade becomes an obvious and commonsense explanation
for the spreading of Greek inuences, without its being supported by any
fundamental research into the principles of the Iron Age economy. Stylistic
similarities and imported artefacts lead to drawing formal analogies with
the modernizing picture of the Greek economy as a market-based system
and a rst step towards the emergence of the Western world. As a result,
Hellenization is perceived strictly as a process of imitating Greek culture,
of adopting the Mediterranean customs, political organization and way of
life directly and without modication. However, if we acknowledge post-
processual criticism, what we have here is the modern European picture of
Classical and Hellenistic Greece projected onto the past and incorporated
into Balkan archaeological and historical traditions (Babi 2008; 2010;
Kuzmanovi 2011). Pursuing this interpretative path, the culture-historical
approach neglects the issue of dierent agencies at work within Iron Age
societies which, selectively and consciously, incorporated elements of Greek
culture into new social contexts of culture-specic meanings and character-
3
It is important to note that Rostovtze (1941, 216) considered economic relations
with Greece a key factor in the development of Paeonian society during the late fourth
and early third century BC, highlighting the shipments of Paeonian wheat to the city
of Athens.
istics. Its search, in these diverse contexts, for the same structures and insti-
tutions constructs a Hellenocentric notion of the same role and meaning
of material culture. A good example of this ethnocentric perspective is pro-
vided by many purported poleis excavated in continental Trace (Archi-
bald 2004), or by frequent identication of grain and silver markets (e.g. I.
Mikuli 1999; Domaradski 2000). Quite the opposite, Paleo-Balkan and
Mediterranean societies most certainly exhibited dierent social, economic
or cultural characteristics and identities.
Since the beginnings of research into past economies in the nineteenth
century, the formalist/modernizing approach has not been the only theoreti-
cal perspective. Tere have also circulated opposite (but equally Eurocentric)
views, that capitalism emerged in Modernity as a structurally dierent eco-
nomic system marked by the newly-established nineteenth-century market
economy (Humphreys 1969; Morley 2007; Morris et al. 2008). For decades,
substantivists in economic anthropology and primitivists in history have
been meticulously developing a dierent theoretical and methodological ap-
proach to many economic activities that predated capitalism, highlighting
that these economies were embedded in social and cultural structures that
shaped human behaviour in ways which cannot be analyzed in terms of the
capitalist concepts of prot or scarcity (Polanyi 1968a; 1968b; 1968c; Fin-
ley 1970; 1973; 1981; Hopkins 1983; Morris 2001).
As for the Classical economy, substantivists believe that the po-
lis with an agricultural hinterland (chora) was self-sucient and did not
depend on the import of raw materials which, if present at all, was not
dened by the market (Finley 1973; 1981; Polanyi 1968a; 1968b; 1968c).
Te most important socio-economic feature of the polis, according to this
perspective, was subsistence economy. Consequently, Greek urbanization is
perceived neither as a mercantile necessity, nor as the growth of produc-
tion centres; but rather as the outcome of the emergence of a new form
of society, characterized by the practice of rich landowners to live inside
the newly-formed cities (Finley 1973, 123149; Morley 2007, 50). Trough
taxes and other dues, these consumer cities (Weber 1958, 6870) thrived at
the expense of their agricultural hinterland a feature that substantivists
consider as the basic attribute of this city-state culture and its identity. Tis
approach to the economy is much more concerned with the social (mostly
status-related) role of city dwelling (cf. Morris 1987) than with export of
nished products.
Tis approach, now also subjected to criticism,
4
has profoundly in-
uenced interpretations of Greek, Roman or Iron Age economies. On the
other hand, it has been completely neglected in the study of the Helle-
4
For criticism of the rich landlords concept, see Hansen 2000 and 2006.
Balcanica XLIII 36
nized settlements. Consequently, if the Greek polis was not dependent on
the inow of raw materials from distant sources, and if Classical society
was not substantially dependent on international trade, then an argument
could be made against the concept of Hellenized settlements as trading
centres, especially in the case of fth-century-BC inland classical sites
such as emporion Pistiros in the upper Maritza valley (Bouzek et al. 1996;
2002; 2007) or Demir Kapija in the FYR Macedonia (I. Mikuli 1999,
176182; Sokolovska 1986, 4751).
Te concept of pre-modern economy today: an example of Hellenistic economy
Eventually, the primitivist and modernizing approaches found some
common ground and this century-long debate has recently been put
to rest with the conclusion that overgeneralizations are the basic aw of
both schools (Smith 2004; Morley 2007; Feinman & Garraty 2010; Mor-
ris 2001). For instance, most interpretations of Classical and Hellenistic
Greece are focused on the Athenian economy, which was more of an excep-
tion than a rule, drawing universal conclusions from that specic context
and applying them to other poleis or even Iron Age cultures in the Mediter-
ranean hinterland. Most of the latest work points out the culture-specic
role of the economy and draws attention to numerous setbacks marking all
cross-cultural generalizations (see Carrier 2005; Wilk 1996; Morley 2007).
Consequently, this topic is approached in the broadest sense as com-
plex relations between the community and its environmental and cultural
landscape, taking production, distribution and consumption as related but
very dierent socially constructed activities. Other important factors are
climate, resources availability, demography, etc., issues neglected by previous
research, which was mostly focused on distribution (substantivists) and pro-
duction (formalists). At the same time, some authors question K. Polanyis
and M. Finleys dismissal of the forces of demand and supply which, in
some, culture-specic, form probably were at work in pre-modern societ-
ies. Te latest research on the social role of the humanities in the Western
world shows that Polanyi and Finley, among many other important gures,
overemphasized the distinction between Modernity the period in the
construction of which they participated and every other (past or present)
society (Feinman & Garraty 2010, 172174). For instance, recent studies
suggest that intra-community trade and exchange of agricultural products
indeed was an important factor in the economy of a polis, while at the same
time the entire polis remained self-sucient (Hansen 2000; 2006, 69). On
the other hand, the enduring substantivist view on the socio-political or-
ganization and group identity of the citizens still favours the concept of
culturally embedded redistribution as opposed to the market economy in
the modern sense (Morley 2007, 69).
A step forward and away from the eternal substantivistsformalists
debate has been made in the study of Hellenistic economies (Archibald et
al. 2001; Parkins, Smith 1998; Davies 2001; 2006; Reger 2003). Contrary
to Rostovtzes view on the role of trade, Finley paid little attention to the
Hellenistic economy. He accurately concluded that Hellenism conceived
of as being an integrated cultural system originating from the mixture
of Greek and Eastern ways had never existed, ultimately favouring an idea
which thoroughly undermined the entire concept of a distinctive Helle-
nistic economy. Finley argued that the picture of Hellenistic monarchies
as forming a single integrated socio-economic and socio-political system
was a nineteenth-century construct, and claimed that two parallel systems,
i.e. Greek and Eastern, had simultaneously existed throughout the pe-
riod (Finley 1973, 183). Today, this Eurocentric position is also subjected
to criticism. As shown by recent studies, both interpretations are overgen-
eralizations in the light of the fact that Hellenistic economies were so re-
gionally diverse that any blanket term suggesting some form of unity, simi-
larly to Finleys position, is undoubtedly open to discussion (Davies 2001;
2006; Reger 2003). Also, they dismiss any strict division between Greeks
and Others as a misleading approach to hybridization of new identities. It
appears more likely that multiple and intertwined socio-economic levels
(some old, others new, resulting from changes occurring in the aftermath of
Alexanders conquests) existed within the newly-created Hellenistic mon-
archies. Consequently, interpretations do not rely on a single interpretative
framework.
Te assumption that majority of the population remained small pro-
ducers of agricultural crops a subsistence-related activity dened by the
domestic economy model is a rare generalization on which contempo-
rary researchers are agreed. Tis form of household production (and con-
sumption) may have been connected to the outside world through the polis,
a local socio-political unit emerging in the newly-conquered territories and
retaining its prominent role in the Greek world, or through any other hybrid
form of urban settlement. At the same time, the royal economy, a new form
of status-dened inuence in economic behaviour also played an important
role in the Hellenistic world (Reger 2003, 332; Graham et al. 2006).
Tis complicates matters considering that Hellenism and its econo-
my are very important for interpreting Hellenized settlements due to the
issue of Hellenization, the supposed identity changes traditionally per-
ceived as the highlight of the period (Momigliano 1971; Papazoglu 1980).
Many authors still apply Rostovtzes views, claiming that the socio-polit-
ical context of the fourth and third centuries BC in the Balkans corresponds
Balcanica XLIII 38
to the context of Hellenistic monarchies, and ultimately recognizing the
Odrysian, Paeonian or Illyrian kingdoms as polities organized in emulation
of these characteristic political entities (Papazoglu 1967; 1988; Archibald
2000, 213). Others take a step further and argue that changes peculiar to
Hellenism had taken place in the Balkans even earlier, around the middle
of the fourth century BC, when Philip II conquered the region and cre-
ated a short-lived Hellenistic-like situation with a distant Mediterranean
political force ruling the local settings (Delev 1998). To complicate mat-
ters even more, the important role of Cassander and Lysimachus and their
relations with Paleo-Balkan populations should not be overlooked either
(Lund 1992; Teodossiev 2011, 10; Archibald 1998, 304310). However,
these settlements sit on the fringes of the Hellenistic world, and they most
certainly constitute a dierent context from the Hellenistic monarchies
characterized by the presence of the Greek elite. Terefore, political and
social features of that ancient Macedonian society prior to Philip IIs con-
quests, and its dierences from and similarities to Balkan Iron Age com-
munities may be a more important question than the ethnocentric quest for
Hellenistic institutions (cf. Archibald 2000). Latest research approaches
this neglected issue from a prehistoric standpoint, assuming that these
societies (Macedonian and other neighbouring Iron Age communities), far
more than the poleis or Hellenistic monarchies, were structured according
to the warrior aristocracy principle (Millett 2010; cf. Archibald 1998).
Status identity and Hellenization: concluding remarks
Te brief introduction to the Classical and Hellenistic economy present-
ed above shows that theoretical approaches to this topic overwhelmingly
inuence interpretations of relations between Paleo-Balkan and Medi-
terranean societies. It also puts forth a criticism of the culture-historical,
formalist and modernizing Hellenocentric approach to Hellenization as
the market-based appearance of Greek and Hellenistic institutions in
the hinterland. Tese interrelations, however, may be approached bearing in
mind the need to look into local, culture-specic Iron Age contexts and into
contact-related internal changes.
Exponents of the processual approach, which profoundly inuenced
European Iron Age studies in the 1980s, were the rst to try to go beyond
the diusionist model of culture-historical archaeology and scrutinize the
supposed economic relations with the Mediterranean world, highlight-
ing the role of long-distance trade and exchange in the process (e.g. Wells
1980; Collis 1984; for a bibliography in Serbian see Palavestra 1984; 1995;
Babi 2002; 2004), and oering the rst models for the emergence of sta-
tus identity as the key characteristic of the entire period, a topic which
still remains very signicant in recent theoretical perspectives (Babi 2005;
Gosden 2004). Within processual archaeology, the World System Teory, an
approach originally developed for modern colonial encounters (see Waller-
stein 2004), was recognized as the most appropriate theory. Similarly to
the modern European colonial empires, Mediterranean communities of the
rst millennium BC are seen as the centre, while Iron Age communities in
the interior of the continent are conceived of as being the periphery of one
interrelated global system (Champion 1989; Rowlands 1998). Terefore,
authors closer to the formalists in anthropology explored, through various
statistical models, the role of entrepreneurs in pursuit of personal gain and
the role of prot in the emergence of status dierences (Wells 1984, 25
37). On the other hand, substantivists believed that status dierences and
the elites competition in the Iron Age had existed before possible trading
contacts with the Greeks (Frankenstein & Rowlands 1978, 7677). Tere-
fore, imports are not necessarily indicative of the existence of commercial
activity and prots in the modern sense, but should rather be ascribed
to the complex system of status-related trade and exchange, very dierent
from the modern market economy. Te World System Teory approach and
models of Iron Age societies were an important step forward in specifying
the targets of research. Today, they may also be criticized as Eurocentric and
as a masked form of diusionism (Gosden 2004, 818).
Another step towards even more specic questions came with post-
processual archaeology
5
and its quest for individual agency (Insoll 2007;
Diaz-Andreu et al. 2005; Graves-Brown et al. 1996; Rowlands 2007). Post-
processual interpretation does not focus strictly on the economic aspects
of identities construction, but on the biographies of objects (or people) and
the active role of material culture in the construction of culture and identity
(Kopito 1986; Appadurai 1986; Gosden 2005; Buchli 2002). Even though
not necessarily related to trade and exchange, this approach, by assuming
the active role of materiality and the dierent and changing meaning of
objects within dierent contexts (past or present), takes interpretation even
further away from the principles of market economy. Various active roles of
material culture in identity construction are expected in cultural, political
or economic contexts of the circulation, consumption and discarding of a
particular object (its biography), where its dierent social meanings may
be manifested, and archaeologically documented (Earle 2010, 211). Conse-
quently, demand, supply and consumption are dened by culture, but at the
same time their constant re-enactment within the culture produces change,
repeatedly constructing new cultural patterns.
5
On the complex development of post-processual archaeology, see Olsen 2002, 3039;
Johnson 1999, 1520; Trigger 2006.
Balcanica XLIII 40
Today, the work that continues the traditions of processual archaeol-
ogy, but acknowledges criticisms arising from material culture studies, pro-
poses the existence of two dierent levels of economic contexts politi-
cal
6
and domestic economy (Earle & Kristiansen 2010; Kristiansen 2010;
2011). Trough the production, circulation and consumption of material
culture, these separate but interrelated levels of activity were critical for the
construction of various identities. In pre-modern societies, marked by the
household food production (domestic economy), it was the relationship
of inter-household reciprocity that provided the economic base and es-
sential context for family-based social organization. Political economy, on
the other hand, constituted a dierent level where the elites, through or-
ganizing communal activities and mobilizing the labour force, constructed
their status identity within the redistributive economy. Terefore, long-
distance trade and exchange, even though important politically, had minor
importance for the groups subsistence (Tainter 1988, 24; cf. Trigger 2003,
279314). At the same time, these activities may have been decisive for
status identity construction and social stratication (DAltroy & Hastorf
2002; Earle 1997).
Status identity is recognized by archaeologists as a very important
social feature in the Balkans in the sixth and fth centuries BC, an Early
Iron Age period prior to the rst appearance of Hellenized settlements.
7

Interestingly, this type of identity is a quite neglected topic in the context of
the emergence and existence of these settlements (e.g. Bouzek et al. 1996;
2002; 2007; I. Mikuli 1999; Sokolovska 1986). Only few studies discuss a
dierent type of warrior aristocracy which emerged during the fth cen-
tury, and assumed the most prominent social role in the fourth and third
centuries BC. Archibald (1994; 1998) points to the new practice of hiring
barbarian mercenaries for Classical and Hellenistic armies as the crucial
factor in the process, arguing that this new aristocracy and their vibrant
social role caused an important change in the fth century BC. Te active
role of mercenaries allows a very plausible interpretation for the substantial
6
Te term political economy has multiple meanings. It is a theory and a eld of interdisci-
plinary studies in social sciences concerned with relations between politics and economy
in the broadest sense. Tis approach in anthropology and archaeology becomes more
prominent due to its theoretical position that allows the possibility of studying institu-
tions and their emergence as related to the economy (mostly production) (Robotham
2005, 41). On the other hand, the term also refers to status-related activity which dem-
onstrates the power and active role of individuals within society, especially within socie-
ties that show some level of complexity (e.g. DAltroy & Hastorf 2002; Earle 1997;
Earle & Kristiansen 2010).
7
On Iron Age status identity and the case of princely graves in the Balkans, see Palav-
estra 1984; 1995; Babi 2002; 2004; 2005.
change in material culture termed Hellenization. Te role of mercenaries
in the Mediterranean became more prominent from Philip IIs campaign
onwards (Trundle 2004; Miller 1984). In a very short time, this new context
allowed considerable contact with the Mediterranean cultures and set the
stage for the subsequent construction of new and many Hellenized status
groups. Social communication of this new type of identity gave a boost to
the consumption of Mediterranean material culture and, even more impor-
tantly, encouraged many changes on the regional level, manifested in the
appearance of a similar material culture and, eventually, of numerous Hel-
lenized settlements. Te identity of active and retired soldiers was a hybrid
social group, probably constructed as an amalgamation of the identity of the
already existing Iron Age aristocracy and the acquired identity of Classical
and Hellenistic mercenaries. Tis new elite was the most dynamic agency
in recomposing identities in the Balkans. Te Hellenization of these sta-
tus groups had a profound eect on entire communities and their identi-
ties through the active role of material culture, creating the characteristic
Greek or, what should probably be a more appropriate term, Mediter-
ranean features in the Balkan hinterland.
Recent post-processual work approaches Hellenization as a re-
search topic through studying the role of contacts with the Greek world in
the construction of new identities, dened on dierent and culture-specic
bases (Dietler 1997; cf. Papazoglu 1980). Bearing that in mind, dozens of
similar settlements in the Balkan hinterland should not be perceived as in-
ternational trade centres and Greek emporia, but as a manifestation of a
changing form of social structures and identities characterized by dier-
ent behaviour, way of life and socio-economic organization. Tese changes
were manifested in the consumption of Greek material culture and the
subsequent hybridization of Mediterranean and continental identities. Tis
process of change, characteristic of the entire Mediterranean hinterland,
constitutes the conscious construction of new identities with dierent
meanings within dierent local contexts (Gosden 2004; 2007; Go 2005;
Hurst & Owen 2005; Hingley 2000). Te appearance of a similar material
culture, imports and numerous Hellenized settlements in a vast area of
the Balkans speaks more of local socio-political interrelations than of direct
contact with the Greeks. Te appearance of Hellenized material culture
should be seen as a culture-specic characteristic which neither proves
Greek migrations and the critical role of market economy, nor widens
the territory where the identity changes labelled as Hellenicity took place
(cf. Hall 2002). It represents the construction of dierent local cultures in
the Mediterranean hinterland on the fringes of the late Classical and early
Hellenistic world. Contacts between the settlements and the consumption
Balcanica XLIII 42
of hybrid material culture are the outcome of political economy
8
of local
elites a process that began during the Bronze and Iron Ages and built
complex status, regional and cultural interrelations (cf. Earle & Kristiansen
2010). Te domestic sphere, on the other hand, probably remained local and
mostly unaected.
UDC 930.85:711.459.6](38)
904(497)637
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Te paper results from the research project of the Institute of Archaeology Serbian Ar-
chaeology: Cultural identity, integration factors, technological processes and the role of Central
Balkans in the development of European Prehistory (no. 177020) funded by the Ministry
of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia.
Sanja Pilipovi
Belgrade
Te Image of Persephone on the Upper Moesian Limes
A Contribution to the Study of Ancient Cults
Abstract: Te ways in which Persephone was depicted in the Roman province of Up-
per Moesia may help understand the signicance the goddess had for the inhabitants
of the Upper Moesian limes, notably Viminacium and Ratiaria, where the discussed
archaeological material was discovered.
Keywords: Persephone, Ceres, Dis Pater, Viminacium, Ratiaria, Upper Moesia, limes
D
epictions of Persephone or inscriptions dedicated to her do not seem
to have been very frequent in Upper Moesia or in the neighbouring
provinces of the Roman Empire. Te known Upper Moesian representa-
tions and an inscription dedicated to Dis Pater and Persephone all come
from the Danubian area of the province, with the exception of a Kore inta-
glio whose nd-spot is unknown.
1
Te Upper Moesian archaeological material shows the following rep-
resentations: the Abduction/Rape of Persephone, Persephone and Pluto,
Kores Return from the Underworld, and a portrait of Persephone. So far,
Kore and Persephone are not known to have been depicted together. It is
interesting to note that some coins minted in the Balkans usually depict
Persephone together with Demeter.
2
Te Abduction of Persephone, the central relief on the marble stele
of Marcus Valerius Speratus from Viminacium (g. 1) dated to the second
1
Studying the cults of Persephone and Demeter, A. Jovanovi, Ogledi iz antikog kulta
i ikonograje (Belgrade: Filozofski fakultet, 2007), 81, suggests that not only the depic-
tions of the goddesses but also some artefacts recovered from graves should be related to
their worship: wreaths of wheat ears, a rams head, a snake, and bracelets in the form of a
snake. Tis paper discusses only the gural representations of deities, and not individual
elements of their symbolism precisely because of their complexity and their possible
attribution to other members of the Greco-Roman pantheon.
2
Te two are shown together on coins minted at Odessus in the late second and early
third century for Septimius Severus (N. Mushmov, Antichnite moneti na Balkanskiat
poluostrov i monetite na bulgarskite tsare, Soa 1912), no. 1595; Elagabalus, no. 1624;
Alexander, no. 1628; and Gordian III Pius, no. 1658. Te abduction of Persephone was
depicted on coins minted at Alexandria, in Lydia and in Phrygia (LIMC IV, s.v. Hades:
no. 100a Alexandria, no. 102 Lydia, and no. 103 Hierapolis, Phrygia).
DOI: 10.2298/BALC1243051P
Balcanica XLIII 52
or the early third century,
3
reveals a complex iconographic type. In addition
to the central couple, Hades and Persephone in a horse-drawn chariot, the
composition characterized by narrativeness and attention to detail also in-
cludes Hermes and Athena.
Persephone and Hades/Pluto (Dis Pater) form a badly damaged
sculptural group from Viminacium (gs. 2 and 2a) dated to the late second
or early third century. Te two gures, whose heads are now missing, are
shown seated on a double throne, Pluto in a chimation, and Persephone in
a chiton and mantle, with a still recognizable animal at their feet. Te back-
side of the throne is decorated with the letter S. Te group was rst identi-
ed by Vuli as Persephone and Pluto with Cerberus lying at their feet.
4
A third Upper Moesian representation occurs on a glass-paste inta-
glio (g. 3) dated to the same period.
5
Te orange intaglio in imitation of
carnelian shows a standing gure of Kore/Persephone with her hair gath-
ered up into a nodus, and holding a torch in each hand. Given its large size,
the intaglio might have been tted into a medallion or adorned some other
object.
Te last known depiction of Persephone is a gilt bronze relief deco-
rating a mirror from Viminacium (g. 4), also dated to the late second or
early third century. Persephone, wearing a melon hairstyle, is shown in
prole. Te portrait, enclosed in a laurel wreath and facing a myrtle branch
(myrtus communis), was identied as Persephone by D. Spasi-Djuri,
6
who
3
J. Brunmid, Nadgrobni spomenik Marka Valerija Sperata iz Viminacija, Vjesnik Hr-
vatskog arheolokog drutva 1 (1895), Pl. 1; CIL III, 12659; RE IV, 1901, col. 242; A. von
Domaszewski, Die Rangordnung des rmischen Heeres (Cologne: Bhlau, 1967), 34; A.
Hekler, Forschungen in Intercisa, Jahrshefte des sterreichischen archologischen insti-
tutes in Wien 15 (1912), 184, g. 123; Actes VIIIe Congr., Pl. 90/4; H. Devijver, Prospo-
graphia militarum equestrium quae fuerunt ab Augusto ad Gallienum II (Leuven 1977),
831, no. 38; J. M. C. Toynbee, Greek myth in Roman stone, Latomus 26 (1977), 402;
M. Mirkovi, Inscriptions de la Msie Suprieure, vol. II Viminacium et Margum (Bel-
grade: Facult de Philosophie, 1986), 130131, no. 110; S. Pilipovi, Divine rape as a
funerary motif: the example of the stela from Viminacium, Balcanica XXXII-XXXIII
(2003), 6188, and, of the same author, Mit i ljubav (Belgrade: Institute for Balkan
Studies, 2007), cat. no. 1.
4
Te sculpture was identied as Persephone and Pluto by F. Ladek et al., Antike Denk-
maler in Serbien II, Jahrshefte 4 (1901), 122, no. 12; N. Vuli et al., Antiki spomenici
u Srbiji, Spomenik SKA XXXIX (1903), 65, g. 8; Mirkovi, Inscriptions, 137, fn. 6;
uncertain identication: M. Tomovi, Roman Sculpture in Upper Moesia (Belgrade: Ar-
chaeological Institute, 1993), 120, no. 209, Pl. 47/67; Lj. Zotovi, Das Paganismus in
Viminacium, Starinar XLVII (1996), 128.
5
N. Kuzmanovi-Novovi, Antika gliptika na teritoriji Srbije (PhD thesis, Belgrade
University, 2005), cat. no. 167
6
D. Spasi-Djuri, Reljefna ogledala iz Viminacijuma, Viminacium XII (2001), 175.
S. Pilipovi, Te Image of Persephone on the Upper Moesian Limes 53
studied the emergence of the myrtle motif and its connections with the
goddess.
We should also mention two stone sculptures, one from Singidunum,
7

the other from Scupi,
8
which have tentatively been identied as Persephone
or Demeter.
9
Ratiaria has yielded an inscription dedicated to Proserpine
and Dis Pater by an augustal.
10
Persephone, the Greek goddess of the underworld and nature, De-
meter and Zeus daughter and Hades wife, was a central gure of the Ele-
usinian mysteries.
11
She reigned in her husbands kingdom, but she also
managed to secure her return into the world of the living, where she spent a
part of the year.
12
Since Hellenistic times, Hades had been associated with
the inevitability of death, and Persephone with renewal. Proserpine, the Ro-
man goddess of the underworld and the mistress of the world of the dead
became assimilated to Persephone. On the advice of the Sybilline Books,
Demeter, Kore and Dionysus began to be worshipped as early as 496 BC,
7
Tomovi, Roman Sculpture, cat. no. 50, suggests that it might be Ceres or Persephone,
while S. Kruni, Dve mermerne skulpture iz Singidunuma, Godinjak grada Beograda
XLVII-XLVIII (2003), 5165, believes it to be a fragment of a funerary composition.
8 Tomovi, Roman Sculpture, cat. no. 52; V. Sokolovska, Antika skulptura vo SR Make-
donija (Skopje: Muzej na Makedonija, 1988), no. 122
9
To be mentioned as well are two iconographically complex votive emblems from Tek-
ija, Serbia, which have also been variously interpreted. Drawing on Mano-Zisi, Nalaz
iz Tekije (Belgrade: Narodni muzej, 1957), 37, and bearing in mind dierent interpreta-
tions of the deities depicted on them (Serapis, Dis PaterPluto and Heracles, Cybele,
Magna Mater, Demeter etc.), A. Jovanovi, Prilog prouavanju srebrnih amblema iz
Tekije, Glasnik Srpskog arheolokog drutva 6 (1990), 29 , suggests that one might be
Heracles in his syncretistic manifestation with Jupiter Heliopolitanus, and the other
Persephone. On dierent interpretations of the emblems, and on the possibility that
they depict Sabasius and Cybele, see S. Pilipovi, Kult Bahusa na centralnom Balkanu
(Belgrade: Institute for Balkan Studies, 2011), 122124.
10
Diti Patri et Proser | pinae Regin(ae) | Q(uintus) Sab(inius) Vital(is) pr(imus) Augus |
talium: CIL III, 12646; CIL III, 8081; E. Kalinka, Antike Denkmler in Bulgarien (Vi-
enna: Hlder, 1906), 131132, no. 141; cf. M. Mirkovi, Rimski gradovi na Dunavu u
Gornjoj Meziji (Belgrade: Arheoloko drutvo Jugoslavije, 1968), 137; R. Duthoy Les
Augustales, ANRW 16/2 (1978), 12541309.
1978, 1281, fn. 217.
11
M. Djuri, Istorija helenske etike (Belgrade: BIGZ, 1976), 4 .
12
C. G. Jung & C. Kernyi, Essays on a Science of Mythology (Princeton University Press,
1973), 109. A third-century-BC inscription praises a certain Erina as a new Kore, see
Anthologia Palatina VII, 13; cf. also R. Turcan, Messages doutre-tombe: l iconographie des
sarcophages romains (Paris: De Boccard, 1999), 12. For the symbolism of the abduction
of Persephone, with an overview of the earlier literature, see Pilipovi, Mit i ljubav,
2834, 6267.
Balcanica XLIII 54
and subsequently other cults were also introduced, such as those of the Di-
oscuri, Apollo, Asclepius, etc.
13
Te exact mechanism of transcribing Greek
cults into Roman cultural contexts is dicult to unravel, because of the con-
tinued presence of earlier autochthonous cults. At times, it was elements of
these earlier cults that led to innovative amalgamations. For example, Ceres,
the ancient Italic deity associated with the plebs and worshipped from the
fth century BC, came in the mid-third century BC in contact with another
cult, known to the Romans as the Greek cult of Ceres.
14
Rituals in which
women now came to play an important role began to spread from southern
Italy, and groups of matrons and young girls participating in processions,
singing and oering sacrices to Ceres and Proserpine, mother and her
young daughter, were mentioned for the rst time.
15
Apart from the Vestal
virgins, who were an exception to many a rule of Roman society, women
had not played any signicant role in Roman public worship. Proserpine re-
tained a role in the further evolution of worship, and played it together with
Dis Pater, who became the third member of a mythic triad (Proserpine/
Daughter, Dis Pater/King of the Underworld, and Ceres/Mother). Tis in
fact was a prelude to a new type of secular games. As recorded by Varro in
249, at the time of the First Punic War, Dis Pater was worshipped in Taren-
tum together with Proserpine (Ludi Tarentini). Te games in honour of the
two deities held in Tarentum subsequently grew into a celebration marking
the end of a saeculum (Ludi Saeculares).
16
Te cult of Dis Pater saw a revival
towards the end of the pagan era.
Persephone was frequently depicted in the visual arts where, regard-
less of her various iconographic types, she always stood as a symbol of tri-
umph over death and an allegory of human fate. Persephones fate oered
the hope of rebirth to the mortals facing the darkness of the grave.
17
She
embodied a double relationship: as a daughter, with her mother, she sym-
bolized life, and as Hades wife, death.
18
Apart from this basic meaning, her
gure may have had a more concrete meaning, as an allegory of womens
fate.
19
13
G. Foot Moore, Storia delle religioni (Bari: Laterza, 1929), 619.
14
Beard et al., Religions of Rome (Cambridge University Press, 2004), 70, fn. 225.
15
Ibid. fn. 227.
16
According to Augustine, De Civitate Dei III, 18, it was a nocturnal celebration held
around an altar in Tarentum.
17
F. Cumont, Recherches sur le symbolisme funraire des Romains (Paris: Librairie oriental-
iste Paul Geuthner, 1942), 9597.
18
Jung & Kernyi, Essays, 108.
19
Te borders of Hades realm could have functioned as a metaphor for the border
between girlhood and womanhood. As the ruler of the world of the dead, Hades could
As we have seen above, the known Upper Moesian representations
of Persephone encompass the Abduction of Persephone, Persephone and
Pluto, Kores Return from the Underworld, and a portrait. Given that the
depictions are done in dierent media, their analogies should be looked at in
a broader culturological framework. Te Abduction of Persephone from the
stele of Marcus Valerius Speratus has no closer analogies in Upper Moesia
or even in the neighbouring provinces. Examples of the scene can be found
in distant parts of the Empire: in Rome on some sarcophagi;
20
in a black
and white mosaic from the cemetery under the church of St Peter;
21
among
the murals decorating the tomb of the Nasonii
22
and in the paintings
adorning tombs in Egypt, Lebanon and Syria.
23
Te Viminacium scene, of
a complex iconography and stylistic richness, is an exquisite work of art with
its skilfully carved gures, harmony in composition and wealth of detail. Its
realist rendition may perhaps be compared only with the Upper Moesian
relief of Helen and Menelaus from the stele of Gaius Cornelius Rufus.
24

Te stele itself nds analogies in the best examples of funerary art from the
provinces of Noricum and Pannonia.
25

Unlike the stele, the sculptural group of Persephone and Pluto from
Viminacium is a piece of provincial art. Its closest artistic analogy is a relief
from Ostia, now in the Vatican Museums, which also shows the two seated
on a double throne with Cerberus at their feet,
26
but which contains two
have been an allusion to the earthly husband, and the abduction of the bride, to death,
see Turcan, Messages, 47; C. Sourvinou-Inwood, Te young abductor of the Locrian
pinakes, Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 20 (1987), 139; E. Keuls, Te Reign of
the Phallus (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985), 131132. For arguments in
support of this interpretation found in epitaphs and the visual arts, see Cumont, Recher-
ches, 102; LIMC IV, s. v. Pluto, no. 31; Pilipovi, Mit i ljubav, 2834, 6267.
20
H. Sichterman & G. Koch, Griechische Mythen auf rmischen Sarkophagen (Tubingen:
E. Wasmuth, 1975), nos. 5961.
21
LIMC IV, s. v. Hades, g. 76b.
22
E. Winsor Leach, G. P. Bellori and the Sepolcro dei nasonii Writing a Poets Tomb,
in A. Barbet, ed. La peinture funraire antique (Paris: Ed. Errances, 2001), 69.
23
Western Hermopolis in Egypt, Tyre in Lebanon, and Massayif in Syria; see M.-T.
Olszewski, La langage symbolique dans la decoration scenes mythologiques et son
sens dans les tombes peintes de lOrient romain. Nouvelle approche, in Barbet, ed. La
peinture funraire, Pls. 27/5, 27/6 and 28/7.
24
Mirkovi, Inscriptions, no. 73.
25
Te complex architecture of the stele and its relief decoration nd their closest analo-
gies in the funerary art of Noricum and both Pannonias; see Pilipovi, Divine rape, 73
, as well as her Mit i ljubav, 50, 109110, and La scena di caccia: motive di decorazi-
one delle stele funerary della Moesia Superior, Starinar LVI (2008), 337352.
26
LIMC IV, s. v. Pluto, no. 54.
Balcanica XLIII 56
more gures. Geographically nearer to the Viminacium sculpture is a relief
from Konstanza, Romania, now in Bucharest, with waist-length portraits
of Persephone and Pluto.
27
Te central couple used to be anked by two
gures, of which the one on the left side is damaged beyond recognition,
while the other may be identied as Demeter.
Te glass-paste intaglio, whose nd-spot is unknown, shows the
classical type, i.e. the standing gure of Kore/Persephone holding a lit torch
in each hand. Tis iconographic type had been in use since Hellenistic times,
either independently or incorporated into various compositions.
28
Te Viminacium mirror with the representation of Persephone and a
myrtle branch may nd analogies in Trace, but especially in North Africa
and Asia Minor, where many similar relief mirrors come from. Persephone
was depicted on them with a laurel or olive branch, with owers reminiscent
of poppies, or with a laurel wreath and wheat ears.
29
Myrtle, however, was
a plant dedicated to Persephone and thus associated with the world of the
dead.
30
Te question of provenance of this particular mirror cannot be easily
resolved. It could have been imported from the abovementioned regions,
but it could also have been crafted in some of the Viminacium workshops.
Te other precious-metal mirrors made using the same technique discov-
ered at Viminacium are decorated with the reliefs of Dionysus and Ariadne,
Venus and the Tree Graces, Venus and Amor, and Apollo.
31

Te inscription from Ratiaria dedicated to Proserpine and Dis Pater
is the only such discovered in the province. Te epithet Regina conferred
upon the goddess is a reminiscence of the Orphic hymn that describes
Persephone as the queen of the underworld and the keeper of its gate in the
depths of the earth.
32
In Upper Moesia, and elsewhere, this epithet was usu-
ally associated with Juno.
33
Te cultic association of Dis Pater and Proser-
pine has also been attested in inscriptions from Napoca and Sarmisegetuza
27
LIMC IV, s. v. Pluto, no. 1a. Cf. G. Bordenache, Temi e motivi della plastica funeraria
det romana nella Moesia Inferior, Dacia VIII (1964), 171, no. 10.
28
Two Hellenistic reliefs from the National Museum of Athens show Persephone hold-
ing a torch in each hand, see G. Gnther, Persephone, in LIMC IX, cat. nos. 22 and
71.
29
G. Zahlhaas, Rmische Reliefspiegel (Kallmnz 1975), cat. nos. 57, 1617.
30
M. Blech, Studien zum Kranz bei den Griechen. Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und
Vorarbeiten 38 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1982), 94 .
31
Spasi-Djuri, Reljefna ogledala, 161 .
32
Orph., Hymn in Proserp., p. 4.
33
IMS II, 25; IMS IV, 24; IMS IV, 25; IMS VI, 8; IMS VI, 9; IMS VI, 213; AE 1992,
1500; ILJug 1393; ILJug 1427.
in Dacia,
34
from Carnuntum in Upper Pannonia,
35
and in the province of
Raetia.
36
As for the inscriptions dedicated to Persephone and Pluto, there
is one from Raetia,
37
two from Lower Germania,
38
and two from Lower
Moesia.
39
Mirkovi even suggests that the votive monument bearing the
dedicatory inscription from Ratiaria might have stood in a shrine of the
two deities.
40

Te question as to who the worshippers of Persephone on the Upper
Moesian limes might have been is not easy to answer, given the scantiness
and heterogeneity of the archaeological material. Te most concrete infor-
mation is provided by the inscription on the stele with the relief of the Ab-
duction of Persephone. Lucia Aphrodisia set up the stele to herself and her
husband, M. Valerius Speratus, during their lifetime. Marcus Valerius was a
veteran of Legion VII Claudia. Honourably discharged from the army, he
served as a decurion of the municipium of Viminacium, and then re-entered
military service, and as prefect of the Cohort I Aquetanorum, participated in
a campaign against Britain. Marcus Speratus was probably a Romanized in-
habitant of Upper Moesia, possibly originally from a Celtic-inhabited area
Upper Moesia, Pannonia or Noricum.
41
His wife bore a non-imperial
gentile name, which suggests that she probably came from a family which
had moved to Upper Moesia and Viminacium from some other part of the
Empire.
42
Te sculpture of Persephone and Pluto provides no clue as to who
commissioned or owned it. Likewise, little can be said about the person who
owned the Kore/Persephone intaglio, probably worn as a medallion. Even
though the fact that the adornment was made of glass paste in imitation of
carnelian does not add to its value, its size and quality carving suggest that
34
Napoca: CIL III, 7656; Sarmisegetuza: IDR 3, 2, 199, g. 160.
35
AE 1988, 914.
36
CIL III, 11923.
37
CIL III, 5796.
38
AE 1939, p. 74 s. n. 235.
39
For one, see ILBulg 140, Pl. 25, 140, and for the other, ILBulg 39; Pl. 9, 39 (B);
Jovanovi, Ogledi, 66, draws attention to the existence in the Middle Danube and Dacia
of monuments showing Dis Pater, as well as to his association with Persephone in that
region, and suggests that the nds in the Danube area of Lower Panonnia (at Surin,
Batajnica, Zemun and idovar) of bulae in the form of a double, Gallic, mallet, an at-
tribute of Dis Pater, indicate that his worship was widespread in the region.
40
Mirkovi, Rimski gradovi, 137.
41
S. Ferjani, Naseljavanje legijskih veterana u balkanskim provincijama (Belgrade: In-
stitute for Balkan Studies, 2002), 162 , no. 367. Cf. Mirkovi, Rimski gradovi, 58 ,
no. 110.
42
Ferjani, Naseljavanje, 164.
Balcanica XLIII 58
it was not at all inexpensive, and allow us to presume that its owner was
a well-to-do woman. To the same social class of Viminacium must have
belonged the female owner of the relief mirror, considering the costly ma-
terial and the use of the technique of casting and matrix hammering. Te
dedicant of the inscription from Ratiaria was an augustal.
It appears from the above that Persephone was not worshipped in as-
sociation with Ceres in Upper Moesia, even though it is in the Danubian part
of the province that the cults of both have been attested most convincingly.
Te provenance of two inscriptions dedicated to Ceres which were reused
for the medieval walls of Smederevo Fortress
43
is still a matter of debate, and
some suggest that they might have been brought from Viminacium.
44
Tere
is also an inscription dedicated to Ceres from Ratiaria.
45
Te Belgrade City
Museum has in its collections a bronze statuette of Ceres from an unknown
site,
46
and the goddess is also identiable in three intaglios (from Guberevac,
Kostolac, and an unknown site respectively).
47
To be mentioned again are two
sculptures inconclusively identied as Persephone or Demeter, one from Sin-
gidunum, the other from Scupi.
48
A pseudo-cameo casting mould, discovered
at Ravna, has also been tentatively identied as Domitia or Demeter.
49

Te Upper Moesian representations of Persephone come from the
area of the Empires Danube frontier, namely the area of the province that
saw the earliest and fullest process of Romanization as a result of the fact
that sections of the road through the barely passable Iron Gates Gorge had
been completed as early as the 30s AD, and that permanent military camps
were set up soon.
50
Concurrent settlement from other parts of the Empire,
43
IMS II, 3 and IMS II, 4.
44
In the medieval period the ruins of Viminacium served as a source of building mate-
rial. E.g. many gravestones from the cemeteries of larger nearby settlements such as
Viminacium, Margum and Aureus Mons were reused for the walls of medieval Sme-
derevo, see V. Kondi, Sepulkralni spomenici sa teritorije rimske provincije Gornje
Mezije (PhD thesis, Belgrade University, 1965), 268; Mirkovi, Rimski gradovi, 98.
45
CIL III, 8085.
46
B. Petrovi, Rimska boanstva, in Antika bronza Singidunuma, ed. S. Kruni (Bel-
grade: Muzej grada Beograda, 1997), 35, cat. no. 9.
47
Kuzmanovi-Novovi, Antika gliptika, cat. no. 164166.
48
Tomovi, Roman Sculpture, cat. nos. 50 and 52.
49
A. Jovanovi, Prilozi prouavanju antikih kultova u Gornjoj Meziji, Zbornik Nar-
odnog muzeja Nia 3-4 (1987), 8284.
50
During the six centuries of Roman and early Byzantine domination in the Bal-
kans these military settlements became one of the Empires vital lines of defence, see
Mirkovi, Rimski gradovi, 21 ; P. Petrovi, Rimski put u Djerdapu, Starinar XXXVII
(1986), 4155.
however, produced an ethnic mix-up,
51
which gave rise to various combi-
nations of dierent cultural traditions, such as Roman, Hellenistic, Tra-
cian, oriental and native. At the same time, the area of the Upper Moesian
limes saw the introduction of Greek and Roman cults. More precisely, at the
time the representations of Persephone and inscriptions dedicated to her ap-
peared for the rst time there, Greek and Roman religions had already been
very much identied with one another, i.e. the principal deities of the Roman
pantheon were equated with the Greek.
52
Roman monuments with themes
from Greek mythology, such as the stele of Marcus Valerius Speratus, reect
the process of Romanization combined with a revival of Greek themes and
stylistic models.
53
Tis particular monument was created in the tradition of
the best works of funerary art of Noricum and Pannonia, which developed
under the inuence of Aquileia. On the other hand, inuences from the
eastern provinces of the Empire, well-known for their rich tradition of met-
alwork, are observable in the relief mirror of high workmanship.
54
Te contexts in which the representations of Persephone occur are
heterogeneous. Persephone from the stele of Marcus Valerius Speratus ex-
pressed a clear funerary context. Here the Greek myth was placed in a new
sepulchral context, acquired a specic meaning and, thus transformed, ex-
pressed new Roman ideas. A funerary aspect is present in the scene of the
Return from the Underworld on the glass-paste intaglio,
55
an expression of
intimate beliefs of the woman who probably wore the medallion,
56
and it is
51
Inscriptions attest to the presence of Illyrian, Tracian and Celtic names, but they also
provide evidence for names of Gallic, Italic, Macedonian, Greek and Syrian origin, see
A. Mcsy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia (London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1974), 70, 124;
Mirkovi, Inscriptions, 5859.
52
For the nds of Archaic Greek products on central-Balkan sites, including the large
amount of jewellery and luxury vessels discovered at Novi Pazar, see S. Babi, Poglavar-
stvo i polis (Belgrade: Institute for Balkan Studies, 2004).
53
R. Turcan, Bilan et perspectives, in Section Mito greco nellarte romana, Atti
del IX Congresso della F.I.E.C. (Pisa 1989), Studi italiani di lologia classica 10 (1992),
10871102.
54
G. Karovi, Srebrno ogledalo sa reljefnom predstavom iz Viminacijuma, in Radion-
ice i kovnice srebra. Silver Workshops and Mints, eds. I. Popovi et al. (Belgrade: National
Museum, 1995), 223.
55 Te importance of Persephones role as a symbol of death is illustrated by a well-
known anecdote from Neros life (Suetonius, Nero 46, 4): shortly before his death, Nero
summoned haruspices, and on that occasion, Sporus, his favourite, presented him with
a ring whose gemstone was carved with the abduction of Persephone.
56
On intaglio signet-rings and amulets (amuletum), and on intaglios as adornments, see
H. B. Walters, Catalogue of the Engraved Gems and Cameos, Greek, Etruscan and Roman,
in the British Museum (London: British Museum, 1926), 1 .
Balcanica XLIII 60
emphasized in the mirror with Persephones portrait and a myrtle branch,
a plant associated with the world of the dead. In the ancient world, the
dead and their tombs were decorated with myrtle, golden myrtle wreaths
were laid into graves, and the plant was also a symbol of the Eleusinian
mysteries.
57
Persephone and Pluto enthroned in the sculpture from Vimi-
nacium were also deities of the underworld. On the other hand, Mirkovi
puts forth another possible interpretation of the sculpture: Persephone may
have played the role of an agrarian goddess, like Ceres, the Earth Mother,
Liber, and Libera and Silvanus.
58
Mirkovi supports her interpretation by
the fact that it was that part of the Danube frontier, notably the plains
on the western side of the Danube and Ratiaria on its eastern bank, that
provided propitious conditions for agriculture, and that it is there that the
worship of agrarian deities has been attested.
Briey, the entire known material comes from the area of the Upper
Moesian limes, i.e. from Viminacium and Ratiaria, and is roughly dated
to the late second and early third century. In that area, Persephone was as-
sociated with Hades/Pluto and Dis Pater, and not with her mother, Deme-
ter/Ceres. Te artefacts suggest that the worshippers of Persephone were
members of well-to-do classes. Tis seems to be a reliable conclusion for
the dedicants of the marble stele and the owner of the relief mirror, and
possibly also for the owner of the glass-paste intaglio. Te representations
of Persephone from Viminacium and the inscription from Ratiaria may be
seen as an expression of the belief in the afterlife and in the deities of the
underworld, even though the agrarian aspect of the goddess should not
be overruled either. Te fact that the archaeological record contains scanty
evidence of the cult of Persephone in the Balkan provinces of the Empire
confers greater weight upon the representations and inscriptions discovered
in the area of the Upper Moesian Danube limes.
UDC 904-03(497.11):73.04(37)
255-5 Persephone
57
C. Eichberger et al., Trees and shrubs on Classical Greek vases, Bocconea 21 (2007),
121123.
58
Mirkovi, Inscriptions, 37.
Fig. 1 Abduction of Persephone, marble relief from the stele of Marcus Valerius Speratus,
Viminacium (photo I. Stani)
Fig. 2 Persephone and Pluto, marble, Viminacium
(photo I. Stani)
Fig. 2 Persephone and Pluto,
marble, Viminacium (detail)
Balcanica XLIII 62
Fig. 3 Persephone, glass paste intaglio (photo National Museum, Belgrade)
Fig. 4 Persephone, relief mirror
made from precious metals,
Viminacium
(photo I. Stani)
Abbreviations
AE LAnne pigraphique, Paris
Actes VIIIe Congr. Actes du VIIIe Congrs International dArchologie Classique 1963,
1965
CIL Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum
IDR Inscriptiile Daciei Romane (Dacia Superior) III/1III/4, Bucharest
19771988
ILJug A. et J. ael, Inscriptiones Latinae quae in Iugoslavia inter annos
MCMXL et inter annos MCMLX et inter annos MCMLX et
MCMLXX et inter annos MCMII et MCMXL repertae et editae
sunt, Ljubljana 1963, 1978, 1986
IMS Inscriptions de la Msie Suprieure, I, II, III/2, IV, VI, Belgrade
19761995
ILBulg Inscriptiones Latinae in Bulgaria repertae, Soa
LIMC Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae, IVIII, Zurich,
Munich, Dsseldorf 19811997; Supplement IX,
Dsseldorf 2009
RE A. Pauly & G. Wissowa, Realencyclopdie der classischen
Altertumswissenschaft
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Valentina ivkovi
Belgrade
Medieval Concerns for Soul Salvation
Testamentary Bequests to the Franciscan Order in Kotor (Cattaro)
13261337
Abstract: Analysis of the testamentary bequests that Kotor citizens made to the Fran-
ciscans ad pias causas between 1326 and 1337 shows that the most common type
was that of pecuniary bequests for saying masses pro remedio animae. Te Franciscan
played a prominent role in the shaping of devotional practices of the faithful and
acted as their closest helpers through performing commemorative rites for the salva-
tion of the soul after death.
Keywords: wills, Franciscans, Kotor (Cattaro), bequests ad pias causas
I
n the middle ages the last will and testament was a notarial-judicial docu-
ment stating the testators last will concerning the disposal of his or her
property after death, which included pious and other bequests.
1
Te practice
of putting wills down in writing and certifying them notarially began to
spread with the rise of urban communities and the accompanying develop-
ment of communal institutions, dierent types of commerce and business,
and the urban way of life at large in the high and late middle ages. In the
eastern Adriatic communes, the practice, accepted by persons from all social
strata, becomes continually traceable from the second half of the thirteenth
1
Wills have recently been given a more important place in the study of the past, and
researchers increasingly face challenges arising from their systematic analysis and
comparison. For a detailed critical overview of the relevant literature, see Z. Ladi,
Oporuni legati pro anima i ad pias causas u europskoj historiograji. Usporedba s
oporukama dalmatinskih komuna, Zbornik Odsjeka za povijesne znanosti Zavoda za
povijesne i drutvene znanosti HAZU 17 (2000), 1729. For wills as a source for a variety
of research topics, see an overview by J. Murray, Kinship and Friendship: Te Percep-
tion of Family by Clergy and Laity in Late Medieval London, Albion: A Quarterly Jour-
nal Concerned with British Studies 20/3 (Autumn 1988), 369385. To be set apart is the
work of Samuel K. Cohn Jr., which is based on the analysis of wills in medieval Italian
cities, esp. his Death and Property in Siena, 12051800. Strategies for the Afterlife (Balti-
more and London: ohns Hopkins University Press, 1988); Le ultime volont: famiglia,
donne e peste nera nellItalia centrale, Studi Storici 32/4 (Oct.-Dec. 1991), 859875;
and Te Cult of Remembrance and the Black Death. Six Renaissance Cities in Central Italy
(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997).
DOI: 10.2298/BALC1243067Z
Balcanica XLIII 68
century, prominently from the rst half of the fourteenth.
2
Te practice is
also observable in Kotor, a coastal town in the Gulf of Kotor (modern Mon-
tenegro), where even the earliest surviving corpus of documents produced
by the communes notaries (132637) contains wills.
3
Te corpus dating
from the period when Kotor formed part of the Serbian realm (11851371)
ruled by the Nemanji dynasty has been published and it includes seven-
ty-four wills (forty by women and thirty-four by men).
4
Te interest in studying the practice of making testamentary bequests
to the Franciscans as a separate topic, based on the documentary material
created in Kotor between 1326 and 1337, has arisen for two reasons. One
is the overall inuence of the mendicant orders as a result of the widening
inclusion of the laity in various aspects of religious life and, consequently,
their inuence on the everyday life of the faithful in high and late medi-
eval cities. Tese general changes in Western Christian beliefs and practices,
whose main agents were the mendicant orders, played an important role in
introducing the almost mandatory practice of will writing among all social
strata. Te other is the local situation, i.e. the role of the Franciscan Order
2
On the genesis and distinctive features of the wills drawn up in the communes in Dal-
matia, see N. Klai, Problem najstarije dalmatinske privatne isprave, Zbornik radova
Vizantolokog instituta 13 (1971), 5774; Z. Janekovi Rmer, Na razmedji ovog i onog
svijeta. Proimanje pojavnog i transcendentnog u dubrovakim oporukama kasnoga
srednjeg vijeka, Otium 2 (1994), 315; Z. Ladi, Legati kasnosrednjovjekovnih dal-
matinskih oporuitelja kao izvor za prouavanje nekih oblika svakodnevnog ivota i ma-
terijalne culture, Zbornik Odsjeka za povijesne znanosti Zavoda za povijesne i drutvene
znanosti HAZU 21 (2003), 128; M. Karbi & Z. Ladi, Oporuke stanovnika grada
Trogira u arhivu HAZU, Radovi Zavoda za povijesne znanosti Hazu u Zadru 43 (2001),
161254; D. Romano, I mercanti Ragusei e le crociate del tardo medioevo. Finanzia-
menti per la guerra e lasciti pro anima: ...ad pasagium turchorum seu saracenorum, et
alliud super patarenos Bosnie, Anuario de Estudios Medievales 38/2 (2008), 867883;
G. Ravani, Oporuke, oporuitelji i primatelji oporunih legata u Dubrovniku s kraja
trinaestoga i u prvoj polovici etrnaestog stoljea, Povijesni prilozi 40 (2011), 97120.
3
On the origin and evolution of notary practice in Kotor, see N. Feji, Kotorska kance-
larija u srednjem veku, Istorijski asopis 27 (1980), 562; and his Isprave kotorskih notara
iz XV stolea, Miscellanea 8 (1980), 990; N. Bogojevi Gluevi, Forme testamenta
u srednjovjekovnom kotorskom pravu, Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta u Podgorici 8 (1982),
4658; M. Antonovi, Grad i upa u Zetskom primorju i severnoj Albaniji u XIV i XV veku
(Belgrade: Slubeni glasnik & Istorijski institut SANU, 2003); Dj. Bubalo, Srpski nomici
(Belgrade: Vizantoloki institut SANU, 2004), passim; N. Bogojevi Gluevi, Pori-
jeklo i ustanovljenje notarske slube u srednjovjekovnim istonojadranskim gradovima,
Boka 27 (2007), 715.
4
Monumenta Catarensis. Kotorski spomenici. Prva knjiga kotorskih notara od god.1326
1335 [hereafter MC I], ed. A. Mayer (Zagreb: Jugoslavenska akademija ynanosti i
umjetnosti, 1951), 511; Kotorski spomenici. Druga knjiga kotorskih notara god. 1329,
13321337 [hereafter MC II], ed. A. Mayer (Zagreb 1981).
V. ivkovi, Medieval Concerns for Soul Salvation 69
in shaping the faith and many other aspects of public and private life in the
medieval commune of Kotor.
Te analysis of the testamentary bequests to the Franciscan Order
made in the 1320s and 1330s provides a singular insight into how widely
and in what ways the Franciscans were accepted and involved in the reli-
gious life of Kotor. Tis stems from the very nature of wills as distinctive
historical sources. Te distinctiveness is reected in the dual character of the
will. Namely, it is a written source communicating a persons private will,
but communicating it in the ocial and public form of a notarized docu-
ment. Private and public (communal) elements are usually closely inter-
twined, which causes diculties in studying the private and public spheres
if the two are looked at in isolation from one another. Te fact that the
spheres elude clear demarcation necessarily directs the methodological ap-
proach towards viewing wills as a source for understanding dierent but
interconnected and interdependent structures of society. It therefore seems
much more appropriate to look at the wishes of a person as stated in his or
her will from the perspective of the prevailing social and especially religious
trends in the period under study. Tis intertwinement of private wishes and
emotions of persons facing looming death with the requirements placed on
them by the Church is particularly observable in the portions of the wills
relating to charitable, commemorative, funerary and liturgical bequests or,
in other words, all bequests made ad pias causas, for the salvation of the tes-
tators soul. On the souls road to salvation after death,
5
as it was mapped out
by the Church, it was members of the mendicant orders, Franciscans and
Dominicans, who oered themselves to the faithful as their closest helpers.
From their founding in the rst half of the thirteenth century, the
mendicant orders centred their activities on providing spiritual guidance
and on instilling piety in the faithful in the cities, which Christian teaching
saw as places where people were most easily led into sin. In late medieval
cities, the Franciscans and Dominicans assumed the role of spiritual guides
and assistants. Fostering a relationship of closeness and friendship with be-
lieving families, they were in a position to exert an immediate inuence
on their everyday life, moral values and devotional practices. Apart from
5
J. de Voragine, Te Golden Legend, vol. 2 (Princeton University Press, 1993), 282, 284,
cites four ways in which the souls of the dead may be delivered from the torments of
purgatory: through prayers of believers and friends; almsgiving; masses; and fasting.
Trough oerings and prayers for them, the souls of the dead are provided some com-
fort and relief in purgatory. Te Legenda aurea speaks of a connection between the living
and the dead and of the hopes the testators place in the power of prayer. Tis connection
grew stronger and was particularly upheld within confraternities and families, while
purgatory became an instrument of the Churchs power and a source of its income, see,
e.g. Janekovi Rmer, Na razmedji, 315.
Balcanica XLIII 70
preaching, which reached broader publics, the Franciscans and Dominicans
also encouraged confession, thereby building a personal and intimate rela-
tionship with their clients.
6
Te change in devotional practices, which had been largely brought
about by the Franciscans and Dominicans, was reected in testamentary
practices as well. Moreover, the adoption of the concept of purgatory gave
rise to essential changes in post mortem practices, making bequests ad pias
causas an obligatory part of a will. Te urban way of life, commerce and
banking, inevitably entailed a greater involvement of people in the mate-
rial world, which not infrequently meant circumventing the teachings of
the church and departing from the established Christian virtues; hence
the popularity of the practice of pecuniary bequests, and religious vows,
to ensure absolution and atonement on the Day of Judgment. Known as
legacy hunters in the late middle ages, the mendicant orders encouraged
and spread the belief in purgatory. Teir ideal of poverty made them quite
agreeable to most inhabitants of medieval cities. Te Franciscans acted as
their guides in their preparations for a good death, providing comfort and
reassurance that their bequest, however small, would help deliver their souls
from the torments of purgatory.
7
From the second half of the thirteenth century, the written will, once
a prerogative of the elite, became accepted by all social strata. On the other
hand, the very form and contents of the will, as well as the beneciaries of
pious bequests, underwent many changes. Te most conspicuous change
was the multiplication of bequests ad pias causas. Before these changes, and
the democratization of the practice of will writing, the usual bequest for
the salvation of the soul was a substantial gift of money or a piece of im-
movable property (land and buildings) bequeathed by members of the no-
bility to the church, Benedictine monasteries or the highest church ranks.
Te adoption of will writing by all, even the poorest social strata led to a
profound change in the number, type and value of bequests pro remedio ani-
mae. Although the middle and lower classes did not abandon the practice
of bequeathing gifts of money, land and buildings for soul salvation, various
types of smaller bequests ad pias causas, such as clothes, textiles, furniture,
jewellery or books, became increasingly frequent. Also, as a result of changes
in devotional practices brought about by the activity of the mendicant or-
6
On the role of the Franciscan Order in urban environments and its inuence on major
trends in the devotional practice of the Western Church, see R. N. Swanson, Religion
and Devotion in Europe, c.1215 c.1515 (Cambridge University Press, 1995).
7
J. Le Go, La naissance du Purgatoire (Paris: Gallimard, 1981), after the Serbian edi-
tion: . Le Gof, Nastanak istilita (Sremski Karlovci & Novi Sad: Izdavaka knjiarnica
Zorana Stojanovia, 1992), 235236, 299, and passim.
ders, the poor, widows and the sick increasingly became beneciaries of
charitable bequests, and so were poor girls, for whom a dowry (or a part of
it) was provided. At the same time, testamentary gifts to the Franciscans
and Dominicans, as promoters of the new teaching, were also growing in
number.
8
A source for the role of Friars Minor in testamentary practices in
the eastern Adriatic communes is the encyclical of Pope Alexander IV ad-
dressed in 1256 to the archbishops of Bar, Dubrovnik, Split and Zadar, the
bishops of Kotor, Budva, and Scutari, and all other ecclesiastical authorities
in Dalmatia and Sclavonia, instructing them how to treat the Friars Minor.
Te Franciscans sent to those parts had reported to the Pope on the increas-
ingly frequent practice of bequeathing goods to the Order, such as liturgical
books, vestments and objects, and emphasized that the believers on their
deathbed expected that God would reward such acts of charity. Te papal
intervention was caused by the fact that the ecclesiastical authorities in the
listed dioceses were in the habit of taking a half, a third or a fourth of the
bequeathed goods as a portionis canonice. Describing this habit as utterly in-
human and injurious to the Franciscans, given that they live a life of utmost
poverty and depend on charity, the encyclical warns that the faithful intent
on bequeathing goods to the Franciscans are greatly upset by this practice,
and not only strictly forbids it, but also orders the authorities to set apart a
portion of church goods for the Franciscans so as to relieve their life of pov-
erty.
9
From their arrival in Kotor from Dubrovnik in 1265, the Franciscans
relentlessly spread their teaching, eliciting great respect and trust from the
faithful. Te role that the Order had in Kotor was so signicant that a com-
prehensive insight into it is frequently central to understanding the history
of the Bishopric of Kotor and late medieval Kotor society in general.
10
Te
8
On changes in the form and contents of wills, such as the emergence of new types of
bequests pro anima and ad pias causas as a result of the democratization of the practice
of will writing and social Christianity, based on a detailed analysis of wills from sever-
al medieval Dalmatian communes, see Z. Ladi, O nekim oblicima brige za siromane
i marginalne pojedince i grupe u dalmatinskim komunama u kasnom srednjem vijeku,
Zbornik Odsjeka za povijesne znanosti Zavoda za povijesne i drutvene znanosti HAZU 20
(2002), 128, as well as his Legati.
9
Te document, kept at the Vatican Archives, is available in Arhiepiskopija barska, vol.
IV/1 of Monumenta Montenegrina, ed. V. D. Nikevi (Podgorica: Istorijski institut
Crne Gore, 2001), 373.
10
Bogdan and Picineg, sons of Dragon de Sclepo, donated to the Friars Minor, who had
come to Kotor from Dubrovnik in 1265, a house outside the city walls, cf. I. Stjepevi,
Katedrala sv. Tripuna u Kotoru (Split 1938), 62. Te rst Franciscan monastery, with a
church dedicated to St Francis, was built in 1288, probably on the same site. Sources
refer to Queen Helen of Anjou, wife of King Stefan Uro I of Serbia, as its founder. Te
Balcanica XLIII 72
inuence of the Franciscans on testamentary practices between 1326 and
1337 was reected in the contents of the wills. In keeping with the general
trend in testamentary practices, these wills reveal an increasing number of
individual bequests. Te wills of members of all social strata itemized several
smaller bequests. Proportionate to their wealth, the bequests of nobles and
well-to-do citizens were usually more numerous and had greater monetary
value than those bequeathed by members of the middle and lower classes.
By way of illustration, we shall look at the wills of the Glauacti (Glavati)
brothers, Nycolaus (Nikola) and Johannes ( Jovan), distinguished nobles and
businessmen.
11
Nikolas will is shorter than his brothers and itemizes some
twenty gifts. Tat of his brother Jovan stands out by the large number of
valuable bequests ad pias causas. His rst bequest to the Franciscans, their
monastery and individual friars is followed by more than thirty itemized
bequests for the salvation of the soul.
Te Glavati brothers legacy of several ad pias causas gifts to the Fran-
ciscans of Kotor and Dubrovnik is not much dierent from most wills
drawn up in Kotor between 1326 and 1337. Te primacy of the Francis-
cans as beneciaries of testamentary bequests in Kotor is statistically veri-
able: of a total of seventy-four testators, twenty-ve bequeathed gifts to the
Franciscans, as opposed to only ve testators (two men and three women)
leaving legacies to the Dominicans. All of the latter ve, however, left lega-
cies to the Franciscans as well. With the exception of Teodorus Giga, who
bequeathed four dinars to the Dominicans and three to the Franciscans,
12

the other testators bequeathed larger sums to the Franciscans. Dompce, uxor
Mathei Saranni bequeathed the Franciscans as many as twenty perpers for
saying masses, as opposed to no more than three to the Dominicans (for
the same commemorative purpose, i.e. for saying masses for the salvation of
the soul).
13
Gifts of money were also bequeathed to the Dominicans by Pe-
ruoslaua, uxor Pauli Petri Symonis (two perpers to the friars of St Pauls),
14
by
Johannes Marini Glauacti (to the Dominicans of Dubrovnik for one thou-
same year, she founded Franciscan monasteries in Bar, Scutari and Ulcinj, which were
under the custody of the Franciscans of Dubrovnik. Te information on the construc-
tion of the Franciscan monastery can be found in D. Farlati, Illyricum sacrum VI, 440;
and VII, 12, 13, 44, 59, 188 and 309. On the role of Helen of Anjou as a founder of
churches or monasteries in the coastal region of the Serbian kingdom, see G. Suboti,
Kraljica Jelena Anujska ktitor crkvenih spomenika u Primorju, Istorijski glasnik 12
(1958), 138140.
11
MC I, 338 (20/4/1327); MC II, 1042 (15/4/1336).
12
MC II, 1436 (20/1/1337).
13
MC II, 23 (16/6/1332).
14
MC I, 825 (26/11/1331).
sand masses for the salvation of his soul),
15
and by Jelena, lia condam ser
Medosii (to the Dominicans of Dubrovnik for missas VC).
16
Te largest sums
bequeathed the Franciscan ad pias causas by citizens of Kotor occur in the
wills of Basilius Mathei, Johannes Glauacti and Jelena Drago.
Especially signicant from the standpoint of Kotors ecclesiastical
history in general and the role of the Franciscan Order in particular is the
will of Basilius Mathei, which is explicit about the excommunication of the
Kotor clergy and implicit about the interdict that Kotor incurred in 1327.
17

Tis interdict, unknown to historians until recently,
18
immediately preceded
the well-known clash between the commune of Kotor and the pope in 1328
(over the appointment of Sergius Bolica as bishop) and the known interdict
declared in 1330.
19
On the other hand, Basilius Matheis will reveals the role
played by the Franciscans in ministering the sacraments in the city under
interdict and with its clergy excommunicated. Te city church was barred
from celebrating the liturgy, but also from celebrating masses for the dead.
Te ban, however, did not apply to the mendicant orders. Tus testators
necessarily turned to the Franciscans and Dominicans to make sure that
15
MC II, 1042 (15/4/1336).
16
MC I, 1132 (3/4/1333).
17
MC I, 438 (22/10/1327).
18
On this penalty of 1327, in the light of the abovementioned will, see V. ivkovi,
Pretnje kaznom izoptenja u Kotoru (XIVXVI vek), Istorijski asopis 60 (2011), 123
138.
19
Te citizens of Kotor, in compliance with the provision of the Statue stipulating that
no native of Kotor could be appointed bishop in his native town, accepted as their bish-
op John of Viterbo, appointed by the archbishop of Bari, who acted in accordance with
the practice of a bishop being nominated by the canons of the cathedral chapter and the
archbishop under whose jurisdiction the nominated bishop was. However, in 1328, pope
John XXII, respecting the primacy of the Holy See, nominated and appointed Sergije
Bolica, a native of Kotor, as bishop. Te citizens of Kotor rose in defence of their citys
legal autonomy and, defying the popes order, forbade Sergije to enter the city. Cf. T.
Smiiklas, Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae (Zagreb 1911), vol.
IX, nos. 344, 360, 361, 362, 423426, 448, 449 and 455. On the historical circumstances
surrounding the clash between Kotor and the pope, and the papal interdict against the
city, see S. irkovi in Istorija Crne Gore 2/1 (Titograd: Redakcija za istoriju Crne Gore,
1970), 9293; J. J. Martinovi, Crkvene prilike u Kotoru prve polovine XIV vijeka (Perast
2003); L. Blehova elebi, Hrianstvo u Boki 12001500 (Podgorica 2006), 4750, and
passim; J. J. Martinovi, Papinski interdikt i ekskomunikacija Kotorana u prvoj polovini
14. vijeka, in Hrvatsko-crnogorski dodiri/crnogorsko-hrvatski dodiri: identitet povijesne i
kulturne batine Crnogorskog primorja, ed. L. orali (Zagreb 2009), 147155. Te trial
of Kotor over the disputed statutory provision concerning the origin of the bishop, from
which the clash had arisen, was resumed in Dubrovnik in 1337; see Smiiklas, Codex
diplomaticus, vol. X, nos. 330339.
Balcanica XLIII 74
their burial instructions would be honoured and masses pro remedio animae
said.
20
Basilius drew up his will Basilius Mathei inrmus jacens, sanam
habens memoriam et loquellam, hoc ultimum testamentum meum de rebus meis
dispono in accordance with the funeral practices established under the cir-
cumstances produced by the interdict. First of all, not wishing his ancestors
to rest unremembered In primis volo ad hoc, ut mei defuncti non jaceant sine
memoria he entrusted his children with the task of paying, from the in-
come from the vineyards, for vigils (vigilias) to be held by two Franciscans,
one on the day of his fathers death, the other on the day of his mothers
death. Also, from the same income, two Franciscans were to hold vigil on
the day of his death and that of his wife. Ten, he left the Franciscans forty
perpers for aliquod signum in ecclesia and ten perpers for saying masses. Seven
perpers were to go to the ecclesie sancte Marie de Gurgite (named after Gurdi,
the submarine spring rising by the citys southern wall), which was un-
der Franciscan custody. Ten perpers were left to the Franciscans de Antibaro
(modern Bar, Montenegro) for saying masses. Basilius Mathei emphasized:
Item volo, quod cuilibet sacerdoti, ciui Catere, dentur sex (dentur) pro missis, sed
tum quando reconciliati erunt de istis excomunicationibus. It should be noted
that none of the epitropoi named by Basilius was a priest, even though it
was common practice in Kotor wills. It should probably be seen as yet an-
other expression of Basilius compliance with the penalty excommunication
incurred by the Kotor clergy. After naming the epitropoi, Basilius states his
last wish for Franciscans to attend him to his grave: Item volo, quod si deus de
hac vita iuxerit animam meam transire, fratres minores corpus meum cum cruce
eorum consocient, et ad locum suum ferant, et nullus clericorum huius ciutatis o-
cium suum super corpus meum faciant. Such an explicit wish for a funeral to be
performed by the Franciscans and for the funeral service not to be held by
a city priest, reveals how funerals were performed and masses for the dead
said at the time Kotor was under interdict.
Worthy of attention among the other wills making gifts to the Fran-
ciscans ad pias causas is that of a noblewoman, Jelena, lia condam ser Medosii
de Drago.
21
Jelena left her house on St Trophyms Square to her sister to live
there until her death, and thereof to the Franciscans of the Kotor monastery.
Te garden located super Puteo (a spring outside the south city wall) was also
left imperpetuo to the Franciscans ut illuminent candelam. Te Franciscans
20
On various consequences of interdicts, see Swanson, Religion and Devotion,
296298. For excommunication and individual examples, see B. A. Pavlac, Excom-
munication and Territorial Politics in High Medieval Trier, Church History 60/1
(March 1991), 2036; R. H. Helmholz, Excommunication in Twelfth Century
England, Journal of Law and Religion 11/1 (199495), 235253.
21
MC I, 1132.
were left a bequest for saying one thousand masses for her soul, and each
Franciscan of Kotor was bequeathed a tunic. Te Franciscans of Dubrovnik
were also left a legacy for a thousand masses for her soul. Finally, fratri Petro
de Scutaro and fratri Laurentio de Cataro were to receive a gift of ten perpers
each.
Johannes Marini Glauacti left most of his bequest for the salvation
of the soul to the Franciscans.
22
Te Franciscan monastery in Kotor was
the beneciary of his major legacy (In primis volo et praecipio), one thou-
sand perpers, of which three hundred were intended for saying masses in
the monastery, one hundred for crafting a chalice, and two hundred for
paramentum unum completum, una planeta dalmatica consueta. He left a tunic
and a pair of shoes to each Franciscan attending his funeral, six perpers to a
Franciscan, twenty-ve perpers for a breviary to fratri Stephano lectori, and
to fratri Laurentio de Catharo, twenty perpers for a book. For repairs to be
done on the Franciscan church he left two hundred perpers, while the re-
maining twenty-ve perpers were intended for a black liturgical vestment,
planeta nigra in ecclesia fratrum minorum, for the Franciscan church. He then
returned to the Franciscans of Dubrovnik, bequeathing them one hundred
perpers for repairing the church, and forty perpers for saying masses, and he
also remembered the sororibus sancte Clare de sancto Blasio.
Like Basilius, Johannes Glauactis wish was to be buried next to his
father on the cemetery of the Franciscan monastery by the spring Gurdi
outside the city walls.
23
It seems quite likely that Jelena Drago also wanted
to be buried there. Namely, giving instructions for the decoration of her
burial place, she mentioned the chalice she bequeathed to the Franciscans:
Item ubi iacet dicta Jelena, at totum paramentum pro altari conpletum, scilicet
unum de calicibus supradictis, misale et paramentum. Te largest bequests ad
pias causas made by Basilius Mathei, Johannes Glauacti and Jelena Drago
22
MC II, 1042.
23
Many citizens of Kotor were buried in the large monastery churchyard. Te surviving
documents and the gravestones carved with family crests and epitaphs show that many
aristocratic families had their tombs in the cemetery. Te Franciscan cemetery was also
the resting place of tradesmen, whose gravestones display symbols of their trades (such
as scissors, hammer, axe, socks, hide scraper etc). Cf. P. Mijovi, O kasnoantikim i
ranosrednjovekovnim grobljima Kotora, Boka 1516 (Herceg Novi 1984), 171. On the
architecture of the church, see V. Kora, Graditeljska kola Pomorja (Belgrade: Nauno
delo, 1965), 7578; D. Djuraevi Milji, Gotika u arhitekturi Kotora, Istorijski zapisi
LXIV/12 (1991), 1417. Te chapel of St Catherine added on the north side of the
church of St Francis was for the rst time referred to in 1397 as torn down and rebuilt at
the expense of a Venetian merchant in Kotor, Marco Nigro, cf. Stjepevi, Katedrala, 59
(according to: Historical Archives of Kotor [IAK], Judicial-notarial Documents [SN]
II, 400).
Balcanica XLIII 76
were intended for the Franciscans, and thus their wish to be buried in the
Franciscan cemetery does not come as a surprise.
Analysis of Kotor citizens testamentary gifts to the Franciscans sug-
gests two basic conclusions. Firstly, the testators intended most of these
gifts for the saying of masses for the salvation of their own souls and the
souls of their closest relatives. Te frequency of this practice seems to allow
us to subsume under the same category the legacies whose purpose was not
specied. Two testators (the notary of Kotor, Marcus clericus, lius condam
Petri Viti, and Dome, relicta condam Nuce de Gonni) made pecuniary bequests
to the Franciscans to pray for their souls. Only two testators, one male, the
other female, intended their bequests to the Franciscans to procure tunics
and shoes, and one woman bequeathed linen cloth for friars habits. One
testator (Johannes Marini Glauacti) left the money to the Franciscans for
liturgical vestments, to two Franciscans for procuring books, and a bequest
for repairs (pro opere) to the Franciscan monastery.
Te other general conclusion pertains to the role the Franciscans
played in Kotor and the trust they enjoyed as assistants to people anxious
to ensure the salvation of their souls after death. About thirty-three percent
of all wills drawn up between 1326 and 1337 contain bequests to the Fran-
ciscans, in contrast to only about six percent to the Dominicans. Moreover,
the will of Basilius Mathei reveals the continuation of sacramental practices
during the period when the Kotor clergy were under the penalty of interdict
and excommunication. Under such circumstances, members of the Fran-
ciscan Order were the closest assistants to the faithful in arranging proper
funerals and in performing a commemorative programme for the salvation
of the soul.
Testator Date Source Beneciary Bequest Purpose
Maria Pecleri 10/7/1326 MC I, 13 Franciscans 20 perpers
Pale 12/11/1326 MC I, 190 Franciscans 1 perper
Scime, lius
quondam Sabe
31/12/1326 MC I, 260 Franciscans 30 perpers pro missis
Nycolaus
condam
Marini
Glauacti
20/4/1327 MC I, 338
Franciscans of
Dubrovnik;
Franciscans of
Kotor
pro centum
missis
cantandis; pro
aliis centum
missis
Syrana 23/7/1327 MC I, 365
Fra Luke;
Franciscans
4 perpers; 5
perpers and
linteamen
to have a
tunic sewn
Basilius
Mathei
22/10/1327 MC I, 438
Franciscans of
Kotor
from the
income from
the vineyard;
40 perpers; 10
perpers
for holding
vigilias;
for making
aliquod
signum in
ecclesia;
for saying
masses
Marcus
clericus, lius
condam Petri
Viti
30/6/1331 MC I, 680
Franciscans
of the Kotor
monastery
15 perpers
ut rogentur
deum pro me
Francius
condam
Marcii Basilii
28/9/1331 MC I, 732
his patrino,
Francis, lector
of the Friars
Minor; to each
Franciscan
20 perpers;
one perper
each
Peruoslaua,
uxor Pauli
Petri Symonis
26/11/1331 MC I, 825
to the friars at
uranj
3 perpers
Dompce,
uxor Mathei
Saranni
16/6/1332 MC II, 23 Franciscans 20 perpers
for saying
masses
Dyaconus
Grube Abrae,
abbas ecc.
Sancte Marie
de umine
2/8/1332 MC II, 57
Cuilibet fratri
minori, qui
inuenietur
in conuentu
illo tempore;
Fra Laure de
Stanecna
unus perperus
10 perpers
Mathe Sgalio 11/8/1332 MC II, 65
Church of St
Francis
12 dinars
Mare, uxor
condam
Marini de
Gamba
8/10/1332
MC II,
129
Franciscans 5 perpers
Presbyter
Marcus
Stanopoli,
clericus sancte
Marie de
Antibaro
9/2/1333
MC II,
279
Franciscans 8 perpers
Jelena, lia
condam ser
Medosii de
Drago
3/4/1333
MC I,
1132
Franciscans;
each Kotor
Franciscan;
Fra Peter de
Scutaro, patruo
Jelene, Fra
Laurentius of
Kotor
house on St
Trophyms
Square and
the garden
above Puteus;
a tunic each;
10 perpers
each
for 1000
masses
by the
Franciscans
of
Dubrovnik
and 1000
masses by
those of
Kotor
Balcanica XLIII 78
Nycola, frater
condam
magistri
Tomassi
30/6/1333
MC II,
394
Franciscans
10 perpers
Rade, lia
Draschi oie
18/11/1333
MC II,
521
Franciscans
half the
income from
the vineyard
from the
dowry
for saying
masses
Marislaua,
uxor condam
Nicolai de
Crise
20/11/1333
MC II,
523
Fra Gausolo
de Maxi
3 perpers
Dome, uxor
Martini de
Pani
11/11/1334
MC II,
646
Franciscans 17 dinars
Buda, uxor
Pasce
11/11/1334
MC II,
647
Franciscans
money from
the [sale] of
tableware,
textiles and
furniture
for masses
Dome, relicta
condam Nuce
de Gonni
24/7/1335
MC II,
1142
Kotor
Franciscan
monastery
500 masses
for her soul
Mice de Bise 29/2/1336
MC II,
1604
Franciscans ten perpers
Johannes
Marini
Glauacti
15/4/1336
MC II,
1042
monastery
of Kotor
Franciscans;
the
Franciscans
attending
the funeral;
fra Stephano
lectori; fra
Laurentio; the
Franciscans of
Dubrovnik
1000 perpers
for masses;
for a
chalice; for
a vestment;
for a tunic
and shoes
to each; for
a breviary;
pro libro uno;
for church
repairs
Matheus
condam
Triphonis
Iacobi
30/4/1336
MC II,
1726
Kotor
Franciscans
1000 masses
for the souls
of his parents
and brother
Teodorus
Gige
20/1/1337
MC II,
1436
Franciscans 2 dinars
UDC 347.135(497.16 Kotor)13
27-789.32:27-544.55
Antonovi, M. ed. Grad i upa u Zetskom primorju i severnoj Albaniji u XIV i XV veku.
Belgrade: Istorijski institut, 2003.
Blehova elebi, L. Hrianstvo u Boki 12001500. Podgorica: Pobjeda, Narodni muzej
Crne Gore & Istorijski institut Crne Gore, 2006.
Bogojevi Gluevi, N. Forme testamenta u srednjovjekovnom kotorskom pravu.
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Tis paper results from the project of the Institute for Balkan Studies Medieval heritage
of the Balkans: institutions and culture (no. 177003) funded by the Ministry of Education,
Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia.
Marka Tomi Djuri
Belgrade
Te Isles of Great Silence
Monastic Life on Lake Scutari under the Patronage of the Balis
Abstract: At the time Zeta was ruled by the local lords of the Bali family, in the
late fourteenth and the rst half of the fteenth century, the islets in Lake Scutari
(Skadarsko jezero) in Zeta were lively centres of monastic life. Te paper looks at the
forms of monastic life as suggested by the spatial organization and architecture of
the monastic complexes founded by the Balis, and by the surviving written sources.
Te most important documentary source is the correspondence between Jelena Bali
and her spiritual father, Nikon, preserved in the manuscript known as Goriki zbornik
(Gorica Collection). Te letters show that Lake Scutari was a centre of monasticism
touched by hesychast-inspired spirituality where both the eremitic and coenobitic
ways of life were practised.
Keywords: Lake Scutari, monasteries, monasticism, Jelena Bali, Nikon the Jerusalem-
ite, Gorica Collection (Goriki zbornik)
T
he Bali familys architectural legacy on Lake Scutari comprises three
monastic complexes in the islets of Stareva Gorica (also known as
Starevo), Beka (also known as Gorica or Brezovica) and Moranik.
1
Te
oldest monastery, with the church dedicated to the Dormition of the Vir-
gin, was built in Stareva Gorica in 137678 under Djuradj (George) I
Bali.
2
Te monastic complex in Beka includes two churches: one, earlier,
1
For the activity of the Balis as ktetors on Lake Scutari, see V. J. Djuri, Balii.
Arhitektura, in Istorija Crne Gore, vol. II/2 (Titograd: Redakcija za istoriju Crne Gore,
1970), 413439, and his Srpski dravni sabori u Pei i crkveno graditeljstvo, in O kne-
zu Lazaru, eds. I. Boi & V. J. Djuri (Belgrade: Filozofski fakultet, 1975), 105122; G.
Radovi, Crkve i manastiri na Skadarskom jezeru, Izgradnja 56: 12 (2002), 409414.
Te monasticism on Lake Scutari has not received much scholarly attention so far. For
one of the few exceptions, see D. Popovi, Pustinjsko monatvo u doba Brankovia,
in Pad Srpske despotovine 1459. godine, ed. M. Spremi (Belgrade: Serbian Academy of
Sciences and Arts, 2011), 123124.
2
For the dating of the monastery, see Lj. Stojanovi, Stari srpski zapisi i natpisi, vol. I
(Belgrade: 1902; fasc. ed. by Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Matica Srpska, Na-
tional Library, 1982), no. 149, 48. For architectural analysis, see Dj. Bokovi, Izvetaj i
kratke beleke sa putovanja, Starinar ser. III, vol. VI (1931), 159161; V. Petkovi, Pre-
gled crkvenih spomenika kroz povesnicu srpskog naroda (Belgrade: Nauna knjiga, 1950),
4445; A. Deroko, Monumentalna i dekorativna arhitektura u srednjovekovnoj Srbiji (Bel-
grade: Nauna knjiga, 1953), 244; Djuri, Balii. Arhitektura, 418422; P. Mijovi,
Vjeno na krajini, in Virpazar, Bar, Ulcinj, ed. N. Gaevi (CetinjeBelgrade: Obod,
DOI: 10.2298/BALC1243081T
Balcanica XLIII 82
dedicated to St George,
3
the other, later, to the Annunciation.
4
Tere is no
dating evidence for the older church, but it may be assumed that its kte-
tor was Djuradj II Stracimirovi Bali and that it was constructed some-
time in the last two decades of the fourteenth century.
5
Te founder of the
younger church was Jelena Bali, daughter of Prince Lazar Hrebeljanovi
(r. 137389) and wife of Djuradj II Stracimirovi Bali, and she intended
it as her funerary church. Te inscription carved on the lintel places its con-
struction into the year 1439: ...s#zda se hram# sy. prqs(ve)tje b(ogorodi)
ce. s# tr+dom# i tkupom#. bogo~#stivoi g(ospo)gi ele. d#weri s(ve)
topo~ib{ago kneza lazara. a podruè g(ospo)di(na) g$rg% stracimiro-
vik%. v# lqto.
. C.M.I. [the church of the Most Holy Virgin built

through the eorts and means of pious Lady Jela, daughter of the late Holy
Prince Lazar and wife of Lord Djuradj Stracimirovic in the year 1439].
6

Te monastery of Moranik in the islet of the same name, with the church
dedicated to the Virgin, was rst referred to in a charter issued by Bala
III Djurdjevi in 1417, which gives grounds to assume that he had been its
founder.
7
1974), 40; S. Popovi, Krst u krugu: arhitektura manastira u srednjovekovnoj Srbiji (Bel-
grade: Prosveta & Republiki zavod za zatitu spomenika, 1994), 228229; T. Pejovi,
Manastiri na tlu Crne Gore (Novi SadCetinje: Pravoslavna re, 1995), 120124; .
Markovi & R. Vujii, Spomenici kulture Crne Gore (Novi Sad: Presmedij; Cetinje:
Republiki zavod za zatitu spomenika culture, 1997), 121122 ; S. Petkovi, Kulturna
batina Crne Gore (Novi Sad: Pravoslavna re, 2003), 167168.
3
Bokovi, Izvetaj i kratke beleke, 162165; Petkovi, Pregled crkvenih spomenika, 24;
Djuri, Balii. Arhitektura, 422; Mijovi, Vjeno na krajini, 4041; Pejovi, Manas-
tiri na tlu Crne Gore, 113118; Markovi & Vujii, Spomenici kulture, 9697; Popovi,
Krst u krugu, 228229; Petkovi, Kulturna batina, 10.
4
Petkovi, Pregled crkvenih spomenika, 24; Bokovi, Izvetaj i kratke beleke, 162165;
Djuri, Balii. Arhitektura, 422; Mijovi, Vjeno na krajini, 4041; Pejovi, Manas-
tiri na tlu Crne Gore, 113118; Markovi & Vujii, Spomenici kulture, 9697.
5
Te earliest reference to the church of St George occurs in the last will and testa-
ment of Jelena Bali of 1442, in the context of her bequest of a sum for its repair, cf.
Lj. Stojanovi, Stare srpske povelje i pisma, vol. I (Belgrade: Srpska kraljevska akademija,
1929), 396; D. I. Sindik, Testament Jelene Bali in Nikon Jerusalimac. Vrijeme linost
djelo, ed. J. ulibrk (Cetinje: Svetigora, 2004), 153154.
6
G. Tomovi, Morfologija irilinih natpisa na Balkanu (Belgrade: Istorijski institut,
1974), 113; Stojanovi, Povelje i pisma, vol. I, 395396; Bokovi, Izvetaj i kratke
beleke, 161162.
7
St. Novakovi, Zakonski spomenici srpskih drava srednjeg veka, V (Belgrade 1912),
757; Bokovi, Izvetaj i kratke beleke, 162165; Petkovi, Pregled crkvenih spomenika,
3940; P. Mijovi, Umjetniko blago Crne Gore (Belgrade: Jugoslovenska revija; Titograd:
Pobjeda, 1980), 152; . Markovi, Manastir Moranik Glasnik Narodnog muzeja Crne
Gore I (2004), 918; Pejovi, Manastiri na tlu Crne Gore, 130; Popovi, Krst u krugu, 229;
M. Tomi Djuri, Te Isles of Great Silence 83
Te Bali dynasty ruled Zeta from 1360 to 1421 from Scutari (Alb.
Skhoder, Serb. Skadar), and subsequently from Ulcinj in Lower Zeta.
8
Teir
reign was marked by a rapid political rise. At the assembly of secular lords
and church leaders summoned at Pe in 1375, Prince Lazar and Djuradj
I Bali emerged as the most powerful of local lords competing for power
in the disintegrating Serbian Empire after the death of the last Nemanji
ruler, Emperor Stefan Uro V, in 1371. One of the decisions of the assembly
was to encourage monks from Mount Athos and other Orthodox centres
to settle in the Morava Valley, the realm of Prince Lazar, and in Zeta. As
a result, numerous monastic communities arose in these regions.
9
Te as-
sembly decision becomes understandable in the light of the fact that the
religious situation in Zeta had been marked by the presence of both Roman
Catholic and Orthodox populations. Te political position of Djuradj II
Stracimirovi and his son and heir Bala III was marked by the eort to
preserve the integrity of their realm against the Venetians, the Ottomans
and the Hungarians, who all struggled for control over the coastal areas
whose strategic centre was Lake Scutari.
10
Venetian expansion had begun in
the late fourteenth century. More frequently than their predecessors, young
Bala III and his mother, Jelena Bali, acted before the Venetians as pro-
tectors of the jurisdictional powers of the Serbian Orthodox Church and
its Metropolitanate of Zeta. Even after the widowed Jelena remarried the
Grand Duke of Hum, Sandalj Hrani, and moved to Bosnia (1411), her
sons political agenda for Zeta included its close alliance with the Despotate
of Serbia and counted on the support of his uncle, Despot Stefan, in re-
sisting Venetian pressure. Zeta and northern Albania were densely covered
with Roman Catholic bishoprics,
11
but, according to an agreement reached
Markovi & Vujii, Spomenici kulture Crne Gore, 109110; Petkovi, Kulturna batina
Crne Gore, 8788.
8
J. Jeli, Zeta i dinastija Balia (Podgorica: Matica crnogorska, 2010) = G. Gelcich,
La Zedda e la Dinastia dei Balidi (Spalato 1899); Istorija Crne Gore II/2, 1120; Isto-
rija srpskog naroda, vol. II, texts by D. Bogdanovi and R. Mihalji (Belgrade: Srpska
knjievna zadruga, 1994); J. V. Fine, Te Late Medieval Balkans. A Critical Study from
the Late Twelfth Century to the Ottoman Conquest (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan
Press, 1994).
9
Djuri, Srpski dravni sabori, 105122.
10
For a detailed study on the ecclesiastical situation in fteenth-century Zeta, see M.
Spremi, Crkvene prilike u Zeti u doba Nikona Jerusalimca, in Nikon Jerusalimac, ed.
J. ulibrk, 73108. See also I. Boi in Istorija Crne Gore, II/2, 8699; J. Kali, Srbi u
poznom srednjem veku (Belgrade: Institute for Balkan Studies, 1994), 8992.
11
Te bishoprics were seated in: Kotor (Cattaro), Budva (Budua), Ulcinj (Dulcigno),
Skadar (Scutari), Drisht (Drivasto), Danje (Dagnum) and Lezsha (Alessio), cf. Spremi,
Crkvene prilike u Zeti, 77.
Balcanica XLIII 84
in 1426 between Despot Djuradj Brankovi and Francesco Quirin, the Ve-
netian Captain of Scutari, the Metropolitan of Zeta continued to exercise
jurisdiction over all Serbian Orthodox churches on Lake Scutari, including
those on Venetian soil.
12
By 1435, when Jelena Bali, a widow once more,
returned to Zeta, negotiations had been well underway on union between
the Western and Eastern churches. Despot Djuradj Brankovi declined the
invitation to attend the Council held in Florence in 1439.
13
On the other
hand, the Council was attended by the Roman Catholic Bishop of Cattaro,
Contarini, who must have championed the union upon his return from
Florence. Such a situation had its ramications in Zeta, as evidenced by
the fact that the Orthodox monastery of the Most Pure Virgin of Krajina
(Preista Krajinska), on the southwest shore of Lake Scutari, became the
seat of a union-supporting archbishop instructed to gather the Orthodox
in Zeta and northern Albania under the jurisdiction of the Pope, and was
increasingly frequented by like-minded prelates of Greek or Albanian ori-
gin.
14
Under such circumstances, the activity of Jelena Bali, such as the
renovation of the church of St George, the building of her funerary church
in the islet of Beka and the eort to draw together a circle of Orthodox
monks, the most distinguished of whom was the learned hesychast monk
Nikon, resulted in the creation of a centre of monastic spirituality in Zeta.
Te choice of the site for a monastery, taking into account its natural
surroundings, was an important consideration in the spatial organization
of the monastic complexes in the lake isles.
15
In medieval Byzantine and
Serbian sources, such as foundation charters, typika and hagiographies, the
founders of monasteries frequently describe the natural setting they chose
for their foundations or give reasons for their choice. Monastery site selec-
12
G. Valentini, ed., Acta Albaniae Veneta saeculorum XIV et XV, Pars II, Tomus XII
(1971), 286291.
13
M. Spremi, Srbi i orentinska unija 1439. godine, ZRVI XXIV (1986), 413421.
14
I. Boi, Albanija i Arbanasi u XIII, XIV i XV veku, Glas SANU CCCXXVIII, Od.
ist. n. 3 (1983), 88.
15
On the natural surroundings of monastic settlements, see A. Bryer, Te Late Byz-
antine monastery in town and countryside, in Te Church in Town and Countryside,
Studies in Church History 16, ed. D. Baker (Oxford: Blackwell, 1979), 219241; N.
Bakirtzis, Te creation of a sacred landscape in Byzantium: taming the wilderness of
Mount Menoikeon, in Hierotopy. Studies in the Making of Sacred Spaces, ed. A. Lidov
(Moscow: Radunitsa, 2004), 9799, and his Hagios Ioannis Prodroms Monastery on
mount Menoikeon: Byzantine monastic practice, sacred topography and architecture
(PhD thesis, Princeton University, 2006), 81116; S. Popovi, Dividing the indivisible:
the monastery space secular and sacred, ZRVI XLIV (2007), 6263.
tion, often a result of divine providence, is a topos of medieval hagiography,
16

including Serbian.
17
Correspondence between Jelena Bali and her spiri-
tual guide, Nikon the Jerusalemite, contained in the manuscript known as
the Gorica Collection (Goriki zbornik, 1441/2),
18
provides information about
two churches in the islet of Beka. In his reply to Jelenas third letter, Nikon
describes the site of the church of the Annunciation, Jelenas foundation, and
that of St Georges in its immediate vicinity (86a): Paky è v#zvqwaet#
nam# h(risto)l$be tvoe, %ko szdanenyi tobo$ hram# epaion# obitqli
s(veta)go i glavnago veliko m(u~e)nika tropefora gerga v# mqstq
rekomqm gorica [Once more, you have shown us your love of Christ, like
the temple you built next to the glorious community of the holy great-
martyr and vanquisher George, in the place known as Gorica]. On the other
hand, such locations for the foundations of the Balis ensured the neces-
sary safety to the monastic communities. Te lake islets formed a naturally
sheltered spatial whole, which played a role in the architectural shaping of
the monastic complexes. Namely, unlike the strongly fortied contemporary
monasteries in the northern Serbian realm encompassing the basin of the
(Velika) Morava River and therefore informally termed Moravian Serbia,
the lake monasteries of the fourteenth and fteenth centuries were simply
enclosed by massive walls and had no more than one tower, which virtually
never served a defensive purpose.
19
16
A.-M. Talbot, Founders choices: monastery site selection in Byzantium, in Found-
ers and Refounders of Byzantine Monasteries, ed. M. Mullett (Belfast Enetrprises, 2007),
5052; S. Mojsilovi, Prostorna struktura manastira srednjovekovne Srbije, Saoptenja
13 (1981), 127146, and Byzantine inuences in the architecture of monastery sites
and buildings in medieval Serbia, XVI Internationaler Byzantinistenkongress, Akten II/4
(1982), 491500; S. Popovi, Shaping a monastery settlement in the Late Byzantine
Balkans, in Shaping Community: Te Art and Archaeology of Monasticism, ed. S. McNally
(BAR, 2001), 129146, as well as her Dividing the indivisible, 4765, and Te Byz-
antine monastery: its spatial iconography and the questions of sacredness, in Hierotopy:
Studies in the Making of Sacred Space, ed. A. Lidov (Moscow: Indrik, 2006), 170.
17
E.g., the Serbian archbishop Danilo (Daniel) II (ca 12701337), author of the Lives
of the Serbian Kings and Archbishops, says the following of the Banjska monastery church
of St Stephen (131317) in Kosovo, a foundation of King Stefan Uro II Milutin: You
are a blessed and virtuous Christ-loving king, because you found a peaceful place for yourself
and the memory of you will live on forever: Arhiepiskop Danilo II, ivoti kraljeva i arhi-
episkopa srpskih (Belgrade: Srpska knjievna zadruga, 1935), 114.
18
Te manuscript is kept in the Archives of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts,
Belgrade, under no. 446.
19
Popovi, Krst u krugu, 228229.
Balcanica XLIII 86
Te monasteries in the area of Lake Scutari are popularly known as
the Holy Mount of Zeta.
20
Teir organization undoubtedly emulated the
Holy Mount of Athos.
21
Similar monastic communities arose in other parts
of medieval Serbia: the Koria area,
22
the Mount of Lesnovo,
23
the environs
of the monastery of Treskavac,
24
the gorges of the Crnica and the Mlava.
25

Tese communities were frequently quite complex, as they practised both
the coenobitic and eremitic ways of life in appropriate architectural settings:
monastic enclosures, churches, kellia and hermitages.
26
20
Djuri, Balii. Arhitektura, 422. See also the section titled Krug Zetske Svete Gore of
the volume Nikon Jerusalimac, ed. J. ulibrk, 33151; V. Balj, Ideje isihazma u prepisci
Jelene Bali i Nikona Jerusalimca, in epan Polje i njegove svetinje kroz vijekove, ed. G.
Tomovi (Berane: Svevidje, 2010), 133. For the holy mountains in Byzantium, see A-M.
Talbot, Holy Mountain, in Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, vol. II (English Oxford
University Press, 1991), 941, and her Les saintes montagnes Byzance, in Le sacre
et son inscription dans l espace Byzance et en Occident. Etudes compares, ed. M. Kaplan
(Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2001); Panel papers VI.6, Monastic Mountains and
Deserts, Proceedings of the 21st International Congress of Byzantine Studies, Vol. II,
Abstracts of Panel papers (London 2006), 218225; P. Soustal, ed. Heilige Berge und
Wsten, Byzanz und sein Umfeld (Vienna: sterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaf-
ten, 2009).
21
A. Bryer & M. Cunningham, eds. Mount Athos and Byzantine Monasticism (Aldershot:
Variroum, 1996); M. ivojinovi, Istorija Hilandara, vol. I (Belgrade: Prosveta, 1998).
On dierent types of monasticism on Mount Athos, see M. ivojinovi, Svetogorske
kelije i pirgovi u srednjem veku (Belgrade: Viyantoloki institute SANU, 1972); D. Pa-
pahrisantu, Atonsko monatvo, poeci i organizacija (Belgrade: Drutvo prijatelja Svete
Gore Atonske, 2004); M. ivojinovi, Aton pojava opteia i poeci osobenoia, in
Sedma kazivanja o Svetoj Gori, eds. M. ivojinovi & Z. Raki (Belgrade 2011), 3152.
22
D. Popovi, Te Cult of St Peter of Koria: Stages of Development and Patterns,
Balcanica XVIII (1997), 181212.
23
S. Gabeli, Nepoznati lokaliteti u okolini Lesnovskog manastira, ZLUMS 20 (1984),
163174, and Manastir Lesnovo (Belgrade: Stubovi kulture, 1998), 239245.
24
S. Smoli Makuljevi, Sakralna topograja manastira Treskavca, Balcanica XXXV
(2004), 287322, as well as her Two models of sacred space in the Byzantine and me-
dieval visual culture of the Balkans: the monasteries of Prohor Pinja and Treskavac,
JB 59 (2009), 191203, and Sakralna topograja svetih gora: SinajAtonTreskavac,
in Sedma kazivanja, 183236.
25
S. Popovi, Te last Hesychast safe havens in late fourteenth- and fteenth-century
monasteries in the northern Balkans, ZRVI 48 (2011), 217 257; T. Starodubcev, Te
formation of a holy mount in Late Middle Ages: the case of the River Crnica Gorge,
in Proceedings of the 22nd International Congress of Byzantine Studies, vol. III, Abstracts of
Free Communications (Soa 2011), 9394.
26
D. Popovi, Pustinje i svete gore srednjovekovne Srbije. Pisani izvori, prostorni
obrasci, graditeljska reenja, ZRVI XLIV (2007), 253274; S. Popovi, Te architec-
tural transformation of laura in Middle and Late Byzantium, in 26th Annual Byzan-
Te building activity of the Balis and the organization of their
foundations on Lake Scutari followed the monastic ideals established in
Moravian Serbia and Mount Athos.
27
In terms of architecture, this inspira-
tion is recognizable in the use of the Athonite trefoil (or triconch) plan for
the foundations which were modest in size and continued the architectural
tradition of Zeta in style. Stone was the main construction material, while
the shapes of vaults, arches, windows and bell-towers followed the then pre-
vailing Gothic style.
28
In addition to Stareva Gorica, Beka and Moranik,
the monastery of the Most Pure Virgin of Krajina should also be noted, as
they all taken together constitute the westernmost group of the Athonite-
inspired trefoil churches.
29
Te oldest monastic complex and the prototype of the Bali tre-
foil churches is the monastery church of the Dormition of the Virgin in
Stareva Gorica, one of the three largest islands.
30
It is widely accepted that
its construction followed the earliest use of the trefoil plan in Serbia, which
did not begin until after the Assembly at Pe in 1375.
31
An inscription
made in a Prologue written between 1368 and 1379 (now in the State Li-
brary in Berlin, no. 29), says that the Prologue was written under Djuradj
I Bali: Si svety prolog# s#pisa sq u Gorici svetago starca Makari%
v# dny blago~#styvago gospodina Gurga Bal#{yka ne mazde radi, n#
blagoslovena radi [Tis holy prologue was written in the Gorica of the
holy man Makarije in the days of our virtuous sire Djuradj Bali, not for
tine Studies Conference, Abstracts of Papers, Harvard University (2000), 6162, and
her Koinobia or laurai: a question of architectural transformation of the Late Byzantine
monastery in the Balkans, in XX
e
Congrs international des tudes byzantines. III. Com-
munication libres, Paris (2001), 339340.
27
Djuri, Srpski dravni sabori, 105122. Te popularity of monastic and ascetic
themes in the literary works created in Zeta also attests to contact between Zeta and
Mount Athos, cf. D. Bogdanovi, Goriki zbornik, in Istorija Crne Gore, vol. II/2,
372380, as well as his Istorija stare srpske knjievnosti (Belgrade: Srpska knjievna za-
druga, 1980), 222225.
28
Djuri, Balii. Arhitektura, 414, and his Srpski dravni sabori, 117118 (with
earlier literature on Athonite architecture).
29
G. Babi-Djordjevi & V. J. Djuri, Polet umetnosti, in Istorija srpskog naroda, vol.
II (Belgrade 1994), 161, 163.
30
See note 2 herein.
31
Danilovi nastavljai. Danilov uenik. Drugi nastavlja Danilovog zbornika (Belgrade:
Srpska knjievna zadruga, 1989), 132133; N. Radoji, Srpski dravni sabori u srednjem
veku (Belgrade: Srpska kraljevska akademija, 1940), 162165; Djuri, Srpski dravni
sabori, 105122.
Balcanica XLIII 88
the sake of reward but for the sake of good].
32
Te same inscription suggests
that the island was named after the holy man or aba Makarije (Makarios),
Stareva Gorica literally meaning the old mans islet. Popular tradition
associates the founding of the monastery with this highly revered ascetic
who supposedly lived on the island. Systematic archaeological investiga-
tions carried out in 1984/5 provide a clearer picture of the chronology and
organization of the monastery.
33
Te katholikon dedicated to the Dormition of the Virgin, built on a
trefoil plan, is quite small in size (6.5 m long by 3.5 m wide).
34
Te dome
rests on a circular drum, while the faades are utterly simple, exhibiting
neither pilasters nor any architectural mouldings or sculpture. Te interior
space is divided by a system of niches. Topographic evidence suggests that
the monastery was enclosed with a wall, except on the south side, which is
bounded by a precipitous rock. Te north side of the church abuts the rock
face or, in other words, it did not occupy the centre of the enclosure. Ap-
preciation for the Nemanji foundations in terms of layout was achieved
by setting the entrance to the enclosure south-west of the entrance to the
church.
35
Te complex comprised dormitories on the south-west side, a
paved path from the landing-place to the monasterys gate, and a ight
of stairs between the gate and the church. A narthex with an open porch,
surviving in traces, was subsequently added at the west end of the church.
A chapel with an apse,
36
surviving to the height of roof cornice, was added
at the south side, and a small oblong room abutting the rock was added on
the north. Its purpose is not quite clear, but it has been assumed that it was
there that Makarije pursued his ascetic path.
37
Te room suered damage
as a result of a rock fall two years ago, which caused its roof system to col-
32
Lj. Stojanovi, Stari srpski zapisi i natpisi, vol. I, 48, no. 149; the name Djuradj Bali
in the inscription refers to Djuradj I Bali (r. 137378), given the use of the patro-
nymic. Makarije must have died by the time the Prologue was written, given the epithet
holy attached to his name, cf. I. Ruvarac, Kamici priloci za drugi Zetski dom (Cetinje
1894), 478.
33
Pejovi, Manastiri na tlu Crne Gore, 120122; Markovi & Vujii, Spomenici kulture
Crne Gore, 121122.
34
Bokovi, Izvetaj i kratke beleke, 159161.
35
36
On the side chapels of Byzantine and Serbian churches, see G. Babi, Les chapelles
annexes des glises byzantines (Paris: Klincksieck, 1969); S. uri, Architectural signi-
cance of subsidiary chapels in Middle Byzantine churches, JSAH 36 (1977), 94110;
S. Popovi, Raspored kapela u vizantijskim manastirima, Saoptenja 27/28 (1995/96),
2337.
37
Markovi & Vujii, Spomenici kulture Crne Gore, 121.
lapse.
38
A good reputation of the monastery of the Virgin as a manuscript
copying centre lived into the sixteenth century, as evidenced by the fact that
the famous Serbian printer Boidar Vukovi was buried, according to his
own wish, in the abovementioned south chapel (1539).
39
Unlike the other
Bali foundations, the church of the Dormition of the Virgin abutted a
rock, which allows us to think of the possibility that the site had originally
been a natural anchoritic abode. Even though there is no reliable evidence
to support such an assumption, other examples of similar monastic com-
munities seem to conrm that the possibility is worthy of being taken into
account. Analysis of the spatial pattern of eremitic abodes located in the
vicinity of churches shows that coenobitic communities usually grew out
of informal gatherings of followers around the cave abode of a revered her-
mit.
40
Te most prominent examples of this community formation pattern
in the Balkans are the shrines of St Peter of Koria
41
and St John of Rila.
42

In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, spatial association of the church
building and a rock
43
is found in the case of the church of St Michael the
Archangel in Berat, Albania (about 1300),
44
the Virgin Agiogaloussena in
38
Tis was the situation I found in July 2012. I am much indebted to Fr. Gregory for his
hospitality and for his information about the north room.
39
Istorija Crne Gore, vol. II/2, 418421.
40
Popovi, Krst u krugu, 102; D. Popovi, Monah pustinjak, in Privatni ivot u srp-
skim zemljama srednjeg veka, eds. D. Popovi & S. Marjanovi Duani (Belgrade: Clio,
2004), 555.
41
Popovi, Cult of St Peter of Koria.
42
I. Dujev, Te Saint from Rila and his Monastery (Soa 1947; repr. Centre for Slavo-
Byzantine Studies Prof. I. Dujev, 1990); see also the volume edited by S. Kuiumdzhieva,
Kulturnoto nasledstvo na Rilskiia manastir Sustoianie i perspektivi na prouchavaneto,
opazvaneto i restavriraneto mu (Soa: Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, 2011). For exam-
ples in Palestinian monasticism, see J. Patrich, Sabas, Leader of Palestinian Monasticism.
A Comparative Study in Eastern Monasticism, Fourth to Seventh Centuries (Dumbarton
Oaks Research Library and Collections, 1995); for Mount Athos, see R. Morris, Te
Origins of Athos, in Bryer & Cunningham, eds. Mount Athos and Byzantine Monasti-
cism, 3746.
43
On the symbolic and functional aspects of this spatial pattern, with examples from
the early and middle Byzantine periods, cf. S. uri, Cave and Church. An Eastern
Christian hierotopical synthesis, in Hierotopy. Te Creation of Sacred Spaces in Byzan-
tium and Medieval Russia, ed. A. Lidov (Moscow: Indrik, 2006), 216236.
44
G. Koch, ed. Albanien. Kulturdenkmler eines unbekannten Landes aus 2200 Jahren
(Marburg 1985), 5657; A. Meksi, Tri kisha Byzantine t Beratit, Monumentet (1972),
7395. Te former role and function of this rock is an insuciently studied question, cf.
uri, Cave and Church.
Balcanica XLIII 90
Chios (thirteenth or fourteenth century),
45
and the Virgin Perivleptos in
Mistra (third quarter of the thirteenth century).
46
Proximity between the
rock and the church in Stareva Gorica may be looked at in the broader
framework of Orthodox monastic architecture. Te practice of constructing
churches in the immediate vicinity of rocks, observable from the earliest
examples in Palestinian monasticism until the late Byzantine period, is also
documented by numerous examples in Serbia,
47
Macedonia,
48
Bulgaria
49

and Greece.
50
Monastic life in the islet of Stareva Gorica unfolded in an epoch
marked by hesychast inuences. Te arrival of Serbian, Bulgarian and Greek
monks from Mount Athos and Bulgaria in the Morava Valley and Zeta
45
Ch. Bouras, Chios (Athens: National Bank of Greece, 1974), 70.
46
A. S. Louvi, Larchitecture et la sculpture de la Perivleptos de Mistra (Tse de
doctorat de IIIe cycle, Universit de Paris, Panthon, Sorbonne, Paris 1980); uri,
Cave and Church, 224.
47
Te question of cave churches in medieval Serbia has been most thoroughly studied
by D. Popovi in a number of texts, e.g. Peinske crkve i isposnice u oblasti Polimlja
dosadanji rezultati i pravci daljeg prouavanja, Mileevski zapisi 5 (2002), 4760;
Peterni spomenici u srednjovekovnoj Srbiji. Rezultati i pravci istraivanja, Glasnik
DKS 26 (2002), 105109; Pustinje i svete gore srednjovekovne Srbije, ZRVI XLIV
(2007), 253274; (with M. Popovi), An Example of Anchoritic Monasticism in the
Balkans: the Monastery Complex at Kaludra near Berane, in Archeologia Abrahami-
ca. Studies in archaeology and artistic tradition of Judaism, Christianity and Islam, ed. L.
Beliaev (Moscow: Indrik, 2009), 313331; Pustinjsko monatvo u doba Brankovia,
117134; Deanska pustinja u okvirima vizantijskog i srpskog eremitskog monatva,
in D. Popovi et al., Deanska pustinja. Skitovi i kelije manastira Deana (Belgrade: Insti-
tute for Balkan Studies, 2011), 153223.
48
Gabeli, Nepoznati lokaliteti, 163174, and Manastir Lesnovo, 239245; M. Radu-
jko, Dradnjanski manastiri Svetog Nikole (I. Nastanak i arhitektura), Zograf 19
(1988), 4961, and Dradnjanski manastiri Svetog Nikole (II. ivopis), Zograf 24
(1995), 2537; Smoli Makuljevi, Sakralna topograja manastira Treskavca, 287
322; G. A. Angeliev ura, Peternite crkvi vo Ohridsko-prespanskiot region (R. Make-
donija, R. Albanija, R. Grcija) (Struga 2004).
49
L. Mavrodinova, Ivanovskite skalni curkvi. Bulgarskiat prinos v svetovnoto kulturno
nasledstvo (Soa 1989).
50
D. Nicol, Meteora. Te Rock Monastery of Tessaly (London: Chapman and Hall, 1963);
N. Nikonanos, Meteora: a complete guide to the monasteries and their history (Athens:
Athenon, 1987), and Te Mountain of Cells, in Routes of Faith in the Medieval Medi-
terranean. History, Monuments, People, Pilgrimage, Perspectives, ed. E. Hadjitryphonos
(Tessaloniki: University Studio Press, 2008), 290295; E. Kollias, (Athens:
Melissa, 1986); A. Klzer, Das Ganos-Gebirge in Osttrakien (Iiklar Dagi), in Heilige
Berge und Wsten, ed. P. Soustal, 4152.
gave a strong impetus to eremitism.
51
Patriarch Ephrem the most distin-
guished spiritual authority of the period and a man of remarkable achieve-
ment in the ecclesio-political sphere, twice at the head of the Serbian Church
(137578 and 138992), belonged to an ascetically-minded monastic elite
himself.
52
According to the most comprehensive source for his biography,
the Life of the Holy Patriarch Ephrem penned by Bishop Mark, Ephrem spent
most of his life in the hesychasteria of the monastery of Deani, the Serbian
Patriarchate of Pe and the Holy Archangels of Prizren.
53
Under the Lazarevi and Brankovi dynasties, eremitic and kelli-
otic monasticism developed in craggy landscapes around natural caves and
rocks.
54
Te last hesychast abodes in the northern Balkans before the nal
Ottoman conquest were set up in the canyon of the Crnica and, further
north, in the Mlava river gorge.
55
Tey were organized as lavrai, with a coe-
nobitic monastery functioning as their administrative seat and individual
kellia scattered in its immediate vicinity.
56
Te other group of Bali foundations is situated in the islet of Beka.
Te monastic complex includes two churches of dierent dates: St Georges,
presumably built in the last two decades of the fourteenth century by Djur-
adj II Stracimirovi Bali,
57
and the funerary church of Jelena Bali, con-
structed in 1439 and dedicated to the Annunciation.
58
Having returned to
Zeta after the death, in 1435, of her second husband, Duke Sandalj Hrani,
Jelena Bali set out to build her funerary church in the immediate vicinity
of the foundation of her rst husband, Djuradj II Stracimirovi. She did not
take monastic vows, but she spent her last years in Draevica near Bar and
on the islet, looking after the Serbian Orthodox monasteries in her realm
51
Jeromonah Amlohije (Radovi), Sinaiti i njihov znaaj u ivotu Srbije XIV i XV
veka, in Manastir Ravanica. Spomenica o estoj stogodinjici (Belgrade: Prosveta, 1981),
101134; Djuri, Srpski dravni sabori, 106107.
52
On Patriach Ephrem as a historical gure and his saintly cult, see D. Popovi, Patri-
jarh Jefrem jedan poznosrednjovekovni svetiteljski kult, ZRVI XLIII (2006), 111
125.
53
Marko Peki, itije svetog patrijarha Jefrema, in est pisaca XIV veka, ed. D.
Bogdanovi (Belgrade: Prosveta & Srpska knjievna zadruga, 1986), 166168.
54
Popovi, Krst u krugu, 101; Popovi, Pustinjsko monatvo u doba Brankovi, 119
and passim.
55
M. Brmboli, Mala Sveta Gora u klisuri reke Crnice, Saoptenja XXXXXXI[1998
99] (2000), 99112; Popovi, Te last hesychast safe havens; Starodubcev, Formation
of a Holy Mount, 9394.
56
Popovi, Last hesychast safe havens, 248, 252, 253.
57
See notes 3 and 5 herein.
58
See notes 4 and 6 herein.
Balcanica XLIII 92
and living her life very much like a nun. Te remarkable political and cul-
tural role she played in Zeta has been given much scholarly attention.
59
Te layout of the complex follows a dierent pattern from the one
in Stareva Gorica. Unlike the church abutting the rock face in Stareva
Gorica, these two churches are free-standing structures. Archaeological ex-
cavations carried out in 1986 have shown that the monastery was enclosed
with a stone wall and that it was not furnished with fortications. It was
accessed from the east by a paved causeway leading from the landing-place
to the gate. Te surviving structural remains include a stone building on an
oblong plan north of the church of the Annunciation, which was observably
constructed in phases.
60
Te church of St George is a trefoil in plan, has a
dome resting on protruding pilasters, and a circular drum common to all
island churches of the period. Te long and low church building is screened
by a massive bell-gable in front of its west side. In the church, next to the
south wall, is a tomb, presumably of the founder, Djuradj II Stracimirovi
Bali. Te Annunciation church diers from the rest of the group in plan: a
longitudinal building with an eastern apse and no aisles, possibly as a result
of a stylistic shift in the architecture of Zeta under the Crnojevi dynasty. In
the church, next to the south wall, is the tomb of the founder, Jelena Bali.
59
Te most exhaustive bibliography on Jelena Bali is provided by S. Tomin, Bibli-
ograja radova o Jeleni Bali, Knjienstvo 1 (2011). On Jelenas banking activities in
Dubrovnik and Kotor, and her court oce that managed her nances, see Dj. Toi,
Sandaljeva udovica Jelena Hrani, ZRVI XLI (2004), 423440. See also Z. Gavrilovi,
Women in Serbian politics, diplomacy and art, in Byzantine Style, Religion and Civi-
lization, ed. E. Jereys (Cambridge University Press, 2006), 8183. On the aristocratic
womens patronage in Byzantium and Serbia, see Female founders in Byzantium and be-
yond: an international colloquium, Vienna 2008, eds. M. Mullet, M. Grnbart & L. Teis
(forthcoming): http://www.univie.ac.at/femalefounders/abstracts_les, and therein es-
pecially A. Vukovitch, Te Epistles of Princess Jelena Bali, an example of the role of
the noblewomen as patrons in late medieval Zeta; see also S. Tomin, Ktitorke poznog
srednjeg veka. Prilog poznavanju, Letopis Matice srpske 482/5 (Nov. 2008), 11211142;
N. Gagova, Knigite na yuzhnoslavyanskia vladatelski suprugi v XIV i XV v. i sustavitel-
skata kontseptsia na Bdinskia sbornik, Vladeteli i knigi. Uchastieto na yuzhnoslavyanskia
vladetel v proizvodstvoto i upotrebata na knigi prez srednoveokovieto (IXXV v.): retseptsiy-
ata na vizantiyskia model (Soa: PAM, 2010), 182204; A.-M. Talbot, Building activity
in Constantinople under Andronikos II: the role of women patrons in the construction
and restoration of monasteries, in Byzantine Constantinople: Monuments, Topography
and Everyday life, ed. N. Necipoglu (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 329343; E. Koubena, A
survey of aristocratic women founders of monasteries in Constantinople between the
eleventh and the fteenth centuries, in Women and Byzantine Monasticism, eds. J. Y.
Perreault et al. (Athens: Canadian Archaeological Institute at Athens, 1991), 2532.
60
Chapels were added on the north and south sides. Burial pits have been
archaeologically attested in the south chapel as well.
61
Te earliest reference to the monastic complex with the church dedi-
cated to the Virgin in the island of Moranik is found in the charter of
Bala III Djurdjevi issued in 1417, where his donation of a salt pan to the
monastery suggests that he might have been its founder.
62
Archaeological
excavations carried out in 1984 make it possible to give a more reliable ac-
count of the original appearance of the complex and the date of its indi-
vidual parts.
63
Te monastery was enclosed with a wall, and a paved path led
from the landing-place to the gate.
64
Te church is an abbreviated trefoil in
plan (7.5m by 4m) with two quite low apses at the sides. Te architectural
type, dedication and function point to the practice of Bala IIIs predeces-
sors of the Bali family. Te church had a narthex and an open porch. A
chapel with an apse was added on the south side of the church. South of the
church was a refectory and north of it a cluster of cells. Between these two
buildings was a four-level tower with a chapel on the top oor.
65

Apart from the surviving structural remains, an important source for
creating a picture of the monastic life on Lake Scutari is the already men-
tioned Gorica Collection, which contains letters exchanged between Jelena
Bali and Nikon the Jerusalemite,
66
a manuscript created in 1442/3. Es-
pecially relevant to our topic are Jelenas thoughts on spiritual matters, her
interest in monastic literature and in the organization of life in a monas-
tery. Te manuscript attests to an important local feature of late medieval
spirituality, i.e. to the inuence of learned refugee monks active in the area
61
Pejovi, Manastiri na tlu Crne Gore, 116.
62
See note 7 herein. Bala accessed to power in 1403, which places the construction of
the church into a period between 1404 and 1417.
63
Te archaeological investigation was carried out by the Institute for the Protec-
tion of Cultural Monuments of Montenegro. Te excavation report was published by
Markovi, Manastir Moranik, 918.
64
Pejovi, Manastiri na tlu Crne Gore, 130; Popovi, Krst u krugu, 229.
65
Markovi, Manastir Moranik, 1316, also reports on a small one-room church,
with walls preserved to roof cornice height, discovered at the highest point of the island.
As there is no reference to it in the documentary sources, it may only be assumed that
it was intended either for use by the monks when the monastery was at its peak or as
a funerary church of a noble person. In terms of ground plan and building method, it
nds its closest analogy in the funerary church of Jelena Bali in Beka. Te tower ap-
parently formed part of a broader fortication system of Lake Scutari and its construc-
tion preceded the other structures of the monastic settlement.
66
For a bibliography on Nikon, see B. Bojovi, L idologie monarchique dans les hagio-
biographies dynastiques du Moyen Age serbe (Rome: Ponticio Istituto Orientale, 1995),
209300; see also the volume Nikon Jerusalimac, ed. ulibrk.
Balcanica XLIII 94
or even at the courts of local lords.
67
Te text belongs to the question-and-
answer genre
68
and has the form of an epistolary dialogue.
69
Te manu-
script consists of two letters of Jelena Bali and three letters of her spiritual
father. Tematically, the Collection may be described as an encyclopaedic
compilation, a ourishing literary genre in late medieval Slavic and Byzan-
tine environments. Tese miscellanies were intended for communal reading,
which means that they served educative purposes. Te choice of topics and
the entire contents of the Gorica Collection give some idea of what were the
concerns of a highborn woman,
70
while her inclination towards hesychast
spirituality was the result of the inuential role of her learned spiritual fa-
ther, Nikon,
71
whose letters contain references to biblical and patristic texts.
Te Collection makes use of quotations and paraphrases of hagiographic-
historical, canonical, devotional, apocryphal, patristic, cosmological and
geographical literature.
72
Letters of spiritual guidance were not too frequent in Byzantine
tradition, as evidenced by only a few surviving examples of this form of
communication between Byzantine aristocratic women and their spiritual
67
S. Radoji, Ideja o savrenom gradu u dravi kneza Lazara i despota Stefana
Lazarevia, Zograf 32 (2008), 8.
68
T. Subotin Golubovi, Pitanja i odgovori, in Leksikon srpskog srednjeg veka, eds. S.
irkovi & R. Mihalji (Belgrade: Knowledge, 1999), 517. Te Byzantine question-
and-answer genre in an epistolary form was not unknown to Serbian literature. It was
used by St Sava (Sabas) of Serbia in Chapter 58 of his Nomocanon, where he brought
a translation of the letter of Niketas, Metropolitan of Heraklia, in reply to the ques-
tions posed by Bishop Constantine. Te Archbishop of Ohrid replies to King Stefan
Radoslavs fourteen liturgical and canonical questions. Te Patriarch of Constantino-
ple, Gennadios Scholarios, answers to the fteen questions posed by Despot Djuradj
Brankovi, cf. Dj. Trifunovi, Azbunik srpskih srednjovekovnih knjievnih pojmova (Bel-
grade: Nolit, 1990), 246.
69
From the ample literature on epistolography, see e.g. T. V. Popov, Vizantiyskaia
epistolograa, in Vizantiyskaia literature (Moscow: Nauka, 1974), 181229; S. Tomin,
Epistolarna knjievnost i ene u srpskoj srednjovekovnoj kulturi, in anrovi srpske
knjievnosti, vol. 2, eds. Z. Karanovi & S. Radulovi (Novi Sad: Filozofski fakultet,
2005), 8997; M. Mullett, Letters, Literacy and Literature in Byzantium (Aldershot:
Ashgate, 2007).
70
On the literacy and education of Byzantine upper-class women in Palaiologan times,
cf. Angeliki E. Laiou, Te role of women in Byzantine society, JB 31 (1981), 255
257; A.-M. Talbot, Bluestocking Nuns: Intellectual Life in the Convents of Late Byz-
antine, Women and Religious Life in Byzantium (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001), 604618.
71
Balj, Ideje isihazma, 123142; Jeromonah Jovan (ulibrk), Nikon Jerusalimac i
isihastiko predanje, in Sveti Grigorije Palama u istoriji i sadanjosti (Srbinje 2001),
151160.
72
Bogdanovi, Goriki zbornik, 372380.
guides. In the ninth century, Teodor the Studite maintained correspon-
dence with a wide circle of women, including empresses, aristocratic women
and nuns, who sought his advice on spiritual and other matters.
73
Of the
correspondence maintained from 1142 to 1151 between the sevastokrato-
rissa Irene Komnene and her spiritual guide, the monk Iakovos, now only
survive forty-three letters written by the monk.
74
Te Serbian and Byz-
antine examples show a measure of similarity in contents and structure.
Nikons spiritual guidance as oered in the Gorica Collection concerns the
practice of bowing before the icons, the church ritual (l. 7785b), prayer,
charity, sin (l. 42b), and fasting,
75
while Iakovos advice to Irene mostly con-
cerns her must reads.
76
In doctrinal terms, both cases are focused on the
dogma of the Holy Trinity. Te nature of the Holy Trinity in Iakovos letters
is explicated in his text On Faith,
77
while Nikons Profession of Faith speaks
of his own experience of the Holy Trinity through the mysteries of baptism
and the Eucharist (271b 272a).
78
Nikons hesychast beliefs are conrmed
73
Teodori Studitae Epistulae, Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae, vol. XXXI/1, ed.
G. Fatouros (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1991); A. P. Kazhdan & A.-M.Talbot, Women and
Iconoclasm, Byzantinische Zeitschrift 84/85
(1991/92), 396.
74
Te letters are available in Iacobi Monachi Epistulae, Corpus Christianorum, Series
Graeca 68, eds. E. Jereys & M. Jereys (Turnhout: Brepols, 2009). Towards the end of
her life, the sevastokratorissa Irene, widow of Manuel I Komnenos elder brother An-
dronikos, was accused of being Manuels political enemy and arrested, cf. E. M. Jereys
& M. J. Jereys, Who was the sevastokratorissa Eirene?, Byzantion 64 (1994), 4068;
V. Vasilevsky, O sevastokratorisse Irine, Zhurnal Ministerstva Narodnago Prosveshche-
nia 285 (1983), 179185; E. Jereys, Te sevastokratorissa Eirene as literary patroness:
the monk Iakovos, JB 32/33 (1982), 6371. Te monk Iakovos is known for his liter-
ary work, which includes homilies to the Virgin, preserved in two manuscripts (Par. Gr.
1208 and Vat. Gr. 1162, PG 127, cols. 544700).
75
Nikons reply with his advice on personal, moral and spiritual perfection was a com-
pilation of quotations from the Scripture (1
a
10
b
, 10
a
), cf. Dj. Trifunovi, Dve po-
slanice Jelene Bali i Nikonova Povest o jerusalimskim crkvama i svetim mestima,
Knjievna istorija 18 (1972), 291293; N. Gagova, Gorichkiyat Sbornik v konteksta na
yuzhnoslavyanskite vladatelski sbornitsi ot 14 i 15 v., in Nikon Jerusalimac, ed. ulibrk,
207210.
76
Iacobi Monachi Epistulae XXXVII.
77
Iacobi Monachi Epistulae, XXXVIII.
78
In the view of A. Jevti, Ispovedanje vere Nikona Jerusalimca, in Nikon Jerusalimac,
ed. ulibrk, 256, Nikons assertion of his belief in the Holy Trinity, without addressing
the question of the begetting of the Son and the proceeding of the Holy Spirit, suggests
a fear of Islam rather than of the Latins; J. Puri, Trojina terminologija Ispovedanja
vere Nikona Jerusalimca, in Nikon Jerusalimac, ed. ulibrk, 269279.
Balcanica XLIII 96
by his armation of the faith in the Holy Trinity, the central theme of all
hesychasts.
Epistolography was an important vehicle for inspiring a sense of
shared values among the Constantinopolitan aristocratic class resurging
after 1261. Te culture of exchange, collection, publication and (public)
reading of letters played an inuential role in the self-representation of aris-
tocratic intellectual circles in the Palaiologan age.
79
Undoubtedly one of
the most remarkable among the scholarly women in the reign of Michael
III and Andronikos II was Teodora Raoulaina (c. 12401300), a writer,
collector and patron of art and learning.
80
About 1284, she founded the
monastery of St Andrew in Krisei in Constantinople, with a scriptorium
where some fteen manuscripts were written and illuminated.
81
Tat con-
text can explain the fact that the focus of her correspondence with Gregory
of Cyprus, Patriarch of Constantinople (128389), was the education of
an aristocratic woman rather than spiritual instruction.
82
Patriarch Grego-
rys twenty-nine surviving letters provide his recommendations for reading
classical writers.
83
From the fourteenth century date the letters exchanged
between Irene Eulogia Choumnaina Palaiologina, daughter of Nikepho-
ros Choumnos and wife of Despot John Palaiologos, and her anonymous
spiritual guide.
84
After her husbands death in 1307, she founded the con-
vent of Christ Philanthropos in Constantinople, to which she retired as a
79
A. Riehle, Rhetorik, Ritual und Reprsentation. Zur Brieiteratur gebildeter Eliten
im sptbyzantinischen Konstantinopel (12611328), in Urbanitas und Asteiotes. Kul- Kul-
turelle Ausdrucksformen von Status, 10.15. Jahrhundert, eds. K. Beyer & M. Grnbart
(forthcoming).
80
D. M. Nicol, Te Byzantine Family Kantakouzenos ca. 11001460 (Washington DC:
Dumbarton Oaks, 1968), no. 14, p. 1618; A. Riehle, Teodora Raulaina als Stifterin
und Patronin, in Female Founders in Byzantium and Beyond, 2526.
81
On the group of manuscripts illuminated there under the patronage of Teodora
Raoulaina, see R. S. Nelson & J. Lowden, Palaeologina Group: Additional Manu-
scripts and New Questions, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 45 (1991), 5968.
82
C. N. Constantinides, Higher Education in Byzantium in the Tirteenth and Fourteenth
Centuries (Nicosia: Cyprus Research Centre, 1982), 4345.
83
E. B. Fryde, Te Early Palaeologan Renaissance (1261 c. 1360) (Leiden: Brill, 2000),
181.
84
Parts of the correspondence are available in V. Laurant, La direction spirituelle
Byzance. La correspondance dIrne-Eulogie Choumnaina Palologine avec son second
directeur, REB 14 (1956), 4886. It can be found in its entirety in A Womans Quest
for Spiritual Guidance: Te Correspondence of Princess Irene Eulogia Choumnaina, ed. A.
Constantinides Hero (Brookline, MA: Hellenic College Press, 1986).
nun until her death in 1355.
85
Tis correspondence reects the spiritual and
intellectual ferment which spurred dissension between humanist and Pa-
lamite circles and touched the Byzantine aristocracy in the mid-fourteenth
century. Even though the assumption that Eulogias spiritual advisor was a
hesychast should be taken with caution,
86
the letters express high esteem for
the spiritual authorities such as Teoleptos of Philadephia and Athanasios
I, Patriarch of Constantinople,
87
whose writings bore relevance to the hesy-
chast teaching of Gregory Palamas.
88

Te Gorica Collection shows that the late-medieval Serbian aristoc-
racy draw on Byzantine literary traditions in its intellectual and spiritual
pursuits. Tat the patronage of literary work was cultivated among South-
Slavic aristocratic women as well, is shown by Bdinski Sbornik (Collection)
written in 1360 for Anna, wife of the Bulgarian tsar of Vidin, John Stratsi-
mir.
89
Te compilation revolves around monastic themes: lives of female
85
A.-M. Talbot, Philanthropos: Typikon of Irene Choumnaina Palaiologina for the
Convent of Christ Philanthropos in Constantinople, in Byzantine Monastic Founda-
tion Documents. A Complete Translation of the Surviving Founders Typika and Testaments,
III, eds. J. Tomas et al. (Washington DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 2000), no. 47, 13831388;
A. Hero, Irene-Eulogia Choumnaina Palaiologina, Abbess of the Convent of Philan-
thropos Soter in Constantinople, Byzantinische Forschungen IX (1985), 119146; V.
Laurent, Une princesse byzantine au clotre: Irne-Eulogie Choumnos Palologine,
fondatrice du couvent de femmes , Echos dOrient XXIX
(1930), 2960; R. Janin, Les Monastres du Christ Philanthrope Constantinople,
Revue des Etudes byzantines IV (1946), 135162; idem, La gographie ecclsiastique de
l Empire byzantin. Premire partie, Le sige de Constantinople et le Patriarcat cumnique.
Tome III, Les glises et les monastres, 2nd ed. (Paris 1969), 527529.
86
Te anonymous advisor states his love of solitude and quietness () more than
once, but J. Meyendor, in his Introduction to A Womans Quest for Spiritual Guidance,
18, suggests that it does not necessarily imply a hesychast monk, but may also imply a
life outside the usual monastic community.
87
Te young monk who acted as Eulogias spiritual guide also authored a few composi-
tions in honour of Patriarch Athanasios I, the copies of which were kept in Xerolophos,
the monastery founded by Athanasios I and an important hesychast centre in Constan-
tinople. On Teoleptos, see A. Constantinides Hero, Te Life and Letters of Teoleptos of
Philadelphia (Brookline, MA: Hellenic College Press, 1994); R. E. Sinkewicz, Teoleptos
of Philadelpheia. Te Monastic Discourses. A Critical Edition, Translation and Study, ser.
Studies and Texts CXI (Toronto: Pontical Institute for Mediaeval Studies, 1992); S.
Salaville, Un directeur spirituel Byzance au dbut du XIV
e
sicle: Tolepte de Phila-
delphie. Homlie sur Nol et la vie religieuse, in Mlanges Joseph de Ghellinck, Museum
Lessianum. Section historique XIV, vol. II (Gembloux: J. Duculot, 1951), 877887.
88
Meyendorf, Introduction, 1819.
89
Bdinski Sbornik, Ghent Slavonic Ms 408, A.D. 1360, facsimile edition with a presenta-
tion by I. Dujev (London: Variorum Reprints, 1972).
Balcanica XLIII 98
saints, excerpts from the Miterikon and accounts of the holy places in Je-
rusalem.
90
It is believed therefore to have been intended for novices or to
a female monastery which enjoyed Annas patronage.
91
A similar miscel-
lany commissioned by an aristocratic woman is the Teotokarion (State His-
torical Museum, Moscow, no. 3484) compiled in 1425 for the wife of Lje
Crnojevi, Mara. It contains sermons for the feasts of the Virgin and the
miracles of the Virgin,
92
and is believed to have been intended for the mon-
astery of the Dormition of the Virgin in the isle of Kom, a foundation of
the Crnojevi family.
Although the Gorica Collection still awaits a comprehensive critical
edition, it has been the object of many studies looking at it from literary,
philological, historical and theological perspectives.
93
Te questions posed
90
M. Petrova, A picture of female religious experience: Late-Byzantine anthologies of
women saints, in Kobieta w kulturze sredniowiecznej Europy (Poznan 1995), 195200;
eadem, Te Bdinski Sbornik: a case study. Otium. asopis za povijest svakodnevnice
4/1-2 (1996), 111; N. Georgieva-Gagova, Sustavitelskata kontseptsia na Bdinski
Sbornik, vprost za obrazovanite vladetelski suprugi i tehnite knigi, in Medievistika i
kulturna antropologia. Sbornik v chest na 40-godishnana tvorcheska deynost na prof. Donka
Petkanova (Soa 1988), 258281.
91
Gagova, Gorichkiyat Sbornik, 218.
92
K. Ivanova, Sbornik na Mara Leeva neizvesten pametnik na srbskama kninina
ot XV vek, in Slovensko srednjovekovno nasledje. Zbornik posveen profesoru Djordju
Trifunoviu, eds. Z. Viti et al. (Belgrade 2001), 211229.
93
For the studies of literary perspectives see N. Radoji, Dve istovetne prepiske iz XV
veka, jedna srpska i jedna vizantijska, Glasnik SAN IV, 1 (Belgrade 1952), 177178; Dj.
Sp. Radojii, O smernoj Jeleni i njenom Otpisaniju bogoljubnom, Delo 4 (Belgrade
1958), 590594, as well as his Tri Vizantinca kao stari srpski knjievnici, Tvorci i
dela stare srpske knjievnosti (Titograd: Graki zavod, 1963), 247250; Bogdanovi,
Goriki zbornik, 372380; Trifunovi, Dve poslanice, 289326; S. Tomin, Ot-
pisanije bogoljubno Jelene Bali. Prilog shvatanju autorskog naela u srednjovekovnoj
knjievnosti, in Nauni sastanak slavista u Vukove dane, vol. 30/2 (Belgrade 2002), 73
82; Gagova, Gorichkiyat Sbornik, 205214; T. Jovanovi, Putovanje u Svetu zemlju u
srpskoj knjievnosti od XIII do kraja XVIII veka, in Sveta zemlja u srpskoj knjievnosti
od XIII do kraja XVIII veka, ed. T. Jovanovi (Belgrade 2007), 14. For philological stud-
ies see D. Bogdanovi, Inventar rukopisa manastira Savina, in D. Medakovi, Manas-
tir Savina. Velika crkva, riznica, rukopisi (Belgrade 1978), 8996; M. Grkovi, Poslanice
Jelene Bali, Nauni sastanak slavista u Vukove dane 23/2 (Belgrade 1995), 195200; N.
Sindik, Kodikologija Gorikog zbornika, in Nikon Jerusalimac, ed. J. ulibrk, 185200;
N. Dragin, O povesti Nikona Jerusalimca u Gorikom zborniku, Zbornik Matice srpske
za lologiju i lingvistiku 44 (2001), 137143. For the historical studies see S. irkovi,
Metroloki odlomak Gorikog zbornika, ZRVI XVI (1975), 183189; N. Radoevi,
Kozmografski i geografski odlomci Gorikog zbornika, ZRVI XX (1981), 171184;
M. Ikonomu, Goriki zbornik poreklo, sadraj o kosmogoniji, Cyrillomethodianum
V (Tessaloniki 1981), 187196; Spremi, Crkvene prilike u Zeti, 73110; B. Bojovi,
by Jelena Bali and Nikons answers address the issue of the organization of
monastic life as well. Already in the second section titled God-Loving Reply
(14a 48b), Jelena speaks about her wavering between living a charitable
life in the world on the one hand and a life in the monastery on the other.
She asks her spiritual father to tell her something about both the communal
and the solitary ways of life, in the light of the ongoing debate on spiritual
matters in which some argue that Basil the Great praised coenobitism, as
opposed to those who suggest that he advocated a life in solitude and si-
lence (17a).
94
In the third and longest section, Nikon makes mention
95
of
Jelenas funerary church in the island of Gorica (85b): A ono eè gl(agol)
e{i mnq %ko tako izvolise bo(g)u i nam# s#zdati m(oli)tvnyi hram#
v# kameniè i grb#, n# v# mqsto aikom bezml#vnok# sim è i v#
tocq...%ko v# zemli doklitstqi tamo, v# ezqrq, r#savskom so ostrovi
mnozi. Mqsta kl$~ima sktqnom# p+styn&. pa~e èi monastyri velici
zdannyi è t prq`d# [You say that you desired to build a house of wor-
ship in stone, for God and for us, and a grave in a quiet place on the island
in the land of Dioclea, on Rosava Lake, there are many islands, places
which happen [to be] sketic deserts, moreover, great monasteries, erected
long ago]. As we can see, apart from the information about the location of
the church,
96
Nikon describes lake islands as places of sketic deserts. Te
next page contains the already quoted reference to Jelenas church and the
church of St George, followed by the Old Testament episode about Mo-
ses delivering the Jewish people from bondage and their joy in the desert
(86a): Sly{i i v#nemli tvqt#. Jsrailtqne egda prqsta{e t rabot#
egp#skyh# i v#seli{e se v# pustyn$ [Te Jews ceased being Egyptian
slaves and rejoiced in the desert]. Further down on the same page (86b),
Nikon describes the desert as the abode and place of temptation of the
prophet Elijah, Job and St John the Baptist: ila è prq`(d)e i j(a)nn#
semu poslqdova{e zakon+. I v# ubo v# karmili be(z)ml#va proho`(d)
Nikon le Hiorosolymitian, Le Recueil de Gorica, L idologie monarchiqe dans les hagio-
biographies dynastiques du moyen age Serbe (Rome 1995), 209220. For the studies of theo-
logical perspectives see E. Economou, Some observations on the Hesychast Diaspora in
the fteenth century, Studi sull Oriente Cristiano 2/2 (Rome 1998), 103110; M. Lazi,
Isihazam srpske knjige (Ni 1999), 138141, 215217, 223225; Jevti, Ispovedanje vere
Nikona Jerusalimca, 255268; Puri, Trojina terminologija, 269278; A. Radovi,
Hristolikost i bogorodinost ovjeka i ovjekovo stanje poslije smrti prema Nikonu Je-
rusalimcu, in Nikon Jerusalimac, ed. ulibrk, 279292; Balj, Ideje isihazma, 123142.
94
Trifunovi, Dve poslanice, 291; Balj, Ideje isihazma, 137.
95
Gagova, Gorichkiyat Sbornik, 210, briey refers to Nikons portrayal of the island
of Gorica as a desert.
96
Nikon makes mentions four times of Jelenas church, cf. Gagova, Gorichkiyat
Sbornik, 210.
Balcanica XLIII 100
aa{e po(d)vigo sebe prisvaae. vè v# pustyni pr(q)byvae... [Elijah,
and John before him, abided by the law. And Job, too, dwelling in the desert,
went to quiet places to pursue ascetic labours].
Nikon calls the lake islets a desert and likens them to Old and New
Testament examples.
97
Te complex notion of the desert, central to East-
ern Christian monasticism, as a rule refers to places intended for supreme
forms of asceticism.
98
Te use of biblical metaphors suggests that the author
felt it important to underscore that the practices were in fact the imitation
of Scriptural models. Central biblical gures, such as Moses, the prophet
Elijah and John the Baptist, pursued an ascetic life in the desert, and it was
in the desert that Christ experienced his rst temptation by the devil.
99
In
medieval Serbian texts, the word desert had a range of meanings.
100
In the
Gorica Collection, given the hesychast nature of the sources that Nikon drew
from,
101
the term desert was used to denote the habitat of a hermit, the place
of his ascetic labours.
Our most important source for the issue of the organization of mo-
nastic life Te Rules of Sketic Life is Nikons third letter (177a 257b).
102

97
On the use of biblical quotations in describing holy mountains, see D. Popovi, Pustin-
je i svete gore srednjovekovne Srbije, 263; Gagova, Gorichkiyat Sbornik, 211212.
98
On the notion of the desert, see Te Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, vol. 1, s. v.
Desert, by J. A.T(hompson) & A. C(utler), 613. On the Early Christian notion of the
desert documented in Byzantine written sources, see C. Rapp, Desert, City and Coun-
tryside in the Early Christian Imagination, Church History and Religious Culture 86:1/4
(2006), 93112. On the terminology of eremitic monasticism, see Popovi, Deanska
pustinja u okvirima vizantijskog i srpskog eremitskog monatva, 163223. See also
her Desert as Heavenly Jerusalem: the imagery of sacred space, in Making New Jeru-
salems. Te Translation of Sacred Spaces in Christian Culture, ed. A. M. Lidov (Moscow
2009), 3537; Pustinje i svete gore srednjovekovne Srbije, 253274; Pustinoiteljstvo
Svetog Save srpskog, Liceum 7, Kult svetih na Balkanu II (2002), 6179; as well as N.
Gagova & I. padijer, Dve varijante anahoretskog tipa u junoslovenskoj hagiograji
(Teodosijevo itije svetog Petra Korikog i Jevtimijevo itije svetog Jovana Rilskog),
in Slovensko srednjovekovno nasledje, 159175.
99
Popovi, Desert as Heavenly Jerusalem, 151; A. Guillaumont, La conception du
dsert chez les moins dEgypt, Aux origines du monachisme chrtien (Bgrolles-en-Mau- Bgrolles-en-Mau-
ges: Abbaye de Bellefontaine, 1979), 6787.
100
Popovi, Deanska pustinja, 163166, and Pustinje i svete gore, 258.
101
E.g. John Climacus, Simeon the New Teologian, Gregory Sinaites, Nikephoros
Kallistos Xanthopoulos, cf. Trifunovi, Dve poslanice, 256.
102
Te text is titled: Prqdanja ustavm iè kromq monastirskago ustava ìvu-
wih# sirq~# skytnqm#, pravilo v#sed#nevno iè my prqhm# t t#c# na{ih
iè i zde da izloìm# proizvolq$wjim#, D. Bogdanovi, Katalog irilskih rukopisa
manastira Hilandara (Belgrade: Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti & Narodna bibli-
oteka Srbije, 1978), 124.
Nikon laid down the typikon for the church and kellion of the Annuncia-
tion monastery at Jelenas order,
103
prescribing the rules of daily prayer for
the kellion and the rules for the Great, Apostles and Dormition fasts.
104
Te
typikon also contains sayings of the Fathers and instructions for the spiritual
struggle against evil thoughts.
105
It also prescribes that a hesychast monk
must not have any possession other than his own rasa. As Nina Gagova
rightfully observes, the Gorica Collection is unique among the manuscripts
commissioned by South-Slavic rulers of the fourteenth and fteenth centu-
ries in that it lays down the rule for a funerary church and its kellia. In the
above-cited account of Jelenas church, Nikon speaks of other lake islands
as places where monastic life observes the sketic rules of fasting and silence
(85b, 86a): We have heard, and indeed now we can see with our own eyes, that
there, in the land of Dioclea, on Rosava Lake, there are many islands, places which
happen [to be] sketic deserts, moreover, great monasteries, erected long ago. And you
say that the life of the monks in them is praiseworthy and that they live in love,
lled with the peace of Our Lord Jesus Christ, and in fasting, and in great silence;
and celebrating Gods mercy, with their mind set on the autocrat and king through
the words of God; and therefore without loving any of earthly things, true piety is
in those who have known the truth.
106
In his answer to Jelenas question about
the coenobitic and eremitic ways of life, Nikon, ten pages later, changes the
addressee and says: vy è, o(t)ci i br(a)ta [you, fathers and brethren],
which, unless it is an orthographic error, suggests that Jelena was surrounded
by a monastic community. Nikons words: obitqli s(veta)go i glavnago
veliko m(u~e)nika tropefora gerga [the community of the holy and
glorious great-martyr vanquisher George], attest to the presence of a monas-
tic community around the church of St George (86a). Briey, Nikons letters
seem to suggest that Jelena required a sketic typikon in order for the already
established small monastic communities on Lake Scutari to be able to oper-
ate under a single set of rules.
107
103
Bogdanovi, Goriki zbornik, 372380; Trifunovi, Dve poslanice, 294295; Ga-
gova, Gorichkiyat Sbornik, 214215.
104
Te Typikon prescribes that half the Psalter should be read in one night and day,
which is half the amount prescribed by the Typikon for the Karyes Kellion or the
Typikon for Observing the Psalter, both laid down by St Sava, cf. L. Mirkovi, Skitski
ustavi Sv. Save, Brastvo 28 (1934), 6367.
105
Trifunovi, Dve poslanice, 294.
106
Quoted from the translation from Old Slavonic into modern Serbian by hieromonk
Jovan (ulibrk), Uloga duhovnog oinstva u vaspitanju po Nikonu Jerusalimcu (BA
thesis, Duhovna akademija Sv. Vasilija Ostrokog, 2003), 29.
107
Fifteenth-century sketic typika have survived in Russia, where they were brought
by Nil Sorskii, founder of anchoritic monasticism in Russia, cf. E. V. Romanenko, Nil
Balcanica XLIII 102
Te lack of documentary sources makes it dicult to keep further
track of the monastic life in the isles of Lake Scutari, but the monasteries
economic history may be partly reconstructed from Ottoman imperial tax
registers (defters).
108
According to the earliest Ottoman imperial tax register,
of 1485, the monastery in Stareva Gorica was a taxpaying entity.
109
Ac-
cording to the one of 1570/1,
110
the vineyards and crop elds owned by the
monastery since the days of old were now recorded as monastic property.
111

Te surviving sources suggest that the monastery in Stareva Gorica stood
out as the wealthiest of all in the sanjak of Scutari.
112
A Cattaran, and Veni-
tian aristocrat, Mariano Bolizza (Marin Bolica), in his account of the sanjak
of Scutari written in 1614, described Stareva Gorica as one of the active
monasteries in the lake islets.
113
According to the Russian ethnographer and
historian Pavel Rovinsky (18311916), in the early twentieth century it was
unknown when exactly the church in Stareva Gorica fell into disuse.
114
Te
monasteries of St George (Beka) and of the Virgin (Moranik) occur to-
gether in the Ottoman defters of 1570/1 and 1582.
115
Te defters show that
Sorskii i tradicii russkogo monashestva (Moscow: Pamyatniki istoricheskoi mysli, 2003),
as well as her Nil Sorskii i tradicii russkogo monashestva Nilo-Sorskii skit kak
unikalnoe yavlenie monastyrskoi kultury Rusi XVXVII vv, Istoricheski vestnik 34
(1999), 89152.
108
O. Zirojevi, Posedi manastira u Skadarskom sandaku (Novi Pazar: DamaD, 1997),
6365.
109
S. Pulaha, Defter-i mufassal Liva-i Iskenderiyye sene 890, vol. II (Tirana 1974), 5.
110
Te defter of 1570/1 was created at the time the Ottoman central authority con-
scated all church and monastic real property in the Balkans, and then resold it to
the original owners. For more detail about the process and reasons for it, see A. Foti,
Konskacija i prodaja manastira (crkava) u doba Selima II (problem crkvenih vakufa),
Balcanica XXVII (1996), 4577.
111
Te monastic land holdings are listed in O. Zirojevi, Posedi manastira, 6364: in
the village of Srbska, two elds; in the village of Grle (Grlje), one eld; in the village
of Berislavci, twelve elds and a half of one more eld; in the village of Goriani, two
elds and the area of land called Radunov la; in the village of Gostilje, three elds; in
the village of Kadrun, four vineyards and ten dnms of elds; in the village of Krnica,
two vineyards and the area of land [known as] ipta; and in the village of Mesa, two
vineyards.
112
Zirojevi, Posedi manastira, 64.
113
M. Bolica , Opis sandakata skadarskog iz 1614. godine, Starine XII (Zagreb 1880),
quoted in P. Rovinski, Crna Gora u prolosti i sadanjosti, vol. I (Cetinje: Izdavaki centar
& Centralna narodna biblioteka; Sr. Karlovci/Novi Sad: Izdavaka knjiarnica Zorana
Stojanovia, 1993), 579.
114
Rovinski, Crna Gora, vol. IV, 443.
115
Zirojevi, Posedi manastira, 20 and 4849.
both monasteries regained full ownership of their former possessions,
116
and
that they owned vineyards and land in the same villages.
117
As has been said
above, Bolizza described both monasteries as active in 1614.
118

Conclusions suggested by this research concern several aspects of the
monastic life of the island communities on Lake Scutari. What we have
been able to learn of the organization of monastic life from the material
and written sources is that there were in the islands both sketae and smaller
coenobitic communities and, very likely, recluses as well. Given that the
monastic foundations of the Balis observed hesychast practices, it seems
reasonable to assume that small monastic communities of the type could
have been formed outside the monastic enclosures as well. Terefore, ar-
chaeological eld surveys in the area of Lake Scutari appear to be the logi-
cal next step in researching this topic. Apart from providing an insight into
the monastic lifestyles pursued by the island communities, the sources also
permit a glimpse into their spiritual life. Remarkably important to this topic
is the Gorica Collection, a literary work created in response to the spiritual
needs of Jelena Bali and the community in whose midst she spent a part
of her life. Te content and purpose of the manuscript shows that, in the
spiritual climate of the period, strongly marked by hesychast beliefs and
values, the island monasteries on Lake Scutari in Zeta were worthy pro-
tagonists of Serbian culture and spirituality. In the area of the activity of
the Balis as monastic founders and patrons, the greatest credit should be
ascribed to Jelena Bali. A founder and renovator of two churches in the
island of Beka, and patron and sponsor of the Gorica Collection, she may be
considered a relevant representative of late medieval court culture.
UDC 27-9-584(497.16 Skadar)(044.2)14
116
According to the defter of 1485, the monastery of St George owned three hous-
es, and that of the Virgin (Moranik), only one, cf. Pulaha, Defter-i Mufassal 890, 5;
Zirojevi, Posedi manastira, 20.
117
Beka and Moranik had land holdings in the villages of Kadrun (Skadar area), Bes
(Krajina), Gostilje (abljak), Bobovite (Krajina). For a detailed list of their estates, see
Zirojevi, Posedi manastira, 21 and 49.
118
Rovinski, Crna Gora, vol. I, 579.
Balcanica XLIII 104
Despotate of Serbia in 1423
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Lake Scutari. Monastery in Stareva Gorica with the church of the Dormition of the
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Lake Scutari. Monastery in Stareva Gorica: ground plan
Balcanica XLIII 106
Lake Scutari. Monastic complex in Beka: churches of St George (last two decades of
the fourteenth century) and of the Annunciation (1439)
Lake Scutari. Monastic complex in Beka: ground plan
Lake Scutari. Monastery in Moranik: ground plan
Lake Scutari. Monastery in Moranik with the church dedicated to the Virgin
(fteenth century)
Balcanica XLIII 108
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Aleksandra Djuri-Milovanovi
Belgrade
Serbs in Romania
Relationship between Ethnic and Religious Identity
Abstract: Te paper looks at the role of religion in the ethnic identity of the Serbs
in Romania, based on the eldwork conducted in August 2010 among the Serbian
communities in the Danube Gorge (Rom. Clisura Dunrii; loc. Ser. Banatska kli-
sura), western Romania. A historical perspective being necessary in studying and
understanding the complexities of identity structures, the paper oers a brief histori-
cal overview of the Serbian community in Romania. Serbs have been living in the
Banat since medieval times, their oldest settlements dating back to the fourteenth
and fteenth centuries. Today, they mostly live in western Romania (Timi, Arad,
Cara-Severin and Mehedini counties), Timioara being their cultural, political and
religious centre. Over the last decades, the community has been numerically declin-
ing due to strong assimilation processes and demographic trends, as evidenced by
successive census data (34,037 in 1977; 29,408 in 1992; 22,518 in 2002). Te major-
ity belong to the Serbian Orthodox Church (Diocese of Timioara), but a number
of neo-Protestant churches have appeared in the last decades. Te research focuses
on the role of the Orthodox religion among the Serbian minority in Romania and
the role of new religious communities in relation to national identity. Te role of the
dominant Serbian Orthodox Church in preserving and strengthening ethnic identity
is looked at, but also inuences of other religious traditions which do not overlap with
any particular ethnic group, such as neo-Protestantism. With regard to the suprana-
tional nature of neo-Protestantism, the aim of the study is to analyze the impact of
these new religions on assimilation processes among the Serbs in Romania and to
examine in what ways dierent religious communities inuence either the strength-
ening or the weakening of Serbian ethnic identity.
Keywords: Serbs in Romania, Serbian Orthodox Church, neo-Protestants, Baptists,
ethnic and religious identity, assimilation
1. An historical overview
T
he history of the Serbs in what now is Romania may be divided into
several distinctive periods: medieval, Ottoman, Habsburg, Austro-
Hungarian, world wars, communist and post-communist. After the rst
settlers who had come in medieval times, Serbian immigration continued
throughout the Ottoman period, which began with the Ottoman conquest
of southern Hungary, more precisely, of the Banat in 1522 and Criana in
1566. Most Serbs in Hungary settled in the course, or as a result, of the
Ottoman invasion and subsequent wars (Aleksov 2010, 46). Te most mas-
sive were two of these migrations, known as great, one led by Patriarch
Arsenije III in 1690, the other, by Patriarch Arsenije IV in 1739. From the
DOI: 10.2298/BALC1243117D
Balcanica XLIII 118
early sixteenth century until the end of the eighteenth, Serbs settled more
intensively and founded new settlements in Banat areas north of Timioara
(Cerovi 2000, 21). From the sixteenth century they also began to settle in
the southern Banat, in the Clisura Dunrii or Danube Gorge.
Ottoman rule ended in 1717, when the Banat was seized by the
Habsburgs. In order to give an economic and demographic impetus to its
newly-conquered territories, the Habsburg Monarchy began organized col-
onization, land was cleared for agriculture and settlements developed. Tis
planned resettlement carried out in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries
included German, Magyar, Slovak, Czech, Bulgarian, Romanian and other
settlers (Tejlor 2001, 1024). After the Military Frontier was established in
the early eighteenth century, Orthodox Christian Serbs from Buda, Koma-
rom and Esztergom
1
moved to the Tisza-Mure section of the Frontier, but
there was also an inow of Serbs into the Criana region, north of the Banat
(Pani 2003, 27). Te central institution of the Serbian population in the
Habsburg Monarchy, in religious as well as political terms, was the Serbian
Orthodox Church. Te Serbs were perceived as part of a broader Orthodox
entity, given that collective identications were powerfully inuenced by re-
ligion. In 1790, the Serbs in Hungary, aware of their distinctiveness in eth-
nic and political terms, convened a momentous political rally, the Assembly
of Temesvar/Timioara,
2
which came up with the rst Serbian national pro-
gramme (Pavlovi 2011, 33). Te Assembly put forth economic, political,
educational and cultural demands, which were a strong encouragement for
the development of the Serbian community. Moreover, the Assembly called
for territorial autonomy, a demand which, however, was not met (Pavlovi
2005, 97). After the Revolution of 1848, the imperial decree of 1849 estab-
lished the Woiwodschaft Serbien und Temescher Banat or the Duchy of Serbia
and Temesvar Banat (abolished in 1860), the Austrian crown land seated in
Timioara, within which a reform of Serbian schooling and culture could
begin.
3
Under the terms of the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867,
the Serb-inhabited areas came under Hungarian administration. Te period
between 1867 and 1918 was marked by a strong Magyarization pressure on
the non-Magyar population, including the Serbs as one of the numerically
strongest ethnic group in southern Hungary (Aleksov 2010, 4046).
After the First World War, the Banat was partitioned: Romania ob-
tained the city of Timioara and many Serb-inhabited settlements, and the
1
Te Serbs had been settled there since the migration under Arsenije III arnojevi in
the late seventeenth century (cf. Pani 2003).
2
For more on the Assembly, cf. Gavrilovi & Petrovi 1972; Gavrilovi 2005.
3
On the archival sources for the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century history of the
Serbs in Romania, cf. Gavrilovi 1994.
A. Djuri-Milovanovi, Serbs in Romania 119
Serbs in Romania were granted national minority status (Pavlovi 2003,
342). Under the terms of the Paris Peace Conference, some 50,000 Serbs
distributed in about fty settlements found themselves within the borders
of Romania. Te status of the Serbian minority in Romania was regulated by
international agreements between the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slo-
venes and the Kingdom of Romania. Te Banat was divided into Serbian,
Romanian and Hungarian, and the international borders were conrmed
by the Treaties of Versailles (1919) and Trianon (1920).
4
In the interwar
period, the Serbs in Romania had the right to their own schools, church and
cultural organizations. Political changes as an outcome of the Second World
War had their eect on the Serbian minority as well. It was soon exposed
to various forms and levels of assimilation, culminating after the Resolution
of the Cominform (1948). Tis unfavourable situation, which continued
until 1989, had its harshest ramications in the area of religion. In 1948
the entire education system in Romania was nationalized and placed under
state control, and all Serbian confessional schools were shut down. Te early
communist period was marked by strong assimilation pressures, including
the deportation of the Banat Serbs to the Baragan Plain near the Danube
delta in 1951.
5
Te period between the enactment of the Romanian Con-
stitution of 1965 and the collapse of communism in 1989 was marked by
the normalization of relations between Yugoslavia and Romania (Pavlovi
2003, 343). Te post-communist period has seen the introduction of several
new legislations concerning minority issues, and the Constitution of 1991
has to a great extent ensured protection of minority rights (ethnic, reli-
gious, linguistic), and enabled the Serbian and other ethnic communities to
have their representatives in parliament. Tus, the position of the Serbian
community is undergoing a change, experiencing a revival of tradition and
religion, the establishing of community organizations (such as the Union of
Serbs in Romania) and the re-establishing of former institutions. For the
Serbian minority in Romania, the last ten years have been a period of im-
provement both in terms of creating institutions whose purpose is to further
the preservation of their language, traditions and customs and in terms of
support extended from various institutions in Serbia.
4
An informative volume on the Serbian Banat (eds. Maticki & Jovi) published in 2010
oers an historical overview from prehistoric times, looking at the colonization of the
Banat, the period of Ottoman rule, the Ottoman-Habsburg War of 168399, Habsburg
rule (17161918), the Assembly of Temesvar, the division of the Banat and the 1921
Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, as well as a look at cultural
and literary life in the Banat, with special reference to great Serbian authors associated
with the Banat in one way or another (Dositej Obradovi, Jovan Sterija Popovi, Milo
Crnjanski and Vasko Popa).
5
For more on the deportations, see Milin & Stepanov 1996.
Balcanica XLIII 120
2. Serbs in Romania: current situation
According to the 2002 census, the Serbian community in Romania num-
bers 22,562 persons, which makes it the eighth in numerical strength
among Romanias twenty national minorities. Te census shows that Serbs
are distributed in all counties, but mostly in those of Timi (13,273), Cara-
Severin (6,082), Arad (1,217) and Mehedini (1,178).
6
Te area with the
highest concentration of Serbs is the Banat, where they mostly live in eth-
nically mixed environments, accounting for more than eighty percent of
the population in only four settlements in the Danube Gorge: Belobreca,
Divici, Cralov and Radimna. Demographically, the Serbian community
in Romania shows low birth rates and an ageing population. Te presence
of Serbs in the Banat involves the areas of Muntenegrul bnean (Banats-
ka Crna Gora), Clisura Dunrii (Danube Gorge) and highland areas east
of Timioara. Teir numbers in Muntenegrul bnean and the northeast
Banat rapidly decreased after the Romanian Orthodox Church became in-
dependent from the Serbian Orthodox Metropolitanate of Karlowitz (Kar-
lovci) in the second half of the nineteenth century.
7
A large number of Serb-
inhabited settlements then came under the Sibiu Metropolitanate, which
exercised jurisdiction over the Orthodox Christian Romanians (Cerovi
2000, 34).
Today, the largest number of members of the Serbian minority lives
in settlements in the Danube Gorge, which stretches along 142 km from
Bazia to Drobete-Turnu Severin. In thirteen of its settlements, Serbs
have been living since medieval times: Radimna, Moldova Veche, Zlatia,
Lescovia, Liubcova, Socol, Divici, Svinia, Cmpia, Mceti, Belobreca,
Pojejena, and Bazia (Tomi 1989). Research suggests that Bazia was
founded in the thirteenth century and is the oldest settlement in the Dan-
ube Gorge, followed by Radimna, Zlatia, Lescovia, and Svinia; there were
Serbian families in almost all settlements in the area, and Moldova Nou is
known to have had a Serbian church and priest in 1877 (Tomi 1989, 18).
In most settlements, the Serbian children attend classes in their mother-
tongue, but due to the decreasing number of pupils, often as the result of
migration from villages to cities, more and more of them begin to attend
classes in Romanian.
Although Serbian is a vanishing language in this region nowadays, the
presence of various Serbian institutions, schools and the Church has helped
its survival. Te current sociolinguistic situation is markedly characterized by
6
For more statistical data for the Serbs in Romania, see Stepanov 2007.
7
On Serbian-Romanian church relations, see e.g. Lupulovici 2009; Bokan 1998; Bu-
garski 1994; Hitchins 1977.
bilingualism and, in certain cases, by majority language monolingualism. Te
role of Serbian is not important only within the Serbian Orthodox Church,
as its language of worship, but also in the Serbian neo-Protestant communi-
ties, given that language constitutes an important marker of ethnic identity
of non-Orthodox Serbs as well. Te Serbian children attend eleven four-
year schools with about 500 pupils, and two eight-year schools with classes
taught both in Serbian and in Romanian. Tere is a Serbian high school
(gymnasium) in Timioara (Dositej Obradovi), as well as university de-
partments for Serbian studies in Timioara and Bucharest. Te schools in the
Serbian language, however, are evidently fading away; in certain places there
are classes in the mother tongue only for the rst four years, and there are an
increasing number of bilingual children coming from mixed marriages, who
tend to proceed to higher levels of education in Romanian.
Serbs in Romania are organized into the Union of Serbs founded in
1989 with the aim of preserving their cultural and religious identity. Te
Serbian press, considerably richer in the past,
8
today is centred round the
daily Naa re (Our Word), the magazine Knjievni ivot (Literary Life),
and the weekly Temivarski vesnik (Timioara Herald) started in 2009.
What appears to be imminent for the Serbian community in Romania, and
for the other Serbian diaspora communities, is a process of assimilation and
acculturation, with religion and language playing a key role in the process.
9
3. Religious identity of the Serbs in Romania
Historically, the role of the Serbian Orthodox Church was important in
the formation of national identity, since the Serbs in Romania tend to base
their ethnic identity on religion and language. Tus the Serbs who do not
speak Serbian and are not members of the Serbian Orthodox Church are
often perceived as not being true Serbs. Te Serbian Orthodox Church is
doubtlessly the keeper of the tradition, language and customs of the Serbs
in Romania today. However, the role of the church in modern societies has
been changing in response to the changing socio-historical circumstances.
10

8
Te beginnings of the Serbian press in todays Romania can be traced back to 1827,
when Dimitrije P. Tirol launched the Banatski almanah (Banat Almanac), followed by
the political paper Juna pela (Southern Bee) in 1851, the literary paper Svetovid in
1852, Sloga (Concord) in 1918. Later on a number of dierent literary magazines sprang
up such as the almanacs ivot (Life, in 1936) and Novi ivot (New Life, in 1957).
9
For a more detailed account of dierent forms of acculturation and assimilation among
the Serbs in Timioara, see Pavlovi 2005.
10
A recent study of the Serbian Orthodox theologian and philosopher Radovan Bigovi
(2010, 14) points to the changed role of the church in modern society, and emphasizes
Balcanica XLIII 122
Religious pluralism poses an ever greater challenge for modern societies,
both for religious communities and for governments. Under communism,
the Serbian community, and Orthodox Christianity in general, were pri-
marily characterized by secularization, manifest in a decline in churchgoing
and in the number of public religious festivals and gatherings. According
to the ethnologist Mirjana Pavlovi (2008, 135), in reference to the Serbs
in Timioara, religion was not forbidden by law, but it came to be seen as
undesirable and retrograde, while the practice of religion was normatively
strictly privatized and conned to the family circle and places of worship.
After the fall of communism, many East-European countries have expe-
rienced a religious revival, but also the emergence of new ways of experi-
encing and displaying religious feelings: Particular shape and form of this
religious growth and structural changes of the religious mentalities occurred
in the process of transition from a closed, ideologically monopolized soci-
ety to pluralist one (Gog 2006, 37). However, mainline churches in East-
ern Europe nd themselves in a complex situation. On the one hand, they
have recovered from spiritual and institutional segregation. On the other
hand, they have to come to terms with the new social realities they face
and respond to the new challenges, the greatest of which is perhaps that of
religious pluralism (Merdjanova 2001, 281). It should be noted, however,
that the presence of Roman Catholics, Greek-Catholics and Protestants,
primarily in the Banat and Transylvania, makes religious diversity a phe-
nomenon of a much earlier date in Romania. Te predominant religion of
the Serbian community in Romania, Orthodoxy, does not dier from that
of the majority nation. Tere are in Romania Serbian Orthodox churches
in almost every place where Serbs live. Te eparchy of the Serbian Or-
thodox Church in Romania is seated in Timioara and has three churches
in the city itself. Te Serbian Orthodox Diocese of Timioara comprises
57 parishes within 56 church communities, with 67 parish and monastery
churches and chapels. Tere are ve monasteries of the Serbian Orthodox
Church, which are very important in the history and spiritual tradition of
the Serbs in Romania: Bazia (Bazja), Zlatia (Zlatica), St.Gheorghe (Sv.
Djuradj), Bezdin and Cusici (Kusi).
11
As observed by the Serbian Ortho-
that the functioning of modern societies is independent of ecclesiastical authorities,
religious doctrines and church canons.
11
Te founding of the Serbian monasteries in what now is Romania began at the time
of St Sava of Serbia in the early thirteenth century (Zlatia), and continued until the
Ottoman conquest in the sixteenth century (Bazia, Cusici, Bezdin). Tradition has it
that Zlatia was founded by the Serbian archbishop Sava (St Sava), of the Nemanji
dynasty, in 1225; he endowed it with estates and appointed its rst abbot; the monastery
suered damage under Ottoman rule. For more, see Kosti 1940, 65.
dox Bishop of Timioara Lukijan
(Lucian), speaking about the preser-
vation of the identity of his church in
Romania: Tere is a centuries-long
tradition of cooperation and mutual
respect with the Romanians and the
Romanian Orthodox Church, espe-
cially because Romanians, the same
as Serbs, are an Orthodox people,
which means that we share the same
religion, the same baptism, the same
Eucharist. Tat is the greatest wealth
of Christianity (Panteli 2008, 7).
According to the abovemen-
tioned census, there are among the
Serbs in Romania about 21,000 Or-
thodox and 284 Roman Catholic,
12

the rest being members of neo-Prot-
estant communities, the most numer-
ous of which are Baptists, Pentecostals, Nazarenes and Seventh-Day Ad-
ventists. Living in ethnically and religiously heterogeneous areas, the Serbs
in Romania came into more direct contact with German and Hungarian
missionaries who began to spread neo-Protestantism in the mid-eighteenth
century. Te term neo-Protestantism primarily refers to religious communi-
12
Te data for Roman Catholics most probably refer to Krashovans/Karaevci, who
are Catholics but declare themselves variously as Serbs, Croats or Karaovani. Te issue
of Krashovan identity has been studied the most by the linguist Milja Radan (2002).
According to the Serbian historian Ljubomir Cerovi (2000, 38), it has been assumed
that Krashovans are Serbs who converted to Roman Catholicism at a time of one of
the most massive conversions of Serbs to Catholicism in the east Banat carried out by
Rome in 1366. Te Krashovans have kept many elements of Orthodoxy, including the
Julian calendar. In the view of the distinguished Serbian ethnologist Jovan Erdeljanovi,
the Krashovans constitute the oldest Serbian ethnic layer in the Banat, while the geog-
rapher Jovan Cviji argues that they had come to the Banat from the area of the Crna
Reka, a tributary of the Timok, in the late fourteenth century, and that they converted
to Roman Catholicism in their new environment. Radan species the Krashovan-
inhabited settlements in the valley of the Kara/Cara in the south-west Romanian
Banat: Karaevo, Vodnik, Jabale, Klokoti, Lupak, Nermidj, Ravnik. Te Krashovans
lived in the southern Serbian Banat in the following settlements: Banatski Karlovac,
Izbite, Uljma, Gudurica and VelikoSredite. In May 2010, researches of the Institute
for Balkan Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts (Biljana Sikimi and
Aleksandra Djuri-Milovanovi) conducted a short eld research with descendants of
the Krashovans in Uljma and Izbite. Te results of this research await publication.
Serbian Orthodox monastery
of Bazia, Romania
Balcanica XLIII 124
ties that arose from some of the branches of the Reformation, most often
from Anabaptists, Pietists and Mennonites, during the nineteenth and in
the early twentieth century.
13
In the Habsburg Monarchy, neo-Protestant
communities began to be established in ethnically mixed environments,
while the rst missionaries were Germans and Hungarians. Te largest neo-
Protestant communities, Nazarene, Baptist, Adventist and Pentecostal, re-
cruited followers from many ethnic groups in the Banat. Although conver-
sion to another religious tradition was less frequent among Orthodox Serbs
than among Germans, Magyars or Slovaks, i.e. members of some of the
Protestant churches, during the twentieth century neo-Protestantism found
a certain number of followers among Orthodox believers as well. Te Bap-
tist movement, on which this paper is primarily focused, began to spread
from Germany in the nineteenth century, reaching Denmark, Austria, Po-
land andHungary, and, to an extent, parts of the Balkans and Russia.
14
Te
constant source of missionaries was the Hamburg theological school and a
driving force behind the missionary undertaking was one of the founders of
the modern German Baptist movement, Johann Gerhard Oncken (Bjelajac
2010, 92). At rst the Baptist missionary work in the Habsburg Monarchy
was targeted on the German-speaking population, but later on Baptist pas-
tors also began to preach in Magyar, Slovak, Romanian and Serbian. Te
rst independent Baptist church was founded in Novi Sad in 1892, and
Baptist communities were also founded among Romanians and Slovaks in
the Banat. Te rst Romanian converts in 1917, Mihai Grivoi and Gruia
Bara, were coal miners at Reia. Tis is a valuable piece of information,
since many of the subsequent Serbian converts were also workers in this
and other mines (Bjelajac 2010, 103). Te Baptists were recognized as a re-
ligious community only in 1944, but the recognition did not much improve
13
For a very detailed chapter on Protestantism in Eastern Europe, see McGrath &
Marks 2004. As far as Serbian authors are concerned, Branko Bjelajac has oered,
in several of his studies (notably Bjelajac 2002), a detailed historical overview of the
founding and development of Protestant communities in Serbia.
14
A Baptist doctrine was rst formulated in the early seventeenth century by the Eng-
lish Puritans John Smyth and Tomas Helwys. It spread to other parts of Europe in
the nineteenth century, at rst to Germany, later on to Scandinavia. Baptist theology
is evangelical, and the Baptists most important mission is evangelization. Today, Bap-
tist denominations across the world share the following dogmatic principles: the Holy
Scripture as the supreme authority on the issues of faith and life; a local church as an
autonomous community of believers answerable to no one but the Lord, Jesus Christ;
every reborn believer has direct access to the Gods throne and shares in Christs royal
priesthood (priesthood of all believers); individuals are sovereign in matters of faith;
only adult persons can be baptized, and by submersion. For more detail on the Baptists
in Serbia and Romania, see Bjelajac 2010; Popovici 2007.
their position.
15
Tey were not allowed to perform baptism or to preach in
public, and Bible distribution was limited. In the post-communist era, some
neo-Protestant communities which had been operating underground, or
had not been recognized by law, were granted a dierent status. In what
Paul Mojzes calls the religious topography of Romania after the fall of
communism, dierent neo-Protestant communities have seen a signicant
numerical growth. Tus, with about 129,000 members, the Baptist Union
of Romania, a member of the Baptist World Alliance, is among the largest
Baptist bodies in Europe; it is followed by the quite large Pentecostal body
(Mojzes 1999). Many neo-Protestant churches have been built in the Ro-
manian Banat since 1989, and with considerable nancial support from Ro-
manian immigrants in the United States of America, Canada and Western
Europe. With new forms of religiosity now becoming part of a new cultural
identity in contemporary societies, it appears worthwhile to examine what
kind of changes are taking place in the process of formulating the ethnic
identity of members of some minority communities.
4. Serbs in the Danube Gorge: ethnographic material
4.1. Baptists in the Serbian settlements in the Danube Gorge
Tis paper is based on the qualitative-oriented eld research conducted in
August 2010 in the Serbian settlements of Radimna (481), Pojejena (321),
Moldova Veche (1423), Divici (296) and Liubcova (412).
16
It encompassed
both Orthodox and Baptist Serbs, the latter being the most numerous neo-
Protestant group in the region.
17
Based on semi-guided interviews, partici-
pants life stories and participant observation, we have sought to get as com-
plete a picture as possible of the relationship between the Serb adherents
to two dierent Christian traditions, and of the ways in which they articu-
15
Te position of neo-Protestant communities under communism in Romania, with
special reference to the Baptist communities in Cluj-Napoca, has been discussed by
Denisa Bodeanu (2007), in a study covering the period of 19481989. Apart from the
archival material, she has included more than forty interviews with members of Baptist
communities active in the period.
16
Te gures in the brackets refer to the total number of Serbs according to the census
of 2002.
17
I wish to express my gratitude to the Eparchy of the Serbian Orthodox Church in
Timioara, the Union of Serbs in Romania, the Baptist pastors from Radimna, Liub-
cova, Pojejena, Moldova Veche and Coronini, and last but not least, to all interviewees,
for helping me to collect material for this paper. I also wish to express my particular
gratitude to the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts and the Romanian Academy
of Sciences (Timioara Branch) whose project cooperation has made this research pos-
sible.
Balcanica XLIII 126
late their religious and ethnic identities, assuming that such an insight may
help us understand how a community builds its identity and alterity. One
of the goals of the eldwork was to collect the material in the settlements
with largest communities of Baptist Serbs. Namely, interviewees participat-
ing in a research on the neo-Protestant Romanian communities in Serbia
(conducted from 2007) often mentioned their contacts and cooperation
with both Romanian and Serbian communities in Romania. Tis coopera-
tion has been intensied since the recent start of a partnership programme
between the Baptist Union of Romania and Baptist churches in Serbia,
which includes monthly visits of Baptist pastors and missionaries to Baptist
churches in Serbia. Te Bucharest-based Baptist Union of Romania is a
legally recognized religious organization. Te most numerous and largest
Baptist communities can be found in the Romanian Banat, especially in the
cities of Oradea, Arad and Timioara. As our research has shown, unlike the
situation in the Danube Gorge settlements, among the Serbs in the north-
ern Banat, i.e. Muntenegrul bnean, Baptist communities are not many.
Nazarenes were the rst neo-Protestants to appear among the Banat
Serbs in the Habsburg Monarchy in the late nineteenth century.
18
Trough
the activity of German and Hungarian missionaries, Nazarene beliefs spread
in many settlements with an Orthodox population. As a result of their paci-
st beliefs, many Nazarenes were imprisoned during both world wars, and
many emigrated from Romania. Due to their marked insularity and non-
proselytism, as well as the emergence of other neo-Protestant communities,
the number of Nazarenes in Romania has been steadily decreasing, so that
today they are no more than 1000 (with the seat in Arad). Nazarene Serbs
lived in the areas of Arad, Timioara and in settlements along the border.
Today, the Nazarene community in Timioara has about fty members,
including a few Serbs. According to the eld data, there are several fami-
lies of Nazarene Serbs in the Danube Gorge settlements. However, lacking
their own local place of worship, they gather once a month in the town of
Moldova Nou. In the memory of Orthodox priests and believers, Naza-
renes usually evoke the existence of their separate cemeteries, the singing of
hymns at their gatherings, families with many children, and their upright-
ness and discipline. However, there where Nazarenes were present in larger
numbers, Baptists were few or none at all. Baptist beliefs spread among the
18
In 2006 the historian Bojan Aleksov published a more detailed study on Nazarenes,
Religious Dissent between the Modern and National: Nazarenes in Hungary and Serbia
18501914. Aleksov gives an account of the Nazarene community from the late eight-
eenth century until the First World War, looks at Nazarene inuences on the movement
of Bogomoljci (Devotionalists) and the strengthening of nationalism within the Serbian
Orthodox Church. For an article on Nazarene Romanians in Serbia from an anthropo-
logical perspective, see Djuri-Milovanovi 2010.
Serbs of the Danube Gorge settlements by Nazarene Romanians, but they
were more reluctant to adopt them than Romanians (Budimir 1994, 60).
Te rst appearance of the Baptist faith in these areas is associated with the
arrival in 1878 of German colporteurs of the Bible Society from Budapest.
It was rst embraced by Germans, later on by Romanians, while the rst
Serbian Baptist communities were founded in some Serbian settlements in
the Danube Gorge in the early twentieth century. Te rst conversions to
Baptist Christianity took place about 1919 in Moldova Nou and Coro-
nini, which soon became missionary centres with preachers spreading the
Baptist faith to other nearby settlements (Popovici 2007, 167). It should
be noted that in some cases it was Nazarenes who converted to Baptist
Christianity and then spread it in their native places: In Moldova Veche
it was the Nazarene Iva Stefanovi who introduced the Baptist faith to the
village (Budimir 1994, 86). In 1936 two Serbian families in Pojejena Srb
converted to Baptist Christianity, but the rst baptisms, in the river Rad-
imna, were not performed until 1948. It was only in 1975 that the church
in Pojejena Srb obtained permission and started to oer worship services
in the Serbian language. In one of the oldest Danube Gorge settlements,
Radimna, the rst Baptist baptism was performed in 1954, and the newly-
converted Baptists used to gather in a private home. In the following years,
the Baptist Serbs, lacking a place of worship of their own, attended ser-
Serbian settlements in the Danube Gorge
Divici
R
o
m
a
n
i
a
S
e
r
b
i
a
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Zlatia
Balcanica XLIII 128
vices in a neighbouring place three kilometres away. After many di cul-
ties with authorities, a Serbian Baptist church was founded in Radimna in
1988. Te largest single baptism was performed in 1993, involving some
twenty people, and with the attendance of two brothers from Yugoslavia
[who] gave sermon in the Serbian language (Budimir 1994, 73). In several
Serbian villages (Divici, Bazia, Belobreca, Zlatia), Baptist communities,
however few, emerged only after the 1989 Revolution. Te growth of Bap-
tist communities has come as a result of Baptist missionary work, greater
number of theologically educated preachers, and the status of its being a
legally recognized denomination. Farther south in the Banat, more precisely
in the Danube Gorge, there are several settlements where Serb members
account for more than one half of the Baptist community, and in some of
them worship services are performed in Serbian, which primarily goes for
the Serbian village of Radimna, whose Baptist community numbers some
seventy members. Te village of Pojejena Srb, with its earliest Serbian
Baptist community in Romania, nowadays does not have more than thirty-
ve believers. In Moldova Veche, the Baptist community comprises both
Serbs and Romanians, and services are performed in Romanian. Te south-
ernmost settlement included in our research is Liubcova, although Baptist
Serbs are quite few and worship services are performed in Romanian. Our
interlocutors generally speak poor Serbian. In the case of older generations,
one of the reasons may be mixed marriages, while younger generations in-
creasingly attend classes in Romanian language. Te only fully competent in
using the Serbian language is the oldest generation, the middle generation
uses Serbian to communicate with the older generation, while the youngest
use their mother tongue very rarely.
19
Te process of acculturation and as-
similation is in many cases spurred and accelerated by mixed marriages.
4.2. Usand Others: Orthodox Serbs and Baptist Serbs
One of the focuses of our eld research, and this paper, is the perception
of the religious Other within one ethnic group, i.e. how Orthodox Serbs
perceive themselves in relation to non-Orthodox Serbs, and how Serbs be-
longing to a minority religion articulate their religious identity and build
relations with the confession accepted by the majority.
20
To examine the
19
Sociolinguistic situation characterized by the loss of the mother tongue in diaspora
communities has also been described by Tanja Petrovi (2009) for the Serbs in Bela
Krajina (Slovenia).
20
It should be noted that eld data suggest that Serbs, in contrast to Romanians, hardly
ever convert and that therefore we cannot speak about a large number of Baptist Serbs
in general, but only of their not negligible presence in certain geographical areas.
role of religion in the forming and strengthening of the ethnic identity of a
diaspora community is a complex and demanding research task.
Te eld research was conducted in the form of interviews in the in-
terviewees mother tongue, Serbian, based on a semi-guided questionnaire,
and with the use of participant observation strategies. Te topics included
everyday religious practices, conversion, family histories, mixed marriages,
but also attitudes towards the religious other in local communities. Ortho-
dox interviewees described the number of Baptist Serbs as very small, ex-
cept in Radimna, where the Serbian Baptist community is numerically the
strongest. Almost all Baptist interviewees pointed to the year 1989 (revolu-
tion in Romania) as a turning point for the numerical growth and overall
improvement of the position of their Baptist community:
[1] In 19751988 there were no baptisms, then three women converted
from the Orthodox Church; we were baptized in 1989 and in 1993 the
church had twenty members; we had evangelization, we organized baptism
in the river, twenty [people] from Radimna alone. A lot of young people
were there. Tat was the largest baptism. Ten we began to build a new
church. (GD; B; Radimna)
21
[2] Tere was no church in our village. In 1975 I started to go to the
church in Pojejena, the Romanian Pojejena. We went there on foot, then
[we started to go] to uca. After the revolution we were given the oppor-
tunity to build a church. (G ; B; Radimna)
[3] Believers from Radimna had been going to Pojejena and to uca for
thirty years, until 1988. After the revolution, a church was established here.
(IC; B; Radimna)
A majority of the Baptist interviewees are the rst or second genera-
tion of believers, as compared to the already second or third generation of
believers in the Baptist communities in Serbia (the Serbian Banat). Con-
version was inspired by the example of their Romanian Baptist neighbours
and Baptist missionary activity. Our interlocutors spoke about the rst en-
counters with Baptist Romanians, who sang religious songs, preached and
read the Bible while working in the mine in Moldova Veche. Although the
founding of the rst Baptist communities is generally placed in the 1960s
and 1970s, the eighties and the post-communist period have seen a signi-
cant growth: congregations began to build their houses of prayer, so that
21
Given in the brackets at the end of every fragment are the initials of the interviewee,
the letter B for Baptist or O for Orthodox, and the name of the place where the inter-
view was recorded. For the purpose of clarity, the interviewers questions are italicized,
and the interview fragments designated with numbers. Te English translation of the
transcribed fragments, selected from the audio corpus containing 15 hours of recorded
material, demanded minor alterations in order to be understandable to non-Serbian
speakers.
Balcanica XLIII 130
now they no longer have to gather in private homes.Tey all took part in
the building of churches with the help of their fellow believers from abroad.
Most Baptist Serbs previously went to a Serbian Orthodox church, or come
from Orthodox families. Few of our interlocutors were born into a Baptist
family, which indicates the recentness of the conversion process. Although
Radimna is the largest Serbian Baptist community, worship services are
partly held in Serbian, and the sermon is preached in Romanian. In other
settlements worship services are mostly bilingual.
[4] In what language are worship services? At rst everything was in Serbian.
Now we do it more in Romanian; more pastors are educated in Romanian,
thats why. ( G; B; Radimna)
[5] We spoke Serbian for ten minutes in Pojejena. Tere was evangelization
in the courtyard, the pastor from Pojejena [was] from Langovet, we said
everything in Serbian. (SB; B; Pojejena)
[6] Today services are in Romanian; there are not many Serbs any more,
and now every Serb speaks Romanian. (SM; B; Liubcova)
Neo-Protestantism has been embraced by Romanians more widely
than by Serbs, but even so, the latter do not tend to convert easily. Our in-
terviewees mentioned only very few Nazarene Serbs, while Baptists are the
most numerous neo-Protestant group among the Serbs in Romania, above
all in the Danube Gorge area. In the discourse of our interlocutors about
their baptism, i.e. conversion, the reaction of their broader community, their
family and the Orthodox Church occupied a central place:
[7] Te priest was against it, he went to the police to complain about us.
We are like sectarians, we do not believe in the cross, we do not celebrate
the slava
22
on Mitrovdan [St. Demetrius Day], on Petkovaa [St. Petkas
Day]. ( G; B; Radimna)
[8] What do your neighbours say? Tey say, You do as you please, Ill go
where my parents are. Tey dont want to leave their dead, to not have me-
morial service held for them, their graves censed. (PI; B; Radimna)
[9] My father said to me, Im ashamed to show my face because of what
you did, you went over to the Pocaiti.
23
(ND; B; Moldova Veche)
[10] Its the greatest sin to change from one faith to another. And I say, Its
one God. Me, abandoning my faith, I didnt abandon my faith, I believe in
Lord Jesus. (GI; B; Radimna).
22
Te celebration of the family (or village church) patron saints feast day is specic to
Orthodox Christian Serbs, who consider it a peculiarity of their culture. Every house-
hold observes one or two family saints days a year and the custom is passed on from
father to son.
23
Pocait, pl. pocaiti, penitent, is the Romanian word for neo-Protestants, in this case,
Baptists.
[11] It was a heavy cross to bear for us because of our sister. Nobody liked
us being in this faith. We were driven out of our home twice. We suered a
lot because of the faith. My mother was not against it, but the whole family
was. (SM; B; Radimna)
[12] Tey started to agitate my husband. At rst, they said, Some penitent
you are, what you did is a sin. Tey say our faith is imaginary... But I believe
in the same God as you do. (AL; B; Divici)
Te Baptists are admitted into the community of the faithful through
baptism. As they reject infant baptism, only adults can be members of the
community. Most of our interlocutors had been baptized (usually at an
early age) into the Orthodox Church. Trough being re-baptized, now as
adults, they were admitted into a new community of faith. Bible reading
is an essential topic in the discourse of our Baptist interlocutors, both
as a moment of revelation, and as one of the ways in which Romanian
missionaries acquainted Serbs with Baptist beliefs:
[13] How did you convert? How did I convert? I converted, in fact I read the
Holy Scripture. You dont become Protestant if I convince you to, but when
the Bible comes into your hands. A man who has become Protestant can
explain the Holy Scripture by himself. Not everybody becomes Protestant.
Te Bible must be given to people the way it is written, to be available as
it is written; its better not to give them any biblical study at all... (ND; B;
Moldova Veche)
[14] Ten I look at them, and they sing, talk of the Bible, talk of church
work. Tey pray, and I say to my wife, Tey are praising the Lord. Tey pray
at meals, how nice it is, a nice lifeI go to work with them they pro-
pose to give me a Holy Scripture. Tey have the Holy Scripture in Serbian
they prayed in Romanian, they were Romanian. Our village, few people,
nobody know who believers are, some [are] poor. (SM; B; Radimna)
[15] Are there any Baptists among the Serbs? Here, no, only [among] Gyp-
sies. Among Romanians, yes, there are. Tey are very active. Elsewhere,
theres not a single village without at least a few. Not many, but they are
there. If not Baptists, then Nazarenes, if not Nazarenes, then Pentecostals,
or Jehovah Witnesses. (VP; O; Moldova Veche)
Both Baptist and Orthodox Serbs say that the number of Serb
members of Baptist churches is small, but there are some in most villages.
Te conversion process is met with the strong reaction of the converts
environment, which sees it as an unacceptable behaviour, often as a result of
the stigma attached to Baptist Serbs by the Orthodox majority:
[16] Tere were very few Serbs in the Baptist Church before, and this
hasnt changed. Very rarely do Serbs give up their faith. If youre born in
this faith, you stay in this faith, you dont change it. Its very dierent from
Orthodoxy. (Do you believe in the same God?) I dont know how much they
believe in God and how much in customs. (KK; B; Liubcova)
Balcanica XLIII 132
[17] I was shocked by the question of a Serb from Timioara. Hes Or-
thodox. Were talking and so, talking, we think of having a drink. I take a
non-alcoholic one. And he says to me, You are Serb by name, but youre
not Serb.Why? I ask. Well, he says, Youre not Orthodox. Well, my Serb
brother, the way you see it, Serbs are very few. Hows that?, he says. Te
way I see it, there are much more Serbs. Tere are Serbs who are Orthodox,
then those who are Protestant, but they all are of Serbian stock. Lets not
diminish Serbs that much; they are much bigger in my eyes than they are
in yours. When I said that, he said nothing in reply. If someones converted
from Orthodoxy to another faith, he loses his Serbianness. Were tighten-
ing the belt of Serbdom, were limiting it. (ND; B; Moldova Veche)
[18] (Tere are not many Pocaiti Serbs?) Not many. (What about Nazarene?)
No, its not like that now. Two brothers, Nazarenes, died and thered been a
feud between them, and they died and they hadnt spoken to each other. So,
what kind of a Nazarene is that! Tey say, Love your neighbour as you love
yourself. So, how can that be, if you dont speak to your brother. God is one,
theres no other. One God only, Lord is one. [Tere is] No Nazarene God.
(Lj.M; O; Moldova Veche)
During interviews, our interlocutors, regardless of their religious
a liation, emphasized elements of their ethnic a liation, above all their
mother tongue:
[19] For me, Serbia remains the greatest state in the world. I cant call
myself a Serb and lie. Tis is my Serbia, Im Serb and I live here. (VP; O;
Moldova Veche)
[20] If youre [married to] a Serb, you should be able to speak Serbian.
Tats what I said to my wife. (SM; B; Moldova Veche)
[21] Im Serb like you, but I was born in Romania by mistake. (ST; B;
Moldova Veche)
[22] My mother tongue is Serbian, a teacher from Uice. We are Serbs, my
great-grandfather was Serb, my father, my mother... now everybodys mix-
ing ... their children are half-blood. ( G; B; Moldova Veche).
It is observable from the quoted interview fragments that the Serbi-
an language plays the role of a key marker of Serbian identity, regardless of
confession. Language is a distinctive element that dierentiates them from
Romanians, ties them together into one, ethnically distinct community of
Serbs, determines their position in society (as members of the Serbian di-
aspora in Romania), aects their sense of belonging and how they declare
themselves.On the other hand, what is characteristic of Baptist as well as of
other neo-Protestant groups is the emphasis on the supranational nature of
the body of believers, i.e. primacy of religious identity over ethnic:
[23] Does it make any dierence in the church if you are Serb or Romanian?
Teres no dierence in the church, whats important is that were believ-
ers; nor does the Lord care about that, the Lord cares about the heart. One
ock, one shepherd. ( G; B; Moldova Veche)
[24] Teres no dierence; you can be Serb even if youre not Orthodox.
(MH; B; Moldova Veche)
Tat there has been a long-standing social distance between Roma-
nians and Serbs may best be seen from the virtually non-existent cases of
mixed marriages until recently. Mixed marriages have apparently been per-
ceived as an unacceptable form of social behaviour, as illustrated by the fol-
lowing interview fragments, where the loss of the Serbian mother tongue
is emphasized:
[25] Do Serbs marry Romanians? Its not a problem for younger generations,
and, to tell you the truth, thats the advantage of Romanian citizenship.
How shall I put it, a Serb marries a Romanian woman, she adopts the Ser-
bian name, the children will speak Serbian; but if a Serbian woman marries
a Romanian man, then thats the end of it. (ND; B; Moldova Veche)
[26] My husband said, From Svinia to Zlatia, there can only be Serbs. I
dont want to see any Vlachs.
24
He wouldnt let any daughter marry a Ro-
manian; no, another nation is out of question. And, they didnt dare (MN;
O; Moldova Veche)
[27] Children dont speak Serbian. I was born here; I know not only who
my parents are, but also my great-grandfathers. Teres this mentality that,
if we live in Romania, we should know Romanian, its where well get a
job. And his surname is Djurkovi. But they wont know Serbian, and their
family names Djurkovi. Tey wont speak Serbian in his family. (VP; O;
Moldova Veche)
[28] If the wife is Romanian, the children speak Serbian, and if a Roma-
nian marries a Serbian wife, only Romanian. (AL; B; Divici)
It is the increasing number of mixed Serbian-Romanian marriages
that indicates the shrinking of social distance. Mixed marriages, however, are
much more numerous in neo-Protestant communities, which are religiously
endogamous.
[29] I was born in Moldova Veche; my grandfather, my grandmother,
they were Serbs. I took a Romanian wife. You wont nd Serbs among the
Baptists. No, they want the Orthodox faith, the peoples [faith]. (SM; B;
Moldova Veche)
Describing the settlements in the Danube Gorge, Tomi (1989,
17) observes that Serbs are not too manifestly pious, that they respect the
church and priests, perpetuate old customs and celebrate festivals, the most
important of which are the feast days of the family patron saint and the
patron saint of their village church. Tere is no doubt that the communist
24
Te term for Romanians widely used by Serbs in Romania.
Balcanica XLIII 134
regime considerably contributed to the decline in active participation in
the religious life of the community. Te role of the Orthodox Church and
religion has, however, been slowly restored over the past few years, including
the activities of Serbian Orthodox communities occasioned for the great-
est religious feast days, such as Christmas Eve, Christmas, Easter and the
village patron saints day. At the Serbian monasteries of Zlatia and Bazia
summer camps are organized for children, where active dialogue in Serbian
fostered between children and priests provides an opportunity to talk about
Orthodoxy, tradition and customs. At schools, Orthodox religious instruc-
tion classes are attended by children from Baptist or other neo-Protestant
families as well, since Baptist religious instruction has not been instituted.
25

Likewise, the children of Baptist parents sing in Orthodox choirs together
with the children from Orthodox families. Both Baptist and Orthodox
Serbs celebrate the Christian holidays according to the Julian calendar, un-
like the Romanians, who adopted the Gregorian calendar. Tis indicates
that Baptist Serbs perpetuate some elements of their previous faith, even
though they do not explicitly gure in their teaching:
[30] We celebrate the New Year Serbian style, on 13 January. (SM; B;
Pojejena)
[31] Te church in Liubcova exists since 1993. It has about twenty-ve
members, mostly Romanians. We hold services according to the old calen-
dar, Serbian style, Christmas [on] January 7th, the New Year [on] January
13th. (SM; B; Liubcova)
Tese facts seem to be very important to the Serbian community as
a whole, since our interlocutors referred to the activities jointly organized
by Orthodox and Baptist Serbs for the occasion of important Christian
holidays (such as the singing of Christmas carols, or choir and other per-
formances), as well as their generally improved relations in the post-com-
munist period:
[32] As neighbours, we have good relations, everything is as it was. When
they go around carolling, all doors are open. We do the carolling more, they
do their own; they dont sing ours. (SH; B; Radimna)
[33] What are your relations with the Serbian Orthodox Church? Relations
depend on the priest. Generally, they are much more open now; it was dif-
ferent before, now we have the same rights. (GD; B; Radimna)
25
Since the Baptists reject infant baptism, the children of Baptist parents are not active
members of the community. Once they come of age, they are free to decide whether
they will be baptized into the Baptist or some other community. Some were even bap-
tized into the Orthodox Church. For an interesting article addressing the issue of the
children of Baptist parents in the Romanian educational system in 198489, see Bod-
eanu 2009.
Te fact that the slava is not observed by the Baptists frequently
causes an adverse reaction of the Orthodox:
[34] Baptists do not observe the slava? No. Tey dont. Teyll forget who
they are. If you have no past, you cant have a future either. Tese customs
remind us of what we were. Slavas are observed. On the slava day, its com-
pulsory to light a candle. (VP; O; Moldova Veche)
Although the Baptist Serbs do not observe the slava or go, as is
customary, to the slava celebration of those who do, they remember that the
practice was observed before and often mention it in their discourse:
[35] Do you go over to your neighbours on the day of their slava? On their fam-
ily slava? We practised that before, when we were Orthodox. But now, in
these Evangelical cults, you dont observe anything that doesnt come from
Jesus Christ, the birth, the resurrection and the ascension, and not Saint
Elias or Saint Nicholas. It would be to deny our faith. We dont go to a
slava, or where censing is done or food eaten for the dead. (MH; B; Mol-
dova Veche).
[36] Was the slava observed in your home? Yes, Saint Johns Day, 20 January,
thats the family slava, a priest used to come, back then he attended school
in Yugoslavia. I remember him. He was quite well prepared theologically.
He graduated from two faculties. (SM; B; Moldova Veche)
An important theme in almost all interviews was the cemetery, especially in
the context of the relationship with the Serbian Orthodox Church. Previ-
ously all cemeteries were church-owned, and they were partitioned in such a
way that all neo-Protestant Serbs had a separate part of the cemetery, which
may be seen as an indicator of their marginalization within the majority
Orthodox community. Today, cemeteries are municipal and contacts with
the Serbian Orthodox Church have intensied with regard to cemetery
maintenance, since Baptists do not attend services for the dead commonly
held by the Orthodox:
[37] I go to the cemetery to tidy up, to weed. ( G; B; Radimna)
[38] Tey wouldnt let us [in] before, no Pocaiti to be buried on this cem-
etery. When they call for something, were the rst to show up to tidy up.
(GJ; B; Radimna)
[39] Te cemeterys not partitioned, although there are separate ones.
Cemeteries are municipal, not the churchs. (MH; B; Moldova Veche)
Although the number of Baptist Serbs is quite small compared to the Or-
thodox majority, their presence in the Danube Gorge indicates that the
two religious traditions, now occupying much more public space than they
did under communism, intermingle. On the other hand, the social stigma
attached to neo-Protestant communities, regardless of their legal status,
has resulted from the previous long-standing unfavourable position of the
Balcanica XLIII 136
communities as a whole, and from the marginal position of their members
themselves, as they usually came from poorer and educationally underprivi-
leged backgrounds. Today, both the Baptists and the Orthodox have well-
developed theological educational systems, which means that ministers are
much better equipped to provide pastoral care and guidance to their com-
munities.
5. Relationship between religious and ethnic identities
Over the past few decades, the concept of identity has come to occupy a
central place within several disciplines concerned with humans and human
societies. Two identity types specied as the most important are personal
and collective. Personal identity may be understood as the awareness of
oneself as dierent from any other. Collective identity, on the other hand,
joins origin and history, past and future, roots of tradition and rituals prac-
tised in collective festivities and celebrations, which strengthens the sense
of belonging and solidarity in symbiosis with others (Golubovi 1999, 21).
With identity being a sum of components, each of these can shape a dif-
ferent type of identity: ethnic, cultural, religious, regional etc. Rather than
static, identity is a dynamic category that adjusts to change and is dened in
relation to the other. Ethnic boundaries are very elastic; they tend to bend
in response to internal and external pressures, and dierent social mecha-
nisms. Tey are the product of subjective selection processes, which in turn
depend on a given historical context and social structure. Since ethnicity is
based both on similarities and on dierences, every community is dened
in relation to what it is not. An ethnic group is dened through its relations
with other groups, it is formed by its boundary, and the boundary itself is
a social product whose importance may vary and which may change with
time. Te boundaries of a group are not necessarily ethnic-based; they can
also be drawn along cultural or religious lines. Tus, for example, an invis-
ible but recognizable boundary between Orthodox Serbs and Baptist Serbs
indicates that each group denes its identity and distinctiveness in relation
to the other one. According to A. Smith (1993, 6), religious communities,
where they aspire to be Churches, have appealed all sectors of a given popu-
lation or even across ethnic boundaries. Teir message is either national or
universal. Religious identities derive from the sphere of communication
and socialization. Tey have therefore tended to join in a single commu-
nity of all the faithful all those who feel they share certain symbolic codes,
value systems and traditions of belief and ritual. Religious identities are
often closely related to ethnic identities. In contrast to world religions,
which have sought to cross or even abolish ethnic boundaries, most reli-
gious communities tended to coincide with ethnic groups, and many ethnic
minorities retain strong religious ties and emblems even today.
Even though ethnic identity has distinctive characteristics dieren-
tiating it from other identities, including religious, these two identities fre-
quently overlap. If we take language as a criterion for drawing up an ethnic
boundary, we can see that it plays a major role in preventing assimilation
and constitutes the stable core of an individuals sense of belonging to his
or her ethnic group, regardless of religious a liation. In the discourse of
our interlocutors, language functions as a universal category, tying all Serbs
together regardless of their religious community: [20] If youre [married to] a
Serb, you should be able to speak Serbian. [22] My mother tongue is SerbianWe
are Serbs.
Teir sense of belonging to the ethnic community of Serbs has not
changed with the change in religious a liation, and their ethnic identity is
primarily based on language. However, the question is whether the sense of
belonging to the Serb ethnic community that is based on linguistic identity,
rather than on the Orthodox religion and tradition, will be as strong in the
third or fourth generation of Baptists, where the memory of the religion
of their Serbian ancestors or their mother tongue might be lost. Ethnic
identity is built and manifested around a number of ethnic symbols which
are seen as more or less representative of a community. Symbolism is in
fact an important characteristic of ethnic identity. In the discourse of our
interlocutors, there gures a selection of religious symbols as important
elements of ethnic distinctiveness, such as, for instance, the custom of
celebrating the family or village patron saints day, or the practice of observing
religious holidays according to the Julian calendar: [30] We celebrate the New
Year Serbian style, on 13 January; [31] We hold services according to the old
calendar, Serbian style, Christmas [on] January 7th, the New Year [on] January
13th; [34] Tese customs remind us of what we were. Slavas are observed; [35]
We practised that before, when we were Orthodox.
Slipping from one identity, or identity type, into another is situa-
tionally determined and depends on the preservation of the boundary (eth-
nic or religious), i.e. it becomes important when the boundary is exposed
to pressure. Conversation about the other, about a religiously dierent
member of the same ethnic community in the diaspora, brings the problem
of negative tagging and rejection by the community to the surface: [7] Te
priest was against it, he went to the police to complain about us; [9] My father
said to me, Im ashamed to show my face because of what you did, you went over
to the Pocaiti; [10] Its the greatest sin to change from one faith to another; [11]
It was a heavy cross to bear for us because of our sister. Nobody liked us being in
this faith. We were driven out of our home twice; [17] You are Serb by name, but
youre not Serb ... Well, he says, Youre not Orthodox ... Tere are Serbs who are
Balcanica XLIII 138
Orthodox, then those who are Protestant, but they all are of Serbian stock. ... If
someones converted from Orthodox to another religion, he loses his Serbianness.
Te majority of the interviewees, both Baptist and Orthodox, em-
phasized the Serbs reluctance to convert: [16] Tere were very few Serbs in
the Baptist Church before, and this hasnt changed. Very rarely do Serbs abandon
their faith. If you were born in this faith, you stay in this faith, you dont change
it.
Adherence to the predominant religion of an ethnic group as a
whole may be particularly strong among members of ethnic minorities liv-
ing in the immediate neighbourhood of the mother country. Brubaker
(1995, 7) denes it as triangular relationship between national minorities,
the newly nationalizing states in which they live and the external national
homelands to which they belong, or can be construed as belonging by ethn-
ocultural a nity though not, ordinarily, by legal citizenship. Tis denition
seems to apply to the Serbian minority in Romania as well. Teir adherence
to Orthodoxy and membership of the Serbian Orthodox Church provides a
sense of historical continuity and tradition, and ties the ethnic community
with the religion that predominates in the mother country.
Over the centuries, Serbs in Romania have been able to preserve
their linguistic (Serbian) and religious (Orthodox) identity primarily ow-
ing to the communitys strict rule of endogamy. Assimilation processes,
especially pronounced over the last twenty years, are indicated by the in-
creasing number of Serbian-Romanian marriages. Ethnically mixed mar-
riages reect also on the use of mother tongue, as well as on a liation to
the majority confession. Apart from inuencing the attitude towards the
mother tongue, the selection of the spouse of the same or dierent nation-
ality may frequently be a signicant indicator of the attitude towards the
idea of national identity (Pavievi 2005, 430). On the other hand, contacts
with Romanians, many of whom belong to the Baptist Church, result in
mixed marriages: [22] now everybodys mixing ... their children are half-blood;
[29] I took a Romanian wife. You wont nd Serbs among the Baptists. Te
very emphasis on (ethnic) equality in supranational neo-Protestant com-
munities, as an element underpinning religion-based cohesion, plays a key
role in the expansion of Evangelical communities and their universal mes-
sages. [23] Teres no dierence in the church, whats important is that were
believers. By laying emphasis on religious identity, Baptists emphasize that
ethnic identity is irrelevant in community membership, and that, therefore,
it is religion and not ethnicity that is seen as central in dening same-
ness and otherness. However, despite the supranational orientation of
Baptist churches, Baptist Serb believers seem to feel the need to symboli-
cally emphasize their ethnic a liation, as may be seen from the inscrip-
tion on the church building in Radimna: Te Serbian Baptist Church. An
adverse attitude of the majority of
Orthodox Serbs, although much less
pronounced than it was in the past,
at the time when the rst Baptist
communities were founded, may be
observed in the use of the negatively
connotated Romanian word pocaiti
(penitents) to refer to those who
converted to the Baptist faith. How-
ever, mutual respect and dialogue be-
tween Orthodox Serbs and Baptists
with regard to local community is-
sues is growing. Religious pluralism
poses a great challenge, both for so-
cieties and governments on the one
hand, and for religious communities
on the other. Te diaspora issue and
diaspora studies are directly related
to the issues of ethnic identity, while
religious a liation certainly plays an important role in building the iden-
tity of diaspora communities. Te intertwinement of religious and ethnic
identities raises numerous questions, and studies of diaspora communities
and of their modes of adaptation may provide valuable insights into gen-
eral patterns of religious change.
6. Concluding considerations
In studying diaspora communities, processes of assimilation and integra-
tion are closely related to the issues of identity of given groups, whether
ethnic or religious. Since the preservation of a minoritys identity always
depends on the policies of a society, the governments institutional support
at dierent levels may encourage productive dierences through continuous
cultural interaction of both ethnic and religious minorities. In that sense,
the extent to which diaspora communities would preserve their ethnic iden-
tity primarily depends on institutional programs, legislation, the presence or
absence of minority institutions.
26
Over time, Serbs in Romania have kept a
sense of belonging to the Serbian community, but they have also developed
a sense of belonging to Romanian society. Over all that time, the Orthodox
26
Te Union of Serbs in Romania supports various cultural events during the year, the
Days of Serbian Culture in Timioara being but one of them. For the calendar of cul-
tural events, see http://savezsrba.ro/kultura-umetnost/akcije/
Serbian Baptist Church in Radimna,
Romania
Balcanica XLIII 140
faith has been instrumental in the preservation of tradition and language.
However, the presence, within the Serbian ethnic group, of communities of
Protestant origin indicates that the encounter with dierent religious tradi-
tions has led to changes which are taking place in many diaspora communi-
ties. In a certain number of cases, the adoption of a dierent set of religious
beliefs by Serbs in the Danube Gorge came as a result of their contact with
the ethnic communities which introduced neo-Protestantism in the Banat,
but also with Romanian missionaries who had well-organized and devel-
oped Baptist churches. Te numerical growth of neo-Protestant communi-
ties in post-communist Romania is a good indicator of strong processes of
social change and of the so-called religious revival that has swept ethnic
minorities in Romania. Te studying of identity dynamic may prove central
to understanding the processes taking place in diaspora communities, with a
special emphasis on preservation of cultural individualities in a multiethnic
environment such as the Serbian and Romanian parts of the Banat. Te is-
sues of complex identities, double minorities and religion in diaspora com-
munities require a continuous research process which, with time, should
show whether the numerically small group of Baptist Serbs will inuence
the assimilation processes in any way, what kind of changes in cultural iden-
tities will take place among members of supranational religious communi-
ties, as well as whether such changes will inuence ethnic identities.
UDC 323.113:316.347](=163.41:498)
316.4.05/.06:271.2](=163.41:498)
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Suzana Raji
Te Russian Secret Service and King Alexander Obrenovi of Serbia
(19001903)
Abstract: Te period of 19001903 saw three phases of cooperation between the Rus-
sian Secret Service (Okhrana) and King Alexander Obrenovi of Serbia. It is safe
to say that the Secret Service operated in Serbia as an extended arm of the Russian
Ministry of Foreign Aairs, i.e. of its diplomatic mission in Belgrade. Its goal was
to fortify the position of Russia in Serbia after King Alexanders wedding and the
departure of his father, ex-King Milan (who abdicated in 1889 in favour of his minor
son), from the country. Te Serbian King, however, benetted little from the coopera-
tion, because he did not receive assistance from the Secret Service when he needed
it most. Tus, the issue of conspiracy against his life was lightly treated throughout
1902 until his assassination in 1903. In the third and last period of cooperation, from
the beginning of 1902 until the Kings assassination on 11 June 1903,
1
the Russian
ministries of Internal and Foreign Aairs forbade the agents to receive money from
the Serbian King and relieved them of any duty regarding the protection of his life.
Keywords: King Alexander Obrenovi, Serbia, Russia, Russian Secret Service, Russian
Ministry of Foreign Aairs.
G
ermanys interest in King Alexander Obrenovis marriage arrange-
ments in 1900 precipitated not only the Kings decision to marry Dra-
ga Main, a former lady-in-waiting to his mother, but also Russias decision
to forestall the consequences of Kings prospective marriage to a German
princess. Te issue of the Kings wedding with Princess Alexandra of the
German House of Schaumburg-Lippe, in the summer of 1900, was almost
settled. A preferred choice of the Kings father, Princess Alexandra had the
advantage of being related to both the German and the Habsburg Court.
2

Tis marriage would have raised the question of a long-term German inu-
ence in Serbia and the Balkans. It would have also strengthened the posi-
tion of former King Milan, which would have certainly been an unwelcome
outcome for Russia. Terefore, Russia kept a watchful eye on the course
1
New Style dates are used in the text body, unless otherwise specied.
2
Urgings from Berlin and Vienna that the young King got married became more and
more frequent in early 1900. Te King claimed that marriage arrangements were nearly
completed and that his father would nalize them during his visit to Vienna that sum-
mer. V. Djordjevi, Kraj jedne dinastije, 3 vols. (Belgrade: tamparija D. Dimitrijevia,
19051906), vol. 3 (1906), 457464, 560, correspondence between Djordjevi and Mi-
lan Bogievi dated April and May 1900; Arhiv Srbije [Archives of Serbia, hereafter
AS], V. J. Marambo Papers, f. 78, . Mijatovi to V. Djordjevi, 04/16 January 1900.
DOI: 10.2298/BALC1243143R
Balcanica XLIII 144
of events and stepped in at a decisive moment. Without Russian support,
the King would have hardly been able to carry through his intention to
marry Draga Main. Namely, this marriage, widely deemed controversial
and inappropriate, was not unlikely to throw the country into international
isolation.
3
During former King Milans stay in Serbia, from October 1897 to
July 1900, it could be inferred from Russias conduct that no agreement
on the division of the Balkans into spheres of inuence between Russia
and Austria-Hungary had been reached. Milan was the cause of friction
between the two great powers, all the more so as Russia believed him to be
an Austrian agent. Tis made it extremely dicult for the King to conduct
foreign aairs, since his foreign policy relied upon both great powers and
their agreement of 1897 on joint activity in the Balkans.
4
Te ministers
of foreign aairs of the two great powers spoke of the former King as an
obstacle to their mutual relations, but neither of them abandoned his own
viewpoint.
5
Russia used various forms of pressure on Serbia, but failed to
drive the Kings father out of the country.
6
St. Petersburg did not con-
3
Draga Main, ne Lunjevica (18661903), was a widow and had no children from
her previous marriage. From 1892 to 1897 she served as a lady-in-waiting to Queen
Natalie, King Alexanders mother.
4
Te agreement rested on the maintenance of the status quo in the Balkans. In case of
change, a special agreement was to be concluded on the basis of the following prin-
ciples: Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Sanjak of Novi Pazar would be annexed to
Austria-Hungary; the creation of a new state of Albania, as an obstacle to Italys ter-
ritorial aspirations towards the Adriatic Coast; the rest of the Balkans would be divided
among Balkan countries by a special agreement. Peace in the Balkans and a consensual
approach to the region were considered as guiding principles by both parties. With this
agreement, Russia was given free rein to pursue its imperialistic policy in the Far East,
while Austria-Hungary protected itself against Italys aspirations and Serbias tendency
to expand at the expense of the Ottoman Empire and achieve a dominant position in
the Peninsula. Still, the lack of more precise provisions concerning the Balkans caused
the signatories to distrust one another. Te Agreement is published in M. Stojkovi, ed.
Balkanski ugovorni odnosi, vol. I (Belgrade: Slubeni list SRJ, 1998), 219220.
5
Die grosse Politik der Europischen Kabinette, Berlin: Deutsche Veragsgesellschaft fr
Politik und Geschichte, 19241927, XIII, 194, 212; XIV, 232.
6
One of the rst forms of pressure was the so-called diplomatic strike, i.e. the recall of
the diplomatic representative Iswolsky and the military agent Taube from Belgrade in
1897. It was followed by Russias demand for immediate repayment of Serbias debt of
5.5 million francs; moreover, in agreement with its ally, France, Russia was preventing
Serbia from obtaining a loan on favourable terms on European nancial markets, which
it needed for building the railways and for procuring military equipment. Russias dis-
satisfaction with former King Milans presence in Serbia was reected in the absence
of its support for Serbian national interests at the Ottoman Porte, on the one hand,
S. Raji, Te Russian Secret Service and King Alexander Obrenovi 145
ceal dissatisfaction over Viennas carrying on intrigues with the former
King, claiming that the example of Serbia best demonstrated Austria-
Hungarys failure to honour its agreement with Russia. In the late sum-
mer of 1900, European diplomatic circles expected the breakdown of the
alliance between the two great powers, allegedly postponed due to the
Paris World Exposition.
7
A change in Russias favour in Serbias policy
took place at the last moment. When Emperor Nicholas II endorsed the
Kings marriage with Draga Main, Alexander realized his intention with
breathtaking speed.
King Alexander had sought to establish contact with the Russian
court as early as late 1899 and early 1900. In March 1899, Russia recalled
its Belgrade-based diplomat Valery Vsevoldovich Zadovsky on account of
his use of crude methods unworthy of a Russian diplomat,
8
and appointed
Pavel Mansurov as acting ocial.
9
In one of his rst reports, Mansurov
wrote: I can tell you that the whole country is waiting to see how relations
between the imperial government and the Serbian court, where King Milan
also resides, will be established. Mansurov reported that King Alexander
was willing to improve relations with Russia, and warned that estrangement
and its marked support for Bulgarian aspirations towards the Ottoman European ter-
ritories, notably Macedonia. Tere is no evidence for Russias involvement in the failed
assassination of King Milan on 6 July 1899, but there are some indications that the
dissatisfaction caused by his stay in the country was deliberately stirred. For more detail,
see S. Raji, Vladan Djordjevi. Biograja pouzdanog obrenovievca (Belgrade: Zavod za
udbenike, 2007), 167227.
7
Die grosse Politik der Europischen Kabinette XVIII, 105. Tis nds corroboration in
the sources of Russian provenance, cf. A. Radeni, Progoni politikih protivnika u reimu
Aleksandra Obrenovia 18931903 (Belgrade: Istorijski arhiv Beograda, 1973), 803, 807.
British Prime Minister informed the Serbian diplomatic representative that the 1897
agreement between Vienna and St. Petersburg had faded away to the point that its
former colours could hardly be recognized, and added that, three years later, it became
obvious that the agreement was untenable, since the two parties schemed against each
other, and used every means to acquire prestige in solving Balkan issues. Britain denied
to both powers the right to make decisions regarding the Balkans on their own because
in the East other powers are interested as well, AS, V. J. Marambo Papers, f. 78, London
report of 17/29 August 1900.
8
Gosudarstvennyi arkhiv Rossiiskoi Federatsii [State Archives of the Russian Federa-
tion, hereafter GARF], V. Lambsdorf Personal Fonds, f. 568, op. 1, d. 60, l. 21.
9
Pavel Borisovich Mansurov (18601932) was the son of the distinguished Russian
statesman, senator and member of the State Council, Boris Pavlovich Mansurov. He
was close to members of the so-called Moscow Circle (Kruzhok moskvichei), such as
Samarin, Khomiakov, Stepanov and others. Due to his fathers high oce, he was well-
respected at the imperial court.
Balcanica XLIII 146
between Serbia and Russia was inevitable should St. Petersburg keep up its
pressure on Serbia.
10
Towards the end of 1899, the Russian Minister of Foreign Aairs
Muravyov
11
stated that it was important for Russia to have better and more
orderly relations with Serbia. He proposed that a new diplomatic represen-
tative be urgently appointed from among the Ministrys best diplomatic
ocials, and that his diplomatic skills should be utilized to improve rela-
tions with Serbia. Muravyov justied his proposal by the fact that Austria-
Hungary was taking advantage of the poor state of Serbian-Russian rela-
tions to strengthen its position in Serbia. Muravyovs rst choice for the
post was Nikolai Valeryevich Tcharykow,
12
on account of the fact that he
had already proved his agility and capability in the process of improving re-
lations with Bulgaria in 1896.
13
From 1900, King Alexanders foreign policy
became increasingly and more clearly orientated towards St. Petersburg.
In January 1900, the King tried, through an intermediary (Alimpije
Vasiljevi), to nd out what the Russian Court would make of his marrying
an Orthodox Christian bride.
14
Te renewed possibility of the Kings mar-
riage with a Russian princess perhaps served as an excuse for him to marry
Draga Main: if he could not have an Orthodox Russian princess, he would
choose a ance of Orthodox faith from Serbia. In this way, he would sat-
isfy Russia and secure its support for his intention. Terefore, he entrusted
10
Arkhiv vneshnei politiki Rossiskoi Imperii [Archives of Foreign Policy of the Rus-
sian Empire, hereafter AVPRI], Politarkhiv [Politarchive], f. 151, op. 482, d. 485, 1899,
l. 131132, 159162; AS, Ministarstvo inostranih dela, Politiko odeljenje [Ministry of
Foreign Aairs, Political Department; hereafter MID, PO], 1899, A21, f. 1, d. 6, 7.
11
Mikhail Nikolayevich Muravyov (18451900), Russian statesman, diplomat in Paris,
Berlin and Copenhagen, Minister of Foreign Aairs (18971900).
12
Nikolai Valeryevich Tcharykow (18551930), Russian diplomat, State Councillor,
Senator, Deputy Minister of Foreign Aairs of Russia, Russian ambassador to Turkey,
renowned philosopher, historian and member of the Russian Historical Society.
13
AVPRI, Sekretnyi arkhiv ministra [Secret Archive of the Minister], f. 138, op. 467, d.
179a, 1899, l. 1418.
14
A presbyter from St. Petersburg close to the Tsars uncle, Grand Duke Vladimir Al-
exandrovich, initiated a conversation with him about the contents of Vasiljevis letter.
Duke Vladimir said that he shared the hope of the Serbian people that King Alexander
would marry an Orthodox wife and that it would be to their mutual advantage if the
future queen were a Russian. Still, the presbyter remained vague as to whether Duke
Vladimir and his wife found it acceptable for their daughter, Grand Duchess Elena
Vladimirovna, to marry the Serbian King. Grand Duke only intimated to his collocu-
tor that the time for negotiations was not really favourable, referring to the troubled
relationship between the Kings parents. See AS, Pokloni i otkupi [Gifts and Purchases,
hereafter PO], box 102, doc. 154.
General Jovan Belimarkovi with the task to re-establish contacts with the
Russian diplomatic mission, which had been virtually severed after the at-
tempted assassination of the former King Milan on 6 July 1899 (St John the
Baptists Day and therefore known as the Ivandan assassination attempt),
and to relay his ideas to the Russian diplomat without the Prime Ministers
and ex-King Milans knowledge. Te King oered to please Russia and re-
duce prison time for those found guilty of the assassination attempt, even
to grant amnesty to some. He justied his decision by the need for a shift
in foreign policy, in the light of the fact that all political parties and promi-
nent military ocials favoured good relations with Russia. Russia did not
want to miss the opportunity to achieve what it had been trying to achieve
since 1893 the year Alexander overthrew the regency and accessed the
throne as sole ruler to restore and strengthen its inuence in Serbia and
thus block out not only the inuence of Austria-Hungary, which had been
intriguing with Milan and ignoring its agreement of 1897, but also of Ger-
many, which had set foot in Serbia in nancial terms. Te majority of state
bonds were pledged in the German market as security for the raised loans,
and Serbia was purchasing German ries for its army because of the joint
French and Russian boycott.
15
From February 1900, Russia embarked upon a more moderate policy
towards Serbia. After a conversation he had with the new Austro-Hun-
garian diplomatic representative in Serbia, Baron Heidler, Pavel Mansurov
concluded that Austria-Hungary did not consider it useful to harmonize
its activity in Serbia with Russia, that it highly valued its friendly relations
with Milan Obrenovi, and that its new diplomatic representative, in his
address to King Alexander, stated that he would strictly respect Serbias
independence and support the Kings policy.
16
Tis was understood by St.
Petersburg as a signal to act in Serbia unrestricted. Mansurov was probably
aware of the Kings marriage plans as early as March 1900, and the Emperor
was acquainted with the intended turn in the Kings foreign policy. Te
King had been preparing the ground for that turn: he kept insisting that he
could no longer pursue a foreign policy that no one in the country support-
ed, and that he, being born and bred in Serbia, perfectly understood what
15
Progoni politikih protivnika, 824828. Baron Heidler, the Austro-Hungarian diplo-
matic representative, tried to convince Mansurov that Serbia was of secondary impor-
tance to Russia, in contrast to the Habsburg Monarchy, for which Serbia was a matter
of life and death (ibid. 820). Germanys penetration into the Balkans and further, into
Asia Minor, was the cause of great concern in Russia. Te arming of the Bulgarian and
Ottoman armies posed a serious threat to Serbian interests. See M. Vojvodi, Srbija u
medjunarodnim odnosima krajem XIX i poetkom XX veka (Belgrade: SANU, 1988), 257.
16
Progoni politikih protivnika, 817818, 820 and 826.
Balcanica XLIII 148
the nation needed, and intended to act accordingly. I found myself faced
with the alternative: either Papa or Russia, the King used to say after his
engagement, justifying his rapprochement with Russia by the well-proven
fact that, without the support of that great power, Serbia was unable to solve
even as minor a question as the appointment of a metropolitan bishop in
the Ottoman Empire, let alone substantial issues inevitably lying in store
for the country.
17
Intent on marrying Draga Main, King Alexander waited for a con-
venient opportunity for his father to leave the country. Milan left for Vi-
enna on 18 June 1900 to nalise negotiations about the marriage proposal
to Princess Alexandra, and the Prime Minister, Vladan Djordjevi, followed
him shortly afterwards.
18
On 20 July, however, the King announced his en-
gagement to Draga Main, and the next day the engagement announce-
ment appeared in Srpske novine [Serbian Newspaper].
19
* * *
Te rift between father and son caused by this marriage was a perfect op-
portunity for the latter to nally become independent of the former, and for
Russia to present itself as his protector in the process. In his reports, Pavel
Mansurov expressed his opinion that, for Russia, the Kings non-political
marriage with a Serbian woman was much more opportune than his po-
litical marriage with a German princess. Te Emperor concurred with this
opinion, as evidenced by his hand-written comment added to Mansurovs
report. It was also endorsed by the newly-appointed Minister of Foreign
Aairs, Count Vladimir Nikolaevich Lambsdorf,
20
who had already argued
that Russia should use the issue of the Kings marriage to improve relations
17
AS, Stojan Novakovi Personal Fonds [hereafter SN], 2.126. After the demission of
Vladan Djordjevis cabinet, the King blamed his father for poor relations with Rus-
sia. He argued that he had no other way of defying him but to let foreign policy be
reduced to absurdity, cf. Progoni politikih protivnika, 827828; D. K. Marianin, Tajne
dvora Obrenovi. Upraviteljeve beleke (od veridbe do smrti kralja Aleksandra (Belgrade:
tamparija D. Dimitrijevia, 1907), vol. 1, 3840.
18
Djordjevi, Kraj jedne dinastije 3, 457464, 560.
19
A. S. Jovanovi, Ministarstvo Alekse S. Jovanovia. Podatci o politikim dogaajima u
Srbiji od 8. jula do 21. marta 1901. godine (Belgrade: tamparija Todora K. Naumovia,
1906), 126; Srpske novine no. 150, 9/21 July 1900.
20
Vladimir Nikolaevich Lambsdorf (18441907), Russian statesman, minister of for-
eign aairs 19001906. He joined the Ministry of Foreign Aairs in 1866 after gradu-
ating from the Corps of Pages and St. Petersburgs School of Law. He served as as-
sistant minister to ministers de Giers, Lobanov-Rostovsky and Muravyov, and after
Muravyovs death became minister of foreign aairs himself (1900). Te exhaustive
diary Lambsdorf left behind has been almost entirely published.
with Serbia. After all, Mansurov could have hardly been able to express his
view to the Tsar without Lambsdorf s knowledge and approval. Te King
promised to grant amnesty to the Radicals involved in the Ivandan assas-
sination, and to prevent his father from returning to the country. St. Peters-
burg accepted his oer and promised the Emperors forbearing attitude
towards the occurrences in Serbia, if the King kept his word.
21
Te Emperor ordered that Mansurov represent him in the capacity of
best man at the Kings wedding with gracious lady Draga, ne Lunjevica.
Alexander Obrenovi immediately broke the news to the deputations of
his countrymen arriving to express congratulations. Mansurov reported that
the news had put an end to all public doubts and dilemmas, and added that
the Tsars gesture to act as best man was seen in Serbia as an extraordinary
expression of Russias favour and regard. At the wedding dinner, the King
stated that Serbian foreign policy should be guided by the traditional feel-
ings and needs of the Serbian people, apparently alluding to the mainte-
nance of friendly relations with Russia. An ocial communiqu to that
eect was published in the Srpske novine.
22
On 25 July 1900, ve days after the engagement was announced, the
Russian Charg daaires Pavel Mansurov was the rst to congratulate the
King on behalf of the Emperor. Yet, Russia took care not to publicize its
attitude towards the Kings marriage too overtly, even though it had backed
and approved it. Te Emperors personal congratulations card did not arrive
until 25 August, but it was published in the ocial newspapers, whereby
claims that the Tsar merely wished the King happiness in life rather than
properly congratulated him were repudiated. At the wedding, the King and
Queen were presented with a sumptuous imperial gift.
23
Te ocial news-
21
AVPRI, Politarchive, f. 151, op. 482, d. 2 861, 1900, l. 2, 10, 11 and 15.
22
Ibid. l. 34, 46 and 51; AS, PO, box 110, doc. 6; Srpske novine no. 156, 15/27 July 1900.
On 17/29 July 1900, Mansurov told the King that Russian Emperor Nicholas II ac-
cepted to be his best man. See Srpske novine no. 166, 26 July/7 Aug. 1900.
23
Te Tsars greeting card reads as follows: Dear Sire and my Brother, I received with
great satisfaction the letter whereby Your Majesty was kind to inform me of his wed-
ding with Lady Draga, the daughter of the late Panta Lunjevica and granddaughter of
Duke Nikola Lunjevica. Due to the ties of friendship and spiritual kinship between
Your Majesty and myself, I have taken active part in this happy event and I hasten to
oer you my sincere congratulations on your marriage. Adding to this my wishes for
the happiness of Your Majesty, as well as for the happiness of Her Majesty the Queen,
I kindly ask of you to let me assure you once more of my high esteem with which, my
dear Sire and Brother, I remain Your Majestys good brother Nicholas. Peterhof, 13
August 1900, Srpske novine no. 192, 26 Aug./7 Sept. 1900; S. Jovanovi, Vlada Ale-
ksandra Obrenovia, 2 vols. (Belgrade: BIGZ, Jugoslavijapublik & SKZ, 1990), vol. II,
175. Apart from the Tsar, congratulations were oered by the Austro-Hungarian Heir
Balcanica XLIII 150
papers stressed that the Emperors congratulations to the Serbian royal cou-
ple meant that the lack of certain conventionalities in the Kings choice of
ance did not have any consequences for the reputation of the royal house
and the international position of the country.
24
Tis moment signalled a new era in Serbian-Russian relations. Count
Lambsdorf praised King Alexanders considerateness and ascribed him
the credit for the signicant turn in foreign policy, a turn that would make
it possible for Serbia to face, side by side with Russia, all dangers, however
substantial they may be and wherever they may come from. Quite tactful
and cautious, Lambsdorf expressed his doubts about the power of diploma-
cy to maintain peace, given that the Balkans was vulcanised, relations in
the Far East extremely strained, and the interests of great powers conict-
ing. He believed that a great war lay ahead, if not at the door, and assuring
the King that his change of course would bring immediate and favourable
results for Serbia, he proposed the conclusion of a military alliance between
Russia and Serbia to consecrate the new era in the relations between the
two countries. Te Kings response to this message was the mission of a spe-
cial envoy, General Jovan Mikovi, on 14 August 1900. Mikovi had both
oral and written instructions which show that the King had in mind im-
portant state reasons for improving relations with Russia, and that therefore
the claims that he was motivated by private interest alone are not tenable.
Once the foundations for Serbian-Russian relations were successfully laid,
the King requested that Russia raise the rank of its diplomatic representa-
tive in Belgrade to ministerial level, and Lambsdorf granted the request.
25
Presumptive Franz Ferdinand, Montenegrin Prince Nikola and Sultan Abdul Hamid
II. See AS, PO, box 110, doc. 6.
24
AVPRI, Politarchive, f. 151, op. 482, d. 2861, 1900, l. 15; Arhiv Srpske akademije
nauka i umetnosti [Archives of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts], No. 7242,
Belenica Jovana Mikovia [hereafter Belenica], notebook 34, 7/19 Aug. 1900;
Srpske novine no. 155, 14/26 July 1900, and no. 156, 15/27 July 1900.
25
Belenica, nb. 34, 2/1416/28 Aug. 1900. According to the report from the Serbian
Charg daaires in St. Petersburg, Lj. Hristi, the Russian Minister of Foreign Aairs,
Count Lambsdorf, did not conceal his satisfaction at the fact that such signicant
political turn was made in relations between Serbia and Russia, and at the very begin-
ning of his term. When informed by Hristi that the King would send a special envoy
to Russia, Count Lambsdorf jumped to his feet, took my hands, looked me straight in
the eye, and said: I hope that the established bond between Serbia and Russia will be a
permanent bond, and how worthwhile for both countries it is, time will tell us soon, the
serious days that lay ahead, the days which we perhaps do not expect, and cannot even
predict despite everything. See AS, V. J. Marambo, f. 78, Report from St. Petersburg of
26 July/7 Aug. 1900.
Almost half a year elapsed before the Russian diplomatic representa-
tive arrived in Serbia, which suggests that the Tsar was not completely con-
vinced that the Kings turn towards Russia was a heartfelt one.
26
However,
an increasing rapprochement between the two countries after the Kings
wedding was reected in the cordial reception with which Serbias newly-
appointed diplomatic representative was met in St. Petersburg. Te King
appointed the best Serbian statesman, Stojan Novakovi, which demon-
strated the importance he attached to the strengthening of Serbian-Russian
relations. Indeed, King Alexander and Serbia featured ever more frequently
in Lambsdorf s reports to the Tsar.
27
King Milans accusations against Draga Main that she was a Rus-
sian agent were exaggerated. Her ten-year companionship with Russo-
phile Queen Natalie was quite enough for her to become pro-Russian
herself. In fact, Serbian public opinion was prevailingly sympathetic for
Russia. Her visits to Russia in her capacity as the Queens attendant on
one occasion, in Livadia, she was even introduced to the imperial cou-
ple could only have fortied her leanings. During the 1890s, Queen
Natalie maintained close relations with the Russian diplomatic mission in
Belgrade, in particular with the military agent Taube. Her lady-in-waiting
must have known about these contacts and connections. Tere are records
which suggest that Draga was instructed by Queen Natalie herself to
lobby distinguished politicians against the ex-Kings return to Serbia in
1897, and the Russian diplomatic representative Izvolskys
28
involvement
in the matter.
29
After Queen Natalies departure from Serbia, Draga ap-
26
M. Vojvodi, Srbija u meunarodnim odnosima, 311; A. Stoli, Kraljica Draga (Bel-
grade: Zavod za udbenike, 2000), 83.
27
GARF, f. 568, V. N. Lambsdorf, op. 1, d. 62, l. 13, 13, 14, 36, 41, 49; AVPRI, Poli-
tarchive, f. 151, op. 482, d. 2861, l. 2, 1011; and op. 482, d. 497, 1902, l. 499, 500;
AS, SN, 2126; Simo Popovi, Memoari, eds. J. R. Bojovi and N. Rakoevi (Cetinje:
Izdavaki centar Cetinje, Podgorica: CID, 1995), 383; Mihailo Vojvodi, Petrogradske
godine Stojana Novakovia (19001905) (Belgrade: Istorijski institut, 2009), 16.
28
Alexander Petrovich Izvolsky (18561919), Russian statesman, ambassador in Vati-
can, Belgrade, Munich, Tokyo (from 1899), and Copenhagen (from 1903), Minister of
Foreign Aairs (19061910), and then as Russian ambassador to France.
29
At the request of Queen Natalie, Draga Main paid a visit to the Radical politician
P. Mihailovi and his wife, and spoke of ex-King Milan and the inability of ex-Queen
Natalie and King Alexander to prevent him from returning to the country. For that
reason, it was suggested to the Radical government to nd a way to do that. Accord-
ing to Mihailovi, the Radicals were backed by the Russian diplomatic mission, and
made an agreement with Izvolsky by which he committed himself to support and assist
them. See P. Mihailovi, Dnevnici, ed. J. Milanovi (Belgrade: Slubeni glasnik, 2010),
121122.
Balcanica XLIII 152
parently continued to maintain close contact with the Russian diplomatic
personnel; moreover, she had the King involved as well. Tis is conrmed
by the conversation that Izvolsky had with the King and Queen in Meran
in 1899. After the Kings marriage, Mansurovs reports praised the Queen
for her intelligence and perceptiveness, spoke of the inuence she had
with the King, and above all of her pro-Russian orientation. In doing so,
he gradually thawed out St. Petersburgs reservations. In Russian reports,
Queen Draga was portrayed as a person favourably disposed towards Rus-
sian interests.
30
It is true that Mansurov had not immediately drawn the attention
of his government to the age-gap between the King and his ance, or
to Draga Mains unusual past, potentially an obstacle to her becoming a
queen. Tis information reached the Emperor belatedly. Te Queen Mother
claimed that she had been informed from reliable sources that the Tsar had
intended to decline the role of best man, but that Mansurov warned him
that the rejection would leave a bad impression in Serbia. Suggestions that
certain hesitation on the part of Russia after the Kings wedding was caused
by Queen Dragas unsavoury past should be re-examined.
31
Te Tsars ten-
dency to treat King Alexander with reserve had a lot to do with former King
Milans residing in Vienna, since the summer of 1900. Mansurov, however,
sent very convincing daily reports that reconciliation between father and
30
AVPRI, Politarchive, f. 151, op. 482, d. 2861, 1900, l. 15; d. 489, 1900, l. 240; Progoni
politikih protivnika, 828831; Jovanovi, Vlada Aleksandra Obrenovia II, 144 (based on
Djordjevi, Kraj jedne dinastije 2, 567) observed that ex-King Milans accusation against
Draga for being a Russian agent was possible because Milan claimed to have in his
possession the letters exchanged between Draga and Taube; Jovanovi believed that it
could not be inferred from this correspondence that Taube encouraged Draga to resort
to the assassination of the ex-King, but he thought it likely that she had been advised to
put pressure on the King to have his father removed from the country. Tese assump-
tions were based on an analogy with the developments in Serbia between the Ivan-
dan assassination attempt in 1899 and the Kings wedding in 1900. Another piece of
evidence of Dragas involvement in the assassination was mentioned by Jovan ujovi,
who allegedly was about to present it, but it remains unknown if he did. Cf. AS, Jovan
ujovi Personal Fonds, 55; P. Todorovi, Ogledalo: zrake iz prolosti, ed. Latinka Perovi
(Belgrade: Medicinska knjiga, 1997), 86. Todorovi (ibid. 628629) also claimed that
on the occasion of his last meeting with the former King Milan in Vienna, after Alex-
anders wedding, he had held in his hands a short, but precious letter which, according
to Milan, was the best piece of evidence of what Russian honour was like. Milan was
adamant that the papers in his possession showed beyond any doubt that the murder-
ous knife intended for the Obrenovi dynasty was held by the northern brother rather
than by King Alexander.
31
AS, SN, 1891; Jovanovi, Vlada Aleksandra Obrenovia II, 173175.
son was impossible and that the King believed the success of his marriage
depended exclusively on his fathers absence from the country.
32
Tat St. Petersburg looked at the new situation in Serbia with caution
is evidenced by the instructions the new Russian diplomatic representative
in Serbia, Nikolai Valerievich Tcharykow, received on 29 January 1901. Te
last of the three surviving drafts of the instructions betrays much greater
restraint than the previous two: the Emperor crossed out all lines in which
mention was made of Queen Dragas sympathetic attitude towards Russia,
of King Milan and his attitude towards Russia in the past, of the weaken-
ing of Austria-Hungarys political and economic inuence in Serbia, and
of the 1897 agreement between the two empires. On 20 January, the Tsar
wrote down his approval of the version that placed the strongest empha-
sis on strict non-interference in the internal aairs of the Balkan states,
of which Russia expected to pursue the policy of national independence,
free from foreign inuences and underpinned by common interests of the
Balkan peoples. During Tcharykows rst audience with the King, on 28
February, the Tsars greetings he relayed orally were much more cordial than
those which he had been given in writing.
33

Viennas reaction to the improvement in Serbian-Russian relations
was not sympathetic. Particularly upsetting was the news that the Tsar had
stood as best man by proxy at the wedding. Te German ambassador in
Vienna reported to the Chancellor that the marriage of King Alexander
caused dissatisfaction among all politicians in Austria-Hungary because it
undermined the Monarchys dictatorial position in the Balkans. Te situ-
ation appeared even worse because the change took place at the moment
when Austrian statesmen self-condently believed that they were holding
the reins of East Europe in their hands. Tey admitted defeat in the politi-
cal eld, but intended to exert pressure on Serbia in the economic eld, and
perhaps even start an economic war. Te German reigning houses found the
withdrawal from the nearly completed negotiations on the Kings marriage
insulting, and Serbia was openly described in Vienna as a state ship drifting
on the political high seas without a compass.
34
Vienna did not put up with its loss of inuence in Serbia. Te anti-
dynastic campaign against King Alexander orchestrated on Austria-Hun-
32
AVPRI, f. 151, Politarchive, op. 482, 1900, d. 489, l. 61, 64; and d. 2 861, l. 85.
33
Ibid. d. 2839, 1901, l. 18 (rst draft of the instructions to Tcharykow); l. 915 (sec-
ond draft); l. 1619 (third draft).
34
AS, V. J. Marambo Papers, f. 78, Berlin report, 27 July/8 Aug. 1900; Vienna Report,
16/28 Aug. 1900; Documents diplomatiques franais [hereafter DDF], ser. 2, vol. I, 94; Die
grosse Politik der Europischen Kabinette XVIII, 115116; 140, 173174; Vojvodi, Srbija
u medjunarodnim odnosima, 315.
Balcanica XLIII 154
garys soil was ignored, and the Viennese press scathingly wrote about the
situation in Serbia with a view to making it dicult for Serbia to negoti-
ate a new loan and settle its nances. In the summer of 1901, the export of
livestock cattle into the Habsburg Monarchy had to be suspended, and the
King, anxious to protect himself against dangers, was falling deeper and
deeper into Russias embrace. He entrusted his own safety and that of the
Queen to the Russian Secret Police (Okhrana).
Te head of the Russian Secret Service for the Balkans, Colonel Al-
exander Budzilovich alias Grabo, met with the King in Smederevo in early
September 1900, and oered his services to help arrange the Kings meeting
with the Emperor. Te King accepted the proposal, actually an idea of the
Charg daaires Mansurov, who was praised by the King for the favours
done to Serbia and to him personally. Te praise indicates close ties of
this member of the Russian diplomatic mission both with the Serbian ruler
and with the head of the Russian Secret Service for the Balkans. In the
rst decade of October 1900, the Kings trip was postponed until next year,
purportedly because the Tsar and Tsarina would not return from their own
journey until mid-November. In early November, the Serbian ruler tried
through Mansurov to set another date, but Mansurov was unable to do
anything, although he had warned his superiors that the King might turn
to Austria-Hungary if he felt he was being kept at a distance by Russia. In
mid-November 1900, Mansurov received vague information on the visit of
the royal couple. Te Russian diplomatic mission remained unclear on what
it was that the Foreign Ministry wanted. Te Foreign Minister Lambsdorf
wrote that the Emperor was still favourably disposed towards the Serbian
royal couple and willing to receive them, but that he was not in a hurry to do
so. Mansurov reported, from reliable sources, that it was believed in Serbia
that the dynasty lacked Russias support and should therefore be deposed.
He suggested that the royal couples visit to the Tsar would be the most ef-
fective way to put an end to such rumours and preserve peace in the country.
Mansurov concluded that a negative reply from St. Petersburg would spell
the end of the Obrenovi dynasty.
35
At the abovementioned meeting between Colonel Budzilovich and
the King in Smederevo in early September 1900, the King asked if the
Russian Secret Service would take on the protection of his and the Queens
safety. Grabo assured him of a positive answer, but nothing concrete was ar-
35
Marianin, Upraviteljeve beleke I, 67; Progoni politikih protivnika, 836. Mansurovs
letter to Count Lambsdorf of 20 Oct./2 Nov. 1900 shows that Grabo was backed by
Mansurov, who wrote for him letters of recommendation to the highest ocial circles
in St. Petersburg so that a visit of the Serbian royal couple could be prepared and real-
ised.
ranged. On 29 September 1900, the Colonel received the Kings invitation
to visit him at his Belgrade residence. It took more than a month before the
Russian authorities and the Tsar gave their consent to the meeting, which
was a clear indication of St. Petersburgs reluctance. Mansurov assured the
authorities that the King had denitively severed all ties with his father. He
urged that a security service for the protection of the King be established,
which would reinforce the ties between Serbia and Russia. In October,
Alexander Vaisman, a Secret Service agent, was sent to Serbia to examine
the situation. Te King expressed his fears for the safety of his wife, and
concerns that his father might take steps to prepare his return to Serbia. It
seems that Mansurov and Grabo purposely fomented the Kings distrust of
his father, despite his information to the contrary. Aleksandar Katardi, a
close relative of the Obrenovis, intended to come to Belgrade in order to
mediate between father and son to bring about reconciliation. He claimed
that the Kings father had no intention of undertaking any action against
his son. Te King obviously did not believe Katardis claims, because, on 2
December 1900, Grabo received another request for a meeting regarding
arrangements about a special favour concerning His Majesty King Milan.
A week later, the Kings request was forwarded to the Tsar, who was staying
in Yalta. On his superiors orders, Grabo declined the request on the pretext
of not having enough men for organising a Russian Secret Police branch
as it existed in Romania and Bulgaria, but he put two agents at the Kings
disposal Alexander Vaisman and Mikhail Vasilevich Jurkevich, and a
few of their aids. For that purpose, the King allocated 80,000 francs for the
period from 1 January 1901 to 1 January 1902.
36
Tat was the beginning,
i.e. the rst phase of cooperation between King Alexander and the Russian
Secret Service. It lasted briey, until the death of the Kings father early in
1901.
Te question of the Kings visit to Russia was quite urgent for as long
as the ex-King was alive, and Count Lambsdorf promised that he would go
out of his way to make it happen as soon as possible. Milans sudden death
on 11 February 1901, however, lowered the level of its urgency. In April,
due to the changed circumstances, the King was oered services at a lower
cost: 300 francs a month to each agent, four months in advance, as of 1
May 1901. However, the services were not dened as personal protection
of the royal couple. Grabo expressly said that his assignment was over with
36
GARF, f. 505, Zaveduiushchii agenturoi Departamenta politsii na Balkanskom polu-
ostrove [Head of the Police Department Agency in the Balkans; hereafter Zaveduiush-
chii agenturoi], op. 1, d. 127, l. 11; AVPRI, f. 151, Politarchive, op. 482, d. 489, 1900, l.
251, 332336; AS, King Alexander Papers, Report from Bucharest of 15/27 Oct. 1900,
on the arrival of A. Katardi in Belgrade; Marianin, Upraviteljeve beleke 1, 6671.
Balcanica XLIII 156
Milans death, which suggests that the original assignment of the Secret
Service was to protect the son and his wife from the father, former King
Milan.
37
After his fathers death, the King requested that the Secret Service
focus on monitoring anti-dynastic activities whose source was in Austria-
Hungary. Tus, the Russian Secret Service assumed the role of the Kings
intelligence service, because such a service had not yet been instituted in
Serbia.
38
However, now the personal protection of the King and Queen was
outside its area of competence and, for that reason, the cost for its operation
was much lower. Mansurov advised Grabo to accept the Kings proposal
with the proviso that it should not include spying on the Kings subjects in
the country. An agreement was reached along these lines. Russian agents
operated independently and without cooperation with the Serbian police.
Te Austrian Intelligence Service put a tail on the Russian agents. Activi-
ties of the Russian Secret Service as described above lasted until the end of
1901. On his superiors instructions, the Russian diplomatic representative
Tcharykow supported such engagement of the Russian Secret Service as
very useful for Russia. Besides Tcharykow and Mansurov, the Russian dip-
lomatic representative in Soa, Yuri Petrovich Bahmetev, and the Russian
military agent Leontovich were also familiar with the activities of the Rus-
sian Secret Service in Serbia.
39
* * *
Before it became known, in May 1901, that the Queens Draga pregnancy
was a false one, the Russian Secret Service had discovered that Austria-
Hungary had no intention of recognising the child as the Kings rightful
heir on account of the Queens suspected premarital pregnancy. Te King
assured the Russian diplomatic representative that such suspicions were ab-
surd, but the Russians were concerned that the request for the Tsars god-
fatherhood might put the Emperor in a disagreeable situation. Yet, in the
autumn of 1900, Grabo, as instructed by Lambsdorf, informed King Alex-
37
GARF, f. 505, Zaveduiushchii agenturoi, op. 1, d. 127, l. 14, 2021, 34.
38
In 1900, a special department (Fifth) of the Directorate of the City of Belgrade un-
der the authority of the Ministry of Interior was established for the purpose of curb-
ing anti-dynastic activities and protecting the King and members of the royal house. It
was supposed to be a classical secret police (such as the Minister of Interior, Geni, had
tried, and failed, to establish in 1899), the aim of which was to strengthen and institu-
tionalise a network of professional agents. Although the Department operated until the
Coup of 1903, the King, fearing that it might add to his unpopularity, never made its
work legal and professional. See V. Jovanovi, Pravila o tajnoj policiji u Beogradu 1900.
godine, Miscellanea XXIX (2008), 141152.
39
GARF, f. 505, op. 1, d. 76, l. 3, undated; d. 127, l. 2021.
ander that the Tsar accepted to be the godfather of the future heir to the
Serbian throne, and that the Russian government would always support the
Obrenovi dynasty.
40
Te happy event was due to occur in early May 1901. In early April,
the Russian physicians Snegirev and Gubarov arrived in Belgrade. Te latter
was believed to be a member of the Russian Secret Police, and his arrival was
thought to be related to the possible request to the Tsar to be the godfather
to the changeling, as Queen Mother had been quick to warn the relevant
persons in St. Petersburg. After it had become known that there would be
no child, the Queens already tarnished reputation was further undermined.
Te Kings eorts, made through Grabo, to arrange an urgent audience at
the Russian court soon became the main task of the Russian Secret Service.
Te King and Queen had not made a single ocial visit abroad since their
wedding, which provided the political opposition in the country with an
argument to challenge their legitimacy. It was believed that the Kings best
man could help the royal couple to break their isolation. However, the news
that there would be no heir made Russia reconsider its stance.
Te representatives of all major powers in Belgrade were aware of St.
Petersburgs unenthusiastic attitude towards the Obrenovi royal couple, but
they were not quite sure what to make of it. Mansurov conded to his French
colleague that the Kings visit to Russia had been discussed immediately after
the wedding, and that he had been under impression that the idea met resis-
tance from some members of the imperial family, the Grand Duchesses in
particular. He did not mention their names, but his contemporaries named
the daughters of Prince Nikola Petrovi of Montenegro, Milica, married to
the Grand Duke Peter Nikolaievich, a grandson of Nicholas I, and Anastasija
(Stana), as staunch opponents to Alexander and Dragas visit to Russia. Te
King learned from his diplomatic representative in Russia, Novakovi, that
40
Ibid. d. 127, l. 1417, 25. Shortly before the childbirth was due, Austro-Hungarian
authorities got in touch with the former mistress of King Milan, Artemiza Hristi, and
oered her to permanently settle in the Monarchy with her son; to sell, for the price
of half a million francs, the photographs of Milans letters in which he recognised his
illegitimate son Djordje; oered her the title of Countess and nancial means for the
education of her son whom, once he came of age, Austria-Hungary would nominate as
candidate for the Serbian throne. Grabo advised King Alexander to buy the aforesaid
letters from Mrs Hristi, and suggested that Djordje should be enrolled in the Russian
Page Corps in order to become lastingly tied to Russia. Unwilling to compromise him-
self, the King rejected this idea. Te Serbian diplomatic representative in Constatinople,
Sava Gruji, knew that Artemiza had tried, in vain, to arouse Russias interest in her
son as potential heir to the throne. Gruji believed that Austria-Hungary seized the
opportunity and enrolled Djordje in Teresianum in order to have one more bogey for
Serbia at hand. Information about Djordjes scholarship for Teresianum has not been
documented. See Mihailovi, Dnevnici, 329330.
Balcanica XLIII 158
there was in St. Petersburg a revolt against his and the Queens visit. He
began to doubt if the visit would take place at all, for word to that eect was
reaching him from Berlin, Vienna and Rome. A Serbian diplomat accredited
to Italy learnt that German pressure was channelled through the Russian
Tsarina, who vigorously opposed the visit. Te adverse attitude was shared by
Prince Nikola Petrovis daughters, including the Italian Queen, Jelena. At
long last, on 13 June 1901, the Tsars oce released the ocial announcement
of the royal couples visit, but not even then was the exact date set. In order
to forestall further political intrigues, Tcharykow, Mansurov and Lambsdorf
gave the green light to the publication in the semi-ocial Dnevnik [Daily
Chronicler] of the ocial letter of visit approval. Agent Jurkevich reported
that the news of the royal couples trip to Russia put an end to the agitation
against the government and the Queen, and in a ash appeared in the press
throughout Europe.
41
Te King demanded from his diplomatic representative in St. Pe-
tersburg to nd a way to neutralize the Austro-German inuence on the
Emperor. After Tcharykow returned from his leave of absence in late No-
vember 1901, the King visited him and, enquiring about the exact date of
his journey, tried to explain the reasons for his suspicions, but he was given
repeated assurances as to the Tsars good will. Te King did not doubt that
Russian diplomacy was in earnest about his visit, but felt that there was
some hurdle that diplomats were cognisant of but unwilling to talk about,
and that it was in order to prevent the Russian side from reneging that
they had publicized the news about the visit. A semi-ocial newspaper had
repeatedly to deny rumours that the trip would never take place.
42
While Russia prolonged the uncertainty about the Kings audience
with the Tsar, a plot against the royal couple was taking shape in Serbia. Te
reports of the Russian Secret Service, however, contained no information
about it. What kind of information did the King receive from the agents?
A typical example was reports on the anti-Obrenovi activities of Serbs
living in the Habsburg Monarchy. Te physicians Jovan Gruji and Mia
Mihailovi from Novi Sad, Stevan Popovi Vacki, Stevan Pavlovi, the edi-
tor of Nae doba [Our Times], the lawyer Djordje Krasojevi, and a group
of Radicals gathered around Jaa Tomi and the newspaper Zastava [Flag]
41
GARF, f. 505, Zaveduiushchii agenturoi Departamenta politsii na Balkanskom polu-
ostrove, op. 1, d. 127, l. 34; Dnevnik no. 36, 7/20 June 1901; no. 46, 17/30 June 1901; no.
115, 25 Aug./7 Sept. 1901.
42
DDF, vol. I, ser. 2, doc. 336, 497, 451, 601, 653, 654; AS, SN, 172, 1135, 12421244;
Vojvodi, Petrogradske godine, 22. Novakovis comments on the delay of the royal visit
to Russia suggest that he was unaware of the intrigues set in motion to thwart its re-
alisation.
were earmarked as ringleaders of a campaign against the King and Queen.
It should be noted that even the British diplomatic representative suggest-
ed, though quite vaguely, that the Austrian element was strong enough to
stir possible trouble in Serbia. According to the Russian Secret Services
reports, it was publicly spoken in cafes of Novi Sad that King Alexander
would have to cede the throne to a Karadjordjevi since he was alone and
the Karadjordjevis were many, an entire family. It was also reported about
the eorts of Austria-Hungary to establish contact with King Milans il-
legitimate son with a view to using him as a lever against King Alexander.
43

Te reports also informed about the activity of the Social-Democratic Club
based at 20 Queen Natalie Street, monitored its contacts with Bulgarian so-
cialists, and the movements of Serbian anarchists who were not permanent
residents of Serbia but allegedly forged plots against the Kings life. Faced
with increasingly frequent reports on threats to his life, the King expressed
his profound dissatisfaction with the fact that the date of his audience in
Russia had not yet been set, and reproached the Secret Service for having
brushed this question aside.
44
Grappling with a growing sense of insecurity, the King was prepared
to do whatever it takes to get his audience with the Tsar, and so he asked
Grabo to go to St. Petersburg in person. Te King believed that Grabo
would more eectively counter intrigues against him through unocial
channels and behind the scenes. On 6 November 1901, Grabo, supplied
with the Kings detailed instructions and Mansurovs letters of recommen-
dation, informed Rataev, Director of the Police Department, that he was
about to go to St. Petersburg to relay a message from the Serbian King to
Count Lambsdorf. Before his departure, however, Grabo intimated to the
King that the reply to his request would quite likely be negative. He drew
the Kings attention to reports from his agents that the Foreign Minister of
Austria-Hungary, Goluhovsky, was prepared, in case the royal couple was
granted audience at the Russian imperial court, to disclose compromising
documents about the Queen. He warned of the Austrian police operations
against the Queen, carried out not only in Austria, but also in Germany, Italy
and Bulgaria. A brochure published in 1901 in Switzerland and translated
into Bulgarian later that year, dubbed Draga an evil spirit of Serbia, and
called all well-wishers of Serbia to ght against her inuence. Te Kings
message that Grabo was to relay to the Foreign Minister Lambsdorf was
43
GARF, f. 505, Zaveduiushchii agenturoi, op. 1, d. 127, l. 2325; AVPRI, Politarchive,
f. 151, op. 482, 1901, d. 492, part I, l. 109; Lj. P. Risti, Velika Britanija i Srbija (1889
1903) (PhD thesis, University of Belgrade, 2007), 488.
44
GARF, V. Lambsdorf s Fonds, f. 586, op. 1, d. 845, l. 5253, 54, 56; GARF, f. 505, op.
1, d. 127, l. 2930, 4243.
Balcanica XLIII 160
that he was perfectly aware of his dynastys dicult position and of the fact
that his only way out of the predicament would be to present a solid proof of
Russias support for the dynasty to his people. If the Emperor did not grant
him an audience, the King expected a revolution and his dethronement.
45
However, Grabos mission was cut short by his sudden death in De-
cember 1901. His death marked the end of the second phase of the Kings
cooperation with the Russian Secret Service, which lasted from May to De-
cember 1901. Te Kings position in 1902 was growing weaker, and for this
reason Russian authorities acted reservedly and evaded granting the Kings
principal request for continuing cooperation and preparing the ground for
his audience with the Tsar. Te question of the Kings visit to Russia had to
be opened anew.
46
From the beginning of 1902 King Alexander was trying to get in
touch with the new head of the Secret Service, Vladimir Valerianovich
Trzeciak, in order to ensure the continuation of their cooperation on the
basis of the previous agreement. He did this through Jovan Djaja, a Radi-
cal politician and Serbias diplomatic agent in Soa who, with the Kings
knowledge, worked for the Russian Secret Service.
47
When Trzeciak reported to Tcharykow upon his arrival in Belgrade,
he learnt that the Russian Ministry of Foreign Aairs had already informed
its mission in Belgrade that the Okhranas engagement in the Serbian Kings
service had been terminated on 1 January 1902, and that Russia could not
take the risk and re-assume responsibility for his safety. Tis was the begin-
ning of the third period in relations between the Serbian ruler and the Rus-
45
GARF, f. 505, op. 1, d. 127, l. 40, 41: according to Grabos ndings, a brochure entitled
Draga i njeno delovanje u Srbiji was printed in Soa in 1901. It was a translation from
German of Draga und ihre Umtriebe in Serbien (Zrich 1901) and signed by a Serbian
man of the state. In addition to a portrayal of the King and Queen in the worst possible
light, it also accused the Russian diplomat Mansurov and the interpreter of the Russian
diplomatic mission in Belgrade Mamulov of purposely ignoring the irrefutable proof
of the Queens barrenness, of which both German and French diplomats were aware;
it was Russia alone that feigned ignorance, using Draga to get Milan removed from
Serbia forever in order to reinforce its inuence there (l. 43a143e).
46
AS, SN, 1.245.
47
Te ties between the Russian Secret Service and Jovan Djaja do not seem to have
been insignicant. As a rabid Radical, he was recruited by the Russian Secret Service on
Trzeciaks recommendation. Being the Kings trusted person, he was familiar with his
every move, and reported it to the Russian Secret Service. According to Secret Service
reports, the King recalled him from Soa in May 1902 and appointed him head of his
Privy Council. Djaja suggested that the King, if he turned to Austria-Hungary again,
should be dethroned and replaced by a person loyal to Russia. See GARF, f. 505, Zave-
duiushchii agenturoi, op. 1, d. 75, l. 1112; d. 76, l. 1, 56; d. 127, l. 34.
sian Secret Service, which lasted until the Kings assassination. Accordingly,
Trzeciak told the King that he had no authority to decide on the matter,
and that the Kings request should be addressed to the Russian government.
Te King expressed hope that his request would not be misunderstood, and
Trzeciak promised to refer it to his superiors. Te audience ended on that
note. Tis meeting took place at a time when members of the conspiracy
against the King consolidated their ranks, established contact with the ri-
valling Karadjordjevi dynasty, and sounded out diplomats in Belgrade and
Vienna about the possible reaction of the great powers in case of a dynastic
change in Serbia. At the same time, in February 1902, Franz Ferdinand,
heir presumptive to the throne of Austria-Hungary, left for St. Petersburg.
Te King needed the services of the Russian Secret Police more than ever
before.
48
During 1902 warnings about the Kings life being in danger were
coming from all quarters, including Serbias diplomatic missions.
49
Danger
seemed to lurk around every corner and the King was unable to put his
nger on its source. Some claimed that it was the Army, some pointed at
supporters of the Karadjordjevis, and others suspected Austria-Hungary.
Te King sought protection from the Russian Service anew, but Russia
kept a distance due to discouraging news about the Kings position in the
country. On Tcharykows suggestions, Russia was careful not to bring dis-
credit on itself by supplying its own men for the Kings protection. Prior
to his meeting with the King, Tcharykow was instructed by Trzeciakov to
present himself as a person ocially charged with curbing revolutionary-
anarchistic movements in the Balkans. Trzeciak shared Tcharykows view
that any further involvement of Russian agents in the Kings protection
would discredit Russia, and that the Kings request should be delicately de-
clined. Te King, on the other hand, wanted to keep Tcharykow in the dark
as to his negotiations with Trzeciak, since he had learnt that Tcharykow
was opposed to his request. On 27 February 1902, Trzeciak was received
in audience. Te King enquired about Grabos sudden death and the results
of his mission to Lambsdorf and the Tsar, and then brought up the ques-
tion of his personal security. Trzeciak stated that he was neither suciently
informed nor authorized to decide about such a serious matter. Te Russian
ministries of Foreign and Internal Aairs had agreed that the reputation
of the Secret Service might be seriously damaged should it kept receiving
money from the Serbian King. Trzeciak reported to his superiors that a
Russian network of agents for monitoring anarchists and revolutionaries
could be organised in Serbia, as it had been in Bulgaria, at a cost of about
48
Ibid. d. 127, l. 50, 5253, 60; AVPRI, Politarchive, f. 151, op. 482, d. 497, 1902, l. 20.
49
AS, MID, PO, 1902, P1, D. VI, F. VIII; and 1903, A7, B I, F I.
Balcanica XLIII 162
60,000 francs, and claimed that it would be quite useful for the operation
of the Secret Service in the Balkans.
50
His proposal was not accepted, on
account that it would further irritate Austrian intelligence agents, who kept
a watchful eye on their Russian counterparts. On 4 May 1902, as ordered
by the Police Director, Trzeciak told the King that the Secret Service could
not take on responsibility for the security of a person of such a high rank,
but added that he was ordered to take all measures to avert dangers to the
King commensurate with the forces and resources of the Secret Service.
Tis, to all intents and purposes, was a No. Te Kings request was declined,
while the Secret Service agents still beneted from his permission to move
freely across Serbia, and they even were well-received and assisted by local
police authorities.
51
Still hoping that his trip to Russia would take place, the King con-
tinued to shower Russian agents with presents and honours. In mid-April
1902, he rewarded members of the Russian Secret Police with 7,000 francs,
and decorated the head of the special section of the Police Department with
the Order of St. Sava First Class.
52
From March to October 1902, the King, having completed all prepa-
rations for the trip to Russia, waited for the exact date to be set. As he let it
be known that he wished to pay visits to the Sultan and the Romanian King
on his journey home from Russia, both courts began to enquire about the
date of his arrival. August came to a close, and the deadline for announcing
the date and itinerary of his journey was fast-approaching.
53

Te King had acquiesced in being received in audience in St. Peters-
burg together with Bulgarian Prince Ferdinand. However, the Bulgarian
Prince was received by the Emperor in June 1902, as well as Prince Nikola
of Montenegro, in late 1901. Te Serbian King was the only one who was
still waiting to be granted audience. Te fact that Bulgaria once more came
before Serbia on the list of Russian priorities in the Balkans, and the cordial
50
GARF, f. 505, Zaveduiushchii agenturoi, op. 1, d. 127, l. 4748; d. 76, l. 1, 3; and d.
81, l. 12.
51
Ibid. op. 1, d. 127, l. 6164; Trzeciaks report of 18/31 May 1902 (ibid. op. 1, d.75,
l. 11) reads: Despite the fact that the Police Department did not allocate resources to
the Secret Service in Serbia, it continues to be met with very broad cooperation on the
part of authorities.
52
GARF, f. 505, Zaveduiushchii agenturoi, op. 1, d. 127, l. 5455. Te list of more
prominent persons who were given money included Trzeciak, the Vaisman brothers,
Alexander and Simon, Yurij Petrovich Bahmetev, Mikhail Jurkevich, Jovan Djaja, and
two others who received smaller sums (ibid. op. 1, d. 75, l. 10).
53
GARF, V. Lambsdorf s Fonds, f. 586, op. 1, d. 63, l. 23, 27, 3840; AVPRI, Sekretnyi
arkhiv, f. 138, op. 467, d. 209/210, 1902, l. 2728.
reception of Prince Ferdinand in St. Petersburg, gave the King another seri-
ous cause for concern. He told the Russian military agent that, had he gone
to St. Petersburg, he would have persuaded the Russian government to give
preference to the Serbs instead of treating them as an abstract number.
54
In June 1902, Tcharykow asked his superiors for some information
about the Serbian Kings prospective visit. When reporting to the Tsar on
23 June, Lambsdorf wrote on the piece of paper with Tcharykows question
concerning the date of the visit: Tis autumn in the Crimea. No sooner had
Tcharykow reported back that all preparations for the trip had been made in
Serbia than Lambsdorf informed him, in a telegram of 14 September, and a
letter of 17 September, that due to Tsarinas poor health there would be no
audiences for foreign royalty in Livadia, but he added that it did not mean
that the Tsars sentiments towards the Serbian royal couple had changed in
any way.
55
Te King was kept in the dark for almost a month. It was not until
10 October that he learnt that his visit had been called o. It is interesting
to note that the Serbian diplomatic representative to Russia, Novakovi,
did not relay Lambsdorf s formal note of 17 September that the visit
would not take place in 1902 to the King. Te telegram that the King
received almost a month later, on 10 October, did not contain Lambs-
dorf s message which essentially said that the visit was postponed. Lamb-
sdorf deemed Novakovis report to be tactless. Te King was devastated
by the news, and Tcharykow thought that the sharp and tactless tone of
Novakovis telegram made it sound even worse. Tcharykow reported
that during his audience with the King, Alexander had seemed discour-
aged and distraught. To make things worse, the unpleasant news spread
throughout the country like wildre. Te King was outraged when he
found out that Tcharykow had kept him in suspense for almost a month.
Te cancellation of the visit caused sensation and turmoil on the domestic
political scene, but the Russian Foreign Ministry kept up with its lulling
tactics, dangling the prospect of a visit upon the Tsarinas recovery. From
Yalta, the Emperor authorised Lambsdorf to instruct the Russian diplo-
matic representative to pass on the expressions of his favour to the King
for he had abided by Russian counsel in both internal and foreign policy.
Te Tsar said he was not able to set the date of the Kings visit yet, which
implied it was delayed rather than cancelled altogether.
56
From that mo-
54
DDF, vol. II, ser. 2, 381.
55
GARF, f. 586, op. 1, d. 63, l. 23; AVPRI, Politarchive, f. 151, op. 482, d. 497, 1902, l.
562.
56
AVPRI, Politarchive, f. 151, op. 482, d. 495, part II, 1902, l. 220221; d. 496, 1902,
l. 193196, 217, 229; AVPRI, Sekretnyi arkhiv, f. 138, op. 467, d. 209/210, year 1902,
Balcanica XLIII 164
ment on, the Secret Service kept a watchful eye on the Kings moves in
order to assess if Russia should still rely on him in her Balkan plans, and
tried to found out Austria-Hungarys secret plans in the region.
57
Te terrible impression that the whole aair had made in Serbia
prompted Tcharykow to ask for detailed instructions with the view to re-
pairing the damage it caused to the Russian inuence in Serbia. Acting on
the instructions received on 21 October 1902, Tcharykow said to the King
that St. Petersburg had been supporting him for almost three years and
would continue to do so; should the King, however, take a non-national
course which, in fact, meant a pro-Austrian one Russia would be
forced to get involved.
58
Of the Secret Service agents from Grabos times only Vaisman and
Jurkevich were left, but the former was subordinate to Tcharykow, while the
latter withdrew in 1902 over a disagreement with Vaisman. Russian agents
were on the move from Bucharest, Soa, Constantinople and Belgrade to
Vienna, mostly monitoring the movements of Macedonian Committee
members (advocating the autonomy of Macedonia in the Ottoman Empire)
and the activities of Austrian intelligence agents. Tis situation continued
into 1903 as well. In his report of 23 April 1903 Trzeciak stated again that
the provision of security services to the Serbian King had terminated with
Budzilovichs death, but that Russian agents often stayed in Belgrade for the
purpose of monitoring the distribution of nihilistic literature in Serbia.
59
After the Kings coup dtat of 6 April 1903, Russian agents informed
their superiors about rumours of an organisation in southern Macedonia
planning the assassination of the King and Queen. In late April 1903, they
reported that the Service had established the existence of a conspiracy
against the King in Belgrade and that Tcharykow had been informed about
it, unlike the King, from whom the information was withheld for one whole
month.
60
Te rst serious warning about the conspiracy that reached the King
came from his aunt, Queen Natalies sister who lived in Romania. Te
l. 2021; Lambsdorf instructed Tcharykow to carefully break to the King the news
that the visit of the royal couple had to be postponed because of the Tsarinas sudden
weakness, but that it did not mean that the Tsars sentiments towards the royal couple
changed. See AVPRI, Politarchive, f. 151, op. 482, d. 497, 1902, l. 562.
57
GARF, f. 505, op. 1, d. 76, l. 10.
58
AVPRI, Sekretnyi arkhiv, f. 138, op. 467, d. 209/210, 1902, l. 3031; Politarchive, f.
151, op. 482, d. 495, part II, 1902, l. 12; d. 496, 1902, l. 217.
59
GARF, f. 505, Zaveduiushchii agenturoi, op. 1, d. 76, l. 1415
60
Ibid. d. 75, l. 67; and op. 1, d. 76, l. 1213; AVPRI, Politarchive, f. 151, op. 482, d.
498, 1903, l. 185.
warning was given at the explicit order of King Carol of Romania, who
had learnt of it from a representative of the Viennese government.
61
Te
Russian Secret Service did not send Vaisman to inform the King about the
conspiracy until 7 June 1903, only three days before his assassination. At
that point the King had already known what was going on, as he had been
warned by Prince Ferdinand of Bulgaria as well. Te Prince heard of it from
his secretary, who, in turn, had received information from none other than
the Russian Secret Service. On the same day, 7 June, at the order of the Po-
lice Department, Trzeciak withdrew all his men from Serbia, and Vaisman
left for Soa. On 10 June, however, he was sent back to Belgrade, alleg-
edly on some police business. Tus, on 11 June 1903, at four oclock in the
morning, an hour after the murder of the King and Queen, the agent of the
Russian Police arrived in the Serbian capital and, summoned by Tcharykow,
proceeded urgently to the Russian mission.
62
A day later, 12 June, Tcharykow sent a condential telegram to the
Russian Police Department requesting that agent Vaisman be allowed to
stay in Belgrade to ensure liaison between the Russian mission and the
provisional Avakumovi government until the ocial establishment of
bilateral relations between Russia and Serbia, that is, until the Russian
Emperor recognised the change on the Serbian throne and the new King,
Peter Karadjordjevi. On 15 June, Serbian Parliament proclaimed Peter
Karadjordjevi king, who had already been acclaimed king by the Army.
Te Tsar was the rst head of a great power to recognise the new situation
in Serbia as soon as the next day. Tcharykow then introduced the freshly-
arrived Trzeciak to the Minister of Internal Aairs, Ljubomir Kaljevi, pre-
senting him as a representative of the Russian foreign revolutionary secret
service. Tcharykow proposed that, on the arrival of Peter Karadjordjevi
in Belgrade, Trzeciak be introduced to the new King as well, and that talks
be initiated about the establishment of a Secret Service branch in Serbia.
His proposal was postponed until September 1903, when it was brought
up again on the strict understanding that services provided to King Peter
would be conned to antirevolutionary activities without encroaching upon
the political sphere.
63
61
V. Kazimirovi, Nikola Pai i njegovo doba, 2 vols. (Belgrade: Nova Evropa, 1990),
vol. I, 611.
62
GARF, f. 505, Zaveduiushchii agenturoi, op. 1, d. 76, l. 37, 39.
63
Ibid. l. 30, 38, 39, 49, 50.
Balcanica XLIII 166
Conclusion
Between 1900 and 1903 there were three phases of cooperation between
the Russian Secret Service and King Alexander of Serbia. In the rst
phase, from December 1900 to February 1901, the King paid substantial
sums for the services that involved the protection of his and the Queens
life. After ex-King Milans death in February 1901, more precisely from
May, the second phase of cooperation began during which the Secret Ser-
vice was relieved of the duty of providing security for the King and instead
gathered intelligence for him, at a much lower price, and endeavoured to
prepare the ground for the visit of the Serbian royal couple to the Russian
court. Until the end of 1901, the Secret Service supplied the King with
intelligence that mainly concerned anti-dynastic activities on Austro-
Hungarian soil, and lobbied in Russian ocial and semi-ocial circles
for the Kings audience with the Tsar. During the third period of coopera-
tion, from the beginning of 1902 until the Kings assassination on 11 June
1903, Russian agents were forbidden, by the joint decision of the Russian
ministries of Internal and Foreign Aairs, to receive money from the Ser-
bian King and were relieved of any duty regarding the protection of his
life. Te Russian Secret Service promised to provide assistance to the King
commensurate with the forces and resources of the Secret Service, and
made it clear that its task in the Balkans was to counteract revolutionary-
anarchistic movements. Correspondence between all ocials involved in
the matter, including the Russian diplomatic representative in Belgrade
Tcharykow, shows that consensus was reached in Russia that the Secret
Service should not discredit itself by having its agents on a foreign sover-
eigns payroll. Such a decision was inuenced not only by the pessimistic
prognoses about the survival of the last Obrenovi on the throne, but also
by the agreed upon programme of reforms in the Ottoman Empire whose
realisation Russia and Austria-Hungary were to ensure. In order not to
undermine its agreement with Austria-Hungary, Russia kept a passive at-
titude towards the developments in Serbia. Te Secret Service withdrew
all personnel from Serbia just three days before the Kings assassination;
when it nally warned the King about the conspiracy, he had already been
informed from other sources.
It seems safe to say that the Secret Service in Serbia operated as an
extended arm of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Aairs, i.e. its diplomatic
mission in Belgrade. Its task was to fortify Russias position in Serbia after
King Alexanders wedding and ex-King Milans departure from the country.
Te person who acted as a liaison between the King and the Secret Service
was the Russian Charg daaires, Pavel Mansurov, who was close to Slavo-
phile circles in Russia. Te success of the Secret Service operations in Serbia
in the long run should not be underestimated. Russian agents were able to be
more ecient in their work because they enjoyed the condence of the Ser-
bian King, as they frequently noted themselves. Te cooperation, however,
was not life-saving for the Serbian King as he was not provided with the
services of Russian agents when he needed them most. A conspiracy against
him went on unhampered throughout 1902 and the rst half of 1903.
UDC 327.84(470:497.11)1900/1903
Arhiv Srbije [Archives of Serbia], Belgrade.
V. J. Marambo Papers, f. 78
Ministarstvo inostranih dela, Politiko odeljenje [Ministry of Foreign Aairs, Po-
litical Department]
Pokloni i otkupi [Gifts and Purchases]
Stojan Novakovi Personal Fonds
Jovan ujovi Personal Fonds
King Alexander Papers
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Te paper results from the project Serbian nation: integrating and disintegrating processes
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opment of the Republic of Serbia.
Duan T. Batakovi
Institut des tudes balkaniques
Acadmie serbe des Sciences et des Arts
Belgrade
Ahmed Bey Zogou et la Serbie
Une coopration inacheve (19141916)
Rsum : Dans la premire phase de la Grande Guerre, les relations entre la Serbie et
lAlbanie furent tendues, marques par les conits et les disputes territoriales ainsi
que par la rivalit avec les autres puissances, surtout lAutriche-Hongrie et la Turquie,
dans lAlbanie, en tant que nouvel tat balkanique. An de dpasser les conits et
de rtablir linuence politique de la Serbie en Albanie le Prsident du Conseil serbe,
Nikola P. Pai, tablit les liens proches et stratgiques avec le puissant chef dAlbanie
centrale Essad Pacha Toptani. En vue dlargir le rseau des chefs claniques amicaux
travers les missaires spciaux en Albanie, Pai recruta Ahmed bey Zogou, le chef
de la rgion des Mati et le neveu dEssad Pacha. Cette tude dmontre les direntes
phases, avec les rsultats mitigs, dune coopration entre la Serbie et Ahmed bey
Zogou, chef de la rgion Mati (futur roi dAlbanie Zog Ier entre-deux-guerres),
destine dapaiser linimiti des clans albanais contre la Serbie et de crer un cadre de
coopration bilatrale plus stable et plus durable.
Mot-cl : Serbie, Albanie, Grande Guerre, Ahmed bey Zogou, Nikola Pai, Essad
Pacha Toptani, relations serbo-albanaises, 19141916.
Le chef de clan de Mati
A
hmed Bey Zogou [Ahmet Muhtar Bej Zogolli], ls de Djemal Pa-
cha Zogou et de Sadija Hanem Toptani, naquit en 1895 en Albanie
du Nord, Burgajet, chef-lieu de la province de la rgion de Mati.
1
Il t
des tudes Constantinople au Lyce de Galatasaray avant de revenir en
Albanie la mort de son pre en 1911. Aprs avoir vinc son frre an,
Djemal Bey, il devint chef du clan de Mati et, lors de la cration de lAlbanie
en novembre 1912, il se jeta activement dans le combat politique.
2
1
La version serbe de ce texte, plus courte que celle-ci, intitule Ahmed beg Zogu i Srbija,
fut publie dans le recueil des travaux Srbija 1916 [La Serbie en 1916] (Belgrade: Ins-
titut dHistoire 1987), 165177.
2
Biographisches Lexicon zur Geschichte Sdosteuropa, vol. IV (Munich: Oldenburg 1981),
497502. Ahmed Bey tait un descendant de Djemal Pacha Zogou qui, au milieu des
annes 1860, avait ngoci avec la Serbie la leve dune insurrection commune contre
les Ottomans. Cf. G. Jaki et V. J. Vukovi, Spoljna politika Srbije za vlade kneza Mi-
haila. Prvi balkanski savez [La politique trangre de la Serbie sous le prince Michel. La
premire alliance balkanique] (Belgrade : Institut dhistoire 1963), 241245, 339341,
415416.
DOI:10.2298/BALC1243169B
Travail original scientique
Balcanica XLIII 170
Le premier chef du gouvernement albanais Valona Ismail Kemal
Bey (en albanais : Ismail Qemali) fut un protg de lAutriche-Hongrie, et,
par consquent, un ennemi acharn de la Serbie, en conit avec les Albanais
aprs ses succs militaires dans la Premire guerre balkanique. Les Serbes,
an de resserrer ltau de lAutriche-Hongrie, cherchaient un accs la mer
Adriatique, dans le territoire albanais. Sous la forte pression de Vienne la
Confrence des ambassadeurs Londres, les troupes serbes furent obliges
de se retirer de lAlbanie, o elles occupaient une grande partie dans les
zones septentrionales et centrales, avec le port de Durazzo [Durrs].
3

An de renforcer son inuence, lAutriche-Hongrie, parvint en
dcembre 1913 imposer Guillaume de Wied, un aristocrate prussien, par-
ent de la reine de Roumanie, comme le prince dAlbanie, lissue dune
bataille dans laquelle lItalie et la Turquie avaient galement leurs candidats.
Le gouvernement serbe vit dans ce choix un nouveau pas vers la ralisation
du plan de Vienne qui visait encercler la Serbie par lentremise de lAlbanie,
la Bulgarie et la Roumanie, les satellites de la Double Monarchie.
4
Larrive sur le trne albanais dun prince allemand, Guillaume
de Wied [Wilhelm von Wied], en mars 1914, tmoignait de linuence
prpondrante de lAutriche-Hongrie sur le nouvel tat balkanique. La
commission internationale de contrle contraignit Essad Pacha Toptani,
5

3
D. Djordjevi, Izlazak Srbije na Jadransko more i konferencija amabasadora u Londonu
1912 [Le dbouch de la Serbie sur lAdriatique et la confrence des ambassadeurs
Londres en 1912] (Belgrade : chez lauteur, 1956), 8385 ; S. Skendi, Albanian National
Awakening (Princeton : Princeton University Press, 1967), 460463 ; Dj. Miki, Al-
banci u balkanskim ratovima 19121913 godine [Les Albanais dans les guerres bal-
kaniques 19121913], Istorijski glasnik 12 (Belgrade 1986), 5580 ; Dj. Dj. Stankovi,
Nikola Pai i stvaranje albanske drave [Nikola Pai et la cration de ltat alba-
nais], Marksistika misao 3 (Belgrade 1985), 157169.
4
Djordjevi, Izlazak Srbije na Jadransko more, 149.
5
Essad Pacha Toptani (Tirana 1863 Paris 1920) tait issu dune des plus riches fa-
milles fodales albanaises, qui possdait une grande proprit dans la rgion de Tirana.
Il occupa de hautes fonctions dans larme et la gendarmerie turques. Il fut, entre autres,
le commandant de la gendarmerie de la province de Jannina. Il soutint le mouvement
jeune turc de 1908 et reprsenta Durazzo au parlement ottoman. En 1909, au nom des
ociers jeunes-turcs, il remit au sultan Abdul-Hamid II [18761909] le dcret qui le
destituait. Aprs lassassinat de Hassan Reza Pacha, perptr dans des circonstances
jamais lucides, en janvier 1913, en tant que commandant de la gendarmerie de la pro-
vince, il dirigea la dfense de la ville de Scutari. Cf. Biographisches Lexikon zur Geschichte
Sdosteuropas IV, 340342. Jovan M. Jovanovi, le haut fonctionnaire serbe, dans son
rcit de voyage en Albanie en 1908 : Inostrani [ J.M.J.], Beleke o Arbaniji [Notes
sur lAlbanie], Srpski knjievni glasnik XXV/7 (1910), 518, dit dEssad Pacha et de ses
orientations politiques : Le commandant de la gendarmerie de la province, Essad Pa-
cha, un Albanais de Tirana, un fonctionnaire et un homme riche et cupide, jouit dune
D. T. Batakovi, Ahmed Bey Zogou et la Serbie 171
lancien gnral ottoman et le seigneur albanais le plus puissant, former
un gouvernement unique avec le Prince (le mbret). Essad Pacha se vit con-
er deux postes-cls : le ministre de la Guerre et celui de lIntrieur.
6
Dans
une Albanie majoritairement musulmane (environ 70 % de la population
totale), le choix dun prince chrtien [ giaour ] suscita la rvolte de la
population traditionaliste de confession musulmane, qui, conduite par des
chefs claniques et des ociers jeunes-turcs, rclamait que soit maintenue
une administration de type ottoman et quun prince ottoman monte sur le
trne dAlbanie. Cette rvolte, due non seulement au fanatisme musulman
mais aussi au mcontentement paysan face la question agraire non rsolue,
ne t que renforcer la fracture existant au sein du pays.
7
Le programme
politique des insurgs tait le suivant : un souverain musulman, un drapeau
et une forme de gouvernement ottomans. En tant que le plus puissant des
chefs musulmanes en Albanie centrale, Essad Pacha Toptani soutint cette
insurrection contre le prince Guillaume de Wied, considrant quil tait lui-
mme en droit de monter sur le trne albanais.
Cherchant un soutien en Albanie du Nord o les Gugues musul-
mans sinsurgeaient contre le prince chrtien impos par les puissances ger-
maniques, Essad Pacha voulut sappuyer sur son neveu, le jeune Ahmed
Bey Zogou, qui disposait dans son clan de plusieurs centaines dhommes
arms. Selon les renseignements des missaires serbes en Albanie, Essad
Pacha Toptani promit au jeune Ahmed Bey Zogou den faire son hritier,
si celui-ci soutenait sa candidature au trne, puisquil navait pas denfant
grande inuence de Scutari Durazzo, et mme dans toute lAlbanie. Ce propritaire
de bois de htres et de chnes et des meilleures terres dAlbanie du Nord, que je ren-
contrai la douane de Scutari, est un grand ami des Italiens et on lcoute volontiers
Yildiz [palais royal du sultan Abdul Hamid II Constantinople]. parler avec lui, on a
limpression quil est favorable aux ides de progrs construction de routes, ouverture
des marchs, renforcement de la force conomique des Albanais , que cest naturel et
quil doit en tre ainsi, et que les Italiens ont lintelligence duvrer en ce sens en Alba-
nie. Comme on le dit, il a dj beaucoup uvr pour son propre compte, il a bien vendu
ses bois ; il achte des mines, sempare de fournitures commandes et pour, une belle
somme, les revend secrtement. Pour plus de dtails voir : D. T. Batakovi, Esad-paa
Toptani i Srbija 1915. godine [Essad Pacha Toptani et la Serbie en 1915], in Srbija
1915 [La Serbie en 1915] (Belgrade : Institut dHistoire, 1986), 299327.
6
Historia e popullit shqiptar [Histoire du peuple albanais], ed. A. Buda (Prishtine : En-
ti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve msimore i Krahins socialiste autonome t Kosovs, 1979),
403404.
7
M. Ekmei, Ratni ciljevi Srbije 1914 [Les buts de guerre de la Serbie en 1914] (Bel-
grade : Srpska knjievna zadruga, 1973), 375376 ; voir aussi J. Swire, Albania. Te Rise
of a Kingdom (Londres : Williams & Nortgate 1929), 183240.
Balcanica XLIII 172
mle.
8
Selon les sources serbes le chef de Mati est Ahmed Bey, le neveu
dEssad Pacha, et il contrle tout le ef. Il soutient Essad [Pacha] ; il nest
pas partisan du prince von Wied mais du prince Burhadedin [un prince
de la maison royale ottomane].
9

LAlbanie grouillait dagents trangers, essentiellement des ociers
jeunes-turcs et austro-hongrois. Dans ces circonstances, Essad Pacha, qui
avec larrive au pouvoir de Guillaume de Wied tait en train de perdre la
conance de la population musulmane, soutint dans un premier temps les
insurgs, avant de se tourner vers lItalie an de contrecarrer les plans aus-
tro-hongrois et de lutter contre les partisans du Prince. Aprs avoir aront
les partisans de Guillaume de Wied Durazzo, Essad Pacha dut migrer
en Italie le 19 mai 1914. Ahmed Bey avait, semble-t-il, sans succs tent de
pousser la population musulmane de Tirana soutenir Essad Pacha.
Selon les sources disponibles, rien nindique que Zogou ait eu
lpoque des contacts directs avec la Serbie. Nanmoins, une fois la menace
de guerre carte, Zogou prit de plus en plus dimportance aux yeux des
agents du gouvernement serbe en Albanie. Aprs la mort dArif Hikmet
lt 1914, Ahmed Bey Zogou tait lun des rares chefs de clan albanais
importants prts cooprer avec la Serbie voisine.
Les premiers contacts avec la Serbie
Le gouvernement serbe suivait avec beaucoup dinquitude le dveloppement
de la situation en Albanie. Ds la n du printemps 1914, le Premier minis-
tre serbe, Nikola P. Pai, envoya plusieurs reprises par lintermdiaire
du chef du district dOhrid, le prfet Jovan irkovi de largent des
chefs de clan albanais, an de sassurer leur collaboration dans les provinces
frontalires avec la Serbie. Cela eut peu de rsultats tangibles car les quan-
tits dor et de munitions fournies aux chefs albanais, en comparaisons des
sommes considrables distribus par les agents dAutriche-Hongrie, taient
faibles. Jovan irkovi, lhomme de conance de Premier ministre serbe,
semployait ardemment ce que la collaboration avec les Albanais en Al-
banie du Nord, limitrophe la Serbie, se poursuive car ces va-nu-pieds
albanais qui ont faim iront ceux qui leur donneront du pain et lAutriche
les attend bras ouverts . Ses prvisions se ralisrent assez rapidement.
8
B. Hrabak, Muslimani severne Albanije i Srbija uoi izbijanja rata 1914. godine
[Les musulmans de lAlbanie du nord et la Serbie la veille de la guerre de 1914], Zbor-
nik za istoriju Matice srpske 22 (Novi Sad 1980), 52.
9
Dokumenti o spoljnoj politici Kraljevine Srbije 19031914 [Documents sur la politique
trangre du Royaume de Serbie, 19031914], vol. VII-1 (Belgrade : Acadmie serbe
des sciences et des arts, 1981), doc. n
o
330.
la n juin 1914 Ahmed Bey Zogou reut de grosses sommes dargent
des mains des missaires de lAutriche-Hongrie. Il convoqua alors tous les
chefs du clan de Mati, rassembla un bataillon de prs de 2 500 hommes et
se rangea aux cts du prince Guillaume de Wied.
10
Cela ninquitait pas particulirement le prfet irkovi qui estimait
que Zogou, sil restait aux cts du prince giaour , perdrait rapidement
son inuence sur la majeure partie de son territoire clanique. Il savra bi-
entt quil avait raison. Quand ils surent que Zogou avait reu de largent
de lAutriche-Hongrie (prs de 20 000 napolons) par lentremise de Prenk
Bib Doda, le chef du clan catholique des Mirdit au nord dAlbanie, les
deux tiers des combattants musulmans de Mati le quittrent, refusant rso-
lument de se battre contre les Ottomans les insurgs musulmans pro-
ottomans conduits par Hadji Qamil Feiza, un ocier jeune-turc originaire
dElbassan. Ahmed Bey fut mme oblig denvoyer une lettre dexcuses au
chef des insurgs pro-turcs pour avoir conduit une arme clanique contre
lui, justiant son comportement par la crainte que la Serbie et la Grce ne
protent de linsurrection des Ottomans pour occuper certaines parties
de lAlbanie.
11
Aprs stre retir sans combat de la scne politique, Ahmed
Bey ne conserva quenviron 400 dles partisans. Il vit son inuence Mati,
peupl des Albanais musulmans, brutalement chuter et il sourit pendant
un certain temps de lostracisme des autres chefs albanais de sa rgion pour
avoir soutenu le prince chrtien Guillaume de Wied.
Lattentat de Sarajevo du 28 juin 1914, la crise europenne et la men-
ace de la guerre mondiale poussrent la Serbie consacrer plus dattention
sa frontire toujours instable avec lAlbanie, o linuence de la Double
Monarchie ne cessait de crotre. Le Prsident du Conseil serbe Pai, par
lintermdiaire de son missaire spcial, Djemal Bey Ljubovi, un ocier
10
Ahmed Bey [Zogou] a reu une grosse somme dargent de la part de lAutriche
dimanche dernier, le 8 de ce mois, et le lundi 9 il a convoqu tous les chefs et ses gens de
Mati pour leur distribuer largent. Et le lendemain matin, le mardi, il sest mis en route
avec 2 500 hommes pour Kravina et afama-riz. Mati, le crieur public a annonc
que ceux qui ne partiraient pas avec Ahmed Bey verraient leurs maisons incendies et
leur maisonne battue. Dsormais tout Mati est du ct du prince Wied. Nos missai-
res nont pas vu Ahmed Bey car ils sont arrivs seulement mardi aprs-midi. Ils disent
quaucun homme sur place ne veut entendre parler du prince turc et tous expliquent
que Wied est turc et quils nen ont pas besoin dun autre. [] Ma conviction est que,
si Ahmed Bey reste aux cts de Wied, nous pourrons lui prendre la moiti de Mati car
nous en avons les moyens. , cf. dpche de Jovan irkovi au Ministre des Aaires
trangres serbe, publie dans Dokumenti o spoljnoj politici Kraljevine Srbije 19031914
[Documents sur la politique trangre du Royaume de Serbie, 19031914], vol. VII-2,
doc. n
o
271.
11
Hrabak, Muslimani severne Albanije i Srbija , 6062, 74.
Balcanica XLIII 174
de larme serbe qui agissait en Albanie sous le pseudonyme de Mladen
(Stamatovi ?), travaillait avec la complicit du chef du district serbe
dOhrid gagner sa cause les chefs albanais pour scuriser la frontire
de la Serbie avec lAlbanie. Depuis les guerres balkaniques (19121913),
les rgions limitrophes avec lAlbanie, dans les zones du fort peuplement
albanais, furent souvent la cible des incursions armes des hors-la-loi (ka-
ak) albanais, nancs et organises par les agents austro-hongrois et les
missaires jeunes-turcs, visant dlargir les frontires de lAlbanie, et de crer
une Grande Albanie, avec les territoires rcemment incorpors la Ser-
bie : Kosovo, Metohija et la Macdoine du nord-ouest (rgions de Skoplje
[Uskub], Tetovo, Gostivar, Debar [Dibra], Bitolj [Monastir] et Ohrid).
Dbut juin 1914, le reprsentant serbe en Albanie Ljubovi et son sous-chef
Ohrid, le prfet Jovan irkovi, parvinrent attirer du ct de la Serbie
Ahmed Zogou, toujours politiquement isol, dans son ef Mati. Le gou-
vernement de Belgrade lui versa prs de 4 000 dinars, soit un cinquime des
sommes alloues aux puissants chefs de clans de lAlbanie du Nord.
12
Cependant, le chef de Mati narrivait pas retrouver son inuence
auprs des musulmans fondamentalistes de lAlbanie septentrionale et
centrale. Quand il demanda leur appui aux chefs de Mallessia de Dibra
(en serbe : Debarska Malesija), ceux-ci refusrent, le traitant de tratre
lottomanisme et de vendu .
13
Pendant un certain temps, il nest pas fait tat
dAhmed Zogou dont le pouvoir demeurait neutralis puisquil stait
discrdit en tant ouvertement la solde de lAutriche-Hongrie comme
dun acteur important dans les plans du gouvernement serbe en Alban-
ie. Nanmoins, dans la mesure o la Serbie avait dune certaine manire
recueillie Ahmed Zogou aprs lchec de son combat politique contre les
Ottomans , il est probable quelle ait continu soutenir Zogou pour que,
le moment voulu, il participe un projet politique.
Aprs lattentat de Sarajevo, la Double Monarchie, en collaboration
avec les ociers jeunes-turcs et les comitadjis bulgares inltrs en Albanie,
organisa de nouvelles incursions sur le territoire serbe. Des agents austro-
hongrois approvisionnaient les chefs albanais migrs du Kosovo Issa
Boletini, Bajram Curri, Hassan Bey Prishtina et autres en armes et ar-
gent, en laissant des ociers jeunes-turcs conduire les actions qui devaient
ouvrir un second front contre la Serbie.
14
Dans les dpches condentielles
serbes relatives aux incursions albanaises en aot et septembre 1914 sur le
12
Ibid., 64.
13
De ce fait, Jovan irkovi proposa que le restant de largent soit partag entre les chefs
de Mati qui taient rests dles Ahmed Bey (ibid., 68).
14
A. Mitrovi, Srbija u Prvom svetskom ratu [La Serbie dans la Premire guerre mon-
diale] (Belgrade : Srpska knjievna zadruga, 1984), 219223, 228.
territoire au sud de la Serbie (Kosovo, la Macdoine slave), le nom dAhmed
Zogou ne t pas mentionn.
Le dpart dnitif du prince Guillaume de Wied dAlbanie en sep-
tembre 1914, aprs sa dfaite contre les Ottomans de Hadji Qamil Feiza,
rouvrit la question du pouvoir en Albanie, dchire par les conits dordre
religieux et clanique.
15
Essad Pacha Toptani, avec laide du gouvernement
serbe avec lequel il avait pralablement conclu un accord secret de coo-
pration Ni revint dans son pays, sempara du pouvoir en Albanie
centrale et se proclama Durazzo souverain dAlbanie, chef du gouverne-
ment et commandant suprme des armes.
16
Ds sa prise de pouvoir, Es-
15
Voir plus dans : D. Heaton-Armstrong, Te Six Month Kingdom. Albania 1914, eds. G.
Beleld & B. Destani (Londres : I. B. Tauris, 2005).
16
Un accord secret, sign avec Essad Pacha Ni le 17 septembre 1914, rgulait en
15 points cette aide et les relations entre la Serbie et lAlbanie. Laccord prvoyait : (1)
dinstaurer une paix et une amiti durables entre les deux pays ; (2) de ne pas conclure
daccord avec un autre tat qui menacerait les intrts dun des signataires ; (3) que la
Serbie contribuerait rtablir lordre en Albanie selon les traditions locales et les be-
soins du peuple albanais ; (4) que la Serbie aiderait la cration dun conseil lgislatif
du peuple albanais, compos de reprsentants de tous les clans ; (5) que le souverain
dAlbanie serait dsign par la Grande assemble du peuple albanais, compose de deux
reprsentants par clan ; (6) que toutes les parties reconnatraient le souverain dsign
par lAssemble ; (7) quEssad Pacha sengageait crer, en collaboration avec la Serbie,
des reprsentations communes auprs des pays trangers et organiser une dfense
commune et des transports communs ; (8) que serait constitu un corps commun charg
de veiller sur ce partenariat et les institutions communes ; (9) quEssad Pacha mettrait
un terme lagitation anti-serbe sur son territoire et accorderait aux chrtiens la li-
bert de culte et les autoriserait avoir un enseignement dans leur dialecte ; (10) quune
commission mixte serbo-albanaise, qui serait forme ultrieurement, dciderait du trac
des frontires entre la Serbie et lAlbanie ; (11) quEssad Pacha ne sopposerait pas la
construction dun chemin de fer adriatique jusqu Durazzo et que le royaume de Serbie
ddommagerait les propritaires des terres consques pour la construction ; (12) que,
pour raliser cet accord, la Serbie paierait Essad Pacha 50 000 dinars par mois jusqu
ce quil soit lu souverain dAlbanie, la suite de quoi serait conclu un autre accord
dnissant un nouveau montant de rmunration ; (13) que les armes des deux parties
ne pourraient franchir la frontire que sur linvitation de lautre partie ; (14) que laccord
serait rati par les souverains de Serbie et dAlbanie une fois ce dernier dsign ; (15)
quEssad Pacha sengageait ne rien entreprendre qui aille lencontre de cet accord et
quil collaborerait troitement avec le reprsentant du royaume de Serbie en Albanie,
quelle que soit la personne nomme ce poste. Comme lexpliqua par la suite Nikola
Pai, cet accord avait t conclu uniquement pour nous prmunir des attaques venues
de ce ct, le temps que la guerre nisse . Il est cependant incontestable quil constituait
un cadre pour les relations venir avec lAlbanie. Voir plus dans : Sh. Rahimi, Mare-
veshjet e qeveris serbe me Esat pash Toptanit gjate viteve 19141915 [Les relations
du gouvernement serbe avec Essad pacha Toptani], Gjurmime Albanologjike VI (1976),
117143 ; D. T. Batakovi, Serbian Government and Esad-Pasha Toptani , in Serbs
Balcanica XLIII 176
sad Pacha t cesser les attaques des units irrgulires albanaises la fron-
tire serbe. Ahmed Zogou nest pas cit comme un acteur politique avant
le retour dEssad Pacha en Albanie ni tout de suite aprs. Cependant, il est
certain que la rgion de Mati ne se soumit pas lautorit dEssad Pacha
Toptani.
17
Ds le 3 aot 1914, Nikola P. Pai exprima le point de vue du gou-
vernement serbe dans ses instructions au chef de district dOhrid concer-
nant une ventuelle collaboration politique avec les musulmans dAlbanie
septentrionale et centrale: Nous pouvons laisser chaque clan sadministrer,
mais que tous les clans forment un Snat qui dirige et adopte les lois. Quils
forment une union politique et douanire avec la Serbie pour se dfendre
contre lennemi commun. Quils nous laissent construire un chemin de fer
jusqu la mer. La situation la plus claire serait une union personnelle et
douanire et qu lintrieur ils se gouvernent selon leurs coutumes. Il faud-
rait obtenir un accord avec plusieurs chefs importants, puis quils dcident
dans une de leurs assembles de nous inviter former une communaut
une union personnelle ou relle, etc. pour que nous ayons une arme,
une douane et des moyens de transport communs.
18
Lentre en guerre de la Turquie aux cts des puissances centrales,
dbut novembre 1914, raviva le mouvement insurrectionnel en Albanie. Es-
sad Pacha, alli de Serbie, fut dclar tratre lislam et les partisans de
Hadji Qamil se retournrent contre lui les armes la main. La position
dEssad Pacha, trs fort dans lAlbanie centrale, avec son sige Durazzo,
avant le djihad proclam contre lui Constantinople, saaiblissait progres-
sivement, cause de laide fournie aux insurgs musulmans pro-ottomans
par lAutriche-Hongrie et le rgime de Constantinople. Simultanment, les
attaques des kaaks contre la Serbie, partir du territoire albanais, repri-
rent, mettant ainsi la dfense de la Serbie mridionale en danger constant.
Les forces militaires serbes, aprs les deux victoires spectaculaires contre les
armes austro-hongroises en aot et novembre 1914, restrent majoritaire-
ment dployes au nord et nord-ouest de la Serbie, sur la longue frontire
avec la Double Monarchie sur les rivires de Danube, la Save, et la Drina.
and Albanians in the 20th Century, ed. A. Mitrovi, Scientic Conferences, vol. LXI,
Department of Historical Sciences, vol. 20 (Belgrade : Serbian Academy of Sciences
and Arts, 1991), 5778.
17
Pour plus de dtails voir : Batakovi, Essad Pacha Toptani et la Serbie , 305307 ;
B. Hrabak, Stanje na srpsko-albanskoj granici i pobuna Arbanasa na Kosovu i Make-
doniji [La situation la frontire serbo-albanaise et la rvolte des Albanais au Kosovo
et en Macdoine], in Srbija 1915, 6393.
18
Hrabak, Muslimani severne Albanije , 7677.
De peur que les insurgs pro-ottomans, sils mettaient n au rgime
dEssad Pacha Toptani avec le soutien nancier et militaire de lAutriche-
Hongrie, nouvrent un nouveau front sur les frontires de la Serbie mridi-
onale, le Premier ministre Pai ordonna en mai 1915 une intervention mil-
itaire en Albanie, malgr la dsapprobation des gouvernements des Allis.
Trois dtachements serbes de Drim, Prizren et Ohrid (Podrimski, Priz-
renski, Ohridski odred), soit prs de 20 000 soldats, pntrrent en Albanie
septentrionale par trois cts. Les troupes serbes, sous le commandement
du colonel Dragutin Milutinovi, brisrent rapidement, en une dizaine de
jours, la rsistance des Ottomans , semparrent de Tirana et Elbassan et
librrent Essad Pacha, dj assig dans son ef de Durazzo. Les chefs des
Ottomans dont Hadji Qamil Feiza, Moussa Eendi et le mufti de Ti-
rana, furent capturs par les Serbes et livrs Essad Pacha qui les t pendre
Durazzo.
19
La question de Mati
Les habitants de Mati, partisans de Zogou, ne rsistrent pas aux troupes ser-
bes, suprieures en nombre. Grce au lieutenant Mladen Stamatovi, mis-
saire de Pai en Albanie, Ahmed Bey obtint du colonel Milutin Mikovi,
commandant du dtachement de Drim (Podrimski odred) Dibra, et du
gnral Damnjan Popovi, commandant des troupes des Nouvelles Prov-
inces (Komandant Trupa Novih Oblasti) comprenant la Vieille Serbie [an-
cien vilayet du Kosovo] et la Macdoine slave [vilayet de Monastir], dtre
nomm chef de ladministration serbe du district de Mati. Les autorits
militaires serbes navaient pas, semble-t-il, une grande conance en Essad
Pacha et conrent mme Zogou un canon, quils avaient install Lise-
Burgajet, tout cela pour que nos autorits militaires protgent Ahmed Bey
dEssad [Pacha] .
20
Une fois une administration serbe mise en place dans les rgions oc-
cupes du nord ainsi que dans lAlbanie centrale, le commandant des troupes
serbes en Albanie, le colonel Dragutin Milutinovi, seora de mettre un
terme aux dsaccords existants entre Essad Pacha et Ahmed Zogou an de
prvenir de nouvelles confrontations entre les cousins devenus rivaux. Panta
Gavrilovi, le reprsentant du gouvernement serbe auprs du gouvernement
dEssad Pacha, attira lattention du colonel Milutinovi sur le fait quEssad
19
D. T. Batakovi, Seanja generala Dragutina Milutinovia na komandovanje al-
banskim trupama 1915 [Mmoires du gnral Dragutin Milutinovi, commandant
les troupes albanaises en 1915], Miscellanea (Meovita Gradja) XIV (Belgrade : Institut
dHistoire, 1985), 117119, 128.
20
Ibid., 129.
Balcanica XLIII 178
Pacha tait trs mcontent de lattitude des militaires serbes envers le chef
clanique de Mati. Le chef dAlbanie centrale rappelait en permanence ses
allis serbes quAhmed Bey Zogou avait tromp les Serbes en armant que
la rgion de Mati tait compltement dsarme. Selon Essad Pacha, il y avait
encore prs de 3 000 mitraillettes et cest chez Zogou, sous la protection des
autorits serbes, que les opposants la Serbie et au rgime dEssad Pacha
les Mirdits catholiques insurgs avaient mis en lieu sr leurs familles
et leurs biens. Pour ces raisons, le chef du gouvernement albanais, rappelant
Pai ses promesses, insistait pour que Mati lui soit remis. Il t cette mme
demande colonel Milutinovi quand il le rencontra Durazzo. Le chef des
troupes serbes en Albanie lui proposa alors de servir dintermdiaire pour le
rconcilier avec son neveu Ahmed Bey et obtint aussitt son assentiment.
21
Ds son retour Dibra, sur le territoire serbe, le colonel Milutinovi
convia Zogou un entretien. Il lui exposa rapidement la situation en Al-
banie et les relations entre la Serbie et Essad Pacha. Il linvita se rconcilier
avec son oncle pour quil puisse se rendre Durazzo avec ses hommes
et se soumettre celui quaujourdhui la Serbie considre comme le chef
de lAlbanie . Milutinovi lui garantit sa scurit sil se soumettait, mais
Ahmed Bey refusa catgoriquement cette ore, invoquant son profond ds-
accord avec la politique dEssad Pacha.
Daprs Zogou, Essad Pacha nobissait qu ses intrts et non aux
besoins du pays et du peuple albanais. Il nommait des postes de direction
uniquement ses ads qui taient des incapables et des illettrs. Zogou
prsenta Milutinovi lItalie et lAutriche-Hongrie comme des puissances
susceptibles de venir en aide lAlbanie. LItalie, selon Zogou, italianiserait
la population mais il ne fallait rien attendre de bon de la Double Mon-
archie dans laquelle vivaient une quinzaine de minorits nationales. Ainsi, il
ne restait plus que les tats balkaniques vers lesquels les Albanais pussent se
tourner et comme la plus longue frontire de lAlbanie tait avec la Serbie,
il tait naturel quelle sappuyt sur cette dernire. Personnellement, rappela
Zogou, il ne pouvait pas lier le destin de son pays un timonier aussi peu
able quEssad Pacha, mme sil tait momentanment lalli de la Serbie,
car sa politique tait uctuante.
22
Ahmed bey avertit le colonel serbe aussi quEssad Pacha se montre-
rait sous son vrai jour quand la Serbie serait occupe ailleurs. Faisant valoir
que tout Albanais devait tre guid par laxiome Les Balkans aux peuples
des Balkans , le chef de Mati souligna quEssad Pacha serait le premier
mettre mal cet axiome .
21
Ibid., 134, 136138.
22
Ekmei, Ratni ciljevi Srbije 1914, 394395.
En eet, Zogou armait constamment Milutinovi quEssad Pa-
cha ntait pas un ami sr de la Serbie, quil navait pas le soutien du peuple
et que, ds que larme serbe se retirerait de Tirana et Elbassan, il serait con-
front lnorme majorit de la population albanaise. Rptant que, selon
laccord avec le colonel Milutinovi, Mati tait coalis avec la Serbie , l
o il tait lui-mme chef de district et o chaque commune stait vue
adjoindre un soldat serbe Ahmed Bey soulignait quil avait le premier
inaugur la politique dappui sur la Serbie :
De prime abord, Essad Pacha tait daccord ou, mieux, montrait
quil tait daccord, mais quand, moi, jai envoy M. Pai, sur la base de
laccord pass avec lui, une dlgation qui heureusement a eectu sa mis-
sion et est revenue, Essad Pacha a t le premier sopposer laccord ob-
tenu Belgrade, clamant devant le peuple que celui qui tenterait de faire
quoi que ce soit avec la Serbie est un tratre, parce que la Serbie dtient
les centres albanais incontests que sont Dibra, Peshkopi, Prizren, etc. Et
maintenant la Serbie attend que Mati se livre au bon ou au mauvais gr dun
tel homme.
23
En labsence dautres donnes sur les envoys de Zogou Belgrade et
leurs pourparlers avec le Premier ministre Pai, ces propos que Zogou
tint Milutinovi avec une arrire-pense politique indniable sont pour
linstant notre seule source, bien que peu able.
Lors dune conversation ultrieure, le colonel Milutinovi tenta en-
core de convaincre Zogou de se soumettre Essad Pacha qui lui donnerait
le poste quil demanderait. Mais Ahmed Bey refusa, soulignant que, dans
tous les cas, il serait fait comme la Serbie en dciderait car sans laide de
celle-ci Essad Pacha ne pourrait soumettre Mati. la n, Zogou prcisa :
Pour nous Essad Pacha nexiste pas. Ceci tant, avant que ne soit prise la
dcision nale concernant le sort de Mati, je vous prie de morir la pos-
sibilit de me prsenter devant le Prsident du Conseil, M. Pai, et le min-
istre de lIntrieur, M. [Ljubomir] Jovanovi .
24
Cette entrevue avec Milutinovi tmoignait de la profonde mance
existant entre Zogou et Essad Pacha, mance qui trouvait sa source dans
la lutte pour le pouvoir auprs des Albanais de confession musulmane. Le
colonel Milutinovi en conclut que Zogou tait versatile et dissimulateur,
mais il ntait pas en mesure de saisir toutes les raisons de son opposition
Essad Pacha. Jeune, ambitieux et habile en politique, Zogou navait pas as-
23
Arhiv Vojno-istorijskog instituta, Beograd [Archives de lInstitut dhistoire militaire,
Belgrade], dossier 3, volume 59, Dragutin Milutinovi Damnjan Popovi, vol. 30,
08/12/1915, note condentielle no. 256 (la dpche a t envoye au Commandement
suprme).
24
Ibid. ; voir aussi Ekmei, Ratni ciljevi Srbije 1914, 395.
Balcanica XLIII 180
sez dinuence sur la population albanaise pour pouvoir, linstar dEssad
Pacha, poser sa candidature pour diriger le pays ou monter sur le trne
dAlbanie, mais il veillait ne pas lier son destin au rgime de son oncle
en lavenir duquel il ne croyait pas. Larmation dintentions amicales de
Zogou lgard de la Serbie tait visiblement calcule pour conserver une
position ne dpendant pas dEssad Pacha et, comme larme serbe avait le
contrle complet sur lAlbanie centrale, conserver son soutien et sa con-
ance.
Ahmed Bey resta plus de trois semaines dans le territoire serbe,
Dibra. Puis, dbut octobre 1915, avec laide du lieutenant serbe Mladen
Stamatovi, il se rendit Ni, la capitale serbe depuis le dbut de la Grande
Guerre, en vue de ngocier directement avec les reprsentants du gouverne-
ment de Pai.
25
Labsence des documents disponibles sur cette entrevue,
except une dpche ultrieure de Stamatovi Pai portant sur son travail
de plusieurs mois auprs de Zogou, ne permet pas dentrevoir les contours
de laccord en question et de suivre les agissements futurs du chef de Mati.
Bien qutant un ocier de renseignement expriment, Stamatovi,
semble-t-il, avait une totale conance en Ahmed Zogou, car il tenait pr-
esque toutes ses dclarations pour exactes et rglait sa conduite sur elles.
Les dpches de Stamatovi donnent penser que Zogou le consultait r-
gulirement sur les questions les plus importantes, mais ne se ait pas, bien
videment, totalement ses avis. Nanmoins, en labsence dautres sources
sur lactivit de Zogou cette priode-l, les dpches de Stamatovi, en
dpit dune certaine partialit et dun horizon rduit, d son travail de
conspiration, constituent une source historique importante.
26
La coopration de Nikola P. Pai avec Ahmed bey Zogou fut, sem-
blait-il, une politique complmentaire du gouvernement serbe envers Al-
banie o il fallait rallier le plus grand nombre de chefs de clans et repousser
linuence de lAutriche-Hongrie et de la Turquie, toujours trs fortes. En
plus, Pai, esprait que par lintermdiaire de Zogou, les rvoltes armes des
Albanais contre Essad Pasha neussent pas lieu. Par consquent, la frontire
vulnrable serbe serait assure des attaques des tribus voisines albanaises.
25
Batakovi, Seanja generala Dragutina Milutinovia , 141. Le 11 septembre 1915,
Zogou adressa Pai un mmorandum dans lequel il demandait la Serbie de rduire
son aide Essad Pacha, arguant de son hypocrisie et de son faux patriotisme. Malgr
cela, Pai conseilla Ahmed Bey de se rconcilier avec Essad Pacha. Cf. Sh. Rahimi,
Bashkpunimi i Ahmet Muhtarit nga, Mati me Serbin me mospajtimet e tij me Esat
pasha, Toptanit gjate vitit 1915 , Gjurmime Albanologjike 11 (1981), 196215.
26
Arhiv Srbije, Beograd, Ministarstvo inostranih dela, Politiko odeljenje [Archives
de Serbie, Belgrade, Ministre des Aaires trangres, Dpartement politique], fasc. 1,
1916, Alb. , M. Stamatovi N. Pai, Corfou, 2 (15) fvrier 1916, no. 2044.
Apparemment le Premier ministre serbe, Nikola Pai parvint un
compromis avec Ahmed Bey Zogou : celui-ci permettrait lentre de larme
dEssad Pacha dans la rgion de Mati, lautoriserait y dsarmer les habi-
tants ; soit le seigneur de Mati se rfugierait en France, soit il resterait
Mati pour diriger ladministration rgionale dEssad Pacha.
Aprs sa visite Ni, Zogou retourna Mati avec lintention de partir
pour la France, conformment laccord pass avec Stamatovi. Il voulait
faire ses adieux aux siens et leur expliquer les raisons de son dpart dAlbanie.
Mais il changea davis aprs les nouveaux dveloppements politiques et mil-
itaires. La Bulgarie tait entre en guerre contre la Serbie, ouvrant un nou-
veau front aux frontires orientales de la Serbie. Loensive que menaient
conjointement les troupes allemandes et austro-hongroises au nord de la
Serbie depuis octobre 1915 repoussait graduellement larme serbe vers le
sud, au Kosovo, vers la frontire serbe avec lAlbanie, ce qui inua Ahmed
Bey de rester Mati. Il proposa Stamatovi, vraisemblablement de faon
purement formelle, de conduire ses 12 000 hommes la rescousse de la
Serbie contre les troupes bulgares en avance vers la ville stratgiquement
importante de Skoplje. Cette ore irraliste de Zogou fut prise au srieux
et transmise aussitt ltat-major des troupes des Nouvelles Provinces.
Stamatovi reut lordre de se rendre Durazzo auprs dEssad Pacha pour
lui demander lautorisation quAhmed Bey et ses volontaires se portent au
secours de larme serbe. Essad Pacha dclara au lieutenant Stamatovi, qui
parvint Durazzo le 6 novembre 1915, quil fallait dabord trancher la ques-
tion de Mati. Il fallait que ses habitants dposent les armes et reconnaissent
son pouvoir Durazzo, quand cela serait fait, il pourrait tre question de
laide des volontaires albanais la Serbie.
27
De retour Mati, Stamatovi eut
une entrevue avec Ahmed Bey durant laquelle il fut dcid de rassembler ses
chefs tribaux pour leur expliquer la ncessit de lentre des troupes dEssad
Pacha sur leurs territoires.
Entre-temps, le 13 novembre 1915, de nombreux seigneurs dAlbanie
mridionale, septentrionale et centrale staient rassembls dans le village
proche de la rsidence dAhmed Bey. Parmi eux se trouvait Bajram Curri, un
chef de clan du Kosovo quil avait fui, et linuent prtre catholique Joseph
dOroshi. Ils proposrent de proter de la situation dicile dans laquelle se
trouvaient les troupes serbes sur les dirents fronts face aux armes bul-
gares, allemandes et austro-hongroises pour appeler une insurrection con-
tre la Serbie. Le plus ardent partisan de linsurrection tait labb Joseph qui
avait reu de largent du ministre austro-hongrois Athnes ainsi que les
instructions prcises an de soulever les Mirdits contre la Serbie. Lors du
rassemblement, Joseph dOroshi essaya denammer les autres chefs alba-
27
Ibid.
Balcanica XLIII 182
nais : la Serbie doit tre dtruite et nous les Albanais, si nous nous sou-
levons, nous pourrions arriver jusqu Skoplje et lAlbanie sera beaucoup
plus grande que maintenant.
28
Joseph dOroshi tait soutenu par le fameux
Hassan Bey qui avait voulu empcher larme serbe de faire retraite par
lAlbanie et qui proposa de coner le commandement de linsurrection
Ahmed Bey Zogou.
Selon les informations fournies par le lieutenant Stamatovi, Ahmed
Bey, aprs avoir remerci de la conance qui lui tait tmoigne, demanda
deux jours pour confrer avec les chefs de clan. Aprs avoir pris conseil au-
prs de Stamatovi, Zogou dclara aux chefs rassembls quil est vain de
mener un combat sans programme , que les Albanais devaient savoir quelle
tait politique des grandes puissances, et, partir de l, dterminer contre
qui elles faisaient la guerre. Zogou souligna quil savait que la politique de la
Serbie ce moment-l ne menaait pas lexistence de lAlbanie . Pour cette
raison, Ahmed bey Zogou demandait aux chefs de clan de lui accorder du
temps pour examiner les intentions politiques des tats qui sintressaient
lAlbanie avant de prendre ensemble la dcision nale. Une part des chefs
acceptrent et rentrrent chez eux tandis que les autres, essentiellement les
chefs de Mirdits, restaient sur leur ide premire, concernant la ncessit
de se soulever contre les Serbes. Leurs units attaqurent larme serbe qui
se repliait de Scutari Durazzo ; elles cherchaient frapper Tirana et Ales-
sio (Lezh) o des garnisons serbes taient stationnes.
Entre-temps, larme dEssad Pacha avait dsarm les hommes de
Mati, sans rencontrer de rsistance. Ahmed Bey passa la frontire an de
trouver refuge Zrdjane, en territoire serbe. Un peu plus tard, dbut dcem-
bre, la gendarmerie dEssad Pacha se disloqua delle-mme et quitta Mati.
Stamatovic, malade du typhus, neut pas de contact direct avec Zogou pen-
dant prs dun mois. Aprs que les Bulgares soient entrs dans Debar (Di-
bra), le lieutenant Stamatovi passa par Drim (Drin) pour se rendre Mali
Brat, o Ahmed Zogou lattendait avec 2 000 de ces hommes. Ce dernier
linforma alors que les chefs de lensemble de la Malessia lavaient mandat
pour ngocier en leur nom avec les reprsentants des armes trangres qui
approchaient des frontires dAlbanie. Tout dabord il avait lintention de
se rendre Dibra, dy faire otter le drapeau albanais et avertir les Bulgares
de ne pas franchir la frontire albanaise. Il voulait se renseigner auprs des
ociels civils et militaires, bulgares et austro-hongrois, sur leurs intentions
politiques lgard de lAlbanie.
Le lieutenant Stamatovi crivit aussitt au commandant bulgare
de Dibra pour linformer que, si ses troupes passaient en Albanie, elles
tomberaient sur une rsistance farouche. Le commandant bulgare ne
28
Ibid.
souhaitant pas dintermdiaire convia Ahmed Zogou des ngocia-
tions directes. Daprs ce que Stamatovi put apprendre, la question de
savoir quelles taient les intentions de la Bulgarie lgard de lAlbanie, il fut
rpondu au chef de Mati quon lui donnerait une rponse aprs consultation
des autorits comptentes. la demande du commandant bulgare, Zogou
resta dix jours Dibra, avant de se rendre n dcembre Louma (Ljuma) o
il rencontra le commandant des forces allemand venu de Prizren. Ensuite, il
t la tourne de plusieurs clans en Albanie du Nord. Au dbut janvier 1916,
Ahmed Zogou retourna Mati o il revit Stamatovi.
Lmissaire serbe nota minutieusement ce qui lui dit Zogou de ses
entrevues avec les commandants militaires, bulgare et allemand. Zogou in-
sista sur le fait quil navait pas reu de rponse favorable des Bulgares. Il lui
avait t dit que la Bulgarie dsirait un dbouch sur lAdriatique Durazzo
mais que larme bulgare stait arrte en chemin puisque des ngociations
se tenaient Salonique entre lAlbanie, dune part, et les reprsentants aus-
tro-hongrois, allemands et turcs, dautre part. Le commandant turc avait
propos Ahmed Bey de chasser, avec son aide et ses troupes, larme serbe
hors dAlbanie et avait demand quelles taient les relations entre Serbes et
Albanais au cours de la retraite de larme serbe travers lAlbanie en hiver
1915.
29
Le commandant allemand lui avait reproch avant tout le fait que
les Albanais avaient autoris la retraite de larme serbe travers lAlbanie et
propos de chasser les forces serbes avec des units communes.
Comme il ignorait la situation gnrale sur les fronts et les rapports
de force entre les tats belligrants et les tats neutres, Zogou senquit du
point de vue de la Roumanie, de la Grce et de lItalie, de la force militaire
de lAllemagne en mer, du temps quon prvoyait que la guerre allait durer et
si les Allemands allaient avoir un problme dapprovisionnement en nour-
riture. Cependant il est impossible de savoir partir des rponses quil t
Stamatovi, comment le chef de Mati avait ragi aux ores qui lui avaient
t faites.
lissue de lentretien avec lmissaire serbe, Zogou mit lide que
larme serbe ne devrait pas quitter lAlbanie puisque a ne ferait que faci-
liter la tche des troupes allemandes, austro-hongroises et mme bulgares.
Il pria Stamatovi de senqurir de lavis du gouvernement serbe sur les in-
tentions politiques de lItalie, de la Grande-Bretagne et de la France envers
lAlbanie et de len informer, car il avait entendu dire que leurs troupes d-
29
Voir plus dans : Henri Barby, Lpope serbe. Lagonie dun peuple (Paris : Berger-Le-
vrault, 1916) ; Louis Tomson, La retraite de Serbie (octobre dcembre 1915) (Paris :
Hachette, 1916).
Balcanica XLIII 184
barquaient sur la cte albanaise.
30
Il demanda tout particulirement que les
reprsentants serbes interviennent auprs dEssad Pacha an que celui-ci
soit bienveillant son gard et que lAlbanie subsiste. Alors que Stamatovi
allait prendre cong, Zogou et son secrtaire et interprte, Nikola Ivanaj, lui
dclarrent quils consentiraient volontiers ce que le prince serbe, Georg-
es (Djordje), soit le souverain de lAlbanie, aucun Albanais ne pouvant ltre
car mme le plus fruste des Albanais ny consentirait .
31
Do venait lide de faire du prince Georges Karadjordjevi ex-
hritier du trne serbe le souverain de lAlbanie, cette dpche ne permet
pas de le savoir. Le fait quEssad Pacha ait annonc au colonel Milutinovi
ds le dbut du mois de septembre 1915 que Mladen Stamatovi discutait
Mati des partis [politiques] en Serbie et que lun deux souhaite quun
prince serbe soit leur souverain est trs caractristique.
32
Il est peu prob-
able que lide du prince Georges mise par Zogou et Ivanaj et cite
dans la dpche de Stamatovi soit la leur. Soit Pai et Zogou en avaient
parl Ni, soit, si ce ntait pas une ide de Pai que Stamatovi, son
missaire personnel, avait suggr, ce qui est facile croire en raison de la
mauvaise opinion quavait Pai de lex-hritier du trne , il nest pas
exclure quil se soit agi dun plan de la socit secrte Lunion ou la mort
(plus connue comme La main noire ) laquelle appartenaient plusieurs
commandants militaires serbes en poste en Albanie, y compris le gnral
Damnjan Popovi, qui dirigeait les Troupes des Nouvelles Provinces. Nan-
moins, la question do vient cette proposition reste ouverte.
Le lieutenant Stamatovi quitta Zogou le 20 janvier 1916 et partit
pour Durazzo o il se mit la disposition du gnral Ilija Gojkovi, qui,
la tte de lArme du Timok (Timoka vojska), commandait les troupes
qui protgeait la retraite de larme serbe et son embarquement pour lle
de Corfou. Sur lordre de gnral Gojkovi, Stamatovi se rendit ensuite
Tirana, do il maintint des contacts avec les Albanais le long du front de
dfense, et notamment avec Zogou, vraisemblablement par le biais dun
intermdiaire. Grce lintervention de Stamatovi, les forces de Zogou ne
combattirent pas larme serbe, puise par la famine et le froid de lhiver
rude dans les montagnes albanaises neigeuses, alors que certains membres
des clans de Mati, en particulier dans les territoires frontaliers avec Mirdits,
30
Laspect diplomatique dans : Frdric Le Moal, La France et l Italie dans les Balkans,
19141919. Le contentieux adriatique (Paris : LHarmattan, 2006).
31
Arhiv Srbije, Beograd, Ministarstvo inostranih dela, Politiko odeljenje (Archives
de Serbie, Belgrade, Ministre des Aaires trangres, Dpartement politique), fasc. 1,
1916, Alb. , M. Stamatovi N. Pai, Corfou, 2 (15) fvrier 1916, no. 2044.
32
Batakovi, Seanja generala Dragutina Milutinovia , 137.
attaquaient, volaient et tuaient les soldats aams ainsi que les nombreux
rfugis civils serbes dans leur retraite pnible vers la cte adriatique.
33
Lore de coopration
Dbarqu Corfou, dbut 1916, le lieutenant Stamatovi conclut son
compte-rendu Pai sur lide que larme serbe naurait pas d quitter
lAlbanie ; mais comme ctait dj fait, il conseillait au chef du gouverne-
ment serbe : il faut envoyer tout de suite par Valona ou Durazzo un comit
constitu dAlbanais, en particulier des chefs de clan, et de personnes con-
naissant bien lAlbanie pour travailler la concorde entre Serbes et Albanais
et la maintenir .
34
Les propositions de Stamatovi trouvrent un certain cho, comme
en tmoigne son travail par la suite. Il continua autant que possible, vraisem-
blablement la demande de Pai, de maintenir le contact avec les Albanais
de Mati et des rgions voisines, qui taient bien disposes envers la Serbie.
En juillet 1916, Stamatovi reut Corfou deux missaires dAhmed Bey
Zogou, Kaplan Bey et Salet Krosom, qui apportaient une longue lettre et
demandaient ce que le chef du gouvernement serbe soit inform de son
contenu.
La lettre dAhmed Zogou en labsence dautres sources largement
cite ici , laisse penser que le chef de Mati navait pas encore dcid quel
parti prendre et quil tait encore intress par lide de se lier la Serbie
et, par lentremise de ce pays aux puissances de lEntente. Zogou demandait
33
la mi-janvier 1916, Mladen Stamatovi informa le commandant du dtachement
de Mati (Matski odred) que Ahmed Bey est en ce moment ermenika ; il nattaquera
pas larme serbe ; il est venu ermenika pour protger ses amis dElbassan de larme
bulgare au cas o celle-ci attaquerait la ville ; Ahmed Bey a laiss une partie de ses
gendarmes quitter ermenika pour rentrer chez eux ; prs de 460 de nos soldats, qui
fuyaient, et dont la plupart ont t tus par un avant-poste bulgare et le reste par les
Albanais sont passs par Mati ; la rumeur quEssad Pacha allait conduire larme serbe
contre Mati sest rpandue ce qui a rvolt les habitants de Mati et que sur la route
de Kljosa Bastar il y a des bandits albanais . Cf. Vojno-istorijski institut, Beograd
(Archives de lInstitut dhistoire militaire, Belgrade), vol. 3, bote 59, Ilija Gojkovi au
Commandement suprme, Durazzo, 3(16) janvier 1916, no. 2010 ; voir aussi la docu-
mentation correspondante dans Veliki rat Srbije za oslobodjenje i ujedinjenje Srba, Hrvata
i Slovenaca [La Grande Guerre de la Serbie pour lunication des Serbes, Croates et
Slovnes], vol. XIV [1916] (Belgrade : Izdanje Glavnog Djeneraltaba, 1928), 207.
34
Arhiv Srbije, Beograd, Ministarstvo inostranih dela, Politiko odeljenje (Archives de
Serbie, ministre des Aaires trangres, Dpartement politique), fasc. 1916, Alb ,
M. Stamatovi N. Pai, Corfou, 30 juillet (12 aout) 1916, no. 10714.
Balcanica XLIII 186
nouveau quon lui fasse parvenir le plus rapidement possible les informa-
tions quil avait demandes sur les intentions politiques des Allis.
An de dmontrer ses intentions amicales envers la Serbie, le chef de
Mati dcrivait de faon dtaille la situation en Albanie aprs le retrait des
troupes serbes : Les nouveaux venus, les Germano-Bulgares, je peux vous
le dire, sont nos ennemis, tout autant que les vtres, vous Serbes ; ils se
battent politiquement entre eux pour lAlbanie et nous leur souhaitons den
venir aux armes.
35
Aprs la chute de Durazzo, selon Zogou, les Autrich-
iens demandrent aux 15 000 Albanais rassembls Lushnj de chasser les
Italiens de Valona avec laide des forces austro-hongroises. Les Albanais
rclamrent alors quaprs cela Les Austro-Bulgares vacuent lAlbanie.
Cest quoi les Autrichiens ont rpondu quils ne seraient pas venus en Al-
banie si nous navions pas laiss entrer les Serbes sur notre territoire, nous ne
sommes donc pas parvenus un accord et les Albanais se sont disperss.
Daprs Zogou, lt 1916, prs de 10 000 soldats austro-hongrois deux
rgiments Durazzo et deux Scutari taient prts marcher sur Va-
lona : Cette arme qui, en majorit, parle serbe, est malade et jai vu quelle
ntait pas en tat de combattre.
Dcrivant de faon dtaille ltat desprit qui rgnait chez les chefs
albanais, les problmes dapprovisionnement, lopposition de certains chefs
aux autorits austro-hongroises et bulgares, Ahmed Bey sappesantissait par-
ticulirement sur lavenir de lAlbanie. Il informait Pai que le prince mon-
tngrin Mirko [Petrovi-Njego] avait une fois voqu lide suivante : Il
faut que des missaires albanais, montngrins et serbes, dsigns par leur
pays, se rendent Vienne, sous la houlette du prince Mirko. A Vienne, il
sagira de former un tat dans les Balkans partir de morceaux de la Serbie,
de lAlbanie, du Montngro, au trne duquel le prince Mirko peut prten-
dre. Quand je lui s remarquer que son pre tait vivant, le prince Mirko me
rpondit : Je me suis mis daccord avec mon pre [le roi Nikola I
er
Petrovi
Njego] ; si lEntente gagne, mon pre [exil en Italie] reprendra sa place.
[] Les Italiens, par lentremise de leurs missaires, assurent les Albanais
que le mieux pour eux est de vivre en bonne entente avec les Italiens. []
La Grce, par lentremise de ses missaires sous la houlette du mtropolite
de Durazzo ( Jacob) assurent les Albanais que le mieux est quun prince grec
devienne le souverain albanais et que Bitolj [Monastir], Ohrid, Dibra devi-
ennent grecs. Enver Pacha [chef des jeunes turcs] a envoy des missaires
porter le message suivant : tout Albanais et musulman, capable de combattre,
doit se rendre tout de suite Edirne o il recevra un fusil et des munitions
et combattra avec ses frres de larme turque pour relier lAlbanie Salo-
nique et Constantinople, il prendra le train gratuitement et cest leur sultan,
35
Ibid.
sa Majest, qui lordonne. Les Bulgares, par lentremise de leurs nombreux
missaires, arment que le seul salut pour les Albanais est de vivre en bonne
entente avec la Bulgarie et que le prince bulgare devienne le souverain de
lAlbanie. [] Fournitures et argent ont t distribus certains chefs alba-
nais et il leur a t dit que cest un cadeau que leur envoie le prince [bulgare]
Cyrille quils doivent reconnatre comme souverain de lAlbanie.
36
Dans sa lettre Pai, Zogou expliquait galement que les Autrichiens
et les Bulgares se disputaient leur inuence auprs des Albanais. Quand
les Albanais menaient des ngociations avec les Bulgares, aussitt les Au-
trichiens intervenaient comme si ils disposaient de droits sur lAlbanie
ainsi que sur la Serbie et le Montngro . Ahmed Bey soulignait galement
que les Autrichiens ne tenaient gure au prince Wied qui, lui, navait pas
renonc lide de revenir en Albanie.
la n de la missive, le chef de Mati exposait sa position. Il di-
sait qu cause du toast quil avait port Dibra alors quil revenait de
Ni durant une soire chez le commandant serbe, toast qui condamnait
lexpansion allemande dans les Balkans et clbrait lamiti entre les peuples
balkaniques, il avait eu de srieuses dicults car sa dclaration avait t
publie dans un journal serbe de Bitolj. Soulignant quil avait toujours t
un ami de la Serbie, il condamnait galement ce qucrivait la Grande Ser-
bie (Velika Srbija), un journal serbe publi Salonique et qui ne cessait de
faire de lui un agent de la Bulgarie, rappelant cette occasion que la presse
belgradoise lavait auparavant tax dtre un homme du prince Wied. Dans
sa lettre, Zogou se justiait auprs de Pai pour sa dfaillance au cours de
la retraite de larme serbe travers lAlbanie : Jai quitt Elbassan avant,
cause de dissensions internes et non cause de larme serbe, et jespre qu
lavenir les aaires albanaises samlioreront et que les animosits person-
nelles disparatront et que je naurais plus quitter mon pays natal.
37
Il ny a pas de sources disponibles si, aprs avoir pris connaissance du
contenu de la lettre, le chef du gouvernement serbe t parvenir sa rponse
et les conseils Ahmed Zogou. Quelques mois plus tard, le chef de Mati
se rendit Vienne et, au retour, fut nomm commandant des volontaires
albanais au sein de larme austro-hongroise.
Conclusion
Ahmed Bey Zogou, chef de Mati, fut un des chefs de clan albanais qui,
lors de la situation chaotique en Albanie, exacerbe par lclatement de la
Grande Guerre, seorcrent de conserver leur autorit sur leur territoire
36
Ibid.
37
Ibid.
Balcanica XLIII 188
clanique et dinuer sur le destin de leur pays. Il nen reste pas moins que
les errances politiques, la perptuelle ingrence des Allis sont mettre au
compte des chefs albanais qui sassociaient avec dirents centres de pou-
voir, choisissant la plupart du temps la partie prte payer plus, faisant
passer ainsi leurs intrts personnels ou claniques avant les intrts de la
nation et de ltat albanais.
linstar dEssad Pacha Toptani, son neveu Ahmed Bey Zogou fut
un chef de clan la grande intuition politique. Comme lui, il tenta de con-
cilier ambitions personnelles et intrts de lAlbanie, de se dterminer dans
les situations critiques, de maintenir les contacts permanents avec tous les
acteurs politiques importants dans les pays voisins ainsi que dans les autres
tats des Balkans. Le lien quil entretint avec la Serbie, ses ngociations
avec Pai (sur lesquelles de donnes ne sont pas disponibles) et son troite
collaboration avec lmissaire permanant serbe en Albanie, le lieutenant
Mladen Stamatovi, montrent quAhmed Zogou ntait pas seulement par-
tisan en paroles du principe Les Balkans aux peuples des Balkans . Lors
des grandes preuves que connut larme serbe lors de sa retraite pique
travers lAlbanie en hiver 1915-1916, Ahmed Bey Zogou t apparem-
ment un eort pour apaiser le sentiment anti-serbe des clans du nord de
lAlbanie. Aprs le transfert des troupes serbes de la cte albanaise Corfou
sur les navires franais et italiens, Zogou seora de maintenir le contact in-
direct avec le chef du gouvernement serbe. Le transfert ultrieur de larme
serbe Salonique en printemps 1916 ainsi que la perspective dune oensive
des forces allies sur le Front dOrient poussrent Zogou continuer se
tourner vers la Serbie, sans laissant les autres options politiques, concernant
les relations proches tablie avec lAutriche-Hongrie.
la dirence dEssad Pacha Toptani, que la Grande-Bretagne et
la France reconnurent Salonique comme chef du gouvernement albanais
en exil, Zogou restait une personnalit de moindre calibre qui ntait rien
pour les puissances de lEntente. Linsusance des sources rend impossible
une conclusion plus approfondie. Cependant, il nest pas exclu que ce soit
la reconnaissance dEssad Pacha Salonique comme lalli de la Quadruple
Entente et le silence probable de Pai en rponse lore de collaboration
de Zogou en 1916, qui poussrent le chef de Mati, aux ambitions poli-
tiques grandissantes, faire allgeance lAutriche-Hongrie contrlant une
grande partie dune Albanie occupe.
Cependant, Ahmed Zogou fut le chef de clan albanais qui, mieux que
ses contemporains, dchira la situation dans laquelle se trouvait sa patrie.
Dailleurs, ce petit chef de clan de Mati, malgr sa collaboration avec la
Double Monarchie, fut nomm le colonel, puis envoy Vienne o il resta
jusqu la n de la Grande Guerre. Nanmoins, dans lentre-deux-guerres,
Zogou, aprs lassassinat dEssad Pacha Paris (juin 1920), renouvela, dans
une situation favorable, sa coopration avec le Royaume des Serbes, Croates
et Slovnes, le successeur du Royaume de Serbie depuis dcembre 1918. Il
fut deux fois premier ministre, le prsident et nalement le roi dAlbanie,
sous le nom de Zog I
er
(19281939).
38

UDC 327:94](497.11:496.5)1914/1916
929-058.12(-18)] Ahmed bey Zogou
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[La situation la frontire serbo-albanaise et la rvolte des Albanais au Kosovo
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Cette contribution mane du projet de lInstitut des Etudes balkaniques Lhistoire des
ides et institutions politiques dans les Balkans aux XIX
e
et XX
e
sicles (no. 177011) nanci
par le Ministre dEducation, Science et Dveloppment technologique de la Rpub-
lique de Serbie.
Dragan Baki
Institute for Balkans Studies
Belgrade
Te Port of Salonica in Yugoslav Foreign Policy
19191941
Abstract: Tis paper explores the importance of the Greek port of Salonica (Tes-
saloniki) for Yugoslav foreign policy-makers during the interwar period. It suggests
that, apart from economic interests, namely securing trade facilities in the port and
transport facilities oered by the GhevgheliSalonica railway connecting the Yugo-
slav territory with Salonica, there were security considerations which accounted for
Belgrades special interest in this matter. Tese stemmed from two reasons Serbias
painful experience from the Great War on which occasion the cutting o of the route
for Salonica had had dire consequences for the Serbian Army and the post-war stra-
tegic situation whereby Yugoslavia was nearly ringed by hostile and potentially hostile
neighbours which was a constant reminder of the immediate past and made both po-
litical and military leadership envisage a potential renewed need to retreat to Salonica
in a general conict. Te events prior to and during the Second World War seem to
have vindicated such preoccupations of Yugoslav policy-makers. All the Great Powers
involved in the conict in the Balkans realised the signicance attached to Salonica
in Belgrade and tried to utilise it for their own ends. Troughout these turbulent
events Prince Paul and his government did not demonstrate an inclination to exploit
the situation in order to achieve territorial aggrandisement but rather reacted with
restraint being vitally concerned that neither Italy nor Germany took possession of
Salonica and thus encircled Yugoslavia completely leaving her at their mercy.
Keywords: Salonica (Tessaloniki), free port, Yugoslavia, Greece, Balkans, railway, se-
curity, World War
D
uring the interwar period the port of Salonica (Tessaloniki) was of-
ten mentioned in the foreign ministries of Greece and Yugoslavia as
well as Great Powers. Te concessions that Athens was prepared to grant to
Belgrade in the matter of transit of goods and trade facilities was an impor-
tant item in the bilateral relations between the two countries. Moreover, the
arrangements in connection with Salonica had wider ramications aecting
Balkan politics and thus drawing the attention of and interference from the
interested Great Powers. For that reason, the nature of Yugoslav interest in
Salonica and the place it had in Belgrades foreign policy is an issue that
deserves a study of its own. So far it has been discussed in a thesis which
made use of both Serbian/Yugoslav and Greek sources covering the four
agreements on Salonica signed prior to and during the rst decade follow-
ing the Great War, but lacked the sustained analysis of foreign policy im-
DOI: 10.2298/BALC1243191B
Balcanica XLIII 192
plications.
1
Another study focuses on the economic aspect of the Yugoslav
free zone in this Aegean port.
2
Tis paper looks beyond trade interests and
examines security considerations that Salonica, or more specically a free
and unrestrained communication between the Yugoslav territory and that
port, had for Yugoslav foreign policy. It suggests that these considerations
were of paramount importance and informed that policy.
To fully grasp the issue of Salonica it is necessary to review the his-
tory of its place in Serbo-Greek relations prior to the Great War. Te eco-
nomic importance of Salonica for the pre-war landlocked Serbia grew in
prominence since 1906 when she found herself engaged in a customs war
with her powerful northern neighbour Austria-Hungary. In order to sur-
vive economic pressure applied by Vienna, Serbia had to nd an alterna-
tive outlet for her export trade and she found it in the port of Salonica.
After the First Balkan War (1912), Serbia hoped to gain access to the sea
through the conquered Albanian territory, but Austria-Hungary thwarted
her aspirations by the creation of an independent Albanian state. No won-
der then that at the time when new borders in the Balkans had not yet been
decided, an economic expert, Milan Todorovi, wrote a booklet in which he
expounded the economic and political reasons for which Salonica should
be granted to Serbia. For Bulgaria and Greece, Todorovi argued, this
port would be if I may use this expression a luxury: they would pos-
sess one more port, but would not utilise it; for Serbia, on the other hand,
Salonica is a dire necessity, a requisite for her economic independence.
3
It
was not, however, until the acquisition of Serbian Macedonia (nowadays
known as the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia), as a result of the
Balkan Wars, that Serbias southern border nearly reached Salonica; Ser-
bian territory now constituted a large part of the ports hinterland and their
interdependence grew accordingly. In fact, the deliberations of the London
Peace Conference after the First Balkan War had still not been concluded
when the Serbian delegate, Stojan Novakovi, acting on instructions from
his government, enquired of his Greek colleague, Eleftherios Venizelos, if
Serbia could count on a free transit of goods, livestock and war mate-
riel included, through Salonica and the railway connecting that port with
Serbia, and received a suitable assurance provided Greek sovereignty over
1
A. Papadrianos, Slobodna zona u Solunu i grko-jugoslovenski odnosi 19191929.
godine (MA thesis, University of Belgrade, 2005).
2
L. Kos, Jugoslovenska slobodna luka u Solunu i njena ekonomska problematika
(PhD thesis, University of Belgrade, undated).
3
M. Todorovi, Solun i balkansko pitanje (Berlgrade: tamparija Simeun Mirotoivi,
1913), 6061.
D. Baki, Te Port of Salonica in Yugoslav Foreign Policy 19191941 193
it was conrmed.
4
It was not long before Greece and Serbia signed, on 1
June 1913, a defensive alliance treaty for the purpose of keeping in check
Bulgarian aggressive designs on the territories they acquired at the Otto-
man expense.
5
On the basis of article 7 of that treaty Greece committed
to guaranteeing full freedom of Serbian import and export trade through
Salonica for 50 years provided Greek sovereign rights were not violated. In
May 1914, the so-called Athenian convention was concluded stipulating
the establishment of a free zone for Serbian trade in Salonica but it was
never ratied due to the outbreak of the First World War.
Te war transformed Serbia into the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and
Slovenes (Yugoslavia) with about twelve million inhabitants, which was
marked for the position of a regional power in the Balkans. Te new coun-
try had a long Adriatic coast and its most important trade partners were
Italy and Austria in the north. In the circumstances, Salonica could not be
of the same signicance for the newly-founded Kingdom as she had been
for pre-war Serbia. Nevertheless, the port still was a natural outlet for those
parts of Yugoslavia which gravitated towards the ancient transport route
down the Morava and Vardar valleys, namely for Southern Serbia. Te war,
the devastation it brought in its tail, the break-up of the old economic pat-
terns, and the new and as yet unsettled administration on both sides of the
Yugoslav-Greek border caused a number of diculties which hindered the
free ow of goods between the two countries. Te British Consul in Sa-
lonica, W. A. Smart, observed that due to the administrative incompetence
and centralised nature of Greek authorities the transit trade to Serbia has
suered severely Tis obstruction has exasperated the Serbs and it is the
4
Arhiv Srpske akademije nauka i umetnosti [Archives of the Serbian Academy of
Sciences and Arts, hereafter ASANU], Milan Anti Papers, 14387/10367, Pai to
Novakovi, 9 Jan. 1913, condential no. 141; 14387/10369, Novakovi to Pai, 11 Jan.
1913, cond. no. 148.
5
H. Gardikas-Katsiadakis, Greek-Serbian Relations 19121913: Communication
Gap or Deliberate Policy, and A. I. Papadrianos, Greco-Serbian Talks towards the
Conclusion of a Treaty of Alliance in May 1913 and the Beginning of Negotiations
for the Establishment of a Serbian Free Zone in Tessaloniki, both in Balkan Studies
45 (2004), 2338, and 3944 respectively. For more detail on Serbo-Greek relations
during the Great War, see D. V. Dontas, Troubled Friendship: Greco-Serbian Rela-
tions, 19141918, in Te Creation of Yugoslavia, 19141918, ed. D. Djordjevi (Santa
Barbara: Clio Books, 1980), 95124; M. Miloevi, Srbija i Grka 19141918: iz istorije
diplomatskih odnosa (Zajear: Zadubina Nikola Pai, 1997); D. T. Batakovi, Serbia
and Greece in the First World War: An Overview, Balkan Studies 45 (2004), 5980.
Balcanica XLIII 194
despair of the Salonica merchant, who looks back regretfully to the facilities
enjoyed in the days of Turkish rule.
6

Furthermore, during and after the disastrous war against Kemal
Atatrks forces in Asia Minor in 19191922, Greece found herself in a
precarious state and many observers were doubtful whether she would be
capable of holding on to some of her European provinces as well. Aegean
Macedonia was predominantly populated by Slavs and could therefore be
claimed on the basis of the nationality principle by either Yugoslavia or
Bulgaria or both. Te nationality principle could be compounded by eco-
nomic benets of reaching the Aegean littoral. It is dicult to believe that
the vigorous Slav populations of the interior will permanently acquiesce in
economic exclusion from the Aegean by a narrow strip of Greek coastland,
Smart ruminated in his report.
7
He believed that the further decline of Sa-
lonica as an emporium and transit port for the Balkans might account for
the possibility that the Slav ood may one day burst through unnatural
economic dams and, descending to the Aegean, impose violently on Greece
abdication of sovereignty.
8

Consequently, the question of Salonica must be viewed in the light
of the alleged aspirations of Yugoslavia towards Greek Macedonia in the
wake of the war. Tere is some evidence that Serbian statesmen did not
loose sight of the possibility, however remote it might have been, that this
province could be absorbed in view of its ethnic composition. Nikola Pai,
the head of the Yugoslav delegation at the Paris Peace Conference, dis-
cussed with his Greek counterpart Venizelos relations between the Serbian
and Greek Orthodox churches, which also involved educational facilities
for their respective minorities. In this connection, he noted that our people
live in villages covering a large area around Salonica and, if Serbian schools
and Slav liturgy were secured to them, they would be able to preserve [their
identity] and wait for the time when they could join Serbia.
9
Yet, there is
no credible evidence that Pai and his Peoples Radical Party ever pursued a
denite policy which aimed at snatching the port from the Greeks. On the
other hand, Vojislav Marinkovi, one of the leading gures of the Radicals
rival Democratic Party and the future Foreign Minister (1924, 19271932),
6
H. Andonov-Poljanski, An Account of the Situation in Salonica and Coastal (Aegean)
Macedonia in 1920 [facsimile of Smart to Granville, 25 March 1920], Godien zbornik
na Filozofskiot fakultet na Univerzitot vo Skopje 23 (1971), Annex, 15.
7
Ibid. 24.
8
Ibid. 25.
9
M. Miloevi & B. Dimitrijevi, eds., Nikola Pai predsedniku vlade: strogo poverljivo,
lino, Pariz, 19191920: Paieva pisma sa Konferencije mira (Zajear: Zadubina Nikola
Pai, 2005), no. 55, Pai to Prime Minister, 11 Nov. 1919, cond. no. 4455, 136.
seems to have contemplated a more assertive policy towards Greece. In his
notes on the general tasks of Yugoslav foreign policy he included a need
to reduce Greece to her real ethnographic frontiers.
10
His foreign policy
programme is not dated but it is highly likely to have been made before the
expulsion of the Greek population from their ancient homeland in Asia
Minor as a result of the war and atrocities committed during the ghting
against the Turkish nationalists and its resettling in the European parts of
Greece. Hundreds of thousands of Greek refugees found their new home in
Aegean Macedonia and thus considerably changed the ethnic structure of
that region. Claims that Greeces neighbours could have raised on the basis
of the nationality principle thus irreversibly lost much of their strength.
In addition, the minority question in regard to Macedonia entailed
a controversy between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria. Both countries obtained a
part of Macedonia after the successful war against the Ottoman Empire
in 1912 but the division of spoils became a matter of dispute. Bulgaria was
deeply dissatised with the extent of territory accorded to her and tried to
redress her grievances by force of arms on two occasions rst by attack-
ing Serbia and Greece and thus initiating the Second Balkan War in 1913,
and again during the First World War when she joined the Central Pow-
ers in their renewed aggression against Serbia in 1915. Both aggressions
ended in a dismal defeat, but Bulgarian ambitions were not suppressed. In
the post-1918 period, Soa regarded Macedonian Slavs as Bulgarian na-
tional minority, requested from Belgrade and Athens to ocially recognise
them as such, and turned a blind eye to the terrorist campaign of the Inter-
nal Macedonian Revolutionary Organisation (IMRO) which constituted
something of a state within a state in the southern region of Bulgaria, from
where Bulgarian neighbours were raided. Te Bulgarian thesis clashed with
that of Serbia, which claimed that Macedonian Slavs were of Serb origin.
For that reason, Pai was weary of the prospect of an agreement between
Athens and Soa whereby the former would allow the opening of Bulgar-
ian schools in Serbo-Slav municipalities.
11
Such development would not
just serve Greece to skilfully manoeuvre between the stronger Yugoslavia
and the weaker Bulgaria but would also undermine, before the League of
Nations and world public opinion, the position of the former in its dispute
with the latter. In a similar vein, and again pointing to vague aspirations
towards the Salonica hinterland, ivojin Balugdi, Yugoslav Minister in
Athens, contended that Yugoslavia had to be recognised as a natural guard-
ian of the Greek Slavs and cut the link between them as well as Yugoslav
10
ASANU, Vojislav Marinkovi Papers, 14439/434, A plan for a state policy, in man-
uscript and undated.
11
See note 9.
Balcanica XLIII 196
Macedonians and Bulgaria; otherwise, that population would seek its
liberation from the likes of [IMROs leader Todor] Aleksandrov rather
than us.
12
Te Greeks were fully alive to and weary of the potential irre-
dentist agitation which could be utilised against them and thus declined
to recognise their Slavophone population as either Yugoslav or Bulgarian
national minority.
13
Tis anxiety accounted for the permanent fear in Athens
that Yugoslavia, either alone or in alliance with Bulgaria, might invade the
Aegean littoral, the former to occupy Salonica and the latter Dedeagatch
and Kavalla.
Tere was another consideration of an essentially strategic nature
which determined Belgrades policy in regard to Salonica. It was derived
from the painful experience of the Great War, more specically from the re-
treat that the Serbian Army had to undertake in the fall of 1915 after having
been exposed to the combined oensive of the much stronger Austro-Hun-
garian, German and Bulgarian forces. As it became clear that the retreating
army would be driven out of Serbia, the plan was to withdraw southwards
down the Vardar valley and join the Franco-British troops which had oc-
cupied Salonica and its surroundings.
14
Te Bulgarian attack in the rear cut
the envisaged fallback route and compelled the Serbian army, accompanied
by a considerable number of civilians, to retreat over the inhospitable Alba-
nian mountains under dicult winter conditions. Te Serbs suered heavy
losses until they reached the coast and were transported by the Allied ship-
ping to the Corfu island. Tis traumatic collective memory was termed the
Albanian Calvary and remained alive in the minds of policy-makers after
the war. Te recuperated Serbian Army launched, along with its French and
British allies, an oensive from Salonica which ended not just in the libera-
tion of Serbia, but was also a decisive campaign of the war. Te Salonica
front in the First World War left such a deep impression in our army
that it became an integral part of our struggle for liberation and unication
and its history. Salonica entered into strategy and became an integral part
of operational necessity of our army in defence of the country.
15
Such an
impact was amplied by the strategic position of the new Yugoslavia which
was surrounded from the west, north and east by hostile or potentially hos-
tile revisionist neighbours. Te only frontiers that seemed safe were those
12
ASANU, Anti Papers, 14387/9099, Balugdi to Nini, 24 Jan. 1923, cond. no. 21,
subject: Our schools in Greece.
13
ASANU, Anti Papers, 14387/9109, Vukmirovi to Nini, 29 Aug. 1925, cond. no.
485.
14
A. Mitrovi, Srbija u Prvom svetskom ratu (Belgrade: Srpska knjievna zadruga, 1984),
252253.
15
ASANU, Anti Papers, 14387/8662, undated Antis note.
with the allied Romania and Greece. In addition, as early as during the Paris
Peace Conference, Italy, the most dangerous neighbour, made sustained ef-
forts, later to be continued and crowned with success, to entrench herself in
Albania at Yugoslavias ank. From the strategic point of view the Yugoslavs
were frightened of the peril of the Italians joining hands from Albania
with the Bulgarians across the Vardar valley in Serb Macedonia, thus cut-
ting o the vital BelgradeSalonica railway in much the same fashion as the
Bulgarian army had done in 1915.
16
Tis consideration was central to Yu-
goslav strategic thinking and military planning. At the time of considerable
tension in relations with Rome, Major Berthouart, French Military Attach
in Belgrade, was told by the Assistants of the Chief of the Yugoslav General
Sta that neutralisation of Bulgaria would be a primary goal of the army
in case of a general war even at the price of a temporary withdrawal at the
western front against Italy.
17
Another Military Attach, Von Faber du Faur
from Germany, was of opinion on the eve of the Second World War that
Yugoslavia viewed Greece as a bridge to Britain which she did not want to
burn and it was this consideration that informed the attitude towards Sa-
lonica.
18
He was without doubt accurate in his assessment of the Yugoslav
frame of mind.
After the downfall of Venizelos, at the end of 1920, who demon-
strated good will to address Belgrades demands concerning better facilities
in a free zone in Salonica, the Yugoslav government consulted the French
Minister in Belgrade if it would be opportune to press Athens regarding
that matter and transport between the port and the Yugoslav border on the
basis of an international administration of the railway or territorial corri-
dor. Te French were favourable to facilitating economic intercourse with
the Mediterranean but made sure to discourage Yugoslavia from resorting
to more forward policy.
19
In November 1922, the French Supreme War
Council examined the strategic importance of Salonica in war and peace,
16
Jugoslovenska drava i Albanci, eds. Ljubodrag Dimi & Djordje Borozan, 2 vols. (Bel-
grade: Slubeni list SRJ, Arhiv Jugoslavije & Vojnoistorijski institut, 1998), vol. II, no.
14 [Foreign Minister] Dr Trumbis expose at the meeting of the allied Prime Ministers
on 10 and 12 January 1920.
17
M. Bjelajac, Vojska Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca/Jugoslavije, 19221935 (Bel-
grade: Institut za noviju istoriju Srbije), 220221.
18
Aprilski rat 1941, 2 vols. Vol. I, ed. Duan Gvozdenovi (Belgrade: Vojnoistorijski
institut, 1969), vol. I, doc. 65, Report of the German Military Attach in Belgrade of 21
July 1939 on the military-political situation of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia from 1 Oct.
1935 to 1 July 1939.
19
D. Todorovi, Jugoslavija i balkanske drave 19181923 (Belgrade: Institut za savre-
menu istoriju, 1979), 148.
Balcanica XLIII 198
and reached the conclusion that French interests coincided with those of
Yugoslavia inasmuch as the realisation of the request for a free zone in that
port would secure a corridor for France to supply military equipment not
just to Yugoslavia but also to the other Little Entente countries and Po-
land.
20
Perhaps it was not a coincidence that at about the same time the Yu-
goslav government raised the question of a Salonica convention and made a
draft agreement. On that basis ivojin Balugdi embarked on negotiations
which resulted in the conclusion of the new convention about the Serbian
free zone in Salonica on 10 May 1923.
21
Just like ten years earlier, this
agreement was part of a wider political understanding; it was accompanied
by the renewal of the 1913 alliance treaty. However, neither the convention
nor the treaty proved to be eective and long-lived. As for the practical ap-
plication of the former, there was a number of disputes over the unsettled
questions such as the territorial enlargement of the zone, the interpretation
of Yugoslavs rights in it, the exploitation of the railway connecting Salonica
with Ghevgheli in Yugoslavia and technical issues pertaining to customs,
veterinary control, telegraphic and docking services etc. One of many Ser-
bian export-traders, for example, who suered from transport delays and
diculties on the SalonicaGhevgheli railway it took 10 to 15 days for
wagons loaded with goods to traverse a distance of 77 km complained
to the Yugoslav Trade Chamber in Salonica about a chaos in which a com-
plete indolence on the part of the respective Greek railway authorities to-
wards our trade interests is manifested. Te request was forwarded to the
Athens Legation which appealed to the Greek government to secure the
improvement of transport facilities.
22

On 14 November 1924, Yugoslavia denounced the alliance pact with
Greece. Tis action was a result of the accumulated dissatisfaction in Bel-
grade: aside from the Free Zone and the SalonicaGhevgheli railway issues,
there were grievances over the expropriation of the Serbian Hilandar mon-
asterys land, the status of a number of former Serbian/Yugoslav subjects
in Salonica and their properties, but most of all over the act of concluding
20
Ibid. 181.
21
ASANU, Anti Papers, 14387/9083, Antis memorandum on Salonica zone, 30
Nov. 1923.
22
Arhiv Jugoslavije [Archives of Yugoslavia, hereafter AJ], Fond 379, Te Legation of
the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in Greece, Athens, fascicle 2, le Emigrants and Trans-
port, Bogdanovi to the Chamber of Commerce of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and
Slovenes, 6 Sept. 1924; Stojanovi (General Consulate) to Athens Legation, 10 Sept.
1924; Stojanovi (General Consulate in Salonica) to Athens Legation, 16 Oct. 1924,
no. 1734; Athens Legation to General Consulate, 4 Nov. 1924, no. 993. A note of the
Athens Legation and the reply of the Greek government are attached.
the Greco-Bulgarian protocol on minorities of 29 September 1924. By that
convention Greece made our political position in the Balkans more dif-
cult in favour of Bulgaria against which our defensive alliance had been
concluded.
23
More specically, in reaching this agreement with Soa,
Greece conceded to regard the Slavs in Greek Macedonia, and by implica-
tion those in Yugoslav Macedonia, as ethnic Bulgarians and, in doing so,
directly undermined the Serbian thesis as to the origin of the Macedonian
Slav population which was central to Yugoslavias claim in her dispute with
Bulgaria and the struggle against the IMRO. Facing Belgrades bitterness
on account of the treaty, Athens denounced it although it had been led
with the League of Nations. As for Yugoslavia, she viewed the denounced
alliance treaty with Greece as a practically unilateral obligation on her part,
rstly because she did not truly believe that the unsettled Greece was capable
of providing military support and secondly, because she even less believed
that Athens would be willing to do so. In this connection, policy-makers in
Belgrade never forgot how the Greeks had failed to full their obligation
under the 1913 treaty to come to the aid of Serbia when she had been at-
tacked by Bulgaria in 1915. In their view, if Yugoslavia were to guarantee
Greek territory, she should obtain tangible concessions in return.
Te question of the Salonica free zone and the GhevgheliSalonica
railway were reopened. Additional privileges were requested for the exploi-
tation of the zone in terms of the reduced control of Greek authorities over
the transit trade in the port while ex-territorial rights were demanded for
the railway administration.
24
In the words of Foreign Minister, Momilo
Nini, since the possibility of utilising the free Salonica zone, paralysed
to a large extent by the building of a Greek free zone around it, depended
on the manner of exploitation of the SalonicaGhevgheli railway, we have
asked for guarantees for the free transit on that railway insofar that its ex-
ploitation during a certain period of time would be transferred to the hands
of our Railway Direction and thus achieved an administrative unity on the
BelgradeSalonica railway which per se presents a single trac unit.
25

23
ASANU, Anti Papers, 14387/9043, Nini to Gavrilovi (Athens), 10 Nov. 1924,
no. 9652.
24
ASANU, Anti Papers, 14387/9056, Minutes of the plenary session held on Friday,
22 May 1925, between the Yugoslav and Greek delegations; 14387/9057, Minutes of a
plenary session held on 1 June 1925.
25
ASANU, Anti Papers, 14387/9053, Nini to Paris, London, Rome, Warsaw, Bu-
charest, Prague, Athens and Soa, 8 June 1925. To facilitate the takeover of the railway
the Yugoslav government strengthened its hand by buying o the shares from the previ-
ous concessioner, the French Oriental Railways. See Anti Papers, 14387/9092, Nini
to Paris, Warsaw and Bucharest Legations, 25 Nov. 1924.
Balcanica XLIII 200
Not surprisingly, Greece found these demands objectionable on account
of their infringing on the sovereignty of the country. Nini expounded to
the French Minister the reasons for Greek anxiety and Yugoslav policy in
these terms:
Te Greeks are always afraid, and do not hide their fear, that one day we
might come to an agreement with the Bulgarians and take away Salonica
and Kavalla respectively. If by getting the administration of the Salonica
railway in our hands we completely secure our transit through our Salonica
zone, Greece will be able to believe that we would not have any second
thoughts in the future since we get from Greece what we really need, and
we do not need new territories as we have them enough.
26

To make things more complicated, Yugoslav-Greek bickering became
a part of the larger diplomatic initiative in the mid-1920s. In the wake of
the Locarno agreement of October 1925, Britain promoted the conclusion
of an agreement between the Balkan countries on the lines of that procured
by Sir Austen Chamberlain between France and Germany.
27
Greece tried
to utilise this initiative to subsume the matters of dispute with Belgrade
into the conclusion of a Locarno-like arbitration treaty arguing that a more
friendly atmosphere created thereby would be conducive to the easier solu-
tion of all problems. Te Yugoslav approach, on the contrary, was to resolve
all the outstanding questions with Athens as a prerequisite for the success-
ful conclusion of an arbitration treaty.
28
On the occasion of a parliamentary
debate about the conclusion of a Balkan Locarno, Nini explained why
he insisted to dispose of all bilateral questions prior to it: Te question of
transit of our goods from Ghevgheli to Salonica is not a small matter for
us. It is a question of our security and it is of rst-rate importance and our
requesting to have this question settled previously is not an excuse.
29

Although the Foreign Minister did not enlarge on security impli-
cations, his utterance, in view of Yugoslav strategic considerations, was
not an over-exaggerated statement. Yugoslavia was concerned to have an
26
ASANU, Anti Papers, 14387/9052, Nini to Gavrilovi, 20 June 1925, strictly conf.
no. 140.
27
For more detail, see Dragan Baki, Must Will Peace: the British Brokering of Cen-
tral European and Balkan Locarno, 19251929, forthcoming in Journal of Contempo-
rary History.
28
AJ, Ministry of Foreign Aairs of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 334-9-29, Gavrilovi
to Nini, 9 Jan. 1926, conf. no. 20.
29
Momilo Nini, Spoljna politika Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca: u god. 1925
1926: govori, odgovori i ekspoze u Narodnoj skuptini (Belgrade: Makarije, 1926), A speech
prior to voting on the budget of the Ministry of Foreign Aairs during the 79th session
on 26 March 1926, 6982 (79).
absolutely secured route to Salonica along which she could transport war
supplies on which she depended in case of war. Te Great General Sta
argued as late as November 1940 that the development of a war industry
was a necessity with a view to overcoming dependence on foreign supplies,
especially given the great sensitivity of our only war communication link
with abroad (through Salonica) which can be quickly cut due to the vicin-
ity to the border front.
30
In fact, in the mid-1920s Belgrade had military
conventions stipulating that the railway branch leading to Salonica would
be utilised for the transport of war supplies not just for Yugoslavia but, if
need be, also for her Little Entente allies, Romania and Czechoslovakia,
and even Poland. It should be noted that these plans bore the mark of the
French military analysis of November 1922, which had suggested the use-
fulness of a Yugoslav-controlled corridor for such purposes. Milan Anti of
the Foreign Ministry left no doubt on this score: As far as the transit of
ammunition and war materiel is concerned, in peace and war, it is necessary
to insist to have such transport carried out without any Greek control and,
in doing so, we could secure the functioning of the ammunition transit con-
vention with Czechoslovakia, Poland and Romania.
31
Tis request, in fact,
constituted the chief reason behind the Yugoslav demand that all the goods
in transit through Salonica be exempted from their custom declaration; in
this way, war materiel could be obtained without Greek control.
32
Sensing
that the issue of war materiel transit was what perhaps most mattered to
Belgrade, the Greeks argued that the best way to secure it in case of war
was to make an alliance treaty between the two countries, as opposed to Yu-
goslav negotiators who insisted on settling the outstanding questions prior
to the conclusion of a treaty. Tere is yet another indication that security
concerns were not less important than those pertaining to trade interests.
Te economic importance of Salonica for Yugoslavia as a whole, with the
noted exception of Southern Serbia, should not be overestimated. Statisti-
cal data for the 19211931 period showed that Greece took a fth or sixth
place (eighth in 1922) in the Yugoslav export and around twelfth place in
the import trade. During those years the Greek share of the export trade
never reached 10 percent while the maximum import from Greece fell short
of 6 percent.
33

30
Aprilski rat 1941, vol. I, doc. 25, Report of the General Sta of 20 Nov. 1938 to the
Minister of Army and Navy on unpreparedness of the armed forces and the necessity to
grant additional material assets for the countrys preparation for war.
31
ASANU, Anti Papers, 14387/9691, Anti to Nini(?), 7 July 1926.
32
Ibid.
33
R. Perovi, Solun i njegov privredni i saobraajno-trgovinski znaaj za Jugoslaviju (Bi-
tolj: Prosveta, 1932), 3334.
Balcanica XLIII 202
On the Yugoslav side the negotiations were conducted by Anti,
Panta Gavrilovi, the Minister in Athens and Ranislav Avramovi, a tech-
nical expert, but did not yield much result. As the Yugoslavs realised that
the idea of putting the SalonicaGhevgheli railway under direct control of
Yugoslav administration was not likely to be materialised, they fell back on
the reserve solution to form a mixed Yugoslav-Greco-French commission
to administer it as it was expected that a French arbiter would be gener-
ally favourably disposed to Belgrade.
34
France had, however, plans of her
own and wanted to have full control over the railway and internationalise
the Salonica dockyard. Anti was not happy with such alternatives for they
could, notwithstanding the usefulness of French presence in the Balkans for
Yugoslavia, reduce our liberty of action and make more dicult penetra-
tion in the direction of south in the future.
35
Other proposals encompassed
various forms of exploitation ranging from the administration of a private
company, Greek exploitation with the guarantees of Great Powers to the
League of Nations control over it.
36

On 17 August 1926 the agreement between Greece and Yugosla-
via was nally reached, comprising a political treaty of understanding and
friendship and a set of conventions covering railway and transit questions,
including the administration of the GhevgheliSalonica Railway, the Yu-
goslav free zone in Salonica and a minority convention. Te Greek dictator
General Alexander Pangalos generous concessions which satised all Yu-
goslav demands made this arrangement possible. Pangalos gave in as part of
his strategy to settle relations with Yugoslavia in order to have free hands
to re-conquer Trace from the Turks. If this was his grand scheme, it would
appear to have been thoroughly miscalculated, as Nini, according to the
rsthand account of Anti, in March 1926 had asked the senior ocials of
the French Foreign Ministry whether it would be possible for Yugoslavia to
attack Greece if she invaded Turkey without abrogating the League of Na-
tions Pact.
37
However, there was no use of Papagos concessions. Just a few
days after the signature of the agreement with Yugoslavia, the dictatorship
of General Pangalos was overthrown in a revolution, and the new Greek
government never ratied the agreement. Te negotiations were resumed
34 ASANU, Anti Papers, 14387/9110, Avramovi to Nini, subject: GhevgheliSa-
lonica railway, 6 Nov. 1925; 14387/9680, Antis note, 4 July 1926; 14387/9691, Antis
memo, 7 July 1926.
35 ASANU, Anti Papers, 14387/9028, Antis note, 17 Nov. 1925.
36 ASANU, Anti Papers, 14387/9018, Antis note, 26 Dec. 1925; 14387/9782,
Avramovi to Nini, 10 May 1926.
37
ASANU, Anti Papers, 14387/8993, undated Antis note. See also H. Psomiades,
Te Diplomacy of Teodoros Pangalos, 192526, Balkan Studies 13 (1972), 116.
with the new regime of Pavlos Kountouriotis, which made the dispute with
Belgrade a national cause, and led nowhere. In such an atmosphere a mem-
orandum on Yugoslav-Greek relations concluded on a pessimistic note: In
the relations between us and the Greeks there is the psychosis of a fear
of our descent on Salonica and the sensitivity that we do not respect the
Greeks them being a small and weak state.
38

It fell to Ninis successor, Vojislav Marinkovi, to break the dead-
lock. He was remembered as Foreign Minister who had denounced the
treaty with Greece in 1924 during his brief rst term in oce. On several
occasions the Greeks oered the conclusion of a special convention which
would secure a transit of war materiel but Marinkovi did not show much
enthusiasm. Te sharp deterioration in relations with Italy after Mussolini
had concluded the rst Pact of Tirana with the Albanian President, Ahmed
Zogu, in November 1926, weakened Yugoslavias position in the Balkans.
By contrast, Venizelos, once more in oce in mid-1928, signed the agree-
ment with Mussolini in September that year thus breaking Greeces dip-
lomatic isolation. On French urgings to settle the diculties with Greece,
Marinkovi at rst replied that he wanted to either come to terms with
Italy or conclude a pact with France previously.
39
He apparently did not
want to negotiate from the position of weakness. Although he had his pact
with France in November 1927, it did not make any dierence in regard to
the negotiations with the Greeks. Moreover, Venizelos energetically refused
to allow transport of war supplies for Yugoslavia as such provision would
contravene his agreement with Italy. In the ensuing conversations between
technical experts the main idea on the Yugoslav side was to nd a formula
which would allow an import of our war materiel through the [Salonica]
zone. France advised Markinkovi

to conclude an agreement with Greece
even at the price of considerable sacrices on our part.
40
Finally, the pact
of friendship between Yugoslavia and Greece was concluded on 27 March
1929 in Belgrade and accompanied by a protocol settling the outstanding
questions in accordance with the Greek point of view. Te dispute was o
the table, Yugoslav-Greek relations were improved and Salonica would not
be on the lips of statesmen for the next ten years until Italian aggressive
designs in the Balkans brought it back in focus.
Since late April 1938, Mussolini and Ciano started preparing the
ground for the annexation of Albania. In order to realise their plans, it was
38
ASANU, Anti Papers, 14387/8779, Memorandum by Anti, 30 Dec. 1926, fol. 10.
39
AJ, Ministry of Foreign Aairs of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 334-9-29, Memoran-
dum on the negotiations with Greece, fols. 67, undated, author unknown.
40
ASANU, Anti Papers, 14387/8996, Antis letter to an unknown person, undated;
14387/8992, undated Antis note.
Balcanica XLIII 204
deemed necessary to obtain the consent, or even complicity, of Yugoslavia
the good will of which had carefully been nurtured since Ciano had signed
the Pact of Belgrade with the Yugoslav Prime Minister, Milan Stojadinovi,
on 25 March 1937. Te cooperation between the two countries, in the Ital-
ian view, was regarded as a valuable lever for withstanding German pressure
in the direction of the Adriatic in case of Anschluss and consequently seen
as having potential to be a fundamental factor in the Danube and Balkan
region. For these reasons, Stojadinovi had to be approached and won over
for the Italian plan, and the mission was to be undertaken by Ciano him-
self who had much personal sympathy for and a close working relationship
with the Prime Minister. Te Duce thought of an additional inducement
for Stojadinovi the port of Salonica.
41
Just three days before Cianos
departure for Yugoslavia, the nal decision was made that it would not pay
to gamble with our precious friendship with Belgrade to win Albania; in
order to attain an amicable consent of Yugoslavia, a fairly generous oer was
prepared: increase at the Yugoslav borders, demilitarisation of the Albanian
borders, military alliance, and the absolute support of the Serbs in their
conquest of Salonica.
42

On 19 January 1939, Stojadinovi

and Ciano met at the Belje estate
for a condential conversation. Te latter referred to the hostile attitude
that Greece had taken towards Italy during the application of the League
of Nations-imposed sanctions on account of the Italian aggression against
Abyssinia which Rome would never forget. Tis was an opening to advance
claim that Yugoslavia was in need of an access to the Aegean Sea and she
should take Salonica. Moreover, Ciano proclaimed, for that purpose, [Yu-
goslavia] can count on the full support of Italy: moral, political and military,
if needed.
43
In a summary report sent to Prince Regent Paul, Stojadinovi
did not reproduce his answer to Cianos suggestion. In his memoirs, how-
ever, he recorded his sti reply:
41
Cianos Diary, 19371943: the Complete Unabridged Diaries of Count Galeazzo Ciano,
Italian Minister for Foreign Aairs, 19361943 (London: Phoenix, 2002), entry on 6
Dec. 1938, 164; 8 Jan. 1939, 174175.
42
Cianos Diary, entry on 15 Jan. 1939, 178. Ciano had already spoken to Boko Hristi,
the Yugoslav Minister in Rome, encouraging Yugoslav action towards Salonica, the
natural outlet of the Yugoslavs to the [Aegean] sea. See entry on 24 Nov. 1938, 160.
43
AJ, Prince Paul Papers, Stojadinovi to Prince Paul, private, 20 Jan. 1939, Belje [digi-
tised] reel 4, 534541 [range of scans]. Ciano made no reference to Salonica in Cianos
Diplomatic Papers, ed. Malcolm Muggeridge, transl. Stuart Hood (London: Odhams
Press Limited, 1948), Te Report on my Journey to Yugoslavia and of the Conversation
with the Prime Minister, Stoyadinovitch, 18th23rd January, 1939 XVII, 267272.
Te taking of Salonica from the Greeks would not constitute any sort of
assuagement in the eyes of Yugoslav public opinion for the undertaking of
the proposed operation in Albania. On the contrary, Greece is an ally of
Yugoslavia, Serbo-Greek friendship was proven by the blood-shedding on
the battleelds in the Balkan Wars as well as the World War. In the area
[stretching] from Ghevgheli to Salonica, Greek governments settled pure
Greek element, the refugees from Asia Minor In the port of Salonica
there is a free Yugoslav customs zone which functions well All this
speaks against the idea regarding Salonica.
44

According to Stojadinovi, the Yugoslav military was of opinion that
no eort should be spared to prevent Italy from subduing Greece; if, how-
ever, a war became inevitable and a victorious Italy got hold of Salonica, it
was necessary to prevent her, either by means of an agreement or at the cost
of war, from maintaining control of the port for such contingency would
amount to the collapse of the economic lung through which Yugoslavia
breathes i.e., a free sea route.
45
In the end, nothing of these Italo-Yugoslav
exchanges materialised. Prince Paul removed Stojadinovi from the oce
which brought about the end of an era of friendly relations between the
two Adriatic neighbours. Italy decided to proceed with the annexation of
Albania without regard to, and if necessary against, Yugoslavia. Indeed, on 7
April 1939, Italian troops disembarked on the Albanian coast and occupied
the whole country. In the circumstances, there was no question of any com-
pensation for Belgrade in Albania or still less at the expense of Greece. Nor
was such compensation in the realm of practical policy, given the attitude
of Prince Paul who would never enter any combination with Mussolini if it
meant becoming an accomplice in the latters aggressive enterprises.
Tis was not the end of the troubles caused by Rome, however, and
Yugoslavia would soon again nd herself in a strategically dangerous situa-
tion. On 28 October 1940, Mussolini attacked Greece and spread the the-
atre of the Second World War to the hitherto peaceful Balkans. One of
the primary objectives of the Italian oensive was to take possession of
Salonica and it was this consideration that most alarmed Belgrade. On the
very day the war started, the Crown Council held a meeting to decide on
the attitude to be adopted. Prince Paul spoke rst and set the tone of the
discussion when he put forward a proposal to mobilise troops in the south
in the vicinity of the Greek border. We cannot allow Italy to enter Salonica.
Tis [situation] cannot be endured any more It is better to die than loose
44
M. Stojadinovi, Ni rat ni pakt: Jugoslavija izmedju dva rata (Rijeka: Otokar Kerovani,
1970), 518.
45
Ibid.
Balcanica XLIII 206
honour, the Regent was agitated.
46
Te Prime Minister, Dragia Cvetkovi,
supported Prince Pauls view and expressed willingness to ght at any cost,
and to withdraw if necessary, although he did not specify in which direction
the army might retreat. On the other hand, the Foreign Minister Aleksan-
dar Cincar-Markovi was not in favour of heroic solutions. He asked what
would become of those left behind the retreating army and declared himself
against rash decisions, including mobilisation. Cincar-Markovi underlined
that Germany stood by Italy and concluded: We cannot wage war against
them. Te Minister of War, General Milan Nedi, thought that the main
question was what the German attitude would be and warned that a partial
mobilisation might lead the country to war. Finally, Milan Anti, now the
Minister of Court, was the most outspoken and diplomatically cautious:
he advised the wait-and-see attitude as the further course of war in Greece
and Germanys stance could largely depend on English support and Tur-
keys attitude. Prince Paul seemed very depressed but there was no nal
decision. During the conversation with Anti the next day, the Regent re-
vealed his inner torments when he stated that he could not be requested
to attack the country of his wife, Princess Olga, who was a granddaughter
of King George I of Greece. Anti had to calm him down and explain the
rationale behind the Yugoslav policy: No one thinks of attacking Greece,
but we are all in agreement that we cannot have Italy in Salonica. In the
nal instance, it is better for Greece herself to have us instead of Italy in
Salonica.
47
Cincar-Markovi was then called to join their discussion and it
was decided to entrust Milan Peri, the director of the news agency Avala,
with the mission of soliciting the views of Walter Gruber of the German
agency Deutsches Nachrichten Bro in Belgrade and Josef Hribovsek-Berge,
the German press attach. An informal communication with these men
who apparently performed important intelligence operations had been
going on for some time, and, in fact, Gruber had phoned General Nedi on
the day Italy had declared war on Greece informing him that the Yugoslavs
would be invited to descend on Salonica. According to Peri, Gruber sug-
gested that [we] should moot the question of Salonica in Berlin. He asks
[us] what we are waiting for? On the basis of Peris information, Cincar-
Markovi and General Nedi were to prepare a telegram for the Military
Attach in Berlin, Colonel Vladimir Vauhnik, and instruct him to sound
out the opinion in the highest German military circles. It was also decided
46
Aprilski rat 1941, vol. I, doc. 293, Minutes by the Minister of Court, Milan Anti, on
28 and 31 Oct. and 1 Nov. from the meeting of the Crown Council in connection with
the question of Salonica.
47
Ibid.
to concentrate additional troops at the Greek border.
48
Te meeting was
concluded with Prince Pauls remark that he should be understood, that he
sacrices himself for the interests of the country, although he nd it dicult
to conceive that he has to work against his wifes country, which is also an
ally.
49
Te decisions reached were acted upon. By 6 November 1940, nine
infantry divisions were mobilised for the purpose of advancing to Salonica,
if ordered so, and securing this operation from the direction of Bulgaria.
50

It is clear from the information provided by Peri that the initia-
tive for Salonicas passing to Yugoslav hands came from the German side.
Furthermore, the pro-German Minister for Physical Education in the
Cvetkovi Cabinet, Duan Panti, had an interesting conversation over
dinner with two distinguished German diplomats, Ambassador in Rome,
Ulrich Hassel, and Minister in Belgrade, Viktor von Heeren, which threw
some light on the reasons which might have guided Berlin in its prodding
of Belgrades aspirations in the ports direction. Te former diplomat un-
derscored that the Tird Reich considered the Vardar valley together with
Salonica to be the aorta artery of Yugoslavia, and the Serbian part of the
people in particular and expressed German willingness to transfer Salonica
with its hinterland to Yugoslavia. Panti had an impression that our even-
tual taking of the territory, even provisional, would be a guarantee for the
German Reich against the eventual creation of a Salonica front on the part
of England and that in such case Germany would even remain an observer
of the Italo-Greek conict and regard it as a local war conict.
51
He had
no doubt that Hassels and Heerens suggestions were authorised by their
superiors. Panti discussed this matter with Prince Paul the next day and
48
Ibid. See also ASANU, Anti Papers, 14387/8509, 8512, undated Antis notes im-
plying that General Nedi may have overstepped a simple indication to the Germans as
to the military-strategic importance of Salonica for Yugoslavia.
49
Aprilski rat 1941, vol. I, doc. 293. It should be noted that the editor has commented
(n. 8), in blatant disregard for the content of this document, not to mention the wider
context of Yugoslavias situation, but typical of the biased view of communist Yugoslav
historiography, that Prince Paul decided to traitorously attack Salonica justifying such
an action by the alleged interests of the country.
50
Aprilski rat 1941, vol. I, doc. 294, Order of the Minister of Army and Navy of 2 Nov.
1940 for the activation of war regiments for the purpose of eventual occupation of
Salonica; doc. 296, Directive of the Minister of Army and Navy of 5 Nov. 1940 to the
Chief of the General Sta which authorises in principle the project of mobilisation and
concentration of forces for an attack on Salonica and orders further measures for the
realisation of this project; doc. 297, Order of the Minister of Army and Navy of 6 Nov.
1940 for the activation of all as yet unactivated units, commands and facilities of the
Tird Armys area of responsibility and some units from the Fifth Armys area.
51
Aprilski rat 1941, vol. I, doc. 293, n. 8.
Balcanica XLIII 208
made plain his view that the time had come to denitely arrange relations
with Germany. He proposed a diplomatic initiative in Athens to obtain a
voluntary cession of Salonica at least until the end of the war in order to
prevent the spreading of the conict in the Balkans.
52
He did not record
Prince Pauls reply to his suggestion but it is safe to assume that the latter
was not receptive to it.
Colonel Vauhnik carried out his orders discussing the Salonica
issue with two high-ranking ocers and reported them to have been rather
evasive. Tey waited for further Italian military operations in Greece and
promised to provide an answer in a few days. Vauhnik added that he found
the Germans disinterested in the Italo-Greek conict and even pleased
that things were going badly for the Italians.
53
After the resignation of
General Nedi on 6 November 1940, Vauhnik informed the Germans that
he had dropped the Salonica matter and was not likely to raise it again.
54

At about the same time, there was another seemingly unocial sound-
ing of German position as to Salonica. Danilo Gregori, Director of the
Vreme newspapers known for his pro-German leanings, was received in the
German Foreign Ministry. He talked of rapprochement between Berlin and
Belgrade, their intense economic cooperation, and hinted at the importance
of the Greek port which in the hands of Italians would be a noose around
the neck of Yugoslavia.
55
Te origins of Gregoris meddling in this matter
52
Ibid.
53
Ibid., n. 6 which contains the transcripts of the two telephone conversations with
Colonel Vauhnik on 4 and 5 Nov. 1940 relaying the content of his discussions with
German military ocials. Tese transcripts were originally published in Radoje
Kneevi, Kako se to zbilo, Poruci 45, pp. 67, published by an emigrant organisation
in London. In his memoirs, V. Vauhnik, Nevidljivi front: Borba za ouvanje Jugoslavije
(Munich: Iskra, 1984), 164168, has revealed that he thought that the order he received
from Belgrade was a manoeuvre on the part of an informal group of ocers, perhaps
without the knowledge of the Minister of Army and in conjunction with certain civilian
circles, which could saddle the country with a political adventure. He even doubted
that it could be made a part of a deal whereby Yugoslavia would have to adhere to the
Tripartite Pact and cede Slovenia (Vauhnik was Slovenian) to the Reich in exchange for
Salonica. Terefore, Vauhnik made enquires in the German headquarters in such man-
ner as to underscore that, despite feelers put out by some of his countrymen, Yugoslavia
did not make any sort of claim on the port although she insisted that it did not pass to
anyone else, and least of all Italy. He, in fact, sabotaged what he believed to be a shady
business of an irresponsible clique in Belgrade.
54
Aprilski rat 1941, vol. I, doc. 304, Report of an ocial of the Political Department of
11 Nov. 1940 to the Ministry of Foreign Aairs of Germany about Yugoslav aspirations
towards Salonica.
55
Aprilski rat 1941, vol. I, doc. 305, Report of Dr. Smith of 12 Nov. 1940 to Ribbentrop
on conversation with Danilo Gregori.
are not clear. Whereas he confessed to his German interlocutor that he had
had a long conversation with Cvetkovi and Cincar-Markovi before his
departure for Berlin and thus created an impression of acting upon instruc-
tions from his government, the latter atly denied it to the Reich Minister
in Belgrade.
56
Yet, Gregori went to Berlin again less than two weeks later
and was this time received by Ribbentrop himself, which suggests that he
did not act without authorisation.
57
Gregori later conded to Anti that
Cvetkovi had also conversed with von Heeren about Salonica and prom-
ised to meet all German demands in return for a favourable solution of
this question, but it remained unclear if the Regent had been familiar with
it.
58
In Antis view, such initiative was incompatible with Yugoslav foreign
policy which, once forced to accept negotiations for joining the Tripartite
Pact, endeavoured to extract maximum concessions from the Germans with
a view to securing the independence, integrity and neutrality of the country.
Te Salonica matter came under discussion without Cvetkovis interven-
tion, in a hypothetical form, for the purpose of defending the vital interests
of our country, in case of Central Powers [sic] victory, so that Italy, Bulgaria
did not enter Salonica, or an unfavourable international solution for us was
imposed, Anti explained.
59

Von Heeren closely observed the mood of the government in Bel-
grade and found that the Salonica issue was revived due to the Italo-Greek
war and the consequent uncertainty as to the future territorial extent of
Greece. In his analysis, earlier, this old political objective was silenced over,
and only because it is in contradiction with the anti-revisionist attitude in
principle for which the ocial Yugoslav foreign policy always stood for,
and also because it seemed bearable to have Salonica in the hands of the
Greek partner in the Balkan Entente.
60
Italian conquest of the port would
be regarded as the completion of a military encirclement of Yugoslavia and
56
Aprilski rat 1941, vol. I, doc. 318, Heerens Report of 24 Nov. 1940 to Ribbentrop
relating to the impending visit of Cincar-Markovi to Germany.
57
D. Gregori, Samoubistvo Jugoslavije (Belgrade: Lu, 1942), 105129. If Antis rec-
ollection can be trusted, Gregori, whom he met in a prison of communist Yugoslavia
after the war and found him supercial, garrulous and too close to Germans, had been
chosen for a mission to Berlin by Cvetkovi, while Cincar-Markovi unsuccessfully
tried to oppose his meddling in the ongoing negotiations. See ASANU, Anti Papers,
14387/9545, Antis notes, fols. 8182, 167.
58
ASANU, Anti Papers, 14387/8509, 8512, undated Antis notes.
59
ASANU, Anti Papers, 14387/8512, undated Antis note.
60
Aprilski rat 1941, vol. I, doc. 307, Report of the German Minister in Belgrade of 14
Nov. 1940 to the Ministry of Foreign Aairs on the increased interest of Yugoslavia for
an outlet to the Aegean Sea through Salonica.
Balcanica XLIII 210
resisted with force of arms, if necessary, and provided Germany did not
interfere. Von Heeren predicted that Belgrade would hesitate even to speak
about the possession of Salonica as long as it remained Greek, but would
disinterest itself in the fate of Greece if both Axis powers recognised the
Yugoslav right to have Salonica which had previously been detached from
Greece. Furthermore, he believed that a promise to that eect could be de-
cisive for the permanent soothing of relations between the Serbs and their
Italian and Bulgarian neighbours.
Von Heerens views and the Yugoslav soundings in Berlin apparently
made impression on Hitler himself. While discussing with Ciano the posi-
tion in the Balkans in relation to the Italo-Greek war, he asked for Italys
consent to neutralise Yugoslavia by oering her a territorial guarantee and
Salonica; after having consulted Mussolini, Ciano agreed.
61
Hitler then
turned to make a deal with the Yugoslavs. He received Cincar-Markovi
and tried to wring from him Yugoslav adherence to a non-aggression pact
with both Axis powers.
62
Te Fhrer exploited the animosity between Rome
and Belgrade, and insisted that the moment was extremely favourable for
the latter to dene its relations with the Axis and secure a place in the
new European order. Germany was presently capable of demanding Italys
respect for such an arrangement on account of the military help he was
prepared to provide in the Balkans following the Italian failure in the Greek
campaign. Moreover, Yugoslavias access to the Aegean would reduce the
tension in the Adriatic where Italy was very sensitive for military reasons.
Hitlers oer of Salonica did not meet with an enthusiastic response on the
part of Cincar-Markovi. On the contrary, he seems to have attempted to
dissuade Hitler from involving himself in the Balkans by pointing out that
the formation of a Salonica front by the British was a mere rumour not to
be taken seriously.
63

Te Yugoslavs maintained their reserved attitude towards the Axis
and thus remained an unknown quantity for them in relation to the cam-
paign in Greece that the Wehrmacht planned for the spring. It cannot be
predicted whether Yugoslavia would join a German attack reaching for Sa-
lonica, read an estimate of the German Supreme Command of the Armed
61
Aprilski rat 1941, vol. I, doc. 312, Minutes of the conversation between Hitler and
Ciano on 18 Nov. 1940 in Obersalzberg about the situation in the Mediterranean and
the Balkans; doc. 314, Minutes of the conversation between Ciano and Hitler on 20
Nov. 1940 in Vienna about combinations with Yugoslavia due to the Italo-Greek con-
ict.
62
Aprilski rat 1941, vol. I, doc. 323, Minutes of the conversation between Hitler and
Cincar-Markovi in the Berghof on 29 Nov. 1940.
63
Ibid.
Forces.
64
Te Belgrade government was, however, far from contemplating
any such action. On the contrary, it refused Italian and even German re-
quests to permit military transports for Italian forces in Albania across Yu-
goslav territory and, moreover, secretly supplied hundreds of thousands of
hand grenades, artillery fuses and horses for the Greek cavalry.
65
In doing
so, Yugoslavia helped Greece defeat the Italians and drive them back to
Albania. Nevertheless, Italian debacle made German military intervention
inevitable. With it, Belgrade fully realised it would be faced with the oner-
ous demands on the part of Germany. In order to pre-empt German request
for Yugoslavias adherence to the Tripartite Pact, a special emissary of Prince
Paul, Vladislav Staki, a lawyer of the Italian Legation in Belgrade, visited
Rome twice during February 1941 to nd out whether it would be pos-
sible to reach some arrangement with Italy and obviate German pressure.
Mussolini proposed a new alliance pact between the two countries and of-
fered Yugoslavia the port of Salonica once again as well as the exchange of
population the Yugoslav minority in Istria for the Albanian minority in
Kosovo but his oers were declined.
66
In his memoirs, Staki recorded
how Mussolini had even warned him that the Germans would take Sa-
lonica unless Yugoslavia had it, and specied that the negative answer had
been given due to Prince Pauls adamant stance against taking part in the
partition of an allied country.
67
Besides, at this point it became clear that if
an agreement counted for anything, it had to be made with Berlin.
In mid-February 1941, German pressure was mounting. Both Prime
Minister Cvetkovi and Foreign Minister Cincar-Markovi were invited
to Salzburg to meet Hitler and Ribbentrop. Te Yugoslavs were interested
in mediating for the purpose of liquidating the Italo-Greek war and then
creating a diplomatic instrument which would oblige all Balkan countries
to resist any foreign power to use their territories for military operations.
Tey were not too hopeful as to Hitlers reception of such a proposal and
struggled to fathom German intentions. Cincar-Markovi concluded:
But one thing is beyond any doubt: a descent of the Germans southwards
across Bulgaria means a mortal danger for us because the natural, shortest
and best route between Germany and the coast of the Aegean Sea leads
through our country. Terefore we cannot consent to any suggestion which
would give Salonica to the Germans. Once they obtain Salonica, they will
64
Aprilski rat 1941, vol. I, doc. 332, Information of the German Supreme Command of
the armed forces of 21 Dec. 1940 on German military preparations in the Balkans.
65
J. B. Hoptner, Yugoslavia in Crisis, 19341941 (New York: Columbia University
Press), 190192.
66
Ibid. 208209, 211212.
67
V. Staki, Moji razgovori sa Musolinijem (Munich: Iskra, 1967), 99100, 105.
Balcanica XLIII 212
strangle us completely. It is better for us if they directly attack us rather
than torment us isolated. For even if our end would be the same in both
cases, the path would not be the same. In case of an attack and resistance
our honour would be saved and that will mean something at the moment
of a liquidation of this war.
68

It is dicult to nd a more obvious and straightforward statement
as to the vital strategic importance attributed to Salonica by high-ranking
Yugoslav ocials. In the event, Cincar-Markovi and Cvetkovi were re-
quested to sign the Tripartite Pact but did not accept it. Tey were asked to
relay an invitation to the Prince Regent to come and see Hitler. Tis visit
took place in Berghof on 4 March 1941. Prince Paul was clearly given to
understand that Yugoslavia was requested to join the Tripartite Pact in or-
der to provide evidence of her loyal attitude. Hitler also dangled a prospect
of granting Salonica to Yugoslavia at the end of the war.
69
Two days later,
the Crown Council met in Belgrade to make a decision. It was decided to
open negotiations with the Germans but to insist on the maintenance of
Yugoslavias armed neutrality and the exclusion of Yugoslav territory from
transit of troops.
When Cincar-Markovi secured the acceptance of these conditions,
another meeting of the Crown Council was convened on 12 March. At this
point, the Minister of Court, Milan Anti, knowing that the Salonica is-
sue had already been mooted by General Nedi with the German military
(and still not knowing about Cvetkovis conversations on this subject) and
aware of the Italian ambitions voiced by the fascist press, which ran contrary
to the vital Yugoslav interest not to tolerate an entrenchment in the port
of any other power except Greece, raised the matter of Salonica.
70
In the
ensuing discussion Ivo Perovi, a co-Regent of Prince Paul, was the most
determined and professed that Salonica would be worth a war with Italy.
Finally, it was decided to discuss the fate of Salonica with the Germans in
68
AJ, Ministerial Council of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, 138-1-526, Cincar-Markovis
memorandum of 13 Feb. 1941 prepared for Cvetkovi, published online in V. Djuri-
Miina, Kraljevina Jugoslavija 1941, downloaded from http://27march.org/images/
File/Veljko_Djuric_Kraljevina_Jugoslavija_1941_lat.pdf.
69
Aprilski rat 1941, vol. II, ed. Antun Mileti (Belgrade: Vojnoistorijski institut, 1987),
doc. 53, Report of the German Foreign Minister to the Minister in Belgrade of 7 March
1941 on the conversation between Prince Paul and Hitler in the Berghof.
70
ASANU, Anti Papers, 14387/10487, Antis note, undated. Hoptner, Yugoslavia in
Crisis, 228229, claims that Cincar-Markovi and Anti consulted on the matter. Al-
legedly, the latter was emotionally attached to Salonica because of his role in the nego-
tiations of 192526 and the former exceeded Cvetkovis instructions when he insisted
in his talks with the Germans on a territorial link with Salonica rather than on a free
access.
case it did not remain under Greek sovereignty after the war. Following
another round of negotiations, the Germans, having procured Mussolinis
consent, agreed to provide assurances to Belgrade as to Salonica. According
to Anti, Cincar-Markovi submitted a draft note to the Crown Council
which found it not clear and precise enough and the Foreign Minister was
instructed to ask for another redaction, always hypothetical and only in the
case [Salonica] cannot not stay in Greek hands after the war.
71
Cincar-
Markovi carried out his instructions successfully. Te nal text of the secret
note reads as follows: On the occasion of a new delimitation of borders in
the Balkans the interest of Yugoslavia for a territorial link with the Aegean
Sea and the extension of her sovereignty to the town and port of Salonica
will be taken into account.
72
Prince Paul still had doubts about the word-
ing of the Salonica note and Anti reassured him that it was not directed
against Greek interests which could be endangered by the belligerents alone.
Te Regents crisis of conscience was all the more striking in the light of
Hitlers interpreter Paul Schmidts impression that the Yugoslavs seemed
to have no special interest in Salonica, with which Germany had baited the
hook.
73
Te note constituted one of the four notes which accompanied the
text of the Tripartite Pact signed by Yugoslavia on 25 March 1941. Te note
on Salonica remained secret, that on Yugoslavias abstention from military
operations was not to be published without the prior consent of both sides,
whereas the notes pertaining to the guarantee of Yugoslavias integrity and
sovereignty and the exclusion of her territory from transports of troops and
war materiel were announced.
It is interesting to note that the Salonica aair during those fateful
days became a matter of bitter dispute between the Serb emigrants after the
war. Deprived of the possibility of returning to the now communist Yugo-
slavia, they were sharply divided into the defenders of Prince Paul and his
regime and the supporters of the 27 March coup dtat. Radoje Kneevi,
one of the political architects of the putsch, and thus having a vested inter-
est in denouncing Prince Paul, went as far as accusing the Regent of signing
the Tripartite Pact in a simple exchange for Hitlers promise to let Yugo-
slavia have Salonica. Tis accusation, equally groundless as that of Yugoslav
communist historiography, was vehemently refuted by Dragia Cvetkovi.
74

71
ASANU, Anti Papers, 14387/10487, Antis note, undated.
72
Aprilski rat 1941, vol. II, doc. 114, Note of the German government of 25 March
1941 to Dragia Cvetkovi guaranteeing the extension of sovereignty to the town and
port of Salonica.
73
Hoptner, Yugoslavia in Crisis, 239, n. 67.
74
R. L. Knejevitch, Prince Paul, Hitler, and Salonica, International Aairs 27/1 ( Jan.
1951), 3844; the reply is given in Dragisha Tsvetkovitch, Prince Paul, Hitler, and
Balcanica XLIII 214
His friend, aslav Nikitovi, wrote him a letter informing him of the histo-
rian Jacob Hoptners diculties to ascertain the Yugoslav attitude towards
Salonica in view of the Croat leader Vlatko Maeks diering accounts and
Count Cianos note of what transpired between the government and the
Germans as to the ports fate. Nikitovi thought that it was necessary to
explain that the Crown Council had endeavoured to ensure free access to
the Aegean, which Yugoslavia had already enjoyed under the existing ar-
rangement with Greece, rather than to take the city from the Greeks.
75

Boidar Puri, a former high-ranking diplomat, was also engaged in ght-
ing o Kneevis accusations regarding Salonica in the pages of the Serb
migr journal Kanadski Srbobran, and kept Prince Paul up to date on this
matter.
76
He compounded the classic strategic reason of holding Salonica
in order to keep Italy out of it by another calculation which, according to
him, was not far from the thoughts of Yugoslav ocials at the time: After
the experience of Czechoslovakias and Romanias fate following the Vienna
meeting [Awards], it had to be clear to us that, in case of German victory,
the question of Croatia, Slovenia and Dalmatia would be resolved in favour
of Germanys and Italys interests, and that Salonica would be a sole outlet
to sea for us.
77
Tis argument, which had never been previously mentioned
in documents or by the participants in the events, points out to an exclu-
sively Serbian concern based on the worst case scenario of Yugoslavias dis-
memberment through detaching Croatian and Slovenian, to a great extent
coastal, areas which would reverse the position of Serbia to that of the pre-
1914 landlocked state. In Puris view, it justied Antis initiative for the
German assurance with regard to Salonica. Te whole post-war controversy
as to what was Yugoslav stance in those critical moments, he believed, was
caused by Cvetkovis inconsistent claims relating to Salonica whether
it had been oered to and imposed on the Yugoslavs or demanded by them
from Berlin.
As the German pressure mounted in March 1941, Yugoslavia was
also faced with the British endeavours to enlist her to the anti-German
camp. Tis was a change in attitude that had been taken since the outbreak
of the war. During the phoney war phase, France, and in particular Gen-
eral Maxim Weygand, the commander of the French forces stationed in
Syria, was bent on the creation of a Salonica front in the Balkans which
he believed, no doubt invoking the successful French-led campaign in the
previous war, to have potential to decisively contribute, provided that Bal-
Salonica, International Aairs 27/4 (Oct. 1951), 463469.
75
AJ, Prince Paul Papers, 7/737-741, Nikitovi to Cvetkovi, 9 May 1958.
76
AJ, Prince Paul Papers, 8/764, Puri to Prince Paul, 4 April 1963.
77
AJ, Prince Paul Papers, 8/758-761, Puri to Prince Paul, 22 Jan. 1962 (?).
kan nations sided with the Allies, to the nal German defeat.
78
To this end,
the French military maintained regular contacts with the General Stas of
Yugoslavia, Greece and Romania. Te British, however, discouraged Wey-
gands schemes: they could have brought about the end of the Italian non-
belligerence which was, in view of London, a more valuable asset than the
vague prospect of a Salonica front.
79
Instead, Britain promoted the idea of
a neutral Balkan bloc in which Bulgaria would forego her territorial aspi-
rations and show solidarity with her neighbours organised in the Balkan
Entente formed in 1934 and which would perhaps be led by the still neutral
Italy. Politically unrealistic, such combination clearly indicated the para-
mount importance accorded to Rome, and at least was not as divorced from
the military realities on the ground as Weygands plan. With the French
military disaster in MayJune 1940 and Italys entry into war, both strate-
gies were put to rest.
In March 1941, Britain was preoccupied with the precarious situa-
tion of Greece which was about to be invaded by Hitler. Without resources
to provide eective help himself, Churchill tried to organise a new variant
of a Salonica front which would consist of Yugoslav, Greek and Turkish
forces with only a token British participation. In order to realise this plan,
the British exerted all the inuence they commanded on the Anglophile
Prince Paul. Te Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden, strove to persuade him
that the Germans were about to encircle Yugoslavia and so seal her fate.
As we see it, Germanys objective in the Balkans is to subdue Greece and
to immobilise Turkey. If Germany could achieve these dual objects and in
the course of so doing occupy Salonica and dominate the straits, Yugoslavia
would be at Germanys mercy.
80
In fact, this was the only concrete strategic
reason that Eden could provide as to the necessity for Yugoslavia of tak-
ing up arms and resisting Hitler; the rest was but a pathetic appeal to the
soul of a people splendid traditions and brave deeds and the prospect of
facing the future with the greater courage and hope.
81
Barely a fortnight
later, Eden prodded the Prince Regent to withstand German pressure and
even suggested that the Yugoslav Army should take initiative and attack
the Italian forces in Albania which would soon be defeated captur-
78
A. Papagos, Grka u ratu (Belgrade: Vojno delo, 1954), 5152, 99, 105.
79
E. Barker, Britanska politika prema jugoistonoj Evropi u Drugom svjetskom ratu (Za-
greb: Globus, 1978), 2835 a Serbo-Croat translation of British Policy in South-East
Europe in the Second World War (London: Macmillan Press, 1975); V. Vinaver, Vojno-
politika akcija faistike Italije protiv Jugoslavije u jesen 1939. godine, Vojnoistorijski
glasnik 3 (1966), 7394, esp. 7678.
80
AJ, Prince Paul Papers, 2/28-33, Eden to Prince Paul, 4 March 1941.
81
Ibid.
Balcanica XLIII 216
ing large quantities of war supplies in the process.
82
Te Salonica card was
also emphasised in a communication made by the British Minister, Ronald
Campbell, to Prime Minister Cvetkovi. Realising the imminence of an
agreement between Belgrade and Berlin, the former requested from the
Yugoslav government to insist on Germanys obligation to refrain from at-
tacking the port. Such an assurance can easily be valueless, but if Germany
gives it and later menaces Salonica, Yugoslavia will be fully justied to cross
her borders, Campbell argued.
83
Tis was another, albeit more subtle, at-
tempt to recruit Yugoslavia as bulwark to German descent on Greece. If it
proved ineective, which might have seemed highly likely to the British, it
could have provoked Berlin to resorting to more forward measures and con-
sequently brought Belgrade in the conict. Just like Germany, Britain used
the bait of Salonica to make Yugoslavia do its bidding. London encouraged
Prince Pauls government to revive the Salonica front presenting it as the
only way for Yugoslavia to preserve her independence.
Despite all British warmongering and his personal feelings, Prince
Paul had to acknowledge political and military realities and Yugoslavia
signed the Tripartite Pact on 25 March 1941 but without the military claus-
es which for all practical intents and purposes left Belgrade in the position
of a neutral. Two days later, the irresponsible group of high-ranking ocers
abused the anti-German sentiment of Serbian population and carried out a
putsch against Prince Paul and his government. Hitler promptly responded
by attacking Yugoslavia and destroying her as a country. In the short-lived
April War, the strategic signicance of the Vardar valley leading to Salonica
was once more demonstrated though being far from a decisive moment
since German troops made it one of their primary objectives to cut this
line of communication and thus prevent the Yugoslav Army from with-
drawing down that route and making contact with Greek forces.
In conclusion, this review of Yugoslav policy towards the Salonica
issue argues that, along with economic interest, and perhaps more than that,
Belgrade viewed the free communication with the Greek port from a mili-
tary-strategic standpoint. With the experience from the Great War during
which the Salonica front became ingrained in the collective memory of the
Serbian Army and people, the port remained central to operational think-
ing and military planning of the Yugoslav armed forces. Tis was facilitated
by the strategic situation of Yugoslavia which, although a bigger and stron-
82
AJ, Prince Paul Papers, 2/34-45, Eden to Prince Paul, 17 March 1941.
83
Aprilski rat 1941, vol. II, doc. 89, Letter of the British Minister in Belgrade of 20
March 1941 to Dragia Cvetkovi on the insistence of the British Government to in-
clude a clause that Germany will not attack Salonica in the text of an agreement on the
adherence of Yugoslavia to the Tripartite Pact.
ger country than pre-war Serbia, seemed to nd herself in a similar position
in that it was to a large extent encircled by hostile or potentially hostile
neighbours. In times of peace, the unimpeded exit to Salonica was needed
to secure a free ow of the military equipment which Yugoslavia could not
produce herself, whereas in times of war it could also serve as a retreat route
to a fallback position where a contact could be made with and material help
received from her (old) allies. Such signicance of Salonica was convinc-
ingly demonstrated during the turbulent times on the eve of and during the
Second World War. Italy, Germany and Britain in turn tried to use Salonica
as a bait in order to win Yugoslavia over for their intended actions in the
Balkans. Tere was, however, no enthusiasm in Belgrade for those oers
which incited the lust for territorial aggrandisement. To be sure, Yugoslavia
did strike a deal on Salonica with the Germans, but it was somewhat ten-
tative and only meant as reassurance so that the port would not fall in the
hands of some other hostile or potentially hostile power. In fact, Yugoslavias
behaviour during those perilous times provides evidence that for her the
Greek port was indeed, as Nini once described it, a matter of security.
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Tis paper results from the project of the Institute for Balkan Studies History of political
ideas and institutions in the Balkans in the 19th and 20th centuries (no. 177011) funded
by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic
of Serbia.
Alexander Mirkovic
Northern Michigan University
USA
Grey Falcon and the Union Man
Miloje Soki Collection of the Clippings from the American Press
19411945
Abstract: Miloje Sokic, a journalist whose family owned the Pravda newspaper, spent
war years in the United States, where he gathered a collection of press clippings
that illustrate well American attitudes towards the war in the Balkans. Te collection
reveals enthusiastic support for the Chetniks in the rst two years of the war, and
then the pendulum swang toward Partisans. In these clipping one can follow two im-
migrant groups. Te one around Konstantin Fotitch, the Yugoslav Ambassador, nur-
tured the image of heroic Serbian resistance as illustrated by Rebecca West and Ruth
Mitchell. Te other, around Luis Adamic, presented Yugoslav Partisans as a piece of
a progressive multi-cultural America in the Balkans. Adamics strategy won because
it was politically more astute, but also because the immigrants from the former Hab-
sburg lands outnumbered those of Serbian origin at a ratio of 3 to 1.
Keywords: Miloje Sokic, Konstantin Fotitch, Luis Adamic, Ruth Mitchell, Rebecca
West, Second World War, Resistance movements, American press, Royal Yugoslav
Government in Exile, Partisans, Chetniks, image of women
M
ost historians are aware of the concept of public diplomacy, the eec-
tive communication strategies pursued by various branches of gov-
ernment and special interest groups, practiced in order to inuence public
opinion on foreign aairs abroad and at home. Public diplomacy often g-
ures in inuencing or preparing the ground for formal, ocial decision-
making on subjects ranging from diplomatic initiatives and international
agreements to military interventions. In recent years several studies have
won recognition from specialists in the eld of diplomatic history, such as
Jon Davidanns, Cultural Diplomacy in U.S.-Japanese Relations, 19191941.
Tis work, which traces changes in public opinion in the US and Japan
before Pearl Harbor, was praised by the doyen of Asian diplomatic histori-
ans, Akira Iriye, who wrote that, while there exist numerous studies of the
origins of Pearl Harbor and of mutual images across the Pacic, this book
makes a new contribution by examining how these images inuenced one
another.
1
Such successes in writing on public diplomacy are often based on
the discovery or use of document sets, particularly newspaper collections.
1
Jon Tares, Cultural Diplomacy in U.S.-Japanese Relations, 19191941 (New York: Pal-
grave Macmillan, 2007).
DOI: 10.2298/BALC1243221M
Balcanica XLIII 222
Recently, from a Serbian immigrant family here in the United States,
I have received a dozen of awlessly organized scrapbook volumes of press-
clippings, all related to the course of the Second World War in the Balkans.
2

Tese volumes seem to have been organized in the same way in which in-
telligence ocers would prepare newspaper clippings for government use.
Te press-clippings I received cover the whole course of the Second World
War in the Balkans and even extend into the post-war era (1946), when
the immigrant community was still hoping that the Communist victory
was neither nal nor irreversible. Covering the day-to-day news reports of
the actions of the resistance movements, this collection presents a unique
view of the war in the Balkans from the American perspective. Te clip-
pings include newspaper articles from the New York Times and Post, Life
and Time magazines, extensive excerpts from the Daily Worker, the organ of
the Communist Party of USA, as well as numerous articles from the local
American press from Pittsburg and Chicago. All kinds of articles gure in
the collection, including simple reports from the front, in-depth analysis
pieces written by experts, gossip columns about the lives of princes and
princesses, adventure journalism of Americans and British who ventured to
visit the resistance ghters, as well as interviews and biographies of the pro-
tagonists. Tis unique resource lends insight into American views of a part
of the world. For traditional historians, often obsessed with the meaning of
every document which diplomatic historians study, this collection oers a
dierent view of the war. It emphasizes the role of the Yugoslav immigrants
in the United States and how they saw the events in the home country. I
hope to present here this unique view of the chaotic mess that was the Sec-
ond World War in the Balkans.
Te author of this collection of newspaper clippings was the famous
Serbian journalist and politician, Miloje Soki (18971963). Soki came
from a large family which owned Pravda newspaper.
3
Tere were seven
Soki brothers and three sisters, most of them active in the family news-
paper whose rst issue came out on September 1st, 1904. Pravda was a
left-of-center newspaper, which during the period between the two world
2
Tis collection is currently being catalogued by the Hoover Archives on campus of
Stanford University in Palo Alto, California. Te name of the collection will be Te
Miloje Sokic Collection. It contains 9 scrapbook volumes with glued clips from various
national and local newspapers, chronologically organized for the period of 194146
and stamped with the date and the name of the publication. While the collection is be-
ing catalogued, scholars could check the press clippings directly from the news source
cited.
3
Sokii ekaju pravdu, Glas Javnosti, Belgrade, July 30, 2001. Tis information was
veried through the conversation with Miloje Sokis descendants currently living in
the United States.
A. Mirkovic, Gray Falcon and the Union Man 223
wars became associated with the Democratic Party of the popular leader
Ljuba Davidovi. Miloje Soki, the person who had put this collection of
scrapbooks together, was a member of the Yugoslav National Assembly. He
entered the political life of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the very dicult
period after the personal rule of King Alexander, imposed from 1929 to
1931 after the blunt assassination of a prominent Croatian deputy in the
National Assembly. On September 3rd, 1931, the King ended the consti-
tutional vacuum and issued a new constitution, allowing for elections to
be held. Old national political parties, such as Radicals, Democrats, and
the Croatian Peasant Party, were prohibited from running. Only the super-
national Yugoslav parties were permitted, and the democratic life in Yu-
goslavia took several years to recover. Two new Yugoslav political parties
emerged: on the center-right there was the Yugoslav Radical Union (known
as JeReZaJugoslovenska Radikalna Zajednica) and on the center-left the
Yugoslav National Party. Ocial minutes of the Yugoslav National Assem-
bly indicate that Miloje Soki was elected representative both in the elec-
tions held in 1931 and in 1935 on the list of the Yugoslav National Party.
4

His political role in this period was not very prominent. Miloje considered
himself a journalist, rst and foremost. In the post-war period, the Com-
munist publications tried to present him as one of typically corrupt politi-
cians in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.
5
Needless to say, such accusations were
very hurtful to a patriot who was exiled, whose family newspaper, Pravda,
was shut down and whose owners were not allowed to return to Yugoslavia
after the war.
After the defeat of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the April War of
1941, like many other prominent politicians and journalists, Miloje Soki
left the occupied country in order to continue resistance abroad, as this had
been done during the First World War. After many detours Soki ended in
New York City, where the Royal Yugoslav Government had its informa-
tion oce. He could not know that he would never see his homeland again
and would spend the rest of his life on the American East Coast, moving
between New York, Pittsburg, Washington and Boston until his death in
1963. After the war, scarred by the imprisonment of his brothers in Bel-
grade by Titos regime, Miloje stayed in the United States, even though he
was entitled to return to Yugoslavia and to rejoin the National Assembly.
Miloje then, after the Communist takeover in Yugoslavia, became the edi-
tor of American Srbobran, a Serbian newspaper based in Pittsburg, PA.
4
Stenografske beleke Narodne skuptine Kraljevine Jugoslavije, year 1, vol. 4 (Belgrade
1932) and year 4, vol. 1 (Belgrade 1935).
5
Zvonimir Kulundi, Korupcija i politika u kraljevskoj Jugoslaviji (Zagreb: Stvarnost,
1968), 165171.
Balcanica XLIII 224
Te Yugoslav National Party, of which Miloje Soki was a member,
was a party created to foster Yugoslav unity in the aftermath of the bloody in-
cident in the National Assembly. Tere was a good deal of resentment and an-
imosity between the ruling Radicals ( JeReZa) under Milan Stojadinovi and
the opposition Yugoslav National Party. In the United States, the traditional
Serbian political parties, Radicals and Democrats, not the newly-formed Yu-
goslav parties, had their own independent organizations. Yet, because of the
war, the traditional Serbian organizations in the United States, such as the
Serbian National Defense Council or the Serb National Federation, together
with the newly-arrived migrs of 1941, began to work for the same cause, the
cause of liberating the fatherland from Nazi occupation.
Contrary to the claims often made by many popular histories in the
Communist Yugoslavia, the life of the Yugoslav migrs during the war
was not all fun and games.
6
For the most part, Miloje Sokis activities were
actually dedicated to organizing help for the resistance movements in Yu-
goslavia and winning over public opinion in the United States. Te newly-
arrived emigrants were ocially classied as immigrants deriving from the
enemy territory and were thus fairly strictly followed and observed. All po-
litical gures, such as Soki, were interviewed and observed by the Foreign
Nationalities Branch, a part of the Oce of Strategic Services (the future
CIA).
7
Yugoslav exiles even tried to organize military units from volunteers
in the United States. Tis activity had to stop once the United States en-
tered the war on December 8th, 1941.
8
In fact, during this period between
April and December of 1941, members of the Royal Yugoslav Government
in Exile were only allowed into the United States after they rst established
residence in Canada which, as a part of the British Empire, had ocially
been at war with the Axis.
9
Tere is a possibility that Soki was putting
together this collection of scrapbooks as a volunteer for the emerging intel-
ligence services (Oce of Strategic Services or the intelligence oces of
the State Department). It is well known that during the war an army of
immigrants-volunteers scanned the press regularly for the purpose of mak-
ing the best use of resources and the consolidation of victory.
10
At this
point I have not been able to conrm this intriguing suggestion.
6
E.g., Mihailo Mari, Kralj i vlada u emigraciji (Zagreb: Epoha, 1966).
7
Lorainne M. Lees, Americans and National Security during World War II (Chicago:
University of Illinois Press, 2007), 612.
8
Bogdan Krizman, Jugoslovenske vlade u izbeglitvu (Zagreb: Globus, 1981), 147.
9
Constantin Fotitch, Te War We Lost: Yugoslavias Tragedy and the Failure of the West
(New York: Viking Press, 1948), 115. Fotitch is the way the ambassadors name is
spelled in the American press and I will use this form throughout the article.
10
Lees, Americans and National Security, 90.
By looking at the Soki Collection, the coverage of the Yugoslav re-
sistance was very positive in the American press. However, further and more
detailed analysis reveals the existence of two clear political, public relations, or
even propaganda, strategies of the belligerent resistance groups. Both resis-
tance movements, the Yugoslav Army in the Fatherland, commonly known
as the Chetniks, and the Peoples Liberation Army, known as the Partisans,
had a clear strategy of how to present themselves to the Allies. Underscoring
this need was the ideological fracture lines and strategies which would come
to dene the two groups. Te Chetniks were Yugoslav patriots, organized
predominantly in Serbia, Montenegro, and Bosnia, politically supporting
the Royal Yugoslav Government in Exile and the political order as it had
been before the Second World War. Te Partisans, however, were otherwise
a reverse mirror-image of the Chetniks: left-leaning, dedicated to ghting
the Nazis, but also planning for the future Socialist Yugoslavia, intensely
loyal to Moscow, and operating primarily in Croatia and Bosnia, though
also Yugoslav in orientation. Te Partisans also included a large number of
Serbs living in the so-called Independent State of Croatia, the population
that was subjected to genocide by the Croatian Nazis called the Ustashe
and eager to join any resistance movement. Relations between these two
resistant movements were complex and mutual accusations abounded. Te
Chetniks accused the Partisans of cooperating with the Croatian Nazis, the
Ustashe. Te Partisans were accusing the Chetniks of cooperating with the
Italian occupational authorities and the Serbian quislings. Tese two move-
ments had their own American spokespersons, the Ambassador Konstantin
Fotitch for the Chetniks and the Royal Yugoslav Government in Exile, and
Louis Adamic, a Slovenian-American journalist, author and social activist,
working for the Partisan movement. One can follow the duel between these
two political campaigns being fought on a daily basis on the pages of Miloje
Sokis collection of scrapbooks. In that duel, the American press had to
take sides, and it was often split down the middle.
Te community of Yugoslav immigrants, that is, those who had al-
ready been in the United States, and the new migrs, those who arrived
after the April War of 1941, stood far apart. First there were the traditional
ethnic divisions between Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Bosnians, and others,
which plagued the Yugoslav history from the creation of the state to its nal
destruction in the Balkan wars of the 1990s. According to the available esti-
mates, the immigrants from the former Habsburg lands in Yugoslavia out-
numbered the immigrants from Serbia and Montenegro by a ratio of 3:1.
11

It should not be forgotten that from 1903, Unione Austriaca had steamships
running regularly between Trieste and New York and, for some time, also
11
Fotitch, Te War We Lost, 110.
Balcanica XLIII 226
between Trieste and New Orleans. Second there were political divisions.
On the one side were the supporters of the Royal Yugoslav Government in
Exile, under the leadership of Ambassador Fotitch. On the other side were
the left-leaning elements, consisting mostly of the old immigrants. Louis
Adamic (18981951) came to the United States in 1913, from Austria-
Hungary. Adamic was actually expelled from high school and briey jailed
for his nationalist pro-Yugoslav activities and, running away from home,
he simply boarded one of the Unione Austriaca liners to New York. Louis
Adamic and Ambassador Fotitch were politically on the opposing sides
of the spectrum, but they also belonged to a dierent social class. Fotitch
was appointed ambassador by the government of the Radical leader Milan
Stojadinovi. He was a conservative, who naturally leaned toward the mem-
bers of the Republican Party, but who, as a gentlemen and a professional,
also had many friends in the Roosevelt administration.
Te man who directed the campaign of the National Liberation
Front, Louis Adamic, was an old immigrant and his political leanings were
far to the left. He saw himself as if he came out of the famous working-class
immigrant novel by Tomas Bell Out of Tis Furnace. Te novel depicts three
generations of Slovak immigrants who penniless settled around the steel
mills of Pittsburg, worked hard, made very little money, fought with the
unions for better pay, endured the management retaliation over their union
activities, and faced a good deal of discrimination from ordinary working
Americans who had arrived to the steel mills before them. Similarly, arriv-
ing in the country at the age of fteen, Adamic embodied the American
Dream. He started as a manual laborer in California. Ten he became an
American soldier and fought in the First World War in France. After the
war he became a professional journalist, working for many newspapers and
periodical in the New York City area, including the famous left-leaning
magazine, the Nation. All of his writings were colored by his labor experi-
ences, even though he became and remained a noted journalist and writer,
having a comfortable lifestyle of the American urban middle class. In a
way, he was a typical immigrant from Central Europe; hard-working, pa-
triotic, loyal to the local labor union and the local immigrant community.
To this day he remains one of the darlings of the left in the United States.
12

During the war Adamic not only became the spokesperson of the Partisan
Resistance in the United States, but a symbol of antifascist struggle of the
western parts of Yugoslavia.
Overall, Adamic was much more successful in his eorts than the
circle around Ambassador Fotitch to which Miloje Soki belonged. Today
12
Dale E. Peterson, Te American Adamic: Immigrant Bard of Diversity, Te Mas-
sachusetts Review 44 (1/2), 233250.
it is common to nd an opinion, even among experienced State Depart-
ment ocials, that the Partisan Resistance was predominately supported by
the antifascist Croats and Slovenes.
13
Adamic knew how to play dirty and
did not withhold some hits below the belt. For example, he often insinu-
ated that Fotitch was in fact a Nazi sympathizer because he had a cousin
who was related to the Serbian quisling General Milan Nedi. While it was
hard to believe that the Yugoslav ambassador in Washington was a crypto-
Nazi, Adamic repeated this accusation often. Adamic also claimed that the
Yugoslav Government in Exile maintained secret contacts with the Nedi
government in Serbia.
14
Fotitch, on the other hand, never tired of insinuat-
ing that Adamic was a Communist sympathizer. Tese words, however, had
a much more damaging eect after the war, during the McCartney era, than
during the war.
15
During the rst half of the resistance struggle, between May 1941 and
the middle of 1943, the Chetnik forces of General Mihailovi were praised
widely and at length. A legend of Mihailovi was created, and eventually
made into a major feature lm, called Te Chetniks, the Fighting Guerillas
(1943). Te image of Mihailovi thus created was that of a comic book su-
perhero, resisting the Nazis in the completely occupied Europe, a glimmer
of hope and heroism in the darkest hour (g. 1). While based on reality, the
image was supercial. Te troublesome tactics of Mihailovis forces on the
ground, the diculties of conducting resistance operations in the middle of
occupied Europe, especially the brutal German retributions on the scale of
one hundred executed civilians for every German soldier killed, were rarely,
if ever, mentioned. In the early days of the war and throughout 1942 even
the Daily Workerthe Communist organpraised Mihailovi.
16
From that
point Mihailovi had nowhere to go but down.
17
13
E.g., Philip J. Cohen an amateur historian published a book which was peer-reviewed
by Texas A&M University Press in which he falsely claimed that, Overall, from 1941
to 1945, the Partisans of Croatia were 61 percent Croat and 28 percent Serb. Philip J.
Cohen, Serbias Secret War: Propaganda and the Deceit of History (College Station: Texas
A&M University Press, 1996), 95. Tis book was then positively reviewed by Stephen
W. Walker, a former State Department ocial.
14
Lees, Americans and National Security, 156157.
15
Peterson, Te American Adamic, 233250.
16
Miloje Sokic Collection, Night and Day Slav Partisans Hit Back, Daily Worker, July
5, 1942.
17
Tis enthusiasm in the press and popular culture was of some concern even for am-
bassador Fotitch. See, Fotitch, Te War We Lost, 165.
Balcanica XLIII 228
Fig. 1 Early depictions of the heroism of the Chetniks in Chicago Daily News
of January 25, 1942
In mid-1943, especially after the Allied landing in Italy, western
Yugoslavia of former Habsburg lands and its Adriatic coast became of
a much greater strategic importance than relatively isolated, landlocked
Serbia, either as a ground for a possible Allied landing in the Adriatic, or
as a decoy for possible Allied landings elsewhere. Suddenly, media reports
shifted their attention to the Yugoslav resistance in Croatia and Bosnia. Tito
became the central heroic gure of the media narrative. At rst a mysteri-
ous gure, this leader of resistance in Croatia was not even known by name.
Eventually, an image as well as emerged. Tito was created as essentially an
antifascist democrat, admittedly with some Communist leanings. He was
not made into a super-human hero like Mihailovi, but into a strong-willed
but sensitive gure, who often played chess, very much in tune with the
dreams and aspirations of modern America, especially the newly-liberated
American women. In a style that would today be labeled as demeaning and
sexist, the Partisan forces were depicted as full of beautiful, strong Partisan
women, which would make any man wish to join the resistance (g. 2).
Fig. 2 Tantalizing picture of
Titos female partisans in the
New York Sun of August 8,
1944
Te liberation of Yu-
goslavia, however, did not
come as a result of the Al-
lied landing in the Adriatic,
but as a result of the push
by the Red Army through
Serbia. Once installed in
Belgrade with the help
of the Red Army, Tito
changed his attitudes, and
became much more aggres-
sive toward the Western
Allies, even threatening the
Allied positions in northern
Italy toward the end of the
war. Warnings about Tito,
present from the begin-
ning, now lled the pages
of the press. Yet, the prevailing attitude was that of silent acceptance. Tere
was rarely any regret expressed about the switching of allegiance, and of the
betrayal of the ally Mihailovi. Tat was swept under the rug. Te pretense
continued that Tito essentially was a man that America can do business with,
although he was occasionally and often violently anti-Western. Te unex-
pected way out from this unpleasant and, for journalists, challenging situation
was oered suddenly in 1948, when Stalin criticized and excommunicated
Tito. Te press could again declare Tito as Americas friend in the Balkans,
ignoring any smoldering injustice that the political right saw him imposing
on the Yugoslav people.
Tus a pattern appeared that was to remain true for the American
media to the present day: those whom gods wish to destroy, they rst make
into a celebrity. Mihailovi had that fate. Tito, on the other hand, while
generally praised and occasionally virulently criticized, never achieved that
superman status. At the height of their popularity, the Chetniks were fea-
tured in comic books, such as DC Comics Captain Marvel (g. 3).
18
At the
height of Titos popularity, in 1944/45, newspaper articles entitled: Tito:
18
DC Comics: Master Comics, no. 36 (Feb. 1943): Liberty for the Chetniks (Captain
Marvel Jr.)
Balcanica XLIII 230
Te Cost of Our Yugoslav Blun-
der were still very common.
19
Te media war waged
over the Yugoslav Resistance
had many dimensions. Political
leanings of both sides were quite
obvious. Daily Worker and Picture
Magazine were rmly on the side
of Titos Partisans, especially after
1941. Louis Adamic, the Ameri-
can manager of the Partisan PR
campaign was a long-term con-
tributor of Te Nation magazine
and other left-leaning newspa-
pers mostly from the New York
area. Konstantin Fotitch, the
Royal Yugoslav Governments
ambassador in Washington, al-
though on the right of the po-
litical spectrum, was a close per-
sonal friend of Sumner Welles, a
staunch supporter of Roosevelt
and the undersecretary of state
till 1943, when he was forced to resign from the State Department due to a
homosexual aair. Although Welles was Fotitchs main contact in the State
Department, he was also his lifelong friend even after the Ambassador was
replaced in 1944. Fotitch naturally had many friends and acquaintances
among American politicians, and in general those tended to be from the
Republican Party and from the upper crusts of society.
Te issue of gender adds an additional dimension to the endless de-
bates about politics. Ambassador Fotitch was in tune with the American so-
ciety and several mostly upper-class American women feature prominently
in the press-clippings. Te image of Yugoslavia in American cultured circles,
especially in the early part of the war when Mihailovi was virtually the Al-
lied only hero, were greatly inuenced by the publication of Rebecca Wests
Black Lamb and Grey Falcon: A Journey through Yugoslavia, which was pub-
lished in May 1941. One can even say that the rst description of the Yu-
goslav Resistance stylistically much resembles the pages of Black Lamb and
Grey Falcon. Tis should not be surprising, since West was considered one
19
Miloje Sokic Collection, Tito: Te Cost of Our Yugoslav Blunder, Saturday Evening
Post, February 13, 1945.
Fig. 3 Captain Marvel featuring the
Chetniks. DC Comics: Master Comics,
no. 36 (Feb. 1943)
of the greatest stylists of the
English language and pub-
lished regularly in the New
York Herald Tribune, New
Republic, and in many news-
papers in her native Lon-
don. Rebecca Wests popular
travelogue, even today one
of the 100 most read books
of the century, contributed
greatly to the Balkan Myth,
the image of the Balkans as
a place of death, martyrdom,
sacrice. Tough employing
such imagery in describing
resistance to the Nazis, West
personally believed the Al-
lies should ght for life, not
for martyrdom, and thus
sought to present the Chet-
niks as ghters who rejected
the idea of self-suering, and embraced resistance to free themselves from
the bondage of deadly European masochism of the early part of the war. Tis
was what the anti-Nazi West needed to hear from the front, and the cour-
age of Mihailovis rebellion, which started on May 17, 1941, immediately
gripped American readers. Since there was little good news for the Allies in
May 1941, the news of Yugoslav resistance received via Wests writings was
extremely popular. Given Wests role, it is not surprising that there followed
a Chetnik craze in the US, especially among upper-class women. One of the
favorite social activities of the late 1941 and early 1942 was fundraising for
the Chetniks carried out in colorful Yugoslav folk dresses (g. 4).
20
Presented as wild and free and ercely untamed as eagles in their
native Sumadia, Chetniks themselves were imbued with the stereotype of
a Balkan man, rugged, patriarchal and patronizingly protective of women.
Tat stereotype did not mean that no women ever appeared in newspa-
per clips about Chetniksthe abovementioned fundraisings were highly
publicized. Yet, we rarely hear about women as members of the Chetniks,
even though they existed, such as the famous Milka Bakovi Radosavljevi,
known as Milka Ravnogorka.
20
Miloje Sokic Collection, Tribune, June 7, 1942.
Fig. 4 Fundraising in Yugoslav folk costumes
Balcanica XLIII 232
Particularly interesting in this regard is the case of Ruth Mitchell, sis-
ter of the controversial American general Billy Mitchell, a First World War
hero and one of the creators of the United States Air Force. Ruth Mitchell
was stationed in Albania with her husband Stanley Knowles, a British dip-
lomat. After the Italian attack on Albania, she moved to Yugoslavia, and af-
ter the German invasion joined the Chetniks. She was captured by the Ge-
stapo, and put on trial, condemned to death, but later reprieved, and sent to
jail. Diplomatic wrangling accomplished her release in 1942, and Mitchell
returned to the United States, where she devoted her life to supporting the
war eort, and in particular the cause of the Serbian Chetniks (g. 5).
21
Te case of Ruth Mitchell does not weaken, but actually reinforces
the male image of the Chetnik forces. Women among the Chetniks were an
exception that proved the rule, and Ruths stories about how Chetnik com-
manders were extremely reluctant to accept her prove that she was able to
join only after convincing Kosta Peanac that she was as capable as any man.
Ruth herself said that she was accepted only because she could ride just
about anything on four legs and was ready to die like a man. Other Chet-
nik women were expected to be at home, mistresses of their houses, taking
care of the children, and supporting the war eort from that household po-
sition. In the movie, Chetniks, the Fighting Guerillas, Jelica Mihailovi (nee
21
Miloje Sokic Collection, Ruth Mitchell, Who Fought with Chetniks, 81, Dies, New
York Times, Sunday, October 26, 1969.
Fig. 5 Ruth
Mitchell was often
the spokesperson
of the Chetniks in
the American press
Brankovi), the wife
of the Chetnik lead-
er Draa Mihailovi,
was presented as a
typical middle-class
American housewife,
who cooks dinner
and raises children,
while her husband
is at work. In the
movie, Mihailovi
actually pops in for
dinner almost on a
regular basis. Jelica Mihailovi, mistakenly called Ljubica in the movie, ac-
tually spent most of her war years in a German concentration camp. Jelica
no doubt was a strong woman, but she was not expected to leave the kitchen
and go to the front line likeas we shall seethe Partisan women did.
Gender was dened very dierently in the public relations of the
Partisan movement. Stana Tomaevi was a famous Partisan ghter and
also a model, whose photographs appeared on the pages of many American
newspapers.
22
According to the British liaison to Titos Partisans, Fitzroy
Maclean, the photographs of Tomaevi contributed considerably to the
positive opinion about Yugoslav Partisans. Stana Tomaevi was not the
only Partisan woman that was photographed, there were others, such as
Mira Afri, but their number was limited, and a few of the carefully staged
photographs were widely circulated.
23
Te impression that was conveyed to
the public was that ghting women accounted for as much as a quarter of
Titos armies. In many of her pictures Stana Tomaevi was photographed
professionally and with extensive preparation by the war photographer John
Talbot. Te fact that there were many women in Titos army was repeatedly
emphasized in the press. Tose women were not just helping and support-
ing the men, they were ghting. Tey left the kitchen for the front and
there was no domestic life for them until the victory was won. We would
say today, they also fought hard. In fact, Mihailovi was often criticized
among the Partisans for leaving his wife at home. Troughout the war, the
22
Miloje Sokic Collection, Time, October 9, 1944.
23
Neboja Tomaevi, Life and death in the Balkans: a family saga in a century of conict
(Columbia University Press, 2008), 394. Also, Dubravka arkov, Te body of war: media,
ethnicity, and gender in the break-up of Yugoslavia (Durham, NC: Duke University Press,
2007), 253.
Fig. 6 Stana Tomashevich, Titos Partisans
top photo model
Balcanica XLIII 234
Partisans interpreted her internment in the German concentration camp as
collaboration with the enemy.
At home, in Yugoslavia, gender relations among the Partisans were
fairly patriarchal and even puritanical. In the traditional patriarchal society,
such as Yugoslavia, it would have been a political disaster for a popular
movement to advocate openly sexual liberation of women. Tis strategy was
tried by the Communist movement in the 1920s with disastrous politi-
cal consequences. Under Stalin in the 1930s and 40s, the gender policy of
the Communists changed. Consequently, the Partisan movement advocated
gender liberation for women, but under no circumstances it was for sexual
liberation. Te Partisan movement was not about free love, though this was
often hinted in the press, perhaps due to the sensationalist value of the idea,
which might boost circulation. Even romantic love was considered inap-
propriate during the war. It is interesting to note that the marriage of Yugo-
slavias King Peter on March 20, 1944, while praised in the American press
as ultimate romantic story of the war, was criticized both by the ministers
of the Chetnik-backed Royal Government and by Titos Partisans (g. 7).
Tese two bodies, the Government in Exile and the Committee for Na-
tional Liberation could rarely agree on anything, but they agreed that it was
inappropriate for the king to get married during the war. Tito, for example,
hid his relations with his secretary Davorjanka Zdenka Paunovi very care-
fully. Moreover, the news of Davorjankas premature death in 1946 and the
place of her burial were kept in absolute secrecy, even though by that time
Tito and Davorjanka had been in a steady relationship for several years.
Tis, however, was not how Partisan women were presented to the
world. In the press, the Partisan women not only fought hard, but played
hard, one is tempted to say like a typical Bond girl. Tis comparison of the
liberated and sexualized women of the 1960s with Titos Partisan women
of the 1940s is not just a useful comparative device. How these Partisan
women were perceived in the West is clearly seen from many newspaper
articles which repeatedly talk about mens excitement to be in the army
with so many strong and beautiful women. Tis image of the Partisan wom-
an was in many ways the impression of the British liaison commander to
the Partisans, Fitzroy Maclean, and the creation of the sophisticated Par-
tisan general Vladimir Velebit, who was the point person of the Partisans
in charge of foreign relations. When Fitzroy Maclean died in 1996, the
Daily Telegraph entitled his obituary Sir Fitzroy, the Original James Bond
is Dead. Te Telegraphs title just reects the widespread speculation that
the British liaison to the Partisans, and a long-time diplomat-adventurer in
Stalins Moscow, was one of the inspirations for Ian Fleming when he cre-
ated James Bond. Both Fitzroy Maclean and Randolph Churchill expressed
clearly their sexist admiration of the Partisan women.
During the war, this new type of women, which the Partisans pro-
moted, tted well with the image of the new woman emerging during the
New Deal period. Women were no longer members of the family, where the
male was the head, but breadwinners themselves. Tey joined the workforce,
rst during the Great Depression, when the man was not able to provide
enough, and then during the war, to help the war eort. Terefore, a stark
contrast was drawn between the domestic upper-class women, who sup-
ported the Chetniks with their fundraising, and the determined and beauti-
ful ordinary women, who joined the Partisans. In short, Vladimir Velebit
and Louis Adamic hit the jackpot with the image of Partisan women in the
American press. Tey presented that image at the right time for their cause,
because the image of a free warrior woman would be eclipsed in American
culture by the post-war image which saw Rosie the Riveter leaving the
workforce and returning to the role of demure and domesticated house-
holder.
Te ultimate victory of the Partisan forces in Yugoslavia was also
explained in a very romantic way in the American press. It all had to do with
King Peters love for Princess Alexandra of Greece. As the Hearst Corporations
American Weekly succinctly summarized it, Another Crown Kicked Away
for Love.
24
Very simply, King Peter fell in love with a beautiful girl, Princess
Alexandra of Greece. Tis was the right girl for a king to marry, but the
24
Miloje Sokic Collection, Another Royal Crown Kicked Away for Love, American
Weekly, March 12, 1944.
Fig. 7 Te story of the royal wedding was somewhat of an obsession
for the American press
Balcanica XLIII 236
timing was bad. Fierce
male resistance warriors
in Yugoslavia, following
their non-romantic code
of ethics believed that it
was not appropriate for a
king to marry while the
liberation struggle was
still going on. According
to the American Weekly,
both Chetniks and Partisans resented the Kings romantic love. When they
heard the news of his marriage, the Chetniks who were thus far extremely
loyal to the King simply could not stomach such an unmanly behavior and
joined the Partisans in their rejection of the monarchy. One need not indicate
how inaccurate and misled such a summary was, yet this view was repeated
again and again in the popular press and became somewhat of an ocial
version of the events. Te summary actually tted well with the American
view of the Slavs in general and Serbs in particular as an extremely male-
dominated culture, where there is no place for courtly love. In that sense
one can understand why Tito kept his romantic escapades during the war a
closely guarded secret.
Overall, one can say that the battle of Yugoslav resistance groups was
not won in the American press and it is more the case that the press was
controlled by the government than the other way around. Nonetheless, the
image of Yugoslav resistance clearly documented not only American popu-
lar opinion of the Balkans, but also attitudes and preferences of American
wartime society. In the Roosevelt era, the image of a strong, independent
woman was more popular than the image of a safe or even adventurous
upper-class woman. Te bourgeois sophistication of Ambassador Fotitch, of
his friends and associates, was more of a drawback than an asset, because it
was out of touch with the new American egalitarian sensibilities developed
Fig. 8 Another Royal
Crown Kicked Away for
Love, American Press,
March 12, 1944.
during the New Deal period. In that sense Titos Partisans were more suc-
cessful in gauging the spirit of the times. Yet, one can say that both groups,
the Yugoslav Government in Exile and the Partisans, approached the issue
of the press presentation with great sophistication.
Te Royal Yugoslav Government, even before the war started, paid
special attention to its relations with the United States, in no small measure
because of the large immigrant community that could have substantial in-
uence on the policy of the United States toward Yugoslavia. Ambassador
Fotitch was especially active in this regard, establishing contacts with many
inuential politicians, as well as working on a more popular level, such as
talking at the opening ceremony of the World Exhibition in New York in
1939.
25
Adamic, on the other hand, had an advantage of understanding the
American mentality better. He came to the United States when he was
fteen and was familiar with all levels of society, from a poor immigrant
sherman village in California to a cozy dinner for journalists in the White
House. He was also more aware of American prejudices against the Slavs in
general, and the fact that they knew very little about the dierence between
various Slavic ethnic groups, but often simply assumed that if Russia be-
came communist, other Slavic nations would be following suit enthusiasti-
cally very soon.
One can even say that the struggle between the two immigrant groups
was not primarily an extension of the political struggles that were going on
during the time of resistance in Yugoslavia, but that it was a struggle of two
cultural images in American Psyche. On the one side there was an image
of Homo Balkanicus, which was in no small part created by Rebecca West
in her book, Grey Falcon and Black Lamb. Tis was the image that persisted
ever since the Enlightenment, an image of a savage man among the civi-
lized.
26
In Rebecca Wests novel, it is the savage men that teach the civilized
how to nd and use the moral compass. Tis was the romantic image of
Serbia which was nurtured in the West since the First World War, and it
was very natural for the Serbian migr community to fall into this trap.
Tis was the role that Mihailovi played in the dark days of 1941. In those
dark days, the defeated West needed the image of Grey Falcon, the symbol
of the Kosovo defeat in Serbian oral poetry, to remind the West, that the
wild Homo Balkanicus keeps faith in the ultimate victory even in the darkest
hour of defeat. Tis is something that the wild East was able to oer to the
civilized West.
25
New York Public Library, New York Worlds Fair 1939 and 1940 Incorporated
records, Mss. Col. 2233.
26
Maria Todorova, Imagining the Balkans (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009),
3942.
Balcanica XLIII 238
On the other side of the spectrum was the image of Slavic laborer,
the union man in the United States. Tese images of Slavic working class
came out of reality. Tey could have been seen and experienced by many
Americans who worked in the steel mills of Pittsburg, Youngstown, Cleve-
land, and Chicago. Adamic used these images in his novels. Tat is why he
is considered as one of the creators of the genre of ethnic novel, describing
the immigrant experience in the United States. Adamic was one of the few
writers who openly talked about the relations between immigrants and a
society that was predominately Anglo-Saxon in its prejudices. Adamic be-
lieved that Americans coming through Elis Island were as dignied as those
that came by way of the Plymouth Rock.
27
He was not afraid to admit his
union and socialist orientation, because that was what many working class
immigrants were. He imagined that America was to become Socialist and
the nation of nations, as was the title of one of his most successful books. In
a way, he wanted to see America become a multiethnic socialist utopia, and
that was exactly how he saw the purpose of the Yugoslav liberation struggle.
His dream of socialist America, which he projected to the Yugoslav Par-
tisans, turned out to be a much better propaganda strategy. Successful in
public aairs, this strategy, however, did not work in Adamics private life.
Under pressure from McCarthyism on the one hand, and the rigid Stalinist
ideology of the many among the New York City left-leaning intellectuals
on the other, he took his own life in 1951. Perhaps he was disappointed that
his idea of America as nation of nations, of brotherhood and unity between
the Slavic workers and the Anglo-Saxon managers fell apart in the 1950s.
Finally, I need to make a disclaimer. One has to bear in mind that
newspaper clippings, no matter how young or old, are actually not primary
sources for the events they depict. For example, it would be wrong to treat
these clippings as primary sources for the resistance struggle in Yugoslavia.
For that kind of information one needs to go to archives. Tat being said,
such newspaper collectionsever more possible via the eorts of publishers
to oer access to massive digital newspapers collectionsconstitute a valu-
able primary source for studying how the views of international events and
policies are shaped and the (changing) values they reect. In a multi-polar
age when a number of forces intervene in or try to inuence civil conicts
managed locally by increasingly media-savvy actors in almost every corner
27
Review of From Many Lands by Louis Adamic in Journal of Educational Sociology 16/6
(February, 1943), 399400. Also Rudolph J. Vecoli, Louis Adamic, 18981951: A Ret-
rospective View and Assessment Tirty Years Later, International Labor and Working-
Class History 20 (Fall 1981), 62, writes, Adamic became the outstanding spokesman for
new Americans, the immigrants and their children, and an advocate of a new synthesis
of America in which Elis Island would be as important as Plymouth Rock.
of the world, it is becoming more and more important to study the relation-
ship between the media and the public, and the way in which foreign actors
seek to shape the views of the international community.
UDC 94(497.1)1941/1945:355.425.4
327(093:054)(73)
Adamic, Louis. Review of From Many Lands. Journal of Educational Sociology 16/6
(1943), 399400.
Cohen, Philip J. Serbias Secret War: Propaganda and the Deceit of History. College Sta-
tion: Texas A&M University Press, 1996.
Fotitch, Constantin. Te War We Lost: Yugoslavias Tragedy and the Failure of the West.
New York: Viking Press, 1948.
Krizman, Bogdan. Jugoslovenske vlade u izbeglitvu. Zagreb: Globus, 1981.
Kulundi, Zvonimir. Korupcija i politika u kraljevskoj Jugoslaviji. Zagreb: Stvarnost,
1968.
Lees, Lorainne M. Americans and National Security during World War II. Chicago: Uni-
versity of Illinois Press, 2007.
Liberty for the Chetniks (Captain Marvel Jr.). DC Comics: Master Comics, no. 36
(Feb. 1943).
Mari, Mihailo. Kralj i vlada u emigraciji. Zagreb: Epoha, 1966.
Peterson, Dale E. Te American Adamic: Immigrant Bard of Diversity. Te Massa-
chusetts Review 44 (1/2), 233250.
New York Public Library. New York Worlds Fair 1939 and 1940 Incorporated records,
Mss. Col. 2233.
Tares, Jon. Cultural Diplomacy in U.S.-Japanese Relations, 19191941. New York: Pal-
grave Macmillan, 2007.
Miloje Sokic Collection
Sokii ekaju pravdu, Glas Javnosti, Belgrade, July 30, 2001.
Stenografske beleke Narodne skuptine Kraljevine Jugoslavije. Year 1, Vol. 4: Belgrade
1932, and Year 4, Vol. 1: Belgrade 1935.
Tomaevi, Neboja. Life and death in the Balkans: a family saga in a century of conict.
Columbia University Press, 2008.
Todorova, Maria. Imagining the Balkans. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009.
Vecoli, Rudolph J. Louis Adamic, 18981951: A Retrospective View and Assessment
Tirty Years Later, International Labor and Working-Class History 20 (Fall 1981).
arkov, Dubravka. Te body of war: media, ethnicity, and gender in the break-up of Yugosla-
via. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2007.
Spyridon Sfetas
Aristotle University
Tessaloniki
Te Bulgarian-Yugoslav Dispute over the Macedonian Question as a
Reection of the Soviet-Yugoslav Controversy (19681980)
Abstract: During the Cold War, relations between Bulgaria and Yugoslavia were
marred by the Macedonian Question. Bulgaria challenged the historical roots of the
Macedonian nation, whereas Yugoslavia insisted that Bulgaria should recognise the
rights of the Macedonian minority within her borders. Te Soviet Union capitalised
on its inuence over Bulgaria to impair Yugoslavias international position. Bulgaria
launched an anti-Yugoslav campaign questioning not only the Yugoslav approach to
Socialism, but also the Yugoslav solution of the Macedonian Question. Tis antipathy
became evident in 1968, in the wake of the events in Czechoslovakia. In the years
1978/9 the developments in Indochina gave a new impetus to the old Bulgarian-
Yugoslav conict.
Keywords: Macedonian Question, Brezhnevs doctrine, Macedonian minorities,
Soviet-Yugoslav relations, Bulgarian-Yugoslav relations, Zhivkov, Tito, Gromyko,
Dragoicheva, Indochina
W
hen Benedict Anderson decided to deal with matters of nationalism
and to write his book Imagined Communities, he was astonished by
the developments in Indochina in 1978/9, the conict between Vietnam
and Cambodia, Vietnams military intervention in Cambodia, the over-
throw of the Khmer Rouge regime, and Chinas subsequent limited invasion
of Vietnam. Te main question he was facing consisted in determining how
Communist countries could dispute the questions of nationalism, identity
and national borders, and the onerous legacy of capitalism. However, An-
derson did not notice that another conict of a similar nature was aecting
the intra-Balkan relations at the same time. It was the Bulgarian-Yugoslav
dispute over the Macedonian Question which had been reopened ten years
earlier and reached its peak in 1978/9.
1
1
For the Yugoslav solution of the Macedonian Question with intra-Balkan implications,
see Stephen E. Palmer Jr. & Robert R. King, Yugoslav Communism and the Macedonian
Question (Hamden, CT: Te Shoe String Press, Inc. Archon Books, 1971). Te Bulgar-
ian army of occupation was hailed in the Serbian part of Macedonia in April 1941 as
an army of liberation, and during the rst stage of occupation pro-Bulgarian feeling
ran high. Tere was no Communist Party of Macedonia, because the Yugoslav Com-
munist Partys decision of 1934 to form one had been impossible to carry out. Te local
Communists, under Metodija atorov broke away from the Yugoslav Communist Party
and joined the Bulgarian Workers Party. Tere was little support for Titos resistance
movement in Yugoslav Macedonia. Te Communist Party of Macedonia was formed by
DOI: 10.2298/BALC1243241S
Balcanica XLIII 242
From 1948 to 1962 the Bulgarian Communist Party tried to bal-
ance the ideological components of Macedonism with Bulgarian state in-
terests, but unsuccessfully.
2
It did not deny the process of conguration of a
new Slav identity in the Peoples Republic of Macedonia within the frame-
work of Yugoslav Federation from 1944 onwards, but it called its historical
roots into question. According to the Bulgarian thesis, the Slav population
in Yugoslav Macedonia cut o the umbilical cord with the Bulgarians due
to the political developments in the Balkans after the First and Second
World Wars and tied its fate to the Yugoslav peoples. Te new Macedonian
nation should not have been built upon an anti-Bulgarian basis. Te Slav
population in the Bulgarian part of Macedonia was an integral part of the
Bulgarian nation, since it had been included in the Bulgarian state after the
Balkan Wars and did not share the experience of the Bulgarians in Yugoslav
Macedonia. Tus, according to the Bulgarian thesis, Yugoslavias demand
for the recognition of a Macedonian minority by the Bulgarian authorities
was unfounded.
Titos envoy to Yugoslav Macedonia, Svetozar Vukmanovi aka Tempo, in March 1943.
But Bulgarian administration proved to be unsuccessful and caused discontent. After
Italy capitulated (September 1943) and it became obvious that Germany and Bulgaria
would be defeated, there was armed resistance. Te Yugoslav Communist Party pushed
for the Communist Internationals earlier notion of a separate Macedonian nation and
the formation of a united Macedonia (comprising the Greek, Serbian and Bulgarian
parts) within a Yugoslav federation. Te rst session of the Anti-Fascist Council of
the National Liberation of Macedonia (ASNOM) announced, on 2 August 1944, the
establishment of the Peoples Republic of Macedonia as a Macedonian Piedmont. After
the creation of the state, a nation-building process was inaugurated for the congura-
tion of a Macedonian identity (applicable only to Slavs), mainly on an anti-Bulgarian
basis. Yugoslavias expansionist intentions in the name of Macedonism were blatantly
apparent in her plans for the creation of a South-Slav federation or in its embroilment
in the Greek Civil War. After Titos rupture with the Cominform in June 1948, the
Yugoslav leadership abandoned its plans for a conclusive solution of the Macedonian
Question and concentrated on the cultivation and consolidation of the new national
identity of the Slav population of Yugoslav Macedonia and on stamping out rival inu-
ences. At the same time, the Yugoslav leaders were raising the issue of respect for the
rights of putative Macedonian minorities in the neighbouring countries.
2
For general information, see Spyridon Sfetas, To .
19501967 [Te Macedonian Question and Bul-
garia. Classied Bulgarian documents 19501967] (Tessaloniki: Society for Macedo-
nian Studies - Bulgarian State Archives, 2009). Iva Burilkova & Tsocho Biliarski, eds.,
Makedonskiiat Vupros v bulgaro-iugoslavskite otnosheniia 19501967 g. Dokumentalen
sbornik [Te Macedonian Question in Bulgarian-Yugoslav relations 19501967. A col-
lection of documents] (Soa: State Archives Agency. Archives are speaking, 2010).
Djoko Tripkovi, Jugoslovensko-bugarski odnosi 50-ih i 60-ih godina 20.veka, Tokovi
istorije 1-2 (2009), 84-106.
S. Sfetas,Te Bulgarian-Yugoslav Dispute over the Macedonian Question 243
Nevertheless, Bulgarias policy on the Macedonian Question was
contingent on the developments in relations between Yugoslavia and the
Soviet Union. Te Soviet historical and linguistic science accepted Mac-
edonism as a new parameter in Balkan politics. Te Communist Interna-
tional had propagated the notion of an explicit Macedonian nation in 1934;
the theoretical argumentation for the existence of a Macedonian nation in
the 1930s had been based on Stalins concept of nation,
3
and on his thesis
that ethnic groups could become Socialist nations by achieving statehood
and developing their culture in a Socialist society. Of course, there is no
historical evidence for the existence of the Macedonian nation. In fact, the
political notion of Macedonism neutralise the old Serbian-Bulgarian an-
tagonism over the identity of the Slavs in Macedonia and oered a new
alternative for the settlement of the Macedonian Question, patterned after
the Soviet model for the Belarusian or the Moldavian nation.
Irrespective of historical or political dimensions of Macedonism,
the Soviet Union instrumentalised the Macedonian Question in the Bul-
garian-Yugoslav dispute, according to its interests, playing one side against
the other. After Stalins breach with Tito (1948), the Soviet Union tolerated
Bulgarias campaign against the Yugoslav leader, who was branded by So-
a as traitor of the interests of the Macedonian people, enslaved to Titos
clique and Western imperialists. Te Bulgarian Communist Party portrayed
the Bulgarian part of Macedonia as the only liberated part of Macedonia,
stressed the anity and historical bonds between Bulgarians and Macedo-
nians and called upon the Macedonians in Yugoslav Macedonia to rise up
against Tito. When the process of normalisation of Bulgarian-Yugoslav re-
lations began in 195556, Bulgaria was compelled to get accustomed to the
new situation, and it watered down its campaign against Yugoslavia. Under
Yugoslav pressure, it gave signs of its willingness to recognise a Macedonian
minority, as it had in 194647. Te census of 1956 showed that more than
180,000 people in the Bulgarian part of Macedonia declared themselves
as Macedonians. Even if Bulgaria did not see the Macedonians as a na-
tional minority, but rather as a cultural group closely linked to the Bulgar-
ian people, the simple fact that Macedonians were mentioned in Bulgarian
statistics gave Yugoslavia the justication to demand that their rights be re-
spected. Had Bulgaria ocially recognised a Macedonian minority within
her borders, she would in fact have accepted the thesis of the existence of a
Macedonian nation as a historical entity, since minorities were regarded as
integral part of nations in the Balkans. Besides, Bulgaria feared Yugoslavias
3
See Spyridon Sfetas, .
[Te conguration of Slavo-Macedonian identity. A painful process] (Tes-
saloniki: Vanias, 2003), 91138.
Balcanica XLIII 244
territorial claims in the name of Macedonism. Te fear of territorial expan-
sionism was not without a precedent, given the events of 194448.
In 195658 a new friction marred Soviet-Yugoslav relations, main-
ly because of the Hungarian issue. But Soviet-Yugoslav relations entered a
new phase of improvement because of Yugoslavias determination to sup-
port Soviet positions on international issues. Showing exibility, Tito en-
dorsed the Soviet position on the German issue and condemned Chinas
adventurism and the American spy war against the Soviet Union. Tus, an-
other noticeable rapprochement between Belgrade and Moscow took place
in 196162.
4
When Todor Zhivkov, First Secretary of the Bulgarian Communist
Party, took oce as Prime Minister in 1962 and consolidated his positions,
he decided to carve out a clear policy on the Macedonian Question, no
matter what Yugoslav-Soviet relations were or would be like in the future.
Under Zhivkovs prodding in March 1963, the Plenum of the Bulgarian
Communist Party elaborated some theses that would serve as a basis of the
Bulgarian policy on the Macedonian Question, irrespective of the state of
Soviet-Yugoslav relations: 1) Tere is no Macedonian nation as a historical
entity. 2) Te falsication of Bulgarias history by the historians in Skopje
and the creation of the Macedonian nation on an anti-Bulgarian basis are
unacceptable. 3) Tere is no Macedonian minority in Bulgaria. 4) A Mac-
edonian national awareness is being built in the Peoples Republic of Mac-
edonia, but it is due to political conditions that favoured the mutation of
the Bulgarians into Macedonians.
5
According to Zhivkov, the Soviet leader
Nikita Khrushchev had not been informed about Bulgarias decision to raise
this question at the Bulgarian Communist Partys Plenum.
6
Tese tenets were the cornerstone of Bulgarias policy on the Mac-
edonian Question in Zhivkovs era. Moreover, the Bulgarian leader raised
the question of those Bulgarians in Yugoslav Macedonia who opposed
Macedonism; i.e. he hinted at the existence of a Bulgarian minority as a
counterbalance to the supposed Macedonian minority in Bulgaria. Since
Soviet-Yugoslav relations were noticeably improved, both Soa and Bel-
grade decided to avoid discussing the Macedonian Question at ocial bi-
4
See DjokoTripkovi, Poboljanje jugoslovensko-sovjetskih odnosa 1961/62. godine,
Tokovi istorije 3-4 (2008), 7697. For some aspects of Yugoslavias foreign policy in the
Cold War until 1961, see Jugoslavija u Hladnom ratu, ed. Aleksandar ivoti (Belgrade:
Institut za noviju istoriju Srbije, 2010), and Vojislav G. Pavlovi, ed., Te Balkans in the
Cold War. Balkan Federations, Cominform, Yugoslav-Soviet Conict (Belgrade: Institute
for Balkan Studies, 2011).
5
See Sfetas, , 102128.
6
See Todor Zhivkov, Memoari (Soa: Siv Ad, 1997), 455.
lateral meetings. It was historians task to investigate the historical aspects
of the Macedonian Question and the roots of the Macedonian nation.
Tis was conrmed during the meeting between Todor Zhivkov and Krste
Crvenkovski, President of the League of Communists of Yugoslav Mac-
edonia (May 1967, in Soa), and between Tito and Zhivkov ( June 1967, in
Belgrade) as well.
7
In the Arab-Israeli Six-Day War ( June 1967) Yugoslavia behaved
as if she were a member of the Warsaw Pact. Tito gave permission to Soviet
airplanes to y over Yugoslavias airspace to provide military assistance to
Arabs, and to use Yugoslavias military airports to refuel. Like the other so-
cialist countries, Yugoslavia broke diplomatic relations with Israel.
8
However, after Alexander Rankovis removal from power ( July
1966), a decentralisation process was in full swing in Yugoslavia. Te Fed-
eral Republics were granted more autonomy, which resulted in the resur-
gence of nationalism with ethnic and economic undertones.
9
In Croatia, the
movement known as the Croatian Spring occurred.
10
In Yugoslav Mac-
edonia, an Autocephalous Macedonian Orthodox Church was established
by the Communist authorities in July 1967. Undoubtedly, it was a political
move and served the nation-building process. (Te Macedonian Orthodox
Church has not been recognised by the other Orthodox Churches till this
day.
11
) Te same year the foundations of the Macedonian Academy of Sci-
ences and Arts were laid. Although Bulgaria did not protest strongly in
1967 due to Yugoslavias pro-Soviet attitude towards the developments in
the Middle East, it was keeping track of the new developments in Yugoslav
Macedonia and decided to give a cultural response. In December 1967 the
Politburo of the Bulgarian Communist Party worked out some theses on the
7
See Veselin Angelov, Dokumenti. Makedonskiiat vupros v bulgaro-iugoslavskite
otnosheniia spored provedeni razgovori i razmeni poslaniia mezhdu Todor Zhivkov i
Josip Broz Tito (19651973 g), Izvestiia na Durzhavnite Arkhivi 87(2004), 83.
8
See Dragan Bogeti, Pribliavanje socijalistikom lageru tokom arapsko-izraelskog
rata 1967. godine, Tokovi istorije 3-4 (2008), 89116.
9
On the internal situation in Yugoslavia, see Branko Petranovi, Istorija Jugoslavije
19181988, vol. 3 Socijalistika Jugoslavija 19451988 (Belgrade: Nolit, 1988), 388
417.
10
See Ludwig Steindor, Der Kroatische Frhling. Eine soziale Bewegung in einer
sozialistischen Gesellshaft, in Jrgen Elvert, ed., Der Balkan. Eine europische Kriegsre-
gion in Geschichte und Gegenwart (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1997), 197210.
11
On this subject, see Charalambos K. Papastathis, Lautocphalie de lglise de la
Macdoine yougoslave, Balkan Studies 8 (1967), 151154.
Balcanica XLIII 246
patriotic upbringing of the Bulgarian youth.
12
An essential element of the
new national doctrine was the proclamation of the Tird of March and the
Second of August as Days of National Celebration, the anniversary of the
signing of the Treaty of San Stefano (3 March 1878) and the anniversary
of the Ilinden Uprising (2 August 1903) respectively. Both events were as-
sociated with Macedonia. According to the Bulgarian interpretation, under
the Treaty of San Stefano Bulgarias ethnic borders coincided with its state
borders. Te revision of this Treaty at the Congress of Berlin (13 June 13
July 1878) had been a historic injustice since the Bulgarians in Macedonia
had been abandoned to the Ottoman yoke.
13
Te Ilinden Uprising was also
claimed as a Bulgarian historical legacy. Te manifestations in Bulgaria on
the occasion of the Tird of March were branded in Belgrade and Skopje as
a revival of Greater-Bulgarian chauvinism and as an expression of its terri-
torial claims on Yugoslav Macedonia. In February 1968, Radio Soa ceased
broadcasting in the Macedonian language which, according to the Bulgar-
ian interpretation, was a Bulgarian dialect. Te events in Czechoslovakia
in August 1968 shrouded the Bulgarian-Yugoslav conict over Macedonia
with ideological and political terms.
14
Bulgaria participated in the Warsaw Pacts intervention in Czech-
oslovakia to put an end to Alexander Dubeks open-minded policy for
socialism with a human face. In contrast, Yugoslavia and Romania sup-
ported Dubeks reforms and condemned the Soviet military intervention
in Czechoslovakia.
15
It was a matter of principle for both countries to speak
out against foreign intervention. Te Warsaw Pacts ruthless attitude towards
Czechoslovakia caused alarm in Yugoslavia. Tito ordered partial military
mobilisation and Yugoslav troops were on alert. When, in September 1968,
12
Arhiv Jugoslavije [Archives of Yugoslavia, hereafter AJ], Kabinet Predsednika Repub-
like [Oce of the President of the Republic, hereafter KPR], fond 837/1-3-a/14-17:
Information on the state of Yugoslav-Bulgarian relations. Ministry of Foreign Aairs,
13 May 1969, p. 73.
13
See Das Mazedonien Problem-neu gestell?, Wissenschaftlicher Dienst Sdosteuropa
12/3 (1968), 34.
14
For general information on the Bulgarian-Yugoslav dispute over the Macedonian
Question after 1967, see Spyridon Sfetas, O .
- 19681989 [Te undeclared war on Macedonia. Bulgaria-
Yugoslavia 19681989] (Tessaloniki: Society for Macedonian Studies & Bulgarian
States Archives, 2010). See also, Stojan Germanov, Makedonskiiat vupros 19441989.
Vuznikvane, evoliutsiia, suvremennost (Soa: Makedonski nauchen institut, 2012), 169
250. For a still useful old monograph, see Stefan Troebst, Die bulgarisch-jugoslawische
Kontroverse um Makedonien 19671982 (Munich: Oldenburg Verlag, 1983).
15
For Yugoslavias reaction, see Djoko Tripkovi, Medjunarodni poloaj Jugoslavije i
vojna intervencija u ehoslovakoj 1968, Istorija 20.veka 1 (2008), 115130.
Leonid Brezhnev announced his doctrine of the limited sovereignty of so-
cialist countries and the irreversibility of socialism, the Yugoslav govern-
ment drew up a law on general peoples resistance and guerrilla war in case
of the Soviet invasion of Yugoslavia.
16
Te bill was passed in Parliament in
November 1968, and Yugoslavia accused the Soviet Union of hegemony.
Under these circumstances, Bulgaria embarked on a large-scale anti-
Yugoslav propaganda campaign, placing the Macedonian Question at its
centre. Articles in the Bulgarian press on the Bulgarian armys great contri-
bution to the liberation of Serbia and Yugoslav Macedonia in 1944 caused
consternation in Belgrade. Te Yugoslav leadership was aware that the So-
viet army had liberated Belgrade and parts of Serbia in October 1944. Dur-
ing his hasty visit to Moscow in September 1944, Tito had asked Stalin
and Molotov for military aid,
17
since the Yugoslav partisans were unable to
defeat the well-equipped German forces in Serbia, where the royalist chet-
niks of Draa Mihailovi had inuence. Stalin had granted Titos request in
order to gain ground in the new Yugoslavia, but he insisted that the Bulgar-
ian army, already under Soviet control, should participate in the military
operations in a bid to free this army of the stigma of being a fascist army.
Indeed, the Soviets contributed heavily to Belgrades liberation in October
1944, and Bulgarians, though undesirable for the Yugoslav partisans, fought
in the battles for the liberation Skopje in November 1944. According to
the Yugoslav interpretation, by raising these old issues Bulgaria aimed to
write o the atrocities that Bulgarian troops had committed in occupied
Yugoslavia. In the light of Brezhnevs doctrine, she wanted to pave the way
for military intervention in Yugoslavia to wrest Macedonia away from the
Yugoslav federation on the pretext of saving socialism from deviations, Yu-
goslavias non-aligned foreign policy and self-management socialism being
alien to the Soviet Union.
In November 1968, the Institute for History of the Bulgarian Acade-
my of Sciences issued a historical-political essay on the Macedonian Ques-
tion. It recycled the well-known Bulgarian positions: 1) that two-thirds
of the population of Vardar-Macedonia are of Bulgarian ethnic origin,
and subjected to a policy of national mutation for the sake of one arti-
cial Macedonism at all levels; 2) that the Communist Party of Yugoslavia
16
See Mile Bjelajac, Diplomatija i vojska. Srbija i Jugoslavija 19011999 (Belgrade:
Medija Centar Odbrana& Akademija za diplomatiju i bezbednost, 2010), 241250.
17
See Nikola Popovi, Prvi Titov susret sa Staljinom, in Oslobodjenje Beograda, ed.
Aleksandar ivoti (Belgrade: Institut za noviju istoriju Srbije, 2010), 147158, and in
the same volume: Momilo Mitrovi, Beograd 20. oktobra 1944. godine, 159167; cf.
also Georgi Daskalov, Sporazumenieto v Kraiova ot 5 oktombri 1948 g., Istoricheski
pregled 6 (1980), 6274.
Balcanica XLIII 248
adopted the thesis of the Serbian bourgeoisie that the Macedonian Slavs
are a separate nation, abandoning its former and correct position, which is
a United and Independent Macedonia of the Macedonian people, i.e. all
nationalities living in Macedonia; 3) Bulgarian historians admitted the mis-
takes the Bulgarian Communists made in 194448 when they, acting under
pressure, instructed the population in Pirin Macedonia to declare them-
selves as Macedonians during the census of 1946, thus enforcing upon them
a type of cultural autonomy. Te Bulgarian Communist Party corrected the
mistakes. During the census in 1965 everybody in Pirin Macedonia had
the right of self-determination, but very few people declared themselves as
Macedonians.
18

Te conclusion was quite striking. It sent a political message as part
of the psychological war Bulgaria waged against Yugoslavia.
Te Bulgarian Communist Party regards the Macedonian Question as an
onerous legacy of the past, as a result of the machinations of the Imperialist
Powers. But nowadays the crucial question aecting the relations between
the Federal Socialist Republic of Yugoslavia and the Peoples Republic of
Bulgaria is not the Macedonian Question, but their cooperation in build-
ing Socialism. It is necessary to work on the consolidation of friendship
between the peoples of our countries, on the unity of all Balkan Socialist
countries, it is necessary to approach the Soviet-Union. On this depends
our success on the way to progress, to peace, to democracy, to socialism, on
this depends the containment of NATOs and international imperialisms
plans in the Balkans.
19
Capitalising on the tension in Soviet-Yugoslav relations, Bulgaria, as
an active member of the Warsaw Pact, highlighted her own role in defend-
ing the interests of the socialist camp in the Balkans and the Middle East.
In a Bulgarian military review Bulgarias role was commented as follows:
Te Warsaw Pact is a guarantee of the preservation of the achievements of
the socialist countries. Teir armies, with the invincible Soviet army, are a
gigantic power against imperialism. Tey prevent imperialism from stir-
ring up a new, third world war. Te Bulgarian Peoples Army, as one of the
Warsaw Pact member countries, defends the interests of socialism in the
Balkans and in the Middle East, fullling her mission, national as well as
international
20
18
Istoriko-politicheska spravka po Makedonskiiat Vupros (Soa: Institut za istoriia pri
BAN, 1968), 126.
19
Ibid. 32.
20
See Velko Palin, Vissh printsip v stroitelstvo na BNA, Armeiski komunist 23/9
(1969), 14.
On 2 August 1969 in Skopje, Tito, speaking in Parliament, charac-
terised Bulgarias refusal to recognise the Macedonian nation as a continu-
ation of her old policy and sent a stern warning that every attack on the
Macedonian people is an attack on all Yugoslav peoples. Every attack on
the Socialist Republic of Macedonia is an immediate attack on the Socialist
Yugoslavia as a whole.
21
Titos reference to Soviet hegemony, even after the normalisation of
the situation in Czechoslovakia, provoked Soviet reactions. In September
1969 Andrei Gromyko visited Belgrade to clear up the misunderstanding.
Speaking to the Soviet foreign minister, Tito condemned the Soviet mili-
tary intervention in Czechoslovakia and pointed out that the crisis in that
country should have been settled by political means. Gromyko replied that
the Soviet leadership had thought of a political solution in Czechoslovakia,
but opted for a dierent one after anti-Soviet protests.
22
Tito did not fail
to mention the Bulgarian-Yugoslav dispute over the Macedonian Question,
criticising Bulgarias negation of the Macedonian nation and the claims ex-
pressed in the Bulgarian press that Bulgaria had put up resistance to fascism
as early as 1941and that the Bulgarian army had liberated Yugoslavia.
23
Gro-
myko replied that the Soviet Union was following the Bulgarian-Yugoslav
controversy over Macedonia, but did not want to interfere in their bilateral
relations. At any rate, the Soviet foreign minister stressed that the polemic
between two socialist countries did not serve the interests of socialism.
24
Gromykos visit to Belgrade did not improve Soviet-Yugoslav rela-
tions, since Tito was still suspicious about Moscows plans regarding Yu-
goslavia. Following Gromykos visit to Yugoslavia, Ivan Bashev, Bulgarian
foreign minister, came to Yugoslavia in December 1969 at the invitation of
the Yugoslav foreign minister, Mirko Tepavac. He was received by Tito on
12 December. Yugoslavias leader made it clear to Bashev that the Macedo-
nian nation existed, that it had proved its existence in the resistance against
fascism and in the creation of socialism. He saw a political expediency be-
hind the articles in the Bulgarian press about the alleged contribution of
the Bulgarian army to Yugoslavias liberation. Bulgaria tried to play down
21
See J. B. Tito Preku osvoboditelnata borba i socijalistika revolucija makedon-
skiot narod izrazuvae vo slobodna nacija, Glasnik na Institutot za nacionalna istorija
13/3(1969), 10.
22
AJ, KPR, f. 837/1-3a/101-113: Note on the talks between Tito and the USSR Min-
ister of Foreign Aairs Andrei Gromyko in Brioni 4 Sept. 1969.
23
Ibid.
24
Ibid.
Balcanica XLIII 250
Yugoslavias resistance, Tito concluded.
25
Bashev replied that Bulgaria did
not intend to underestimate Yugoslavias resistance against fascism; on the
contrary, she highly appreciated the common Bulgarian-Yugoslav struggle
against fascism, but many publications in Yugoslavia failed to draw a clear
distinction between the Bulgarian fascist government and the Bulgarian
people. As for the Macedonian Question, he referred to the oral agree-
ment, reached by Tito and Zhivkov in 1967, that the Macedonian Question
should not aect bilateral relations, and stressed the need for a new meeting
between the two leaders.
26
Negotiations between Bashev and Tepavac did not yield any results.
Bulgaria was not interested in improving her relations with Yugoslavia as
long as Soviet-Yugoslav relations were stalled. Te proposal Zhivkov made
to Tito in the following period with the view to bypassing the Macedonian
Question was as follows: Bulgaria was to accept that the Macedonians in the
Socialist Republic of Macedonia had already shaped their national identity,
and Yugoslavia was to give up any claim to the Bulgarian part of Macedo-
nia, and to stop raising the question of a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria.
27

But Yugoslavia rejected this deal. Even if Bulgaria accepted that the Slavic
population in Yugoslav Macedonia had developed a national identity after
1944, the Bulgarian historical science contested the historical dimension of
the Macedonian nation. Te burning question was that history intertwined
with politics. On the other hand, the Macedonian minority was perceived
in Yugoslavia as an integral part of the Macedonian nation and, therefore,
Yugoslav authorities could not help broaching this matter.
To counterbalance the potential Soviet threat, Tito boosted Yugosla-
vias relations with the US and China. Soviet-Chinese relations were partic-
ularly tense in 196970, and not only for ideological, but also for territorial
reasons. Te US was already on track to normalise relations with China.
28

In August 1970, Chinese-Yugoslav diplomatic relations were elevated to the
ambassadorial level. In September 1970, US President Richard Nixon vis-
ited Yugoslavia. It was the rst ever visit of a president of the United States
to Yugoslavia. Tito and Nixon discussed international questions, focusing
25
AJ, KPR, f. 837/1-3-a/14-17: Note on the talks between President Tito and the Bul-
garian Minister of Foreign Aairs Bashev, 12 Dec. 1969.
26
Ibid.
27
AJ, KPR, f. 837/1-3-1-a/14-18: Foreign Aairs Group. Reminder. Audience of the
Ambassador of PR Bulgaria with Comrade President. Ambassador bringing the reply
of the Prime Minister and First Secretary of the CPB CC Todor Zhivkov to Comrade
Presidents letter of 10 Dec. 1970, Brioni, 22 Dec. 1970.
28
See Yafeng Xia, Chinas Elite Politics and Sino-American Rapprochement, January
1969 February 1972, Journal of Cold War Studies 8/4 (2006), 328.
particularly on the Middle East after Nassers death, and on China. Tito
reiterated the well-known Yugoslav position on the settlement of the Pales-
tinian issue (Israels withdrawal from the occupied territories, the creation
of a Palestinian state, but also recognition of Israel by Arabs), and expressed
dissatisfaction with the presence of the American 6th Fleet as well as the
Soviet eet in the Eastern Mediterranean.
29
At a personal meeting with
Nixon, Tito called on the American President to boost American-Chinese
relations and to help China overcome her isolation and become a member
of the United Nations, but not to the detriment of the Soviet Union.
30
With
the support of the non-aligned countries, China became a member of the
General Assembly of the United Nations and a Permanent Member of the
Security Council in October 1971. Te American-Chinese rapprochement
brought about the resumption of Greek-Albanian and Greek-Chinese dip-
lomatic relations as well. Greece and Albania had been in a state of war
since 1940. In view of Brezhnevs doctrine, the Greek military regime did
not rule out Soviet intervention in Albania after her formal withdrawal
from the Warsaw Pact. In case of the Eastern European countries inva-
sion of Yugoslavia by land and air, and the simultaneous naval operations
of the Soviet eet on the Albanian coast, Greeces security would be in
jeopardy. In that case, the Albanian communist government expected that
Greece, under the pretext of protecting the Greek minority in North Epi-
rus, could invade south Albania to safeguard strategic positions.
31
Early in
1971, Greece and Albania started covert negotiations under the auspices of
the United Nations, which resulted in the restoration of Greek-Albanian
diplomatic relations on the ambassadorial level in May 1971. However, the
state of war was not lifted, and neither were the rights of the Greek minor-
ity recognised in a special Greek-Albanian treaty. Security reasons overrode
the outstanding bilateral questions. In fact, Greece renounced any territo-
rial claims to Albania and believed that the new situation would benet
the Greek minority. Complying with the American policy, Greece estab-
lished diplomatic relations with China in June 1972. Greece also gave the
right to the American Sixth Fleet to harbour permanently in Greek ports
in the Aegean. Greeces Balkan policy served NATOs interests and had a
clear-cut anti-Soviet connotation. Albania stood on its Yugoslav positions
29
AJ, KPR, f. 837/1-3-a: Note on the talks of the President of the Republic with US
President Richard Nixon on 1 Oct. 1970 in Belgrade.
30
Ibid. For Nixons visit to Yugoslavia in general, see Dragan Bogeti, Niksonova po-
seta Jugoslaviji 1970 novi ameriki prilaz politici i pokretu nesvrstanih, Arhiv 8/1-2
(2007), 165178.
31
Bekir Meta, Shipria dhe Grecia. Paqja e vshtir [Albania and Greece. Te uneasy
peace] (Tirana: Shtepia Botuese Koi, 2004), 217218.
Balcanica XLIII 252
regarding the Macedonian Question. No wonder that Bulgaria saw Chinas
international role as a threat to Soviet interests in the Balkans.
32
Albania
was Chinas outpost in the Balkans. Te Albanian leader, Enver Hoxha, had
inaugurated an egalitarian cultural revolution, taking his cue from Maos
China.
33
However, due to the distance between Albania and China, Peking
was not bound by any military agreement to defend Albania in case of an
emergency.
Brezhnev, realising that Yugoslavias pro-western orientation could
endanger Soviet interests, rushed to Belgrade in September 1971, in a bid
to come to terms with Tito. He made it clear to Tito that the so-called Br-
ezhnevs doctrine was not applicable to the Yugoslav case, and proposed a
Soviet-Yugoslav treaty of friendship without insisting on Yugoslavias mem-
bership in the Warsaw Pact. Tito turned down Brezhnevs proposal, arguing
that friendship should be proven in practice.
34
He did not fail to mention
the Macedonian Question. He drew Brezhnevs attention to the Bulgarian-
Yugoslav dispute on the Macedonian Question, pointing out that Bulgarias
negation of the Macedonian nation was pointless.
35
Brezhnevs visit brought
no results. Yugoslavias leader did not rule out the possibility that the Soviet
Union could exploit Yugoslavias internal crisis in 1971 (Croatian Spring
had reached its peak, and, in general, the Federal Republics were heading
for decentralisation and liberalism; the Croatian emigration was active in
its anti-Yugoslav, anti-communist policy). On the eve of Brezhnevs visit to
Yugoslavia, military manoeuvres conducted in Eastern Europe were a cause
of concern in Yugoslavia. In October 1971, Tito visited the United States.
In his meeting with Nixon he discussed international matters, such as rela-
tions between India and Pakistan, the Middle Eastern situation, Vietnam,
China etc. Regarding Soviet-Yugoslav relations, Tito stressed that Yugosla-
vias independent policy was a thorn in the Soviet side, but, little by little,
the Soviets were coming to adjust themselves to change, without, however,
allowing the members of the Warsaw Pact to leave their orbit.
36
32
Ivan Bashev, Politik, durzhavnik, diplomat, eds. S. Bakish et al. (Soa: Universitetsko
izd. Sv. Kliment Okhridski, 2009), 147149.
33
Valentina Duka, Histori e Shqipris 19122000 [History of Albania 19122000] (Ti-
rana: Shtpia Botuese Kristalina-KH, 2007), 281287.
34
AJ, KPR, f. 837/1-3-a/14-18: Speech of President Tito at the meeting of the Execu-
tive Bureau of the LCY Presidency of 3 Oct. in Brioni.
35
Ibid.
36
See Memorandum for the Presidents les, Washington, 30 Oct. 1971. Subject: Meet-
ing between President Nixon and President Tito, Foreign Relations of the United States
[FRUS], 19691976. Vol. XXIX. Eastern Europe, Eastern Mediterranean 19691972,
eds. J. E. Miller et al. (Washington: United States Government Printing Oce, 2007),
Although Soviet-Yugoslav relations were still stalled, Brezhnevs
visit to Yugoslavia, if unsuccessful, indicated Moscows willingness to im-
prove the situation. Te main reason was Yugoslavias increasing role in the
Middle East and in the non-aligned movement. After Nehrus and Nassers
death, Tito became the only leader of the non-aligned movement. Besides,
the situation in the Middle East was deteriorating after the Black Septem-
ber of 1970. Te Soviet Unions naval presence in the Eastern Mediter-
ranean became more impressive. Te Soviets needed Yugoslavias airspace
to assure the provision of military supplies to Arabs in case of a new war in
the Middle East. After Belgrade, Brezhnev visited Soa in late September
1971, where he draw Zhivkovs attention to Yugoslavias pivotal role in the
non-aligned movement and the fact that it sided with the Soviet Union in
the common struggle against imperialism and colonialism.
37
He hoped that
the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia would establish closer relations in view
of the preparations for the Conference on Security and Co-operation in
Europe.
38
For obvious reasons, Yugoslavia supported the Soviet initiative to
discuss security and co-operation issues within the framework of an inter-
national conference. For the Soviets, it was an opportunity to allay Western
suspicions about Brezhnevs doctrine. But in his meeting with Zhivkov, the
Soviet leader did not refer to Titos scathing criticism of Bulgaria regarding
the Macedonian Question. Seeking to bridge the gap between Moscow and
Belgrade, Brezhnev obviously did not want to stir up new troubles in rela-
tions between Soa and Belgrade. Even so, Brezhnevs visit to Yugoslavia
had an impact on Bulgaria. In late 1971, Bulgarias public anti-Yugoslav
campaign gradually subsided, but the Bulgarian leadership persisted in its
stance on the Macedonian minority. When Stane Dolanc visited Bulgaria
in February 1973, Todor Zhivkov reiterated the well-known rigid Bulgarian
theses, without showing any sign of exibility.
39
Marshal Tito, taking into account the global economic crisis in 1972
73, avoided pushing Soviet-Yugoslav relations to the edge. Te convertibil-
593. For Titos visit to the Unites States in general, see Dragan Bogeti, Razgovori
Tito-Nikson 1971 politika implikacija Vaingtonske deklaracije, Istorija 20. veka
29/2 (2011), 159172.
37
Tsentralen Durzhaven Arkhiv [Central State Archives, hereafter CDA], fond 1B,
opis 60, arkhivna edinica 83: Meeting between Dr. Todor Zhivkov First Secretary of
the CPB CC and Dr. Leonid Brezhnev Secretary General of the SUCP CC, Soa,
27/9/1971.
38
Ibid.
39
CDA, f. 1B, op. 60, a.e. 106: Talks between Dr. Todor Zhivkov, First Secretary of the
CPB CC, and Dr. Stane Dolanc, Secretary of the Executive Bureau of the LCY Presi-
dency, 20 Feb. 1973.
Balcanica XLIII 254
ity of the dollar to gold had underlain the international monetary system
since the Breton Woods Agreement of 1944. After the US government sus-
pended the convertibility of the dollar to gold in 1971, there ensued a wave
of competitive devaluations, which contributed to ination in many Euro-
pean countries. Te international oil crisis in 1973 forced Tito to show more
exibility, since the Soviet Union was Yugoslavias basic trade partner. In the
aftermath of the Yom Kippur War of October 1973, Arab states failed to
boycott some countries that were seen as supporters of Israel, but succeeded
in pushing up the price of oil. In the last three months of 1973, the oil price
quadrupled. Te oil price rises had severe eects on the countries that had
few internal sources of energy. Besides, Tito had smashed the Croatian
Spring by late 1971. In 1972, the liberal opposition in Yugoslavia was to-
tally defeated. Yugoslavia overcame its internal crisis, but only temporarily,
since the main cause of the crisis was the chronic, simmering national ques-
tion under the guise of decentralisation. When Tito visited Moscow in June
1972, the focus of his talks with Brezhnev was on economic matters.
40
Sensing an incipient thawing in relations between Belgrade and
Moscow, Bulgaria decided to tighten its political, economic and cultural
bonds with the Soviet Union to counterbalance a possible Soviet-Yugoslav
rapprochement. Tis spirit permeated the Plenum of the Central Commit-
tee of the Bulgarian Communist Party held in Soa in July 1973. However,
the Resolutions of the Plenum did not raise the question of Bulgarias union
with the Soviet Union.
41
In the aftermath of the July Plenum, Brezhnev visited Bulgaria again
in September 1973. In a private meeting at the Voden residence, Zhivkov
and Brezhnev discussed many issues concerning bilateral relations and Bul-
garias Balkan policy.
42
In this context, Zhivkovs aggressiveness against Yu-
goslavia and Tito seemed striking. Te Bulgarian leader accused Yugoslavia
of laying territorial claims to Bulgaria after the Second World War. He de-
scribed the Bulgarian-Yugoslav negotiations about a South-Slav federation,
conducted in 194448, as an attempt by Yugoslavia to swallow Bulgaria,
since the federation was not planned on the principle of equality. Even
40
AJ, KPR, f. I-2/53: Steno notes of the talks between SFRY President Josip Broz
Tito and CPSU CC Secretary General Leonid Brezhnev of 6 June 1972 at 11 a.m. at
Kremlin.
41
CDA, f. 1B, op. 58, a.e. 81: Steno notes from the plenary session of the CPB CC,
1719 July 1973. In 1963, Zhivkov had suggested to the Soviet Union that Bulgaria
should become a Soviet Republic. See Iskra Baeva, Bulgaria i Iztochna Evropa (Soa:
Paradigma, 2001), 111117.
42
CDA, f. IB, op. 58, a.e. 90: Talks of Dr. Todor Zhivkov and Dr. Leonid Brezhnev at
the government residence Voden, 20/9/1973.
Georgi Dimitrov had been unable to see through Yugoslavias game; he had
granted cultural autonomy to the Bulgarians in the Pirin region to convert
them to Macedonians and allowed agents from Skopje to launch nation-
alistic agitation there, Zhivkov stressed. It was Stalin who had thwarted
Titos plans and saved Bulgaria from sinking into the Yugoslav federation
under unfavourable conditions, he concluded. Switching to the issue of Yu-
goslavias present Balkan policy, Zhivkov underscored that she tried to un-
dermine Soviet policy and to force some countries to join the non-aligned
movement.
43
In the light of the developments in 1973, it is not dicult to under-
stand the reasons that motivated the Bulgarian leader to launch this on-
slaught against Yugoslavia. Given the improvement of relations between
Moscow and Belgrade, and Yugoslavias increasing geostrategic role in the
Middle East, Zhivkov feared that Yugoslavia, now able to speak from an
advantageous position, might urge the Soviet Union to exert pressure on
Bulgaria to recognise the Macedonian minority. Besides, Yugoslavia in-
tended to raise the minorities question at the Conference on Security and
Co-operation in Europe in Helsinki in July 1973.
Even if Brezhnev was taken aback by Zhivkovs attack on Yugoslavia,
he seemed neither to agree nor disagree. At any rate, he thanked Zhivkov for
providing this information and promised to update Alexei Kosygin on the
situation in the Balkans pending his visit to Yugoslavia and his rst meeting
with Tito.
44
It is clear that Brezhnev did not give up the Soviet policy of
equidistance from Bulgaria and Yugoslavia in their dispute over Macedonia;
i.e. to accept the Macedonian nation in Yugoslavia, like the Moldavian na-
tion in the Soviet Union, but to deny the existence of a Macedonian minor-
ity in Bulgaria. Moscow strenuously opposed Yugoslavias plan to broach
the question of minorities in Helsinki.
In late September 1973, the Soviet Prime Minister Kosygin visited
Belgrade, Zagreb, Sarajevo and Skopje. In the meeting between Kosygin
and Tito on the island of Brioni, many questions were raised regarding in-
ternational and bilateral relations.
45
Te Soviet Union was ready to supply
Yugoslavia with oil and natural gas, which was of paramount importance for
Yugoslavia in view of the approaching world energy crisis. A Soviet loan for
the growth of the Yugoslav industry was also announced.
46
Keeping in mind
43
Ibid.
44
Ibid.
45
AJ, KPR, f. 837/1-3-a/101-148: Note on the talks between President of the Republic
Josip Broz Tito and President of the Soviet Government Alexei Kosygin of 28 Sept.
1973 in Brioni.
46
See Milan Skakun, Balkan i velike sile (Belgrade: Tribina, 1982), 158.
Balcanica XLIII 256
the Bulgarian-Yugoslav dispute over the Macedonian Question, Kosygin
praised the achievements of the Socialist Republic of Macedonia during his
visit to Skopje, but avoided any reference to the Macedonian people.
47
In the Yom Kippur War of October 1973, Yugoslavia gave permission
to Soviet airplanes to y over her airspace and to use her airports. During
Titos visit to the Soviet Union in November 1973, the improvement of
Soviet-Yugoslav relations was noticeable. Brezhnev expressed his gratitude
to Tito for Yugoslavias attitude during the Middle East crisis and assured
him of the Soviet Unions determination to boost economic cooperation
with Yugoslavia.
48
In the following years the Soviet Union was the main
trade partner of Yugoslavia, through the system of clearing.
As for the Macedonian Question, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia held their
own respective positions. Yugoslavia kept raising the question of the Mace-
donian minority in Bulgaria, and in Greece as well. Under the new Yugoslav
Constitution, which entered into force in early 1974, the Socialist Republic
of Macedonia was granted broader powers and was entitled to raise the
Macedonian Question independently of the federal government. In fact,
foreign policy was framed in the Yugoslav republics, and the federal govern-
ment was only to implement it.
Zhivkov met Tito and Edvard Kardelj in Helsinki, on the occasion
of the signing of the Final Act of the CSCE on 1 August 1975. Te Mace-
donian Question was raised again. Kardelj admitted that Bulgaria had rec-
ognised the Socialist Republic of Macedonia as a state, but the crux of the
matter was Bulgarias reluctance to recognise Macedonian identity and its
historical roots.
49
Zhivkov replied that Bulgaria had in fact recognised both
the Macedonian state and identity, but only within Yugoslavia; she rejected
Yugoslavias claim on the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria because such
a group was non-existent. Eventually, both sides agreed to set up a scien-
tic commission to research the historical dimension of the Macedonian
Question and the roots of the Macedonian nation. Te two parties were to
take into consideration the views and proposals of historians. Since Zhivkov
had not visited Belgrade for a long time, the two foreign ministers of the
two countries were to re-establish contact to prepare a summit meeting be-
47
Aleksej Kosigin posetio Makedoniju. Jugoslovenska ostvarenja deo borbe za soci-
jalizam u svetu, Politika, Belgrade, 27 Sept. 1973, p. 1.
48
AJ, KPR, f. 837/1-2/55: Steno notes of the talks between President of LCY and
SFRY Josip Broz Tito and Secretary General of CPSU Leonid Brezhnev of 12 and 13
Nov. 1973 in Kiev.
49
Novica Veljanovski & Jan Rihlik, eds. ehoslovaki diplomatski dokumenti za Make-
donija (19391975) (Skopje: Draven arhiv na Republika Makedonija, 2008), vol. III,
460.
tween Tito and Zhivkov.
50
Judging by the past experience, this gentlemans
agreement in Helsinki was not meaningful; neither side could wait for the
verdict of historians to carve out its policy. Bulgaria precluded every eort
of Yugoslavia to internationalise the question of the Macedonian minority
after the Final Act of Helsinki under the pretext of the human rights issue.
Te denitive settlement of the Trieste question between Yugoslavia and
Italy in November 1975 contained some terms regarding the protection
of the rights of the Italian and Slovenian minorities respectively. It was a
precedent for Bulgaria.
In Novermber 1975, the Bulgarian foreign minister Petur Mladenov
visited Belgrade. He suggested to his Yugoslav counterpart, Milo Mini,
that Bulgaria and Yugoslavia might sign a mutual agreement on territorial
integrity, inviolability of the borders, and non-interference of one country
into the internal aairs of the other.
51
In January 1976, Belgrade accepted
the Bulgarian proposal in principle, provided that the Parliaments of both
countries issue a joint declaration on the protection of the rights of the Bul-
garian minority in Serbia and of the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria.
52
It
was unacceptable for Bulgaria. Her initiative met with no response in Bel-
grade and proved to be a stillborn policy. Under Bulgarias pressure, political
and national matters were not addressed at the First Balkan Conference
held at Prime Minister Konstantinos Karamanliss initiative in Athens in
January-February 1976.
A mixed Bulgarian-Yugoslav commission set up in 1976 to tackle bi-
lateral issues did not yield any results. Te Macedonian Question overshad-
owed all other questions.
53
Te Soviet Union stayed away from the dispute.
Although the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Aairs condentially made the
Soviet stance that there was no Macedonian minority in Bulgaria clear to
Belgrade,
54
the Soviet Union did not exert pressure on Yugoslavia to refrain
from campaigning against Bulgaria regarding the Macedonian Question.
When Brezhnev visited Yugoslavia again in September 1976, his talks with
50
Ibid. 460461.
51
CDA, f. 1B, op. 35, a.e. 5535: Information on the visit of the Minister of Foreign Af-
fairs of the PR Bulgaria Petur Mladenov to SFR Yugoslavia on 1113 Nov. 1975, Soa,
17 Nov. 1975.
52
See the brochure prepared by the Yugoslav Tanjung Agency, Jugoslovenski stavovi i
dokumenti za odnosi so Bugarija (Skopje, July 1978), 1721.
53
See Stojan Germanov, Bulgaro-iugoslavskite razgovori po makedonskiia vupros.
Stenografski protokoli, september 1976g., Makedonski pregled 2 (2007), 107128.
54
AJ, KPR, f. 837/1-3-a/101-148: Information on the USSR and Yugoslav-Soviet rela-
tions for the occasion of the audience of the Prime Minister of the USSR A. Kosygin
with Comrade President, Brioni, 19 Sept. 1973.
Balcanica XLIII 258
the Yugoslav leadership focused only on matters of economic and military
cooperation. Brezhnev distanced himself from the so-called Cominform-
ists, an anti-Titoist group recently smothered by Yugoslav authorities, and
raised the question of home-porting for Soviet warships in the Adriatic
Sea.
55
Soviet warships should be allowed to anchor in Yugoslav harbours for
the purpose of maintenance and repair. Yugoslavia made this concession.
In August 1977, Tito visited the Soviet Union. Te Yugoslav delegation
discussed matters of economic cooperation and international relations with
the Soviets; only Stane Dolanc referred briey to Bulgarias negation of the
Socialist Republic of Macedonia.
56
Since the Soviet Union pursued a bal-
anced policy towards Bulgaria and Yugoslavia, the two countries had toned
down their usual harsh language. In September 1977, on the eve of the
Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, which was to be held
in Belgrade in October 1977, Bulgaria warned Yugoslavia of negative con-
sequences, should Yugoslavia capitalise on its role as the host country and
raise the Macedonian Question with her terms on an international level.
57
However, the celebrations in Bulgaria in March 1978 of the 100th
anniversary of the Treaty of San Stefano and their international implica-
tions made the Bulgarian-Yugoslav dispute are up.
Bulgaria had celebrated the Tird of March as the day of her libera-
tion from the Ottomans with the essential support of the Russian army. Te
blame for the revision of the Treaty of San Stefano by the Congress of Berlin
(1878) was placed on the imperialistic Western powers. In the new political
circumstances, the celebrations in Bulgaria turned into a manifestation of
traditional Bulgarian-Russian friendship and of the contemporary Soviet-
Bulgarian alliance. In Yugoslavia, any Bulgarian reference to San Stefano
was perceived as a revival of the Bulgarian dream of a Greater Bulgaria, with
Macedonia as a bone of contention. Yugoslavia was not afraid of Bulgaria,
but of the Soviet Union, which stood behind her as a reliable ally. In this
respect, airing the Macedonian minority issue was a self-defence policy for
Yugoslavia. In June 1978, the 11th Congress of the League of Communists
of Yugoslavia called upon Bulgaria to respect the rights of the Macedonian
55
AJ, f. 837, K-176, KPR I-2/101-103: Note on the talks between the President of the
SFRY and President of the LCY Comrade Josip Broz Tito and Secretary General of
the CPSU CC Leonid Brezhnev of 15 Nov. 1976 at Beli Dvor.
56
AJ, f. 837/K-107/KPR I-2/140-141: Steno notes of the formal talks between the
President of the SFRY and President of the LCY Josip Broz Tito and Secretary Gen-
eral of the CPSU CC Leonid I. Brezhnev in Moscow-Kremlin, on 17 and 18 Aug.
1977.
57
See Veljanovski & Rihlik, eds., Diplomatski dokumenti, vol. IV 19761989 (2010),
101106.
minority within her borders.
58
As a reaction, on 24 July 1978, the Bulgarian
Ministry of Foreign Aairs issued a brochure entitled Multilateral Develop-
ment of Bulgarian-Yugoslav Relations. It repeated the well-known Bulgarian
view that there was no Macedonian nation as a historical entity and no
Macedonian minority in Bulgaria, that historians in Skopje distorted Bul-
garian history, that Bulgaria was ready to sign an agreement with Yugoslavia
on territorial integrity, inviolability of the borders and non-interference of
one country into the internal aairs of the other country, leaving to histori-
ans the contentious questions.
59
Meanwhile the Bulgarian-Yugoslav dispute took international di-
mensions with Chinas involvement in the Balkan aairs. After the ter-
mination of the Vietnam War, China competed with the Soviet Union
for inuence in Indochina. In 1978 relations between the two countries
were strained due to the developments in Indochina. China supported the
Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia, whereas Vietnam relied on the Soviet
Union. Tis antagonism was transferred to the Balkans, when China, after
the total severance of relations between China and Albania in July 1978,
began to pursue a Balkan policy on an anti-Soviet basis.
60
In August 1978,
Hua Guofeng visited Romania and Yugoslavia to get acquainted with so-
cialism in these countries and to improve economic relations.
61
His visit
to Yugoslavia took place on 21 August. On that day, ten years earlier, the
Warsaw Pact had invaded Czechoslovakia. Te date of the visit was not a
matter of coincidence. Hua Guofeng did not fail to visit Skopje and raise
the Macedonian Question. He expressed his admiration for the Macedo-
nian people for their ancient history and glorious historical traditions, paid
homage to their resistance to foreign occupations in the Second World War
under Titos leadership and praised the modern Socialist Republic of Mace-
donia for its achievements.
62
Mihailo Apostolski, President of the Mace-
donian Academy of Sciences and Arts, presented the Chinese leader with
58
Hans-Joachim Hoppe, Der bulgarisch-jugoslawische Streit um Makedonien, Ost-
europa-Archiv 5 (1979), 302.
59
Za vsestranno razvitie na bulgaro-iugoslavskite otnoshenia. Deklaratsia na Ministerstvo- Deklaratsia na Ministerstvo-
to na Vunshnite Raboti na Narodna Republika Bulgaria, Soa 1978.
60
For the causes of Albanias rupture with China, see Hysni Myzyri, ed. Historie e
Shqipris dhe e shqiptarve [History of Albania and Albanians] (Prizren: Sirint, 2001),
347351.
61
Eine Zwischenbilanz nach Hua Kuo-fengs Staatsbesuch in Rumnien und Jugos-
lawien. Chinas Prsenz in Sdosteuropa, Wissenschaftlicher Dienst Sdosteuropa 22/8-9
(1978), 203217.
62
Makedonskiot narod ima drevna istorija i slavni revolucionerni tradiciji, Nova
Makedonija, Skopje, 25 Aug. 1978, p. 3.
Balcanica XLIII 260
a three-volume History of the Macedonian People. In Soa, Hua Guofengs
Balkan tour was perceived as an attempt by China and the US to encircle
Bulgaria. On the eve of Hua Guofengs visit to Romania and Yugoslavia,
Zhivkov had met Brezhnev in the Crimea. Te Bulgarian leader assured
Brezhnev that Bulgaria supported Vietnam materially due to Chinas ag-
gressiveness. He characterised the situation in the Balkans as complicated,
given the conspiracy against Bulgaria and the Soviet Union hatched by the
US, NATO and China.
63
As for Albania after its rift with China, Zhivkov
suggested that Bulgaria should win over this country in her search for al-
lies in the Balkans against China. Obviously, Zhivkov envisaged a common
Bulgarian-Albanian front against China and Yugoslavia. Albania stood up
for the right of the Kosovo Albanians to have their own federal republic
in Yugoslavia. Given the new circumstances, she might adopt the Bulgar-
ian position on the Macedonian Question, Zhivkov might have calculated,
since Chinas irtation with Yugoslavia was one of the causes of the sever-
ance of Albanian-Chinese relations. Brezhnev shared Zhivkovs concerns
about Chinas policy in Indochina, and in the Balkans as well, but discour-
aged Zhivkov from approaching Albania, unless this country sought Soviet
tutelage rst.
64
Tere were, however, no signs of Albanias willingness to
forge a common Albanian-Bulgarian front as an anti-Yugoslav spearhead.
In September 1978, Bulgaria responded again by the publication
of the volume Macedonia. Documents and Material, a collection of docu-
ments from the medieval period to the Second World War, translated into
English, aiming to prove that Macedonians were Bulgarians and that there
was no evidence for a Macedonian nation. When Tito, in his speech in
Skopje on 6 October 1978, called upon Bulgaria and Greece to respect the
rights of the Macedonian minority, Bulgaria reacted with a double-edged
oer. She proposed to Belgrade that an independent foreign commission
be set up to establish if there was a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria, but
also to inquire into the fate of the Bulgarians in Yugoslav Macedonia after
the Second World War.
65
Expectedly, Yugoslavia declined the proposal as
inconceivable.
Te Bulgarian-Yugoslav dispute was highly politicised when, in De-
cember 1978, Vietnam invaded Cambodia to topple the ruthless Khmer
Rouge regime. China responded by invading Vietnam in February 1979.
Whereas Vietnams troops remained in Cambodia for some ten years, Chi-
nas invasion was not a large-scale operation and after some days her troops
63
CDA, f. I B, op. 66, a.e. 1373: Information on the friendly meeting between Todor
Zhivkov and Leonid Brezhnev of 14 Avg. 1978 in the Crimea.
64
Ibid.
65
See Veljanovski & Rihlik, eds., Diplomatski dokumenti, vol. IV, 159167.
pulled out of Vietnam. Bulgaria characterised Vietnams military action in
Cambodia as a liberation movement and condemned Chinas invasion of
Vietnam; Yugoslavia, in contrast, identied both military events as aggres-
sion. Yugoslavias irtation with China and reluctance to draw a distinction
between Vietnams international solidarity with Cambodia and Chinas bel-
ligerence aroused concerns in both Soa and in Moscow. In January 1979,
Brezhnev visited Soa to take a break for a few days, but also to discuss the
situation in the Balkans and in Indochina with the Bulgarian leadership. In
his meeting with Brezhnev, Zhivkov expressed his concerns over the un-
holy alliance of Yugoslavia, Romania, China, the United States and NATO
against Bulgaria: It is a perturbing process. It unfolds on an anti-Soviet
and, more naturally, an anti-Bulgarian basis. We can already recognise their
eort to isolate Bulgaria in the Balkans. Of course, they cannot do it yet, but
we might become isolated at a given moment. Obviously, measures should
be taken by both countries, and by the brotherly socialist countries, to re-
inforce our positions in the Balkans.
66
Raising the Macedonian Question
from the Bulgarian point of view again was a self-defence policy for Bul-
garia. During Brezhnevs stay in Soa, Tsola Dragoicheva, a former parti-
san and now member of the Politburo of the Bulgarian Communist Party,
published her memoirs.
67
Dragoicheva referred to the conict between the
Bulgarian and Yugoslav Communist Parties during the Second World War
and afterwards. She criticised the Yugoslav Communist Party for turning
the Macedonian Question into a purely Yugoslav question, working to-
wards the unication of the entire region of Macedonia within the Yugoslav
federation. In fact, she argued, a fair solution to the Macedonian Question
would be a united and independent Macedonia. She stressed that the popu-
lation in Vardar Macedonia had hailed Bulgarian soldiers as liberators and
that the Regional Committee of the Yugoslav Communist Party had joined
the Bulgarian Communist Party. She rebuked the Yugoslav Communists
for their territorial aspirations for the Bulgarian part of Macedonia. Te po-
litical message was the following: 1) Bulgaria cannot cut her umbilical cord
with Vardar Macedonia; 2) the process of the formation of the Macedonian
nation is a long-term and complicated one, but it does not mean that people
in Vardar Macedonia should be oblivious of their past and historical bond
with Bulgaria. In other words, Dragoicheva questioned the legitimacy of
66
CDA, f. IB, op. 60, a.e. 248: Steno protocol of the meeting of the CPB CC Politburo
with Dr. Leonid Ilich Brezhnev Secretary General of the CPSU CC and President of
the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet, 13 Jan. 1979.
67
Tsola Dragoicheva, Na klasovi i internationalisticheski pozitsii, Septemvri 32/1
(1979), 580.
Balcanica XLIII 262
the Socialist Republic of Macedonia within Yugoslavia and implied that the
process of the creation of the Macedonian nation was not irreversible.
Dragoichevas Memoirs, which were translated into foreign languag-
es, caused outrage in Yugoslavia. Te fact that Dragoicheva, in her capacity
as President of the Association of Bulgarian-Soviet Friendship, presented
Brezhnev with a copy of her Memoirs, was interpreted in Yugoslavia as the
Soviet endorsement of Bulgarian claims. Te press in Yugoslavia stigma-
tised Dragoichevas Memoirs as the most outrageous anti-Yugoslav slander
surpassing all anti-Yugoslav and anti-Macedonian slanderous publications
in Bulgaria after Second World War.
68

Vano Apostolski, editor-in-chief of Nova Makedonija, replied to
Dragoicheva in a detached academic tone. His arguments were the follow-
ing: 1) the Regional Committee in Yugoslav Macedonia unwittingly broke
away from the Yugoslav Communist Party and joined the Bulgarian Com-
munist Party; it acted under the pressure of Bulgarian communists, who
condemned the Bulgarian fascist government only formally; they accepted
the annexation of Yugoslav Macedonia by the Bulgarian authorities; 2) the
policy of the Bulgarian Communist Party coincided with that of the Bul-
garian fascists; Bulgarian communists in Yugoslav Macedonia did not call
upon people to rise up against the Bulgarian army, arguing that there were
no conditions for armed resistance; 3) the Yugoslav solution of the Macedo-
nian question could be explained by the fact that the Macedonian people
identied their fate with that of the other Yugoslav peoples; 4) in 194448
the Bulgarian Communist Party favoured the creation of a South-Slav fed-
eration and the solution of the Macedonian Question within its framework;
it accepted that the Macedonians were a separate nation, only to change its
position after Dimitrovs death.
69
In 1979, there were no available primary sources to elucidate the rela-
tionship between Bulgarian and Yugoslav communists regarding the Mace-
donian Question in the period of 194148. Nowadays, it is evident that
the Bulgarian Communist Party did not dissociate itself from the ocial
Bulgarian policy in 194142, that it tried to play a decisive role in resolv-
ing the Macedonian Question in 1943, rejecting the Yugoslav solution and
68
Bugari dokazuju istorijsko pravo na teritoriju Makedonije, Politika, 20 Jan. 1979,
p. 4.
69
Vano Apostolski, Na velikobugarski nacionalistieski pozicii, Pogledi 16/1 (1979),
551. Titos special envoy to the Balkans during the Second World War, Svetozar
Vukmanovi-Tempo, replied to Dragoicheva in a series of articles published in Politika
from 16 May to 6 June 1980, under the title Borba za Balkan [Struggle for the Bal-
kans]. His main thesis was that the policy of the Bulgarian Communist Party regarding
Macedonia was the same as that of the Bulgarian fascist regime.
propagating a free, integral and independent Macedonia, and that it oper-
ated under the pressure of the Yugoslav communists in 194448.
70
Contrary to Vano Apostolski, Mihailo Apostolski, President of the
Macedonian Academy of Sciences and Arts, and former commander of
the partisan resistance movement in Yugoslav Macedonia in 194344, re-
sponded curtly. In an interview for the Yugoslav weekly Nin, he indirectly
characterised the Bulgarians as a servile people carrying evil in their genes,
owing their freedom to foreign powers, but believing that they originated
from the ancient Tracians and were able to impose their hegemony in the
Balkans.
71
Yugoslavia suspected that the Soviet Union had appropriated the
Bulgarian standpoint on the Macedonian Question; the Soviet Union
feared that Yugoslavia might side with China in international aairs. Te
suspicions of the Yugoslav leadership about Soviet partiality towards Bul-
garia found corroboration in the fact that the Soviet press highlighted the
ocial declaration of the Bulgarian Foreign Ministry in July 1978, and
Dragoichevas Memoirs, without even mentioning the Yugoslav position.
Moreover, Dragoicheva, as President of the Association of Soviet-Bulgari-
an Friendship, was awarded the Order of the October Revolution. Tere is
no doubt that the Soviet Union instrumentalised the Macedonian Question
as part of its psychological war against Yugoslavia at that time.
To clear up the situation, Yugoslavias foreign minister, Milo Mini,
visited Moscow in April 1979. He met Andrei Gromyko who did not try
to hide the Soviet Unions concern over Yugoslavias attitude towards the
events in Indochina, since Yugoslavia seemed to blur the distinction be-
tween Vietnams action in Cambodia and Chinas military invasion of Viet-
nam.
72
Mini replied that Yugoslavia was against foreign intervention in
principle. Just as Vietnam invaded Cambodia on the pretext of Pol Pots
regime being a terrorist one, he stressed, so one could invade Yugoslavia
under the pretext of Titos regime being revisionary. Yugoslavia did not ap-
prove of Chinas intervention in Vietnam. To appease the Soviets, Mini
disclosed that Tito had urged China to withdraw troops from Vietnam. In
continuation, the Yugoslav foreign minister raised the Macedonian Ques-
tion, blaming Moscow for not being impartial.
73
Gromyko replied that the
70
Sfetas, , 147166 and 215243.
71
Nemam dokaze, ali tvrdim, NIN, Belgrade, 4 March 1979, pp. 78.
72
AJ, f. 837, KPR/1-2/75: Note on the talks between member of the LCY CC Presi-
dency Milo Mini and member of the CPSU CC and Minister of Foreign Aairs of
the SU Andrei Gromyko held in Moscow on 23 and 24 Apr. 1979. Talks of 23 Apr.
1979.
73
Ibid.
Balcanica XLIII 264
Soviet Union would remain neutral and did not desire any deterioration of
Bulgarian-Yugoslav relations over the Macedonian Question, a question on
which historians could dier, just as Russian historians did on the issue of
the origin of the Russian people from the Normans. Mini emphasised that
he was not concerned over matters of history, but of current politics. Refer-
ring to Dragoichevaa Memoirs, published at the time of Brezhnevs visit to
Soa, he elucidated that Bulgaria called into question Socialist Yugoslavias
legitimacy as a state.
Hua Guofengs visit cannot produce a powder keg in the Balkans, as
Bulgarias policy towards Yugoslavia does. Until now we believed that the
contentious issue is that of the Macedonian minority in Bulgaria, now we
see that the Macedonian people is proclaimed part of the Bulgarian people,
that there is no Macedonian people, that Bulgaria lays territorial claims to
Yugoslavia, especially to the national territory of the Macedonian people.
Moreover, we are worried about the fact that Bulgaria is a member of the
Warsaw Pact, whereas Yugoslavia is a non-aligned country. Our protec-
tion is both our readiness to defend our independence, our independent
and not-aligned policy, and our broad cooperation with most countries
worldwide. We are not asking the Soviet Union to embrace our positions,
we have to settle the dispute with Bulgaria by ourselves, but we wish the
Soviet side to better understand our point of view. If we solve this problem
with Bulgaria, peace and security will be consolidated in the Balkans.
74
It was the rst time that Yugoslavia articulated its position to the
Soviet Union in detail. In fact, Yugoslavia called upon the Soviet Union to
urge Bulgaria to tone down her anti-Yugoslav polemic pending Titos visit
to Moscow.
In May 1979, Tito paid his last visit to the Soviet Union. His main
goal was to assure Brezhnev that Yugoslavias policy towards China, which
was trying to exit from isolation, had no anti-Soviet motives, that it was not
detrimental to Soviet interests. As for the Middle East, Tito made it clear
that Yugoslavia did advocate a conclusive solution for the Palestinian Ques-
tion, irrespective of the Camp-David agreements. Tito did not fail to men-
tion the Bulgarian-Yugoslav dispute over Macedonia. Te Yugoslav leader
argued that Bulgarian positions were harmful to Yugoslavias vital interests
and that they implied territorial claims. By awarding Dragoicheva the Or-
der of the October Revolution, Tito underscored, the Soviet Union seemed
to have shared the Bulgarian point of view on the Macedonian Question as
articulated in her Memoirs.
75
Brezhnev replied that Dragoicheva had been
74
Ibid.
75
AJ, f. 837, KPR/1-2/75: Steno notes of the talks between the President of the Repub-
lic and President of the LCY Josip Broz Tito and Secretary General of the CPSU CC
Leonid Ilich Brezhnev held on1718 May in Moscow, Kremlin.
awarded the Order of the October Revolution for the simple reason that
she was President of the Association of Soviet-Bulgarian Friendship and
reached eighty years of age.
76
Gromyko, who had already discussed the mat-
ter with Mini, reiterated that the Soviet Union remained neutral as regards
the Bulgarian-Yugoslav dispute, and called upon both countries to settle the
question without external mediation.
77
After Titos visit to the Soviet Union, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia ended
their public polemics. In Indochina, the Soviet Union seemed to gain the
upper hand. Chinas military operation in Vietnam was limited and only
an act of retaliation, whereas Vietnamese troops stayed in Cambodia until
1987. In June 1979, Pencho Kumbadinski, a member of the Politburo of
the Bulgarian Communist Party, met Mini in Belgrade. Tey discussed the
whole complex of bilateral relations retrospectively from 1944, but failed
to nd common ground on the past. Both sides demonstrated their dier-
ences, and the outstanding questions were referred to a new summit meet-
ing of Tito and Zhivkov.
78
But this meeting never took place.
In late December 1979, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan.
Early in January 1980, Tito was hospitalised for circulation problems, with
little hope of recovery. In the Balkans, the Soviet invasion was expected-
ly hailed only by Bulgaria. Tus, the Bulgarian government was anxious
about the attitude of the other Balkan states in so far as the Afghanistan
War could impair Bulgarias relations with the neighbouring countries. Te
memorandum on the impact of the Afghanistan events on the Balkan states
prepared by the Bulgarian ministry of foreign aairs in February 1980, paid
special attention to Yugoslavias position. It was noted that Yugoslavia spoke
of Soviet military action, not explicitly invasion, nevertheless, the Soviet
Union cut across the principles of International Law regarding the state
sovereignty and territorial integrity.
79
At rst Yugoslavia placed the respon-
sibility for the new crisis only on the Soviet Union, but she later also held
NATO responsible, on account of its decision to install missiles in Europe.
In the Bulgarian view, the most important conclusion that Belgrade drew
from the Afghanistan War was the Soviet Unions determination to settle
outstanding questions by force. In this respect, with Marshal Tito being in
hospital, the Yugoslav mass media, the Yugoslav diplomats abroad and the
Yugoslav army in the country were struck by the obsession that Yugoslavia
76
Ibid.
77
Ibid.
78
CDA, f. 1B, op. 60, a.e. 254: Talks between member of the Politburo of the CPB CC
Dr. Pencho Kubadinski and member of the LCY CC Presidency Dr. Milo Mini.
79
CDA, f. IB, op. 101, a.e. 346: Information on the impact of the developments in Af-
ghanistan on the Balkans and the attitude of the other Balkan countries, 6 Feb. 1980.
Balcanica XLIII 266
would be the next victim of the Soviet invasion, that Soviet divisions were
deployed along the Bulgarian-Yugoslav border. Te Memorandum stressed
that Yugoslavia sought support from Italy, Austria and Romania for the
contingency of Soviet invasion, and exploited the alleged Soviet threat to
get economic aid from Western countries.
80
Bulgaria branded Yugoslavias allegations about a possible Soviet-
Bulgarian military invasion of Yugoslavia as the gment of slanderous
propaganda. Yet, both sides avoided raising the Macedonian Question in
open polemics on the political level, as had been the case during the crisis
in Indochina. Tito died on 4 May 1980. Brezhnev and Zhivkov attended
Titos funeral to sound out the new Yugoslav leadership about Yugoslavias
orientation in the post-Tito era. As Brezhnev disclosed in a meeting with
Zhivkov in the Crimea in August 1980, the impression he had taken from
Belgrade was that the new Yugoslav leadership (headed by Lazar Kolievski)
would continue its balanced policy towards the Soviet Union.
81
He now ob-
served that no essential change had occurred in the Yugoslav policy; that the
new Yugoslav leaders would not let Yugoslavias relations with the socialist
countries deteriorate. Zhivkov remarked that Bulgaria had been extremely
patient with Yugoslavia, it did not reply to her slanders against the Bulgar-
ian policy, the Bulgarian people and the Bulgarian Communist Party, it re-
frained from open confrontation. But he admitted that the anti-Bulgarian
campaign in Yugoslavia had been subsiding in the last months.
82
Obviously,
Zhivkov realised that, given the new circumstances, the Soviet Union dis-
approved of the Macedonian Question aecting Bulgarian-Yugoslav rela-
tions.
After Titos death, Yugoslavia faced enormous economic diculties,
she no longer had the international reputation she had enjoyed in Titos
lifetime, and ceased being a threat to Bulgaria. When Josip Vrhovec, Yugo-
slavias new foreign minister, visited Soa in November 1980, he and Petur
Mladenov agreed on the following principles: 1) both countries should
boost their bilateral cooperation; 2) the open issues should not hamper this
process, as mutually acceptable solutions can be found through constructive
dialogue.
83
Bulgaria followed the internal situation in Yugoslavia carefully,
and did not rule out the possibility of its break-up. She paid special atten-
80
Ibid.
81
CDA, f. 1B, op. 66, a.e. 2507: Meeting of Comrades Leonid Ilich Brezhnev and To-
dor Zhivkov, Crimea, 7 Avg. 1980.
82
Ibid.
83
Arkhiv na Ministerstvoto na Vunshnite Raboti [Archives of the Ministry of Foreign
Aairs, hereafter AMBnP], f. 115, op. 38, a.e. 3242: Petur Mladenov, Minister of For-
eign Aairs, to the Politburo of the CPB CC, with information on the visit and talks
tion to its domestic problem relating to the Muslim minority. Te Macedo-
nian Question was discussed on the margins of bilateral Bulgarian-Yugoslav
meetings, but in a moderate tone. Each country insisted on its own position,
but the war over Macedonia was gradually relegated to Bulgarian and Yu-
goslav historians, who, however, were unable to reach a middle ground.
84
It is evident that the Macedonian Question plagued Bulgarian-Yu-
goslav relations in the Communist era. Te Soviet Union instrumentalised
this issue according to its interests. Irrespective of the ideological and po-
litical dimensions of the dispute, the Macedonian Question evolved from
being a matter of territorial security to a matter of identities. With this
historical background in mind, it becomes easier to understand why Bul-
garia was the rst country to recognise the Former Yugoslav Republic of
Macedonia under its constitutional name the Republic of Macedonia
but not the Macedonian nation. From the Bulgarian point of view, to
be a Macedonian means to be a Bulgarian from Macedonia. Bulgarians
stick to the German model of nationalism, i.e. the emphasis is on blood and
language, not on national awareness. But in the Balkans ethnicity partly
overlaps national identity.
Greece stayed away from the Bulgarian-Yugoslav showdown over the
Macedonian Question. Like Bulgaria, Greece did not recognise either the
Macedonian nation as a historic entity or the existence of a Macedonian
minority on her soil. It paved the way for a Greek-Bulgarian understand-
ing. When the Bulgarian-Yugoslav conict broke out in 1968, the Greek
junta, in keeping with its anti-communist and anti-Slav ideology, had al-
ready downgraded Greeces relations with Yugoslavia. Yugoslavias role in
the Greek Civil War (19461949) and the presence of political refugees
(from the Greek part of Macedonia) in the Socialist Republic of Macedo-
nia, who acted there as a pressure group against Greeces territorial integ-
rity, were stressed in ocial propaganda. Greece was concerned over the
decentralisation process in Yugoslavia after Rankovis downfall, because
it enabled the Socialist Republic of Macedonia to raise the question of a
Macedonian minority and to embark on an anti-Greek campaign, with the
central government being powerless to act as a deterrent. In May 1973,
even during the military dictatorship, Greece signed a declaration on good
neighbourliness with Bulgaria. After the downfall of the junta in July 1974,
the Karamanlis government tried to improve relations with Bulgaria and
with Yugoslavia as well, in view of the Cyprus crisis and the deterioration of
Greek-Turkish relations in the Aegean Sea. A number of outstanding ques-
with Josip Vrhovec, Federal Secretary for Foreign Aairs of the SFRY, in Bulgaria from
17 to 20 Nov. 1980.
84
See Troebst, Bulgarisch-jugoslawische Kontroverse, 151237.
Balcanica XLIII 268
tions in Greek-Yugoslav relations were settled (Free Yugoslav Zone in the
port of Tessaloniki; the signing of a consular convention; exploitation of
the waters of the river Axios/Vardar).
85
However, when Belgrade or Skopje
raised the question of the Macedonian minority, Greece was aected too.
Greek protests ensued both in the press and on the diplomatic level.
86
It
forced the Karamanlis government to side with Bulgaria in denying the
existence both of a Macedonian minority in Greece and of the Macedo-
nian nation as a historic entity. By recognising the existence of Macedonian
minorities on their soil, both Greece and Bulgaria would have legitimised
the Macedonian nation in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia. Greece was
reluctant to oset Yugoslavias support on the Cyprus Question by making
concessions over the Macedonian Question, as one might have calculated in
Belgrade. Since the Macedonian Question turned into a matter of identi-
ties, the burning question for the Greeks was the distinction between the
Greek and Slav inhabitants in a broader area of Macedonia. Under the term
Macedonians the Greeks understand either the ancient Macedonians,
with whom the Slavs share nothing in common, or a geographical term,
i.e. all the inhabitants of Macedonia, including the Slavs who dierentiated
themselves from the Bulgarians and the Serbs in the twentieth century due
to political and social circumstances, and forged another identity within a
statehood. For this reason, the Greeks prefer the term Slavo-Macedonians
to Macedonians.
Nevertheless, the Greek-Yugoslav dispute over the Macedonian
Question was an academic one and did not damage bilateral relations. Eco-
nomic and military cooperation superseded emotions over the Macedonian
Question. Yugoslavia was dependent on Salonicas harbour to meet her
need for oil and trade, and Greeces road to Central Europe passed through
Yugoslavia. Greece did not rule out the likelihood of increasing Soviet in- Greece did not rule out the likelihood of increasing Soviet in-
uence in Yugoslavia after Titos death. In this case, Athens feared that the
Macedonian Question might be complicated by Soviet interference. When
Evaggelos Avero-Tositsas, Greek defence minister, visited Yugoslavia in
October 1976, with Greek General Sta ocers, a formal military agree-
ment was discussed. Should the Soviets invade Yugoslavia after Titos death,
85
For a new era in Greek-Yugoslav relations after the downfall of the Greek military
regime, see Spyridon Sfetas, H Tit
(19741979). [Titos Yugosla-
via and Karamanliss Greece after the downfall of the junta 19741979. Documents
from Yugoslav Archives] (Tessaloniki: University Studio Press, 2012).
86
See, e.g., Greek reactions to Marshal Titos speech delivered in Skopje on 6 October
1978: - [Te mi-
norities question hampers relations between Athens and Belgrade], Kathemerini, Ath-
ens, 7 Oct. 1978, p. 1.
Greece would support Yugoslavia. If Turkey attacked Greece, Yugoslavia
would condemn the Turkish attack and help Greece materially and military
as well.
87
According to the Yugoslav army, Yugoslavia after Tito would be
threatened not by its internal national contentions, but by a possible foreign
invasion. However, it turned out that Yugoslavia collapsed under the burden
of its contradictions, and after her break-up the legacy of the Macedonian
Question is still alive.
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of Serbia.
Slobodan G. Markovich
School of Political Sciences
Dr. Djura Djurovi
A Lifelong Opponent of Yugoslav Communist Totalitarianism
Abstract: Te paper deals with the life story of Dr. Djura Djurovi (19001983), one
of key targets of Yugoslav communist totalitarianism. He was a Belgrade lawyer who
worked in the Administration of the City of Belgrade before WWII. In 1943 he
joined the Yugoslav Home Army (YHA) of General Mihailovi, and held high po-
sitions in the YHA press and propaganda departments. His duties included run-
ning the Radio-telegraphic agency Democratic Yugoslavia. He accompanied General
Mihailovi on his meetings with OSS Colonel McDowell, and with Captain Rakovi
he established successful co-operation with Red Army units in October 1944. He was
arrested by Titos partisans in 1945, given a show-trial and sentenced to twenty years
in prison. In his writings he described horrible conditions, suerings and various
types of torture used against political prisoners in Yugoslav communist prisons. He
himself spent more than two years in solitary connement, and on several occasions
nearly died in prison. He was released in 1962, and was able to establish a circle of
former political convicts from the ranks of the YHA and other anticommunists in
Belgrade and Serbia. He maintained this network, advocated pro-American policies
and hoped that at some point the United States might intervene against communism
in Yugoslavia. Gradually he came to the conclusion that Tito was an American ally,
and was satised to maintain his network of likeminded anticommunists and prepare
reports on the situation in Yugoslavia. As a pre-war freemason, he sent one such
report to Luther Smith, Grand Commander of AAFM of Southern Jurisdiction of
American masons, describing the ghastly conditions in Yugoslav communist prisons.
He was rearrested in 1973 on account of his relations with a Serbian migr in Paris,
Andra Lonari, and spent another four years in prison. Tus, the almost twenty-one
years he spent in communist prisons qualify him for the top of the list of political
prisoners in Yugoslav communism. In 19621973 he was spied on by a network of in-
formers and operatives of the Yugoslav secret service. Te paper is based on Djurovis
personal les preserved in the penitentiaries in Sremska Mitrovica and Zabela, and
his personal le from the archive of the Yugoslav secret service (UDBA/SDB). Tis is
the rst paper based on personal les of political enemies compiled by the Yugoslav
communist secret service, disclosing the latters activities and methods against anti-
communist circles in Belgrade.
Keywords: Djura Djurovi, Yugoslav communist prisons, Yugoslav totalitarianism, Yu-
goslav communist courts
U
nder the shadow of Western press coverage, papers and studies on
Yugoslav communist dissidents such as Milovan Djilas and Mihailo
Mihailov, and semi-dissidents such as Dobrica osi and Vladimir Dedijer,
the fact has been neglected that there were also open lifelong opponents of
communist totalitarianism in Yugoslavia. One of the most committed of
DOI: 10.2298/BALC1243273M
Balcanica XLIII 274
them was Dr. Djura Djurovi.
1
Te memoirs of Milan L. Raji, Dimitrije
Djordjevi and Radomir Miloevi, all three former convicts in Yugoslav
communist prisons, draw the attention of their readers to the fact that there
were individuals who ercely opposed communist monism. Among such
opponents was a group of pre-WWII Belgrade lawyers, including Dragi
Joksimovi, Nikola Djonovi and Dr. Djura Djurovi. All three of them
continued to oppose communism until their deaths. Te rst died in a com-
munist prison, while the last spent almost twenty-one years in prison as
a political convict. Tanks to a possibility to use the archives of the peni-
tentiaries in Sremska Mitrovica and Zabela, and because members of the
Serbian Committee for Establishing the Circumstances of Execution and
Burial Place of General Mihailovi were allowed to see secret police les
of the arrested members of the Yugoslav Home Army (YHA) of General
Mihailovi, it is possible today to reconstruct Djurovis biography.
2

Djurica Djurovi, son of edomir Djurovi and Natalija Djurovi
ne Vujovi, was born on 11 January 1900, in the village of Gornja Gor-
evnica, central Serbia.
3
He nished primary school with top marks.
4
Te
school was seven kilometres away from his home. In 1912, he enrolled in
the grammar school in the town of aak, and nished it with very good
1
His full name was Djurica (also spelled urica), but he was known by his nickname
Djuro. Te area from which Djurovi originated used Serbo-Croatian jekavian speech
at that time. His nickname was later adjusted to dominant ekavian speech used in Bel-
grade and central and northern Serbia, and he became Djura. Both versions of his nick-
name (Djuro and Djura, also spelled uro and ura) were alternatively used in various
documents as his ocial name.
2
I would like to thank Mr. Milan Obradovi, former director of the Administration for
the Execution of Penitentiary Sanctions of the Ministry of Justice of the Republic of
Serbia for granting me permission to visit the archives of the penitentiaries in Sremska
Mitrovica and Zabela and to see and copy les of Djura Djurovi. I would also like to
express my special gratitude to Dr. Miroslav Perii, Director of the Archives of Serbia,
and Mr. Miladin Miloevi, Director of the Archives of Yugoslavia, for their kind and
dedicated co-operation and support. Special thanks should also go to Marija Nenadi,
archivist in the Archives of Serbia, for her assistance. I owe special thanks to the late Mr.
ivota Lazi, a Belgrade barrister, who preserved some of Djurovis manuscripts that
would otherwise have been conscated and destroyed by the SDB. I am very thankful
to Prof. Dragoljub ivojinovi for establishing contact with relatives of Dr. Djurovis
wife, Ana, and to Mr. Milan Maksimovi, son of the sister of Ana Djurovi, for provid-
ing various materials on Dr. Djura Djurovi from his family.
3
Transcript from the Registry of Births of the Municipality of aak for the commu-
nity of Gornja Gorevnica, No. 3 for 1900.
4
Dr. Djura . Djurovi, Autobiograja (4-page handwritten autobiography), Arhiva
Kazneno-popravnog doma Zabela [Archive of the Penitentiary in Zabela, Poarevac;
hereafter: AKPDZ], Pers. le no. 14.591.
S. G. Markovich, Dr. Djura Djurovi 275
marks after the First World War. He received support for his studies from
his parents, but also gave private lessons to earn pocket money. Djurovi
selected jurisprudence for his BA studies. He began as a student at the Law
School in Subotica, hoping to get a scholarship, but when his hopes were
not met he moved to the Law School of the University of Belgrade, in the
academic year 1921/22. He took his LLB degree in October 1924.
5
As a
student, he worked in Belgrades leading liberal daily Politika. Te owner
of Resava Mines, Nikola Joci, noticed his qualities and decided to fund
his trip to France, Britain and Germany. He was in these countries from
November 1924 to April 1928, and he also spent one month in Geneva in
September 1925. He spent most of these three and a half years in Britain
and France since he stayed only four months in Germany. Djurovi had a
task to learn how dailies in the Western world operate in order to be able to
help his patron Joci and his associates to launch a new daily in Belgrade.
He used this opportunity to advance his knowledge in law. In March 1928,
he earned a doctoral degree at the University of Paris with the thesis La
protocole de Genve devant l opinion anglaise.
6

Upon his return to Belgrade, he did his military service in the 3rd
Artillery Regiment in Kragujevac in 1928/29, and passed exams for the
rank of artillery lieutenant. At last, in 1929, he was free to start his ca-
reer. Tat, however, was the year when King Alexander of Yugoslavia, in
the wake of interethnic tensions, established his personal rule, suspending
certain rights and freedoms. Obviously, it was not the best time to launch
a new daily. Instead of becoming a journalist, Djurovi began working in
the Belgrade City Administration from 1929, holding various posts in the
1930s. In 1941 he was head of the Directorate of Supplies.
7
In 1932 he mar-
ried Ana Paligori (19071994), a daughter of Ilija Paligori and Kaliopa
Paligori ne Dada. Her family was wealthy, and she proved to be as loyal a
companion throughout Djurovis life as one can imagine.
Djurovi was not politically active until 1935. In May that year he
was an MP candidate on the list of Prime Minister Bogoljub Jefti, the
leader of the Yugoslav National Party. Jefti personied a policy of Yugoslav
national unity that was greatly shaken by the assassination of King Alexan-
der Karadjordjevi (Karageorgevich) in Marseilles in October 1934. How-
5
Copy of his diploma issued 19 May 1962 by Prof. B. Blagojevi, Rector of the Univer-
sity of Belgrade, No. 2440/2.
6
Le Protocole de Genve devant l opinion anglaise. Tse pour le doctorat prsente et
soutenue le samedi 10 mars 1928 1 heures par Djoura Djourovitch (Paris: Jouve &
Cie, diteurs, 1928).
7
Djura Djurovi, Izvetaj Luteru Smitu [Report to Luther Smith; hereafter: Izvetaj],
in the authors collection.
Balcanica XLIII 276
ever, Djurovi failed to become an MP. He obviously followed the political
stream of integral Yugoslavism. In 1939 he joined the Democratic Party, but
he never had any ocial duty in the party.
8

Activities during the Second World War
At the time of the German invasion of Yugoslavia and occupation of Bel-
grade (April 1941), he performed duties in the city administration as direc-
tor of the newly-established Directorate of Supplies. In April 1941, as a
pre-war French and Yugoslav freemason, he was asked by German authori-
ties to ll in a questionnaire on his links with freemasonry. Not surprisingly,
he was soon retired (19 May 1941). He continued to live in Belgrade in
the modern apartment block owned by the family of his wife at 8 Kapetan
Miina Street in the heart of downtown Belgrade.
On 7 May 1942, he was ordered by an extraordinary commissioner
for personal aairs to put together a more detailed report on his involve-
ment with freemasonry. Like other Serbian freemasons living in the areas
under the German Military Command in Serbia, he was aected by the
Order on Removal of Nationally Unreliable Ocials from Public Oces.
He got a list containing thirty-three questions and was requested to answer
all of them within three days. As it follows from his replies, he became a
freemason in 1925, in Gnral Paign lodge in Paris. His guarantor before
the lodge was Duan Tomi, a member of the Yugoslav Legation in Paris.
9

Djurovi wrote that he had joined freemasonry with two aims in mind: 1)
moral education; and 2) to get to know the French spirit and people through
this organisation. In Belgrade he was aliated to Dositej Obradovi lodge
in 1929, where he was also a secretary in 1933. Among other distinguished
members of this lodge were leading Belgrade historians Vladimir orovi,
Viktor Novak and Vasilj Popovi, writer Lujo Bakoti, etc.
10
Te growing
inuence of the Tird Reich in Yugoslavia in the late 1930s had put freema-
sonry under great pressure. In a kind of political response to this pressure,
pro-Western Anglophiles, outnumbered among Serbian freemasons only by
Francophiles, planned to establish an Anglo-Yugoslav lodge that would op-
erate in English. According to his own testimony, Djurovi was very much
8
Dr. Djura Djurovis handwritten answers to 33 questions on his membership in free-
masonry, Arhiv Jugoslavije [Te Archives of Yugoslavia; hereafter: AJ], Fond 100, folder
16, Djuro Djurovi.
9
Tomi was a prominent Serbian and Yugoslav freemason who was a delegate of the
Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia to the Executive Committee of the International Masonic
Association at Geneva.
10
AJ, Fond 100, folder 16, Djuro Djurovi.
involved in these eorts.
11
However, Italian and German pressure on the
Yugoslav government eventually forced the Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia to
suspend itself on 1 August 1940. Te next day all freemasonic organisations
in Yugoslavia were ocially banned.
Te attitude of German authorities toward freemasonry in occupied
Serbia was extremely hostile, just as it was in all other areas occupied by the
Tird Reich. Moreover, German intelligence had begun collecting data on
Yugoslav freemasons in 1938, soon after Austria was annexed and Yugosla-
via became a neighbour of the Tird Reich. Terefore, German authorities
had had lists of Yugoslav freemasons even before Yugoslavia was invaded.
12

In Belgrade, German authorities encouraged, organised and nanced an
anti-Masonic exhibition directed against freemasonry, Jewry, Great Britain
and communism. It was opened on 22 October 1941 by the German com-
mander of Belgrade von Keysenberg, and was available to visitors until 19
January 1942, and during all these months anti-Masonic publications our-
ished. Members of pro-fascist Zbor took an active part in the organisation
of the exhibition and German authorities encouraged members of Nedis
pseudo-government to take part in it in order to create the impression that
the exhibition was domestically organised. According to ocial reports, the
exhibition had some 90,000 visitors.
13
Te fact that Belgrade was the third
former capital where the German occupying authorities mounted such an
exhibition (before Belgrade, similar exhibitions were held in Paris, in Octo-
ber 1940, and in Brussels, in February 1941) shows that they assessed that
freemasonry had been particularly strong in interwar Yugoslavia, and this
assessment was to a certain degree correct.
In November 1941, 190 intellectuals were arrested in Belgrade and
conned as hostages in the notorious Banjica concentration camp. Approxi-
mately two-thirds of them, or about 130 persons, were freemasons. Most
were released in late 1941 or early 1942.
14
Terefore, it was very desirable
for the questioned Serbian freemasons to demonstrate in their answers that
their attitude to freemasonry changed and became at least less than favour-
11
Djurovi, Izvetaj. Members of his lodge, Dositej Obradovi, were also very active
in publishing a pro-British journal Britanija in 1940, and Djurovi was involved in the
publication of another pro-British journal Vidici (published in 193840). Both journals
were banned in 1940.
12
Nadeda Jovanovi, Odnos okupatora i kvislinga prema masoneriji u Srbiji,
Godinjak grada Beograda 18 (1971), 85.
13
Ibid.
14
B. Stamenkovi and S. G. Markovich, A Brief History of Freemasonry in Serbia (Bel-
grade: Cicero, 2009), 122124.
Balcanica XLIII 278
able. Yet, Djurovi assumed a rather courageous attitude in assessing his
membership of this association:
Te rst thing that I want to emphasise is my deep conviction that I have
no reason to be ashamed of the fact that I was a freemason. In that organi-
sation I have never heard a word or seen any gesture by freemasons, either
as an organised body or as individuals, directed against the interests of the
state or the nation Perhaps in the ranks of freemasons in general and
my lodge in particular there were people who diered by their qualities, but
I do not think that there was in such a divided Yugoslavia any private or-
ganisation with more idealism and honour than Yugoslav freemasonry, and
especially the Dositej Obradovi Lodge.
15

He joined the Yugoslav Home Army on 10 July 1943.
16
By this time
the Yugoslav Home Army (or the Yugoslav Army in the Fatherland, also
popularly but incorrectly known as chetniks)
17
was already deeply engaged
in a civil war with a rival guerrilla movement communist-led partisans.
Te civil war between the two movements began in the autumn of 1941
in Serbia, and by the beginning of December 1941 both movements were
decimated by an eective German oensive. In the summer and autumn of
1941, Serbian civilians in Serbia were subjected to horrible reprisals. Based
on the order of Adolf Hitler signed on 16 September 1941, one hundred
Serbs were to be executed for every German ocer or soldier killed, and f-
15
Handwritten answers by Dr. Djura Djurovi to 33 questions concerning his member-
ship of freemasonry.
16
In an interrogation conducted by the Yugoslav communist secret police in March
1949, Djurovi said that he had joined the YHA on 10 July 1943. Interrogated by the
secret police on another occasion, in December 1952, he stated that he had actively
participated in the DM [Draa Mihailovi] movement from May 1943 until the end of
1944, Arhiv Srbije [Te Archives of Serbia; hereafter: AS], Fond OZNA/UDBA, le
no. 720-01-16556 (Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi), pp. 72 and 81.
17
Chetnik is a name that originated in the early twentieth century to refer to a mem-
ber of a cheta (company). Tese chetas were irregular Serbian units that operated in
Old Serbia and Macedonia while these areas were still a part of the Ottoman Empire.
Te name was popular among the common people and was immediately applied to
Mihailovis movement. However, there were several groups of chetniks, including
one that was under the direct control of German authorities (the chetniks of Kosta
Peanac), and there were also Bosnian, Croatian and Montenegrin chetniks. Mihailovi
and the YHA were involved in disputes and bitter ght with the chetniks of Kosta
Peanac, and some other chetniks recognised Mihailovis authority only nominally.
Tus, in 194244 the YHA and Mihailovi eectively controlled only some areas of
central, western and eastern Serbia, whereas in other chetnik areas their authority
was recognised either only nominally or not at all. To complicate things further, many
former YHA ocers tended to refer to themselves as chetniks, rather than as YHA,
in their memoirs and other writings.
ty for every wounded one. Consequently, German troops killed 11,522 Serb
insurgents and 21,809 Serb hostages. At the same time, only 203 German
soldiers were killed.
18
From that moment, fearing further German reprisals,
the leader of the YHA, General Mihailovi, adopted a more cautious tactics
and avoided large-scale operations against the Germans.
Te partisans, however, continued their previous tactics and also
worked seriously, although not always overtly, on setting the stage for a
social revolution and introduction of communism. From the end of 1942
there was a rising tension between Mihailovi and the British liaison of-
cers over Mihailovis approach. More importantly, the Soviet Union be-
gan acting against the YHA as early as spring 1942, and openly favoured
the communist-led partisans, who were given directives from Moscow on a
regular basis. Te combination of British tactical considerations and Soviet
opposition to and eective propaganda against the YHA gradually led to
the decision that the Allies should abandon Mihailovi and support the
partisans instead. Tis indeed happened at the end of 1943 and the begin-
ning of 1944.
Tus, Djurovi joined the YHA when this guerrilla movement had
already taken a declining direction. His motives for joining the YHA prob-
ably included his Anglophilia and his respect for the United States of Amer-
ica, his commitment to democratic values and his opposition to the Soviet
polity. His own Democratic Party was a coalition partner in the London-
based Yugoslav government. Tis government recognised the YHA as the
only legal army in Yugoslavia and appointed General Mihailovi minister
of War, Navy and Air-Force in four successive cabinets (from January 1942
to June 1944). He explained his motives for joining the YHA in his report
to Luther Smith written in or immediately after 1967:
For me as well as for any convinced democrat, and especially for me as a
freemason, there was no choice. I could not join a resistance which aimed,
in accordance with the example of the Soviet Union, to introduce into our
country a totalitarian polity and a collectivist mode of production. I en-
listed under the banner of General Mihailovi, convinced that I was doing
not only my patriotic but also my Masonic duty.
19

After joining the YHA Djurovi immediately became head for for-
eign propaganda directed to the Anglo-Saxon world running a radio-tele-
graphic station known as Democratic Yugoslavia. Te station operated
18
Stevan K. Pavlowitch, Hitlers New Disorder: Te Second World War in Yugoslavia (Lon-
don: Hurst and Co., 2008), 61 and 67.
19
Dr. Djura Djurovi, Izvetaj, AS, Fond OZNA/UDBA, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi, p.
136. Te same report was in the collection of . Lazi, now in the authors collection,
p. vi.
Balcanica XLIII 280
from Kablar in Ljubi District and Djurovi was in charge of it continually
from July 1943 to August/September 1944.
20

Involvement with the Central National Committee of the YHA
Later on, he got a political function within the YHA. He became a member
and secretary of the Central National Committee (CNK). Te Committee
was set up at the end of August 1941 as a political body within the YHA.
However, it operated only through its Executive Board headed by Dragia
Vasi, a well-known writer, and Mladen ujovi. From the spring of 1942,
Stevan Moljevi, a barrister from Banja Luka, also played a prominent role
in the Executive Board of the Central National Committee. At the end of
November 1943, the rival communist-led National Liberation Movement,
popularly known as partisans, formed its supreme body, the Antifascist
Council of National Liberation, as the supreme representative legislative
and executive body. Tis prompted General Mihailovi to activate his con-
nections with pre-war leaders of political parties, and to organise a congress
at the end of January.
A Preparatory Committee had its meeting on 26 January. It included
ivko Topalovi and Branislav Ivkovi on behalf of political parties, and
Dragia Vasi, Stevan Moljevi and Djura Djurovi on behalf of the Ravna
Gora Movement (essentially another name for the YHA with an emphasis
on its nation-wide character). Te meeting witnessed a sharp disagreement
between Moljevi and Topalovi. Te former argued that the CNK on behalf
of the Ravna Gora Movement should represent political interests of various
political parties, while Topalovi thought that the Ravna Gora Movement
was nothing more than an idea and that it lacked capacities of a political
organisation. Terefore he advocated the creation of a new organisation,
which he named the Yugoslav Democratic National Union. Te Congress
in the village Ba was held on a signicant national holiday for Orthodox
Serbs St. Savas Day.
21
Mihailovi succeeded in mediating between the
two opposite streams, but demonstrated preference for Topalovis attitudes
and Topalovi was elected president of the Congress.
22

20
Ocial minutes from the interrogation of Djura Djurovi conducted on 30 March
1949 at the Penitentiary of Sremska Mitrovica. AS, Fond OZNA/UDBA, Pers. le of
Dj. Djurovi, p. 73.
21
Kosta Nikoli, Istorija Ravnogorskog pokreta, 3 vols. (Belgrade: Srpska re, 1999), vol.
2, 425436; Kosta Nikoli & Bojan Dimitrijevi, General Dragoljub Mihailovi. Biograf-
ija (Belgrade: Zavod za udbenike, 2011), 370376.
22
Pavlowitch, Hitlers New Disorder, 223225.
Te Congress attended by 274 delegates, only six of whom were not
Serbs, adopted a resolution, with Article 4 proclaiming that Yugoslavia
should be renewed and that it should be a federal state and a parliamentary
monarchy. Te Resolution stated that our people notwithstanding the
highest possible price joined the great Western democracies in ght-
ing for freedom and equality of all peoples, both small and great, against
Nazism and Fascism and all sorts of dictatorships. Any idea of collective
retaliation in case of the YHAs victory was rejected. Te whole Serbian
people should be gathered in one unit and the same should apply to Croats
and Slovenes. However, the reorganisation of 1938, which had created a
special Croatian unit within the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, was rejected. Te
Congress condemned actions of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and
the establishment of the political body at the end of November 1943. In
conclusion, the Resolution expressed faith in the Allied nations, headed by
America, Great Britain and the Soviet Union, and invited people to join the
Yugoslav Democratic National Union.
23

Te organs of the Union were: the National Congress and the Cen-
tral National Committee with its Executive Board. Te CNK was supposed
to be expanded to include members of democratic parties and to operate
within the Supreme Headquarters. Te changes did not take place until the
end of May or the beginning of June 1944. On its session of 30 June, a stat-
ute was adopted. Mihailo Kujundi, a prominent member of the Demo-
cratic Party, became president of the CNK and Dr. Djura Djurovi became
its secretary-general.
24
Apparently Djurovi was both secretary-general of
the CNK and secretary of the CNK Executive Board.
25
Djurovi claimed
that the new CNK was set up on 28 June 1944, and that it operated until
10 September 1944, when he, due to operational circumstances broke away
from it and stayed in Serbia, while a part of the members of the Com-
mittee went home, and the smallest third part went to Bosnia with Draa
Mihailovi.
26

Te reformed CNK had various boards as well, and Djurovi was
president of the Political and Organisational Board. Since Djurovi was
in charge of propaganda, it is interesting to note that a Croatian writer,
23
Odluke Svetosavskog kongresa u slobodnim srpskim planinama [Decisions of the St.
Savas Day Congress in free Serbian mountains] (the Executive Board of the Central
National Committee, 1944), 2832.
24
Nikoli, Istorija Ravnogorskog pokreta, vol. 2, 425436.
25
Djurovi, Izvetaj.
26
AS, Fond OZNA/UDBA, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi, p. 72.
Balcanica XLIII 282
Dr. Djura Vilovi, became president of the CNK Propaganda Board.
27
Te
CNK issued orders to local Ravna Gora committees. Tey were in charge
of overseeing local government and organising propaganda, the latter being
their main activity.
28
In such circumstances Djurovi, who was in charge of
a very important segment of propaganda, gained prominence.
A wartime journalist
Te most important of several printing presses in the territories controlled
by YHA units was the one at the Supreme Headquarters. According to an
order dated 6 May 1944, the printing press was to be transferred to the ter-
ritory of the 2nd Ravna Gora Corps. Te same order placed the printing
of all journals, brochures, leaets and other propaganda materials under the
control of Dr. Djura Djurovi, to whom all manuscripts will be handed,
and who can appoint a suitable person as an assistant for the purposes of
this job. Director of the printing facility was required to meet Djurovis
requests in every regard.
29
In the spring of 1944 Djurovi also acted as editor of a very impor-
tant journal called Ujedinjeno Srpstvo (United Serbdom). It was started as
an unocial Serbian journal with the aim to represent interests of the
Serbian Federal unit and the whole Serbian people.
30
Only four issues are
known to have been published and most of the articles were written by
Djurovi. Tis activity nally made him a newspaper editor, though under
very peculiar circumstances. Te journal became a kind of the unocial
organ of the Ravna Gora movement. According to Djurovis statement
given to the Yugoslav communist secret police, it was printed in 10,000
copies in an illegal printing facility in Ljubi District. Since the journal
was an organ of the political leadership of the YHA, it was supposed to
be distributed throughout Serbia. But it could not reach even areas around
Valjevo, Kruevac and Uice, and the reason was that the YHA postal ser-
vice showed no understanding for propaganda materials. A special courier
was responsible for its transportation to occupied Belgrade.
31
27
Djurovi, Izvetaj. Apart from Djurovi and Vilovi, a third freemason in charge of
a CNK board was Dr. Aleksandar Popovi, President of the Judicial Board.
28
29
Milan B. Mati, Ravnogorska ideja u tampi i propagandi (Belgrade: Institut za savre-
menu istoriju, 1995), 6465.
30
Letter of Dragia Vasi and Stevan Moljevi to General Mihailovi, dated 12 Feb.
1944. Quoted from Mati, Ravnogorska ideja, 73.
31
Statement of Djura Djurovi given to UDBA on 18 Dec. 1952. AS, Fond OZNA/
UDBA, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi, pp. 8182.
Te YHA leaders desperately sought to regain the support of Britain
and the United States, and propaganda was again a key tool to achieve that
goal. Domestically, new propaganda measures were aimed at counterbal-
ancing successful communist propaganda. With this aim in mind, a con-
gress of the underground democratic press was planned for 8 August 1944,
and was held 2123 August on Mt Jelica. It was attended by some forty
representatives of propaganda headquarters and editors of newspapers and
journals associated with the YHA. Te CNK was represented by Dr. Djura
Djurovi, Dr. Stevan Moljevi, Dr. Djura Vilovi, Aleksandar Aksentijevi,
Mustafa Mulali, Josip Cveti and Aleksandar Pavlovi. Te Congress was
presided over by Dr. Vilovi, Dr. Moljevi submitted a report on the Ideas
and development of the Ravna Gora movement, and Dr. Djurovi spoke
of the means, methods and aims of propaganda. Although at least sixty-
two journals were associated with the Ravna Gora movement, lack of co-
ordination and central planning sometimes led to confusing and conicting
lines published in dierent journals. Te Congress therefore concluded that
stronger organisation and full harmonisation of propaganda services had
to be undertaken.
32

Co-operation with the Red Army and the Oce of Strategic Services
Te conclusion, however, came too late, since the combined advance of par-
tisan forces from the south-west and Soviet troops through eastern Serbia
decided the winner of the civil war in Serbia. As the historian Stevan Pav-
lowitch remarked, Serbia had not seen much of the partisans since 1941,
and was rather confused by their reappearance.
33
Yet, in September/Octo-
ber 1944, the partisan and Soviet troops liberated or conquered Serbia
(depending on ones standpoint). On 89 September, the last meeting of the
CNK had been held in the village of Milievci near aak. On that occa-
sion Mihailovi ordered that Russians should under no circumstances be
attacked, but welcomed as allies and friends.
34
Soviet troops entered Serbia
on 22 September. YHA troops collaborated fully with the advancing Soviet
forces against German forces, until Soviet troops began to demobilise them,
and to hand them over to partisans.
In line with the orders of General Mihailovi from the last meeting
of the CNK, Djurovi participated in the co-operation of the YHA troops
led by Predrag Rakovi, commander of the 2nd Ravna Gora Corps, and
32
Mati, Ravnogorska ideja, 4548.
33
34
Nikoli & Dimitrijevi, General Dragoljub Mihailovi, 398.
Balcanica XLIII 284
the Soviet troops under the command of Colonel Salichev. In June 1953,
Djurovi was interrogated about this co-operation by the communist secret
service, UDBA. From the preserved interrogation records, the following is
clear: Soviet advanced troops were in Gornji Milanovac after 14 October
1944. At the same time, YHA units were attacking German troops in aak.
At a meeting attended by Djurovi and other YHA ocials, they agreed to
co-operate in liberating aak and attacking the German Valjevoaak
Poega communication lines. Tey also signed a written agreement on co-
operation and exchanged liaison ocers.
35
Te YHA liaison ocers were
Captain ekovi and another one whose name Djurovi forgot. Russian
demands were sent by radio through liaison ocers. A Russian liaison of-
cer was attached directly to Rakovi. At rst, the co-operation was very
good, and some units were even mixed in their operations. However, when
the partisan units under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Mesi ap-
peared, the co-operation stopped. Rakovi sent a protest letter at the end of
October or the beginning of November.
36
From a report published in the YHA journal Pokli in late November
1944, one learns that in some cases Soviet ocers even threatened to open
re on local partisan units to force them to comply with their agreement
with Captain Rakovi. Co-operation between the Red Army and Captain
Rakovis troops exceeded all expectations. Te YHA claimed to have hand-
ed more than 300 captured Germans and members of the White Guard
over to the Soviets. Te cessation of the co-operation after the appearance
of Lieutenant-Colonel Mesi and his partisan troops was attributed to
the fact that Mesi was a former ustasha ocer who had been captured at
Stalingrad and then recruited by the Soviets and, along with other former
ustasha soldiers, trained as a partisan. Tese people had crossed the Danube
together with Soviet troops.
37
Djurovi was not in contact with the British military missions at
Mihailovis headquarters until the end of May 1944, since Mihailovi
35
From an ocial communiqu of the YHA 1st Storm Corps it follows that the agree-
ment was signed on 18 October and expanded by an oral agreement two days later. Un-
der the agreement all captured Germans and members of pro-German White Guard
(recruited from Russian White emigration) were to be handed over to Soviet troops.
Commander during the operations in the Kraljevo and aak areas was to be Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Gadelshin and commander of the 93rd division Colonel Salichev. No
partisans were to participate in operations around aak. Te communiqu originally
published in the YHA journal Pokli on 27 Nov. 1944 is reproduced in Mati, Rav-
nogorska ideja, 286290.
36
AS, Fond OZNA/UDBA, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi, pp. 8587. Interrogation was
conducted at the Penitentiary of Sremska Mitrovica on 15 June 1953.
37
Mati, Ravnogorska ideja, 288290.
wished to conceal Djurovis function in the radio-telegraph station known
as Democratic Yugoslavia. However, Djurovi was asked to nd out the
purpose of the mission of US Colonel Robert McDowell of the Oce of
Strategic Services (OSS), who had landed in Yugoslavia in August 1944.
Te OSS wanted a separate mission that would establish facts indepen-
dently of the British Special Operation Executive (SOE). Since in February
1944 Britain had publicly abandoned her support to the YHA, Djurovi
was supposed to nd out if McDowells arrival indicated any shift in West-
ern policy toward the YHA.
In this capacity he also took part in a rescue mission in which more
than 500 airmen, mostly American, were rescued by members of the YHA,
and then safely evacuated to Italy. Djurovis task was to send the names of
the rescued American airmen to the Americans through this radio station.
Tis practice was later forbidden by the American command in order to
prevent the enemy from discovering certain data from my information on
the rescued airmen.
38
In October, Djurovi did not join General Mihailovi who went to
Bosnia with his troops. He stayed in Serbia, and in the spring of 1945, hid
in a bunker specially built by a friend of his. He was arrested in the village
of Srezojevci, Takovo District, on 8 June 1945. Politika reported on his ar-
rest on 21 June, claiming that he had been hiding in Srezojevci since 25
December 1944. Te purpose of this lengthy article was to convince the
readers that some very important gures of the Yugoslav Home Army had
been captured: Tis dark freak whose name on Boston radio is Fan-
fan, Stefan, and Gregor is too bloody not to be revealed, too closely
connected with international and migr reactionary circles to be handed
over to a peoples court without any comment.
39
Te article claimed that
after the Congress in the village of Ba, Djurovi had become the political
fuehrer of the chetnik movement. Another person who became available
to communist authorities was Colonel Dragutin R. Keserovi, characterised
by Politika as the bloodiest and most faithful dagger of Draa Mihailovi.
In this way, the reader was under the impression that two most important
associates of General Mihailovi had been arrested.
38
Minutes of the interrogation of Djurovi conducted at the Penitentiary of Sremska
Mitrovica on 30 March 1949. AS, Fond OZNA/UDBA, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi, p.
7576.
39
Organi narodne vlasti uhvatili su politikog ideologa etnika dr Djuru Djurovia
i pukovnika Dragutina Keserovia, ubicu i komandanta rasinsko-toplike grupe kor-
pusa [Organs of peoples authorities caught political ideologue of chetniks, Dr. Djura
Djurovi, and Colonel Dragutin Keserovi, murderer and commander of Rasina-
Toplica corps group], Politika, 21 June 1945, p. 4.
Balcanica XLIII 286
Te rst show-trial
On 28 July, in the main hall of the Faculty of Law in Belgrade, court pro-
ceedings against twenty-ve members of the Yugoslav Home Army be-
gan before the High Military Court of the Yugoslav Army. Te authorities
announced loudly that the proceedings were brought against members of
the so-called Central National Committee of Draa Mihailovi and com-
manders of his military formations. Te atmosphere in the hall was far
from orderly. It speaks much of general social conditions that the strictly
state-controlled daily Politika found no reason to hide the fact that the pro-
ceedings resembled a lynching. A reporter of the leading newspapers of
the Yugoslav capital noticed that the appearance in the hall of the accused
headed by Dr. Djuro Djurovi provoked great alarm and indignation. Be-
fore the judges entered, the hall resonated with the cries: Death to Djura
Djurovi! To the gallows with murderers! Down with cutthroats! Down
with murderers! Blood for blood! A head for a head!
40
Te show-trial took place from 28 July to 6 August 1945. Te Oce
of the Public Prosecutor was represented by Colonel Milo Mini, a most
reliable communist hardliner. In the second half of 1945, he sent a letter to
the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CC CPY),
denouncing the Yugoslav provincial prosecutors and particularly the pros-
ecutor of Croatia, Jakov Blaevi, for their non-communist attitude toward
the notorious Yugoslav military secret service, the OZNA. Mini himself
was one of the heads of the most prominent OZNA department OZNA
for Belgrade from November 1944 to March 1945. Te OZNA was a
Yugoslav communist version of the Soviet secret service, the NKVD, created
with the help of Soviet instructors in 1944.
41
In the letter Mini concluded:
It is my impression that the ideas of comrade Blaevi as regards this ques-
tion are non-communist, that they are based on their forgetting that our
Party administers both the public prosecutors oce and the OZNA, and
all other state institutions as well. Te proof that the CC CPY took Minis
suggestions seriously may be found in a handwritten remark in the upper
left corner of the rst page of his letter: measures have been taken and this
40
Jue je otpoelo sudjenje pred Viim vojnim sudom lanovima takozvanog Central-
nog nacionalnog komiteta Drae Mihailovia [Trial of members of so-called Central
National Committee before High Military Court began yesterday], Politika, 29 July
1945, p. 3.
41
OZNA Odeljenje za zatitu naroda [Department for the Peoples Protection] changed
name to UDBA Uprava dravne bezbednosti [Administration of State Security] in
1946. In 1964 UDBA was renamed SDB Sluba dravne bezbednosti [State Security
Service]. So the three dierent abbreviations used in this paper (OZNA, UDBA and
SDB) refer to the same Yugoslav communist secret service but at dierent periods.
has been settled.
42
Te remark is written in Latin script, and in the ekavian
dialect used only in Serbia. Among members of the Politburo, this combi-
nation of script and dialect was used by Aleksandar Rankovi. It is charac-
teristic of the communist legal system of that time that Mini addressed
the Central Committee of the Communist Party on this matter, and not
the Ministry of Justice. In other words, as he put it himself, the Communist
Party stood above all state institutions.
Another vivid impression of the character of early Yugoslav com-
munist courts may be gained from the memoirs of Dr. Josip Hrnevi
(19011994). He was a judge in the interwar Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In
194546 he was President of the Military Panel of the Supreme Court of
Yugoslavia. In February 1946 he became Federal Public Prosecutor of the
Federal Peoples Republic of Yugoslavia. As one of the highest ocials of
the early communist Yugoslav judiciary, he admits that one thing was clear
to him from the beginning: that the oce of the public prosecutor, in spite
of its huge powers, was under the hat of the party and the government.
Te other thing that became clear to him right away was that he had to
co-operate closely with the organs of public security: Investigation in all
criminal cases of some relevance was then in the hands of the Adminis-
tration of State Security [UDBA], and our real chief was organisational
secretary of the Central Committee of the CPY and Minister of Interior
Aleksandar Rankovi.
43
Te trial was organised for members of the political and military
leadership of the organisation of Draa Mihailovi. Here a novelty was
added to the standard pattern of Stalinist show-trials. Four commanders
of the Yugoslav Home Army and nine members of its Central National
Committee were charged together with twelve other persons from three
dierent groups labelled by Yugoslav authorities and the Yugoslav press as
being a connection with the occupation command (one of the accused),
Gestapo members and terrorists (three of the accused), and terrorists and
spies (eight of the accused). In truth, some from these groups had been a
part of the apparatus of various German secret services and agencies that
had operated in Serbia during the German occupation. By grouping real
collaborators together with political and military leaders of the Yugoslav
42
AJ, Fond No. 507, unit X-I/3.
43
Josip Hrnevi, Svjedoanstva (Zagreb: Globus, 1986), 121122. On the huge inu-
ence of the OZNA in Yugoslav society, see Monty Radulovic, Titos Republic (London
and Brussels: Coldharbour Press Ltd., 1948), 118128. On its inuence on the Public
Prosecutors Oce, see Slobodan G. Markovi, Rehabilitacija ideoloki progonjenih
kao jedan od stubova vladavine prava u posttotalitarnim drutvima, Izazovi evropskih
integracija 20 (2012), 7477.
Balcanica XLIII 288
Home Army, a clear message was sent that all anticommunists belonged
into the same category of enemies of the people. Te foreword to the
published version of the stenographic notes of the trial reveals the aim of
the trial:
Te trial untangled a repulsive fascist bunch that was created in our coun-
try during the rst days of the Peoples Liberation War and was preserved
until the collapse of the German occupiers. One could see at the trial that
in the bunch one could nd together German fascist occupiers, Nedi,
Ljoti, Paveli and Draa Mihailovi, then almost all ocers of the former
Yugoslav Army who stayed in the country during the occupation and did
not take part in the Peoples Liberation Movement, then a larger part of
emigration abroad, then a larger part of the leadership of former political
parties. All of them had a common aim: to destroy the Peoples Liberation
Movement of our peoples.
44
In other words, almost all non-communists of any signicance, who
represented the views of the vast majority of the population in Serbia, were
fascist collaborators, or simply fascists. Te court in Belgrade only fol-
lowed the pattern established by the communist show-trial of the heads
of the Polish Home Army and Polish political leaders staged one month
earlier (1821 June) in Moscow.
Secret proceedings: questioning on Djurovis relations with the OSS
Tis trial had another aspect that remains obscured if the published steno-
graphic notes are all that historians consult. Te personal le of the rst
person accused, Dr. Djuro Djurovi, preserved in the archive of the Yugoslav
secret police, reveals that secret proceedings by the Higher Military Court
were held in the evening hours of 2 August 1945. Djurovi was interrogated
about the meeting of General Mihailovi and OSS Colonel Robert Mc-
Dowell with Rudolf Strker, who represented the German envoy Hermann
Neubacher, on 6 September 1944. Djurovi explained that McDowell had
anticipated the possibility of the German surrender in the Balkans, and
wanted to see Neubacher who, being an Austrian and aware that the Reich
had already lost the war, would be given a chance to make exceptional
gains for his homeland, Austria. McDowell spoke openly to Djurovi and
Mihailovi about the fact that Germany wanted to capitulate in the Bal-
kans. As Djurovi put it:
Terefore the purpose of this meeting, which was supposed to be with
Neubacher, was on the following basis and with an aim to discuss how
44
Sudjenje lanovima politikog i vojnog rukovodstva organizacije Drae Mihailovia (Bel-
grade 1945), 5.
McDowell understood German capitulation in the Balkans. He wanted to
conduct the capitulation in agreement with Neubacher and in agreement
with Draa Mihailovi.
Instead of coming in person, Neubacher sent Strker to represent
him at the meeting. According to Djurovi, he was against the meeting with
Strker, and General Mihailovi agreed with him, but McDowell insisted
that it would be a stupid thing not to meet with that Jerry and see what
he had to say.
45
Needless to say, the contents of these proceedings could
not be presented during the open part of the trial. A year later, in the case
against General Mihailovi (the second Belgrade trial), neither Mihailovi,
nor his defence, nor any subsequent historian, could know about this part of
the trial. Tese details did not become known until 2009, when the mem-
bers of the Committee for Establishing the Circumstances of the Execution
and Burial Place of General Mihailovi, set up by the Oce of the Public
Prosecutor of Serbia, were allowed to see the secret police les of the YHA
members, and the contents have been publicly revealed only recently.
46
Djurovi revealed additional details in the interrogation in 1949.
He repeated what McDowells plan had been. It was essentially to sug-
gest to Neubacher to surrender his troops to the Americans and General
Mihailovi. Had this, what McDowell planned, been realised, had Ger-
mans capitulated in the Balkans to the Americans and Draa Mihailovi,
the situation of the chetniks and the attitude of the Western Allies to them,
McDowell thought, would certainly have radically changed in favour of the
chetniks.
47
Yet, Yugoslav communist propaganda claimed that on the third
day of the trial, 30 July, Djurovi alleged that at the meeting Mihailovi had
been promised ries by the Germans. Reuter took the news from the Yugo-
slav News Agency and it appeared in the Western media.
48
Te conduct of
the communist court and the communist Yugoslav press prompted Colonel
McDowell to speak with a British diplomat in Washington, Peter Solly-
Flood, in the second half of February 1946. By this time McDowell was a
chief of Balkan Intelligence in the US War Department. He said to Solly-
45
AS, Fond OZNA/UDBA, Pers. le of Djura Djurovi, pp. 3137.
46
Slobodan G. Markovich, New and Old Evidence on the Show-trial of General
Dragoljub Mihailovich, Te South Slav Journal 31/1-2 (2012), 113114.
47
AS, Fond OZNA/UDBA, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi, p. 75. McDowells mission re-
mains a mystery, and S. K. Pavlowitch, Hitlers New Disorder, 230, raised two questions
regarding this mission: Did McDowell explore the possibility of an anticipated Ger-
man capitulation to stop the Russians from entering Yugoslavia? Did he in any way en-
courage Mihailovi to expect a change in his favour? Judging by Djurovis testimonies,
the answer to both questions is armative.
48
Mihailovitch and the Germans. Alleged Arms Talks, Te Times, 31 July 1945, p. 3D.
Balcanica XLIII 290
Flood essentially the same thing that Djurovi had said during the secret
proceedings. Solly-Flood passed the information to the British ambassador
in Washington, Lord Halifax, and he sent it on to the Foreign Oce. Te
British embassy received additional conrmation of the story from Barbour,
head of the US Southern Department Division. Referring to the trial of
Djurovi, Barbour said:
When the trials of war criminals were beginning in Yugoslavia, consider-
able play was made of this story about Staerkers visit to Mihailovic both at
the trials and by the Yugoslav press and radio. State Department thereupon
instructed the United States Embassy at Belgrade to inform the Yugoslav
Government that a) McDowell accepted full and sole responsibility for ar-
ranging the interview between Staerker and Mihailovic...
49
First sentence
Djurovi was lucky, since he was sentenced to twenty years in prison. Oth-
ers were not so lucky. On 14 August 1945, three of the four commanders
of the YHA were executed (Vojislav Lukaevi, Dragutin Keserovi and
Vojin Vojinovi). So that they could still be labelled as fascists, they were
shot together with Anton Schwartz of the Prince Eugen SS division, and
a specially trained SS Captain for special operations, Branko Gaparevi.
During the trial, both of the latter had been portrayed as close collabora-
tors of Draa Mihailovi.
From the outset, the leading Belgrade daily Politika made it more
than clear how the trial would end. Its rst report from the trial had
the following headline: Traitors, political and military leaders of Draa
Mihailovi before the Peoples court.
50
Unsurprisingly, the headline after
the pronouncement of the verdict was: Seven terrorists and commanders
of traitorous military formations of Draa Mihailovi were proclaimed by
the Court war criminals and sentenced to death.
51
Conspicuously, the list
opened with terrorists.
Te Higher Court pronounced the verdict on 9 August 1945. Djurovi
was found guilty of being a member of the Ravna Gora Movement, to-
49
Ambassador Halifax to the Foreign Oce, 27 March 1946. PRO, FO 115/4266.
50
Izdajnici, politiki i vojni rukovodioci Drae Mihailovia pred narodnim sudom
[Traitors, political and military leaders of Draa Mihailovi before the peoples court],
Politika, 29 July 1945, p. 3.
51
Sedam terorista i komandanata izdajnikih vojnikih formacija Drae Mihailovia
sud je proglasio za ratne zloince i osudio ih na smrt [Seven terrorists and commanders
of traitorous military formations of Draa Mihailovi found guilty and sentenced to
death], Politika, 10 Aug. 1945, p. 3.
gether with eight other members of the CNK (Aleksandar Aksentijevi,
Mustafa Mulali, Aleksandar Pavlovi, Dr. Boidar Popadi, Aleksandar
Popovi, Branislav Ivkovi, Ljubia Trifunovi and Nikola Raspopovi).
Tey were guilty because they had joined the Ravna Gora Movement:
Although they knew that the chetnik organisation of Draa Mihailovi
is anti-people, traitorous and in the service of the occupiers, they became
members of the so-called Central National Committee, the leading politi-
cal body of that organisation. Tey helped Draa Mihailovi to present his
traitorous work and service for the occupiers to the global democratic public
as a movement of national liberation against the occupiers Djurovi was
specically found guilty of four charges: 1) For reorganising propaganda for
foreign countries by establishing radio contact with Foti
52
in the United
States and by sending radiograms and radio broadcasts in which he falsely
presented the situation in the country. He popularised the occupiers servant
Draa Mihailovi and he presented the chetnik organisation as the only
organisation ghting against the occupier in Yugoslavia. He slandered the
National Liberation Movement, its leadership, and the Army of National
Liberation and Partisan Units in Yugoslavia in all possible ways and all
that with an aim to deceive the public in democratic countries and thus to
demolish the morale and political credits that the Movement of National
Liberation gained by its ferocious ght against the occupiers; 2) For edit-
ing the journal Ujedinjeno srpstvo in which he instigated hatred against the
Movement of National Liberation and popularised the chetnik organisa-
tion of Draa Mihailovi; 3) For giving propaganda instructions at various
meetings directed to break the peoples unity in its struggle against the
occupiers; 4) For meeting General Trifunovi near Varvarin, where he ad-
vocated gathering and uniting of broken chetnik, Nedis and volunteers
[units of Dimitrije Ljoti] units under chetnik command in order to ght
the Army of National Liberation.
53
As one can see, there was not a single
serious accusation against Djurovi, apart from the fact that he had partici-
pated in a defeated movement.
Djurovi expected a death penalty. His wife prepared poison in case
he was sentenced to death. Another opponent of communism who joined
the Ravna Gora Movement at a very young age was Dimitrije Djordjevi,
52
Konstantin Foti served as Royal Yugoslav minister in Washington during the Sec-
ond World War (as ambassador from October 1942). He was known for his loyalty to
Mihailovi and opposition to communism. Terefore, the leadership of the partisan
movement insisted that he be replaced, and he was on 9 June 1944.
53
Arhiva Kazneno-popravnog doma u Sremskoj Mitrovici [Archive of the Penitentiary
in Sremska Mitrovica; hereafter: AKPDSM], Pers. le of Djura Djurovi. Te verdict
on 14 typewritten pages encompasses all twenty-four accused.
Balcanica XLIII 292
who later became professor of Balkan history at Santa Barbara University
in California. Djordjevi himself underwent a similar trial in May 1946 as
a member of the anticommunist youth. His view of the rst Belgrade trial
is therefore very valuable. On the attitude of the accused during the trial,
Djordjevi assessed: Apart from Djura Djurovi and Vojin Vojinovi, all
others were broken... It was another proof of ideological dissolution of the
Ravna Gora Movement.
54
Djurovi gave his closing statement on 6 August 1945. It apparently
made a very strong impression and might have played a role in the deci-
sion of the court to sentence him to 20 years instead of sentencing him to
death. On 10 August, the judge, Major Nikola Stankovi, a member of the
Panel of the Higher Military Court that tried Djurovi, came to his cell
together with Josip Malovi, deputy public prosecutor of Yugoslavia. Major
Stankovi told Djurovi that he was lucky since: had I been tried only two
or three months earlier, I would certainly have been put to death.
55
On 15 September 1945, Djurovi was sent to the notorious com-
munist dungeon of Sremska Mitrovica to serve his sentence. Before that he
spent several weeks in Zabela and Ni. Te prisons in Sremska Mitrovica
and Zabela essentially were a Yugoslav version of the gulag, a concentration
camp for undesirable members of the bourgeois class, for captured YHA
members, and other real and imagined enemies of Yugoslav communism.
Apart from these two prisons in Serbia, there were similar ones in other
Yugoslav republics.
Te communist prison in Sremska Mitrovica
Several eye-witnesses have written about the two terrifying Serbian com-
munist prisons for political enemies. Dimitrije Djordjevi claims that there
were 12,000 prisoners in Zabela in March 1947,
56
and Milan Raji estimat-
ed that Sremska Mitrovica held more than 3,500 prisoners in 1951.
57
Djura
Djurovi mentions 3,000 prisoners in Sremska Mitrovica, estimating that
54
Dimitrije Djordjevi, Oiljci i opomene, 2 vols. (Belgrade: BIGZ, 1995), vol. 2, 51.
55
Djura Djurovi, Razmiljanje o smrti, 33. His closing statement was published in
Sudjenje lanovima politikog i vojnog rukovodstva organizacije Drae Mihailovia (Bel-
grade 1945), 481500.
56
Ibid. 212.
57
Milan L. Raji, Srpski pakao u komunistikoj Jugoslaviji. Trilogija komunistikih zloina
(Belgrade: Evro, 1991), 72. Te third part of his trilogy on Titos dungeons was origi-
nally published in Chicago under pseudonym: Jastreb Oblakovi, Titovi kazamati u
Jugoslaviji (Chicago: Pokret srpskih etnika Ravne Gore, 1960).
around three-fourths of them were ex-members of the YHA.
58
Convicts
were sentenced as deserters, collaborators, and harbourers of what was
left of the YHA forces. With the so-called kukuruzari (from Serb. kukuruz,
corn), peasants who opposed the enforced requisition of grains, added to
the number of convicts in Sremska Mitrovica, the total number would be
much greater than Raji and Djurovi estimated.
59

Both prisons had special sections for prisoners held as top enemies of
the state, and Djurovi and Dr. Stevan Moljevi were certainly the top two
at Sremska Mitrovica. Djurovi kept this high status among enemies of
the state throughout his prison term and was considered prone to organise
resistance to communist authorities. Originally, convicts were placed in big
dorms, and Djurovi shared room with 200 inmates. At rst he was strictly
supervised, then put in isolation, and then in solitary connement. A special
terror ensued after the announcement of the resolution of Information Bu-
reau of 28 June 1948 that expelled the Communist Party of Yugoslavia from
the family of Soviet-controlled communist parties. Five days later, the war-
den personally selected the political convicts who were to be given special
treatment. Tis group was divided into two subgroups: those who would
be isolated collectively, and those who would be isolated individually. Te
terror lasted some six months in the second half of 1948. Te individually
isolated convicts were deprived of walking and of the previous possibility
of having a shower once in fteen days. Strict group isolation continued
until September 1953, while individual isolation ended in June 1950, when
the most distinguished political convicts rejoined other convicts in group
rooms.
60
In a report submitted in December 1959 by Radovan Markovi,
some sort of assistant warden, one can read that in the course of 1947 and
1948 Djurovi, together with Stevan Moljevi, Slavoljub Vraneevi, Sava
Bankovi and others, was a centre of chetnik headmen and hostile activity
in the circle of convicts. Markovi also assessed that Vraneevi, Bankovi
and Moljevi caused the main problem in the penitentiary in the period of
195358.
61
However, the former YHA members drew a clear distinction be-
tween those who had belonged to the YHA headed by General Mihailovi
and those who had supported either the Serbian fascist Dimitrije Ljoti
58
Djura Djurovi, Seanja iz komunistike robijanice u Sremskoj Mitrovici, 10.
59
Cf. Srdjan Cvetkovi, Izmedju srpa i ekia. Represija u Srbiji 19441953 (Belgrade:
Institut za savremenu istoriju, 2006), 421; Srdjan Cvetkovi, Struktura politikih zat-
vorenika u Srbiji i Jugoslaviji, Hereticus VII/12 (2009), 7273.
60
Djura Djurovi, Seanja iz robijanice u Sremskoj Mitrovici, 3031, 35 and 125.
61
Report on Djura Djurovi by Radovan Markovi dated 25 Nov. 1958. AKPDSM,
Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi.
Balcanica XLIII 294
or the marionette pseudo-government of General Nedi. Accordingly,
Bankovi was never considered as part of the YHA circle in the prison.
As noted above, political prisoners were divided into two groups:
those put in collective isolation and those isolated individually. Djurovi
provided a list of those who had been isolated. From the ranks of the YHA
(or Ravna Gora Movement, as Djurovi preferred to call it) the follow-
ing persons were isolated individually: Dr. Djura Djurovi; Dr. Aleksandar
Popovi; a CNK member, Vojin Andri; Mihailo Mandi of the YHA Bel-
grade branch; Colonel Petar Simi; and Rade Bojovi, YHA commander
in Dragaevo District. From the Nedi-Ljoti group the only individually
isolated person was the priest Sava Bankovi. Two more persons were iso-
lated in the same way: engineer Zdravkovi and Dr. Dragoljub Jovanovi,
pre-war leader of the Agrarian Party.
62
Among collectively isolated prison-
ers who belonged to the YHA were: Dr. Stevan Moljevi, former president
of the Executive Board of the CNK; two other CNK members, Dr. Djura
Vilovi and Aleksandar Pavlovi; Colonel Slavoljub Vraneevi and Cap-
tain Radomir Miloevi eda, of the YHA Avala Corps. Among the col-
lectively isolated were also: Dr. Laza Markovi, leader of the Radical Party;
Vlada Ili, a well-known Belgrade industrialist; three Teokarevi broth-
ers (Vlada, Lazar and Slavko), also industrialists; and Dragi Stojadinovi,
brother of the former PM of the Royal Government Milan Stojadinovi.
Individual isolation lasted some twenty-three months, until 3 June 1950.
According to his own testimony, Djurovi was the only one who was kept
in solitary connement during this entire period of twenty-three months,
while the others were kept in isolation for several months. Dr. Moljevi
was among those kept in solitary cells for several months. Djurovi vividly
described his experience of solitary connement:
In those endlessly long days and nights, tormented by hunger and deprived
of any human contact, and any distraction, all the time in a solitary with
locked doors with a small window opening for delivery of food, and when
the bucket is taken to be slopped out, there is not a single person apart
from oafs [guards] at any oor, the individually isolated felt lost in a bleak
world deprived of any sense of human, humane, a world where a man is
thrown below the level of an animal.
Yet, in that gloomy and senseless world even the individually isolated
could sense some signs of life outside the cell. Alas, these were screams of
other convicts.
Tis ghastly dark atmosphere was raised to Shakespearean heights by the
signs of distressing human suering. From the rst oor, almost after each
tattoo, one could hear horrible screams of human beings, moans that tore
62
Djurovi, Seanja iz robijanice, 30.
ones heart. As if coming from hell, they rent dead silence of murky night
in a spacious chasm stretching from the concrete oor in the basement up
to the glass roof separating rows of solitaries from one side and the other.
It was as if humankind had returned to the dayspring of civilisation, as if
human pain had been the ultimate enjoyment for those who caused it.
In the murky nights, screams and moans could be heard for hours.
Tese were really the darkest, the most distressing hours in the history of
imprisonment of political convicts on the second oor isolated under the
strictest terms.
63
All the isolated were stripped of all personal belongings, they had bans
on visits and were systematically kept undernourished. Previously, prison-
ers were allowed a monthly 14-kilo package from their families. From the
moment the campaign of terror was introduced the weight of packages was
reduced to ve kilos per month. Prison food amounted to 200 grams of corn
bread and some sort of dishwater food. Since some individually isolated
convicts also had monthly bans on receiving packages, some lost up to one
third of their body weight. Te rst victim of the terror and isolation was
Colonel Petar Simi. He committed suicide. Trowing himself out of a win-
dow, he said: I am innocent.
64
Te August and September of 1948 were
the worst for Djurovi. At the beginning of his isolation Djurovi was given
a one-month ban on receiving packages and thus the package for Septem-
ber was handed to him at the end of that month instead of at the beginning.
He suered from haemorrhoids that were bleeding. With bleedings and the
daily allocation of 200 grams of bread and some sort of dishwater food, his
condition reached the point where he could barely stand up. When he was
nally allowed to receive the food provided for patients of the penitentiary
inrmary, he was on the verge of utter exhaustion.
65
Fortunately for the
convicts, the terror ended at the end of that year.
At the beginning of his prison term, Djurovi believed in the im-
minent fall of the communist regime. Terefore, he wrote, in 1947 or 1948,
a leaet entitled Ideological foundations of the Ravna Gora Movement,
which was copied and distributed among prisoners. Apparently, the text re-
ferred to the organisation of a new state that would replace the communist
Yugoslavia. He was also an informal leader of the convicts originating from
the YHA.
66
Te penitentiary kept a personal le for each prisoner. From
Djurovis le one can nd that during his time in isolation he was addi-
63
64
Ibid. 3037.
65
Djurovi, Razmiljanje o smrti, 1920.
66
Opinion on Djurovi by Duan Milenovi dispatched to the Administration of State
Security (UDB) of Serbia, 18 Dec. 1959. AKPDSM, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi.
Balcanica XLIII 296
tionally punished seven times by bans on visits and food packages, and four
times more sent to a solitary cell for a period of 714 days. Since he received
three out of the eleven punishments in 1948, it is clear that it was the year of
his most intensive activity and, also, that the administration of the peniten-
tiary was particularly sensitive to all his undertakings in that period.
Life under special punitive conditions and isolation in the peniten-
tiary seriously aected Djurovis health. From the end of 1948 he faced car-
diac problems, and from 1950 he had serious problems with haemorrhoids
and also suered from chronic intestinal catarrh. His wife Ana appealed
to all possible authorities, including President Josip Broz Tito, to permit
her husband to have a haemorrhoids operation. By the time he underwent
the operation, in 1951, his condition had deteriorated badly, causing a se-
vere blood loss. Te penitentiary administration obstructed the surgery for
a long while, but Djurovi was nally sent to a civilian hospital in Sremska
Mitrovica, and this probably saved his life. He also suered from cardiac
arrhythmia, but the administration repeatedly refused to grant the appeal of
his wife from January 1955 to give permission to a physician from Belgrade
to examine Djurovi. In May, the warden refused again to grant the appeal,
and stated that in case the Ministry of Interiors had an opposite opinion,
a doctor would be permitted to come from Belgrade to examine Djurovi,
albeit at his wifes expense.
67
Finally, in October 1955, a prison doctor sug-
gested that Djurovi should be examined in Belgrade.
In January 1960, the Penitentiary allowed another haemorrhoids op-
eration in the hospital of the Central Prison in Belgrade. He was operated
and treated in that hospital from 18 January until 11 February 1960. As
his health deteriorated further, he was sent to the Central Prison hospital
again in December 1960 for the treatment of haemorrhoids and cardiac
problems, with a word of caution in capital letters by the person in charge of
keeping his personal le in Sremska Mitrovica, warning that Djurovi was
inclined to escape.
68
Djurovi remained in hospital from 28 December 1960
to 15 February 1961. He was sent to the same hospital for two more treat-
ments, in April and May 1960, and with the same warning.
69
Tese sudden
repeated permissions for the medical treatment of Djura Djurovi should
be attributed to international pressure exerted through the Red Cross and
other international actors. Tey also show that Djurovis health severely
67
Letter of Duan Milenovi to the Ministry of Interior of Serbia, 23 May 1955.
AKPDSM, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi.
68
Letter of Zvonko Renelj, ocer for personal les, to the Central Prison hospital,
dated 27 Dec. 1960,.AKPDSM, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi.
69
Letters of Zvonko Renelj, ocer for personal les, to the Central Prison hospital,
dated 4 Apr. and 9 May 1961. AKPDSM, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi.
deteriorated as a result of years of neglect. International pressure also forced
Yugoslav communist authorities in 1959 and 1960 to temporarily end the
practice in Sremska Mitrovica of mixing political prisoners and criminals,
although political prisoners could still be mixed with criminals as a punish-
ment.
70
From 22 September 1953 until 14 June 1959, he worked in a group
room and he worked in limited scope in the building department. He was
again under everyday observation both by the penitentiary administration
and by the secret services. In order to humiliate him after his collective
isolation ended in 1953, Djurovi was given a task to straighten up nails
in an open shed. Many convicts found an excuse to pass by the shed to see
Djurovi and greet him, and noses noted down every one of them.
71
Te warden of the penitentiary at Sremska Mitrovica, Duan
Milenovi, noted in his report of 9 December 1958 that Djurovis activi-
ties abated after 1953; but he also added that, he remains strongly hostile
to socialism even today.
72
After a break in the almost six years of ruthless
maltreatment, Djurovi was singled out, in June 1959, as one of a special
group of convicts for his hostile stance and for his active hostile activities.
In a report by a UDBA ocial dated 10 July 1959, Djurovi is assessed as
a person who belongs among the organisers and initiators of hostile activ-
ity, especially among convicts-chetniks, with a remark that a whole book
in dozens of pages could be written on his hostile activities. It is stated that
upon his arrival to the prison he formed a close circle of chetniks that he
personally headed, and also that he headed hostile activities among other
chetniks.
73
He was particularly reprimanded for his role as the organiser of a
two-day hunger strike on 2829 March 1959. Djurovi and the Ravna Gora
Centre organised the hunger strike as a reaction to the treatment of Duan
Glumac, a convict who was beaten by a guard. Warden Milenovi did not
hide in his report to the UDBA of Serbia of December 1959 that Duan
Glumac, convicted as a Western spy was beaten with a club by an ocer.
74

On 28 March, the strikers turned back bread with a note that they were on
strike. On the rst day of strike, 117 political convicts returned food, and
70
71
Ibid. 54.
72
Warden of the Penitentiary of Sremska Mitrovica to the Supreme Military Court, 9
Dec. 1958, No. 6343/58.
73
Assessment of Dj. Djurovi by UDBA ocer Dragoljub Peri, written 10 July 1959.
AKPDSM, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi.
74
Opinion on Djurovi by Duan Milenovi dispatched to the Administration of State
Security (UDBA) of Serbia, dated 18 Dec. 1959. AKPDSM, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi.
Balcanica XLIII 298
on the second day, 127. Most of them were former YHA members. On this
occasion, Moljevis group joined Djurovi in this hunger strike. All the
persons considered as organisers of the strike were punished by solitary con-
nement, and they included: Dr. Djurovi, Bogdan Kreki, Vojin Andri,
Andra Lonari, Bogoljub Tatarovi and Ilija Stefanovi.
75
Te hunger strike again singled out Djurovi as the informal leader
of resistance of the YHA group in the penitentiary. Terefore the UDBA
ocer concluded: On the basis of what we have reported above and on the
basis of the other materials that we have on Djurovi, we assert that Djuro
still remains an unshaken enemy element and that he will ght against the
achievements of our Revolution at every opportunity.
76
Te hunger strike incident of 1959 was particularly upsetting for the
administration of the penitentiary. Tere is a note in Djurovis personal le
that he incited convicts not to receive food, and did it both personally and
through other convicts. Terefore, on 5 April, he was punished by two-week
solitary connement, and by a two-month ban on visits and a three-month
ban on receiving packages. Tis was the rst and only case during his impris-
onment that he was forbidden from receiving packages and having visits for
a period longer than a month. Altogether, Djurovi spent twenty-four and
a half months in solitary connement, of which twenty-three months con-
tinuously (19481950), once for two weeks (March 1959), once for twelve
days (April 1948), and twice for one week (September 1953 and January
1955). Te last disciplinary punishment was imposed on him in June 1960.
He got a one-month ban on receiving mails and packages because he sup-
ported a group of Albanians that were making trouble while walking laps.
During his imprisonment in Sremska Mitrovica he was one of key
gures to all convicts that came from the ranks of the YHA. Another was
Dr. Stevan Moljevi. Te two of them created two subgroups of former
YHA members. Moljevi believed in the imminent fall of communism and
arrival of Western allies who would liberate Yugoslavia. Djurovi grew more
realistic with time and no longer expected drastic changes. In accordance
with his expectations, Moljevi suggested to all convicts to sabotage all ac-
tivities organised by the penitentiary, such as lm screenings, prison theatre
performances, prison school etc. Djurovi had the opposite opinion.
77
He
thought that convicts should use their time in the penitentiary to acquire all
kinds of knowledge and skills they could get. Dr. Moljevi also underwent a
terrible ordeal in prison and various forms of humiliations. He had serious
75
76
Assessment of Dj. Djurovi by UDBA ocer Dragoljub Peri, written 10 July 1959.
77
Radomir Miloevi eda, Zakasneli raport kapetana ede. Hronika jedne srpske sudbine
(Belgrade: Interprint, 1996), 146148.
health problems in 1956, was diagnosed with a colon cancer the following
year, operated in Belgrade and promptly returned to the prison in Srem-
ska Mitrovica. He died on 15 November 1959.
78
After Moljevis death,
Djurovi remained the uncontested informal leader of all prisoners related
to the YHA.
Te construction of the new communist man
Djurovi observed that, contrary to the prison practice of the Kingdom of
Yugoslavia, where sentenced communists were treated as political prison-
ers and were allowed to read, translate, paint and buy food from nearby
villages, in communist prisons nothing of the kind was allowed. Further-
more, the prisons of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia had no intention to change
the prisoners political convictions. Te practice of communist prisons was
quite dierent. As Djurovi observed: Te construction of the naw man
was not only the job of prisons, since not only convicts were opponents of
the new order; a huge mass of the population throughout Yugoslavia was
in opposition.
79
Milovan Djilas, in his Stalinist period, called this prac-
tice, in the style of Nikolai Ostrovski, the forging of the new man. In
the penitentiary at Sremska Mitrovica, this forging was carried out by two
highest-ranking persons: the warden (during the entire period of Djurovis
incarceration, it was Duan Milenovi) and his deputy. Djurovi was in a
particularly unfavourable position since the long-time deputy warden was
Miloljub Toroman, a teacher before the Second World War. Most of his
family members had been killed in the clashes with the YHA, and he came
from the same village as Djurovi. Te two of them knew each other and
had spoken on many occasions before the war.
With this background, it is hardly surprising that Toroman either was
given the task or arrived himself at the idea to gather evidence on Djurovi
that would lead to his second trial. He was particularly irritated by the fact
that Djurovi was a major organiser of various activities among convicts in
1947 and 1948. Both Miloevi and Djurovi claim that Toroman tried to
recruit the hairdresser Milovan Djurdjevi for his plan. Djurdjevi had a
little daughter and was threatened with not being able to see her ever again
if he refused to co-operate by placing the blame for the organisation of all
sabotages and strikes in the prison on Djurovi. Djurdjevi, however, held
Djurovi in high esteem and they had become quite close, which threw him
into a great moral dilemma. He accepted to co-operate with the prison ad-
ministration, but he could not bring himself to betray Djurovi. He found
78
Raji, Srpski pakao, 367380.
79
Balcanica XLIII 300
the only way out by committing suicide. Toroman boasted that Djurovi
saved his head once but that he would not be able to do it again. Yet, the
whole plan failed in the end.
80
Perhaps Toroman would have continued in
the same direction, but the shift in Yugoslav foreign policy, increasingly pro-
Western in the early 1950s, made a new trial politically inconvenient.
After this failure, there were other plans to crush the resistance of
convicts and force them into accepting the communist order. In Djurovis
view, Toromans plan was to recruit spies from the ranks of political convicts
while they still were serving their sentences. Upon their release, they would
enjoy the status of martyrs in anticommunist circles, and as such would be in
a position to collect information from unsuspecting reactionary elements.
One of the noses, however, conded to other convicts that he had had to
sign a written obligation that he would be a lifelong informer of the UDBA,
informing on everyone, including his family. Te word spread fast and made
it more dicult for Toroman to recruit new spies. To counter Toromans ef-
fort, in the autumn of 1945 the former YHA members around Djurovi set
up the so-called Ravna Gora Centre in the penitentiary.
81
Te centre helped
fellow suerers in an organised way, especially those who could not receive
packages. Tose who received packages agreed to share a part of what they
received with those who received nothing. Djurovi remembered solidarity
as one of the best pages of the history of our imprisonment.
82
Since Milan
L. Raji belonged to Moljevis group, he made no mention of this centre
in his memoirs.
Toromans plan did not work well and he resorted to a new method.
Djurovi claims that this new method of Toromans was as follows: a con-
vict ordered to strip down to his underwear would be left for two, three
or four days in a unheated solitary cell during cold months; the cold pre-
vented him from falling asleep and after two or three days of such torture,
he would be faced with another such exposure and consequent pneumonia
or tuberculosis. Te fear induced by general terror led several convicts to
commit suicide.
83
Yet, optimism and strongly emphasised faithfulness to
old ideals was the dominant note among the political convicts.
84
In another
place Djurovi remarked: to be so crushed and yet to believe that it all
was temporary is really incomprehensible. Perhaps it is our Kosovo [Battle]
80
Miloevi, Zakasneli raport, 133135.
81
82
Ibid. 94.
83
Ibid. 4144.
84
Ibid. 46.
commitment that makes a victory out of defeat and endures hoping not for
a decade but for centuries.
85
Upon the end of isolation in 1953, the penitentiary administration
planned to stir up division among the convicts. In June 1954, all political
convicts (i.e. not only former YHA members, but also former supporters
of Stalin), were summoned to the prison cultural centre. In front of them,
a convict who had accepted to work for the UDBA attacked Dr. Djurovi
and Dr. Moljevi. He claimed that it was their responsibility that political
convicts were still in prison, because these two headmen lulled themselves
into a false hope that actions of the United States and Yugoslav emigra-
tion would cause the existing order to collapse. When the convict-informer
asked the other convicts to shout after him Long live the leader of our peo-
ple Comrade Tito!, only an ex-Stalinist joined, and the show soon ended
with no result.
86
Te next method was to nd what they called reformed persons
(Serb. revidirci) among the convicts. Tose who chose to improve them-
selves by revising their stance would become reformed persons. Tey were
allocated a room in each building where they could meet and discuss plans
for the future. A convict who was close to becoming reformed, but even-
tually refused to carry it through, revealed to the others that the reformed
persons had to write down a confession that would include hitherto un-
known details of their wartime past; in other words, they had to make some
self-accusations that would prove their reformed status. Djurovi claims
that these self-accusations led to further arrests, because they had disclosed
some new details to the UDBA. Te reformed enjoyed some privileges.
Tey were given new clothes, and became labour overseers and inmate over-
seers. However, the Ravna Gora Centre, in Djurovis words, was able to
resist this action. Radomir Miloevi adds in his memoirs that noses and
reformed persons were often very useful for the convicts as well, since they
were willing to do small favours to other convicts. Miloevi also remarked
that there were almost no reformed persons among peasants and workers,
but mostly among intellectuals.
87

Release and surveillance by the UDBA/SDB
His wife Ana Djurovi ne Paligori (19071994) proved to be a person of
great determination and dedication. She committed herself fully to the ef-
85
Ibid. 124.
86
Ibid. 6164.
87
Balcanica XLIII 302
fort to alleviate the hardship of her husbands imprisonment, and she went
through an ordeal herself. When she refused to sign divorce papers pre-
sented to her by the OZNA and to become an informer, her name was
removed from the list of persons with the right to vote by court decision.
Subsequently, the UDBA attempted to drive her out of Belgrade, to Svr-
ljig, a small place in south-east Serbia. Encouraging wives to divorce their
imprisoned husbands was not an exception, but the routine practice of the
OZNA, which wanted to make the life of all political convicts as bad as
possible.
Te UDBAs plan was to be realised through the Commissariat for
Internal Aairs of the 1st District of Belgrade. Tis body decided on 31Au-
gust 1949 to sentence Ana Djurovi to ve days in prison and six-month
exile in Svrljig. Te decision was justied by the claim that Mrs. Djurovi
was jobless and allegedly avoiding work. From her appeal, one nds out
that she worked in the trade company Vetserum from December 1948
until 31 July 1949, when she was notied of dismissal as of 31 August.
88
Her appeal was eventually granted and a new battle began, since the
UDBA could always expel her under the same pretext of her being jobless,
and she could nd no employment exactly because the UDBA saw that she
did not. Fortunately, the wife of Radomir Miloevi, Olga, gave her a job at
her fashion tailor shop in Hilandarska St., and she later worked in a book-
store. Ana could barely eke out a living for herself, but still she managed to
send packages to her husband regularly.
89
She also fought a long and persistent legal battle by sending appeals
to various state bodies requesting a reduction of her husbands sentence. By
decision of the Federal Executive Council of Yugoslavia (Yugoslav Federal
Government) No. 2255, on the Day of the Republic, 29 November 1958,
after thirteen years in prison, Djurovi was granted two years sentence re-
duction, from twenty to eighteen years. Even after fourteen and a half years
of serving his sentence, the administration of the penitentiary, particularly
the warden, were convinced that Djurovis sentence should not be reduced
any further: Djurovi has remained an unswerving enemy of all results of
our revolution. Terefore he does not deserve to be released.
90
Her last
appeal for her husband to be released on probation was rejected in January
88
Appeal of Ana Djurovi to the Commissariat of Internal Aairs dated 7 September.
A copy is in the authors possession.
89
Djurovi, Razmiljanje o smrti, 10; Miloevi, Zakasneli raport, 140.
90
Opinion on Djurovi by Duan Milenovi dispatched to the Administration of Pub-
lic Security (UDBA) of Serbia, 18 Dec. 1959. AKPDSM, 02 No. 6343/59.
1962 by the Supreme Military Court.
91
Fortunately for Djurovi, amnesty
was soon implemented. Te State Commission of the Peoples Republic of
Serbia for the implementation of the Amnesty Law enacted on 13 March
1962 unanimously decided, at its session of 30 March, that in the case of Dr.
Djura Djurovi all conditions for amnesty were fullled.
Djurovi had been arrested on 8 June 1945 and was released on 2
April 1962, almost seventeen years later. He again became an inhabitant of
Belgrade, a communist capital with a well-organised secret service network.
During this period of freedom under surveillance, from April 1962 until
November 1973, he continued to advocate values of Western democracies,
to criticise the Yugoslav communist regime within the circle of friends that
he still had, and to maintain contact with YHA-related former convicts, with
political emigrants in France and the United States, and with likeminded
individuals in Belgrade. He also had contacts with some circles in the West
through the remnants of Belgrade Masonic lodges that continued to organ-
ise gatherings. Djurovis martyrdom in the prison was a well-known fact in
Belgrade bourgeois circles where Djurovi where was looked upon with re-
spect and admiration. His opposition to communism and his pro-Western
and pro-American stance were also well known. Terefore, meeting with
Djurovi, or even only greeting him in public could have been interpreted
as an act hostile to Yugoslav communism. Yet, the Yugoslav communist re-
gime created such a wide range of real and imagined enemies that non-re-
formed former convicts, pre-war politicians and anticommunist members
of pre-war Belgrade freemasonry immediately gathered around Djurovi in
spite of all challenges that their contact with him could cause.
A UDBA report to the minister of Interior of the Peoples Republic
Serbia, dated 2 November 1962, lists his main friends. Among them were:
the prominent freemason and barrister Boa Pavlovi, the lawyer Dr. Vojin
Andri and the engineer ivojin Velikovi (both released together with
Djurovi), the pre-war socialist journalist Bogdan Kreki (pre-war MP for
the Democratic Party), the barristers Ljubia Trifunovi and Aleksandar
Popovi, ex-Captain of the YHA Miodrag Stojanovi, YHA Major Milo
Radojlovi, YHA Captains Radomir Miloevi and ivojin Lazi, the law-
yer Dr. Todor Perovi, the theologian Dobrivoje Utevi, and the former
cabinet minister Kosta Kumanudi. All of them, apart from Pavlovi, were
former convicts. He also kept contact with Dr. Milan Proti, former direc-
tor of the National Bank of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and minister in
the government of Dragia Cvetkovi. Djurovi was also in contact with
persons from the Patriarchate of the Serbian Orthodox Church and with
91
Decision by Colonel Miloje Topisirovi KVL No. 1/62, 31 Jan. 1962. A copy is in the
authors possession.
Balcanica XLIII 304
persons outside the capital, particularly from Novi Sad, aak, Kragujevac,
Sombor etc. He also kept close contact with Serbs employed with the US
embassy in Belgrade and also had contacts in the French, US and some
other embassies. A UDBA ocer observed that Djurovi was able, in a very
short time, to establish contacts with his acquaintances from the ranks of
Belgrade bourgeoisie, intellectuals, and especially from the ranks of former
convicts.
92
Te personal le of Djurovi preserved in the UDBA and SDB was
in 2010 transferred to the Archives of Serbia. It contains some 424 pages.
Only ve days after his release the rst report was submitted to the UDBA
by osi, and as soon as 3 July the head of the 2nd Department of the
UDBA Belgrade branch placed a ban on issuance of a passport to Djurovi.
Tis ban was extended on 1 November 1968, upon a note by the SDB
ocer B. Nedeljkovi of September 1967 assessing that Djurovi would
not return to the country in case he was granted a passport. He was under
surveillance during his private conversations, and in many of his visits to
restaurants. His correspondence was under constant surveillance that began
immediately after his release and was renewed in October 1967 by the de-
cision of the Secretariat (Ministry) of Interior of the Socialist Republic of
Serbia.
93
His at was bugged and he seemed to be aware of it since he made
all important conversations outside of his apartment.
94
He was also aware
that his correspondence was under surveillance since some letters were sent
but never reached him.
From the personal le of Djurovi one nds out that the Yugoslav
secret service was able to recruit a considerable number of informers from
the ranks of former convicts. Obviously, the original idea to recruit noses in
the penitentiary who would become informers once they were set free bore
fruit. Four persons spied on Djurovi and submitted written reports to the
UDBA. Teir code names are osi, Kuzman (UDBA No. 572), Os-
kar (UDBA No. 596), and Lale (UDBA No. 611). It is obvious from the
reports that osi , Kuzman and Oskar were former convicts of the
Sremska Mitrovica penitentiary who enjoyed Djurovis trust, since he saw
them as his fellow suerers. Oskar is also known to have been born in the
village of Velika Drenova, and a plumber by occupation.
95
Oskar became
92
AS, Fond OZNA/UDBA, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi, pp. 9699.
93
AS, Fond OZNA/UDBA, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi, pp. 89, 95, 220 and 226.
94
Report by Oskar, 23 May 1967. AS, Fond OZNA/UDBA, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi,
p. 200.
95
AS, Fond OZNA/UDBA, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi, pp. 128 and 210. Djurovi also
thought of asking his friends from the US Embassy in Belgrade to employ Oskar as a
plumber at the Embassy. Report by Oskar, 21 Nov. 1966.
so close to Djurovi that Djurovi invited him to spend summer vacations
with him in 1967, and insisted that he would not go unless Oskar agreed
to come with him.
96
Djurovis condence in Oskar was fatal. It led to his second arrest
six years later, since Oskar gathered valuable information for the SDB that
was later used to construct Djurovis second trial. On 29 April 1967, Os-
kar informed Djurovi that he had been issued a passport, and Djurovi de-
cided to send him to Paris to visit Andra Lonari, a person who had been
close to Djurovi during his imprisonment in Sremska Mitrovica. Lonari
was known to be inclined to organise violent actions against Yugoslav com-
munists. Djurovi provided Oskar with a password that would convince
Lonari that he had been sent by Djurovi. He also advised him to be very
careful in Paris, since the UDBA had inltrated into many migr circles.
Ten Djurovi sent a letter to Lonari, pretending to be a female acquain-
tance of his, announcing that Lonari would have a visitor in mid-June.
Te letter came into the possession of the SDB.
97
Tere is no information
in Djurovis le on what exactly happened in Paris, but Oskar remained
his friend and, after a short break in the second half of 1967, he continued
to submit reports on Djurovi.
Djurovis activities were observed also by UDBA local branches and
even by the UDBA for Macedonia in January 1968. Overall, there are three
reports by osi (two from April 1962, and one from December 1963),
fourteen by Kuzman (from February 1964 to January 1969), twenty by
Oskar (from November 1964 to May 1971), and three by Lale (two from
April 1968, and one from April 1971). In other words, some forty reports
submitted in a nine-year period. Tere are also dozens of reports by UDBA
ocials based on the information supplied by these four informers, reports
by other informers and the recorded conversations he had in his at.
Like other former convicts, Djurovi tried to nd employment, but
the UDBA made sure that it did not happen. Te experience of his friend
and associate, former YHA Captain, Radomir Miloevi nicknamed eda,
was very much the same. He was released from Sremska Mitrovica on 30
December 1958, after fourteen years of imprisonment. He spoke three for-
eign languages, a skill that was quite sought-after in Belgrade at the time.
Yet, no one dared employ him. He nally applied to a job as a translator
for the US embassy in Belgrade and was admitted in 1959. Since Djurovi
had the same problem, Miloevi arranged for him to translate for the US
embassy, but under his wifes or someone elses name, which was approved
96
Report by Oskar to SDB, 12 Apr. 1967. AS, Fond OZNA/UDBA, Pers. le of Dj.
Djurovi, pp. 190192.
97
AS, Fond OZNA/UDBA, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi, pp. 193 and 200201.
Balcanica XLIII 306
by Miloevis chief at the embassy, Benson. Djurovi was also engaged as
a translator by many of his friends. It is known from Miloevis memoirs
that Djurovi translated four books from the Dr. Dolittle series for a well-
known Serbian publisher (Deje novine). Te publishers legal representa-
tive was ivota Lazi, an YHA sympathiser,
98
and he arranged for Djurovi
to translate Dr. Dolittle, but under Miloevis name.
99
Also, considered the
informal leader of the YHA in Serbia, Djurovi received occasional nan-
cial support from several emigrants.
During the period of eleven and a half years between two impris-
onments, the UDBA (renamed SDB/State Security Agency, in 1964) sur-
rounded not only Djurovi but also his associates and friends with a net-
work of agents. It was less than sympathetic to the aection that some of
his friends had for him. Terefore, its agents openly told Radomir Miloevi
that he would get a passport if he stopped socialising with Djurovi. Howev-
er, they remained friends, and Miloevi mentions that they and their wives
travelled together around the country and went to the seaside once.
100
Te UDBA also inltrated into the circles of freemasons in Bel-
grade through the Belgrade lodge and the Yugoslav lodge. Tese were
the surviving remnants of pre-war Belgrade freemasonry. As early as the
mid 1950s, members of these lodges began to send reports to freemasons
and distinguished emigrants in the West, with the aim to criticise Yugoslav
authorities in political circles of Western democracies. From 1956, the Yu-
goslav lodge took the lead, headed by Vojislav Palji, a pre-war judge, and
Boidar Pavlovi, a barrister. Te two of them kept contact with American
freemasons. On the recommendation of Palji and Pavlovi, Dr. Djurovi
prepared a special report addressed to Luther Smith, Sovereign Grand
Commander of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite Southern Jurisdic-
98
Belgrade barrister and bibliophile ivota Lazi (19272010) kept at his home ve
typewritten works of Dr. Djurovi. One of these, Reections on Death, ends with
Djurovis handwritten dedication to Lazi and his heirs to use it when circumstances
permit. Advokat koji je poklonio sedam kamiona knjiga [A barrister who donated
seven trucks of books], Politika, 5 Nov. 2011.
99
Miloevi, Zakasneli raport, 168274, mentions that Djurovi translated four books
from Hugh Loftings Dr. Dolittle series under his name. I have been able to nd three:
Hju Lofting, Doktor Dulitl ZOO [trans. Radomir Miloevi] (Gornji Milanovac: Deje
novine, 1979); Doktor Dulitl vrt [tr. Radomir Miloevi] (Gornji Milanovac: Deje no-
vine, 1979); and Putovanje doktora Dulitla [tr. Radomir Miloevi] (Gornji Milanovac:
Deje novine, 1981). Tere is yet another book with the nicest true stories from the
Wild West translated for Deje novine under Miloevis name: Najlepe istinite prie
Divljeg Zapada (Gornji Milanovac: Deje novine, 1981).
100
tion in Washington.
101
Pavlovi died in early 1967, before Djurovi com-
pleted the report. At least two versions of the report have survived.
102
It was
written in or immediately after 1967, since Boidar Pavlovi is referred to
as late, and it also mentions the text accompanying the Order of Merit
awarded posthumously to General Mihailovi by US president Harry Tru-
man in April 1948. Since the United States did not disclose the existence of
this award and text until 1967, this is the earliest date the report could have
been written.
103
Te report came into the possession of the SDB, and was
used as evidence against Djurovi in 1973.
In spite of its well-developed network surrounding Djurovi, the
UDBA/SDB was only partially successful. Namely, some of Djurovis re-
ports did reach the Western world, including the report to Luther Smith,
other reports reached Paris, and some of his writings were preserved by his
friends in Serbia. However, the UDBA/SDBs greatest failure in coping
with Djurovi was its complete inability to undermine his considerable in-
uence on former convicts from the YHA ranks.
Djurovis tactical and political considerations
Reports by SDB informers reveal only a part of Djurovis tactical and po-
litical considerations. It should be borne in mind that he was very careful
and that he kept even the most successful among informers, Kuzman
and Oskar, only partially informed. Besides, the main informer, Oskar,
was certainly far below Djurovis education and it is highly unlikely that
Djurovi shared complicated concepts with him. Terefore, the preserved
reports certainly oer a somewhat distorted picture of Djurovis activities
and considerations, but they still provide some insights.
Djurovi believed that ex-convicts and other anticommunists should
stay in Yugoslavia and organise activities rather than leave the country. He
apparently had channels to leave through emigration and was encouraged
101
In 1983 Boko Matis article titled Masons in the journal published by the Min-
istry of Interior of Serbia demonstrates how deep was the coverage of both Masonic
lodges in Belgrade by UDBA/SDB. At the same time it shows that the SDB did not
have quite reliable data. For instance, Mati attributes the authorship of the book Titos
dungeons in Yugoslavia to Djura Djurovi. Tis book was published under a pseudonym,
Jastreb Oblakovi, but its real author was Milan L. Raji, another ex-prisoner of Srem-
ska Mitrovica. Boko Mati, Masoni, Bezbednost 1 (1983), 7092.
102
One was in the late ivota Lazis private collection and now is in the authors pos-
session, and the other is in Djurovis personal le of UDBA/SDB. Tey slightly dier
in detail.
103
Gregory A. Freeman, Te Forgotten 500: the untold story of the men who risked all for the
greatest rescue mission of World War II (New York: Nal Caliber, 2008), 271.
Balcanica XLIII 308
by some Americans to do that, but he never tried to use these channels.
He spoke along these lines with his friends and succeeded in dissuading
engineer Velikovi from leaving,
104
and certainly inuenced the decision of
some other hesitant anticommunists to stay in Yugoslavia. From his friends
and associates who stayed in the country he formed some sort of a new
Ravna Gora circle. He thought that it was very important to keep this circle
vigilant and prepared in case of a favourable twist of circumstances. He ex-
pected that he would be consulted on the new government if communism
began to collapse.
105
To make some of his less educated associates more operative, he
spared no time clarifying to them the meaning of terms such as democracy,
dictatorship and totalitarianism. For instance, he gave such lessons to his as-
sociate Zagorka Koji-Stojanovi, who was his typist and whose apartment
was apparently also wired.
106
He was encouraged in his expectations by some political develop-
ments in communist Yugoslavia, such as, for instance, the downfall of Alek-
sandar Rankovi in 1966. Rankovi had been in charge of the Yugoslav
secret service network since its inception in 1944 and therefore was particu-
larly disliked by political convicts. Moreover, Djurovi thought of him as
being a pro-Soviet man and of Josip Broz as pro-American and, therefore,
although an opponent of both, he preferred Yugoslav dictator Josip Broz.
From 1968, when Josip Broz turned seventy-six, he expected that he would
die within a year or two and that his death would cause chaos.
107
Djurovi
and other ex-convicts carefully followed occasional activities of former Yu-
goslav supporters of Stalin and were fearful of what might happen if they
came to power in Yugoslavia. In this regard, Djurovi considered the Yugo-
slav breakaway from the Russians in 1948/49 as the life achievement of
Josip Broz.
108
He carefully followed Cold-War disputes between the Soviet Union
and the United States, hoping that the US would break with the Soviets.
During the Cuban Missile Crisis, Djurovi and some other followers of the
104
Report by Kuzman, 7 Feb. 1967. AS, Fond OZNA/UDBA, Pers. le of Dj.
Djurovi, p. 186.
105
Report by Kuzman, 19 Sept. 1967. AS, Fond OZNA/UDBA, Pers. le of Dj.
Djurovi, p. 224.
106
Ocial minutes by SDB ocer Lj. Ljubii, dated 21 March 1968. AS, Fond
OZNA/UDBA, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi, p. 248.
107
Report by Oskar, 8 Apr. 1968. AS, Fond OZNA/UDBA, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi,
p. 253.
108
Report by Oskar, 14 May 1970. AS, Fond OZNA/UDBA, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi,
pp. 287288.
YHA thought of moving to Topola, a town in central Serbia, to the house
of the former military judge from the YHA ranks Gradimir Ciganovi, in
order to hide themselves there until circumstances permit them to renew
their activities.
109
Djurovi saw the United States of America as the only possible for-
eign-policy ally of Ravna Gora and other anticommunist circles. In May
1967, encouraged by the April events in Greece, where a military junta
took power, Djurovi expected that American military bases could be used
to help the downfall of communism in Yugoslavia.
110
He also had hopes
that major changes would happen in Czechoslovakia and Poland in 1968,
and he noticed a rise of nationalism in the countries of the Soviet bloc and
hoped this would open possibilities for more action. In April 1968, however,
he became aware that there was no Western (American) support for any
big action against the Yugoslav regime.
111
Student protests in 1968 encour-
aged him to contemplate organising a formal opposition group, but he was
not fully condent that its potential members would be loyal.
112
He also
came to believe that there was an agreement between the United States and
communist Yugoslavia, particularly in case of Soviet invasion, and that the
Americans would defend Yugoslavia if such scenario happened.
113
His most prominent activities included writing his own report for
American freemasons in 1967, and helping Bogdan Kreki to compile a
socialist report for French and Belgian socialists, and particularly for Guy
Mollet, former Prime Minister of France. At the beginning of 1969, the
SDB undertook all security measures aimed at identifying channels by
which Djurovi sent materials abroad,
114
but was not fully successful in this
endeavour. Djurovi carefully followed the economic situation in Yugosla-
via, statistical data, and the disposition of young people, and he continued to
write reports until the moment he was arrested for the second time.
109
Ocial minutes by SDB ocer B. Nedeljkovi, 23 May 1967. AS, Fond OZNA/
UDBA, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi, pp. 202203.
110
Report by Kuzman, 6 May 1967. AS, Fond OZNA/UDBA, Pers. le of Dj.
Djurovi, p. 195.
111
Report by Lale, 12 Apr. 1968. AS, Fond OZNA/UDBA, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi,
p. 255.
112
Report by Oskar, 10 June 1968. AS, Fond OZNA/UDBA, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi,
p. 263.
113
Reports by Oskar, 14 May 1970 and 3 Nov. 1970. AS, Fond OZNA/UDBA, Pers.
le of Dj. Djurovi, pp. 288 and 296.
114
Ocial minutes by Lj. Ljubii, SDB ocer, 19 Feb. 1969. AS, Fond OZNA/
UDBA, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi, p. 276.
Balcanica XLIII 310
New arrest and new trial
In September 1974, the Yugoslav communist regime staged a new trial of
Dr. Djura Djurovi. Te trial is important for the analysis of the state of the
judiciary in the communist Yugoslavia of the time, and it is also a good in-
dicator of the increased level of authoritarianism of the Yugoslav state in the
1970s. Lack of legal knowledge and insuciently careful analysis of the pre-
served documents may lead historians dealing with repression to unreliable
conclusions.
115
Criticism of legal sources is not possible without knowledge
of both Yugoslav communist penal law and practices implemented in pro-
ceedings in the eld of penal law in the SFRY. Te trial of Djura Djurovi
oers a valuable insight into legal practice, since the text of the verdict may
be compared with an independent report prepared for the Amnesty Inter-
national by Prof. Christiaan Frederik Rter from Amsterdam.
In early November 1973, the District Court of Belgrade received
anonymously mailed texts attributed to Dr. Djura Djurovi. Tey were
passed on to the UDBA. On 22 November 1973, Dr. Djurovi and Zagorka
Stojanovi were arrested. Te Secretary for Internal Aairs (Minister of
Interior) of Serbia sent a letter mentioning Djurovis and Stojanovis
connections with the SOPO (Srpski omladinski pokret oslobodjenja/Serbian
Youth Liberation Movement)
116
and with Andrija Lonari, a Serbian emi-
grant who had served his sentence and was pardoned at the same time as
Djurovi. On 10 March 1969, Lonari was killed in Paris, in an SDB-
organised action. He is widely believed to have been an organiser of the
SOPO, although not even today is there a clear picture of how big and
operative this organisation was, and Prof. Rter was not even sure if the
SOPO had ever existed.
Tere indeed was some secret communication between Djurovi and
Lonari, particularly in 196768 and, as we have seen, Djurovi even sent
his friend, the ex-political convict Oskar, to meet with Lonari in 1967.
However, Djurovi was essentially opposed to Lonaris strategy, since the
latter believed that the struggle against the communist regime should be led
by emigrants, whereas Djurovi gave preference to the building and main-
tenance of an anticommunist network in Yugoslavia, which should be used
to take power in Yugoslavia once the United States entered into an open
conict with the Yugoslav regime. Djurovi was also opposed to any violent
action against Yugoslav communists and considered that the remnants of
the Ravna Gora Movement had to dier in this respect from ustasha mi-
115
An obvious exception is the memoirs of Dimitrije Djordjevi, who was well aware
of the perverted practice of Yugoslav communist courts and who vividly described how
justice was ridiculed in these courts.
116
SOPO is believed to have been established in late 1966.
grs, who amply used terrorist methods. Tis means that Djurovis position
was moderate and actually opposed to what Lonari was doing. Te SDB
had information on all of this.
117
Terefore, the charges against him were
fabricated. Tey concerned something that the SDB had been fully aware
of for some six years, and Oskar must have submitted oral and written
reports to the SDB on his visit to Paris in June 1967. Besides, by the time
the prosecutor pressed charges against Djurovi, Lonari had already been
dead for more than four years. Terefore, Djurovis contact with Lonari
was only a pretext for a case against him. Te real reason was the crisis of
Yugoslav communism, the rise of nationalism in Croatia and elsewhere in
Yugoslavia, and the resulting fear of the Yugoslav dictator Josip Broz and
some of his associates in 197274 that their position might be jeopardised.
As a result, in that period all possible enemies were arrested and tried.
Te Oce of the Public Prosecutor waited for the maximum dura-
tion of detention to expire, including permitted extensions. Only on the day
when the detention had to be terminated legally (21 May 1974 or, in other
words, six months after the arrest) did the Prosecutors Oce press charges.
Djurovi and Stojanovi were incriminated for participating in hostile ac-
tivities against Yugoslavia under Article 109 of the Penal Code.
Te trial took place between 16 September and 21 October 1974. Te
Panel presided by judge Dragomir Nikoli, comprised judge Djuro Svor-
can and three lay members-jurymen (porotnici), Draga Kovaevi, Momir
Popovi and Marija Tomi. Dr. Djurovi was defended by barristers Vi-
tomir Kneevi from Belgrade,
118
and Vladimir Ivkovi from Zagreb. Te
Prosecutors Oce was represented by Deputy District Attorney Stojan
Mileti.
119
Te verdict includes statements given by Djura Djurovi. However,
Yugoslav communist courts tended to use typists only exceptionally. Tis
practice has continued in Serbia even after the fall of communism. Tere-
fore a serious researcher must take statements given by the accused with
caution, since the typist only typed down the summary made by the pre-
siding judge. Tis means that the statements attributed to Djurovi were
dictated by the judge who presided the panel, and this inevitably means that
the judge made various abridgements, shortenings and unavoidable simpli-
117
Reports by Oskar, 3 May 1967, and Kuzman, 6 May 1967; ocial minutes by
Lj. Ljubii, SDB ocer, 21 Mar. 1968. AS, Fond OZNA/UDBA, Pers. le of Dj.
Djurovi, pp. 194, 196 and 248.
118
Vitomir Kneevi, a well-known Belgrade barrister who defended the accused in
many politically motivated cases in communist Yugoslavia in the 1970s and 1980s.
119
Data have been taken from the verdict of the District Court of Belgrade, No. 485/74,
23 Oct. 1974.
Balcanica XLIII 312
cations that were self-evident to the persons present, but that make it di-
cult for a researcher to understand them several decades later. Terefore, this
and other verdicts of Yugoslav communist courts may provide a blurred and
distorted picture of what the participants in the proceedings really said.
Fortunately, the proceedings were attended by Prof. Rter,
120
who put
together a wider report for the Research Department of the Amnesty Inter-
national in London, dated 28 October. On 15 November 1974, he sent an
abridged version of the report to Secretary-General, marking it as conden-
tial and with a remark to show it rst to Yugoslav authorities in order to try
to inuence them, and to publish it only later. Prof. Rter rst approached
the Yugoslav embassy at Te Hague, and then was in Belgrade from 13 to
19 October 1974. In the Yugoslav capital, he was in contact with a col-
league, Dimitrijevi, professor of penal law at the University of Belgrade,
121

and with a Belgrade correspondent of a Dutch newspaper. Upon his ar-
rival in Belgrade, Rter had to face the fact that Western embassies refused
to give him anything that was likely to cause strained relations with Yugo-
slavia. Even the Dutch embassy refused to help him.
Still, ocials appeared in the court, but ocials of the SDB. It
was not too dicult for Rter to guess that the persons who introduced
themselves as law students, but who knew nothing about Yugoslav penal
law, were actually SDB agents. His assumption was only strengthened when
there appeared a woman who spoke English and said that she was also a
law student. Tese students showed great interest in the Amnesty Inter-
national, and even wanted to see Rters Dutch passport.
Amnesty Internationals observer places the proceedings in the con-
text of decisions made by the 20th Congress of the League of Communists
of Yugoslavia held in May 1974, which announced a showdown with all
who opposed the ocial party line. Te list included political opponents
(pro-Soviet elements, chetniks, scholars who supported a critical socialist
approach advocated by the journal Praxis, and ustashas), and opponents who
advocated separatism in the member republics. Rter assessed Djurovis
activities as harmless for the Yugoslav regime and, therefore, saw his arrest
as the result of increased measures, and criminal proceedings, against all
dissidents. He characterised Djurovi as a strong personality of great eru-
dition and substantial courage. What made a particular impression on him
120
Christiaan Frederik Rter (b. 1938), lecturer and professor of penal law at the Uni-
versity of Amsterdam (19722003).
121
Tis is probably Dr. Dragoljub Dimitrijevi who was professor at the Belgrade
University Law School, chair of the Department for Penal Law, and director of Law
Schools Institute for Criminology. Cf. Ko je ko u Jugoslaviji [Whos who in Yugoslavia]
(Belgrade: Hronometar, 1970), 205.
was Djurovis statement given at the beginning of the trial, that he was old
and therefore feared neither death nor prison.
122
On 13 March 1975, the Federal Secretariat for Internal Aairs en-
tered a translation of this report into its records, and the SDB for Serbia
did the same a day later. Rter noticed a peculiar fact. Although the state
security possessed a document considered by the Prosecutors Oce as key
evidence against Djurovi (the document concerned contacts of the ac-
cused with Lonari), the detention of Djurovi was prolonged up to the
maximum allowed period, and the prosecutor pressed charges only one day
before the legal deadline for release of the detainees. Rter compiled a chro-
nology of the trial covering pre-trial proceedings. Te chronology clearly
demonstrates that the written evidence whose authorship was attributed to
Djurovi reached the District Court of Belgrade in early November 1973.
Te District Court forwarded it to the organs of the state security, and Dr.
Djurovi and Zagorka Stojanovi were arrested on 22 November. Te pros-
ecutor submitted the indictment on 21 May 1974. Such a long detention, in
Rters opinion, was meant to reduce resistance of Mrs. Stojanovi and to
obtain her statements that would incriminate Dr. Djurovi. Rter believed
that this was the only reason why Mrs. Stojanovi had been accused at all.
Although Rter had no previous experience with court proceedings
in Yugoslavia, he easily noticed two key bizarre elements in Yugoslav ju-
dicial procedure. Te rst was that there were in the ve-man panel three
jurymen who just sat there, and that there was no stenographer, but instead
the presiding judge dictated the statements both of the prosecutor and of
the accused to a typist. Rter observed that the three jurymen did not say a
word during the entire trial, and the second professional judge said some-
thing only once. Te president of the panel directed proceedings in a very
supercial way. It was obvious that he was in a hurry. Rter also noticed
that: the presiding judge dictated into the record the decisions of the court,
the speeches of the Defence and the Prosecution, the statements of the
accused and experts statements. Rter assumed that the presiding judge,
Nikoli, acted on Party orders.
Te most relevant observations of Prof. Rter were summarised in
Section 9 of his report. He had objections to preliminary procedures and
to the circumstances under which Dr. Djurovi was arrested. From what he
witnessed and from what information he was able to gather, Rter conclud-
ed that there is a justiable doubt that the decision on Djurovis guilt had
122
Since I had at my disposal only a Serbian translation of Rters report, I was com-
pelled to translate certain quotations back into English. Terefore, the original report
sent to the Amnesty International was certainly phrased somewhat dierently, but the
quotations have the same meaning.
Balcanica XLIII 314
been made long before the proceedings began. Djurovi was not given the
chance to organise his defence properly. Te court and the presiding judge in
particular acted with bias. Te issue of Djurovis health was not suciently
taken into consideration. Te way in which the court had obtained evidence
(publications and letters) increased his fears. Te evidence had been sent to
the court in November 1973 in an anonymous letter (signed an old Yugo-
slav) from Paris. During the trial the prosecutor presented letters that had
not been presented before.
Rter specied ve problems:
1. Tere were threats the prosecutor made against the barristers, and
the presiding judge did not even give him a warning. Previously, Rter clari-
ed that, on the session of 18 October 1974 which he had attended, bar-
rister Kneevi accused the presiding judge of partiality. Reacting to this,
the prosecutor, who was very annoyed, said that Kneevi had made several
insinuations against state organs. Terefore it was not only the right of the
court but also its duty to initiate proceedings against barrister Kneevi
before a disciplinary panel of the Bar Association. Te prosecutor also said
that he himself would check if such proceedings were initiated and in case
of a negative nding he would carry it through himself.
2. Te presiding judge took on to a great extent the role of the pros-
ecutor (the prosecutor hardly participated in discussions with the barristers
since the presiding judge did it).
3. Motion to terminate detention was rejected on the grounds that
there was a danger that similar criminal acts might be repeated (in spite of
the fact that Lonari was dead and that the act for which Djurovi was ac-
cused had been committed ve years earlier).
4. Te court ignored the fact that barrister Ivkovi had to be absent
on 18 October 1974, with an explanation that the court did not have the
available time after 18 October. Later, it became obvious that there had
been the available time.
5. No attention was paid to medical reports and the proceedings con-
tinued in spite of Djurovis requests.
123
Te trial was covered not only by Western observers, but also by
Western analysts. In a 33-page typewritten report by Slobodan Stankovi
on the happenings in communist Yugoslavia in 1974, a summary of the trial
of Djurovi covers half a page. Stankovi was an analyst of a Radio Free
Europe research unit and he prepared the report for the use of editors and
123
C. F. Rter, Izvetaj o sudjenju Djuri Djuroviu i drugima pred Okrunim sudom u
Beogradu [Report on the trial of Djura Djurovi and others before the District Court
in Belgrade], 15 Nov. 1974. AS, Fond OZNA/UDBA, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi, pp.
403423.
policy sta of Radio Free Europe. Djurovi was described as a leading
member of the wartime National Committee of the Anti-Axis and Anti-
communist Resistance movement led by General Dragoljub Mihailovic.
124

Te verdict was pronounced on 23 October 1974, and both of the
accused were found guilty:
For coming into contact, in the period from 1964 to the end of 1969, with
the foreign-based chetnik organisation SOPO, through Andrija Lonari,
one of the ocials of this chetnik organisation, otherwise an acquaintance
of the accused, Djura Djurovi and Zagorka Stojanovi. Because all are
participants in the notorious chetnik movement, they maintained contacts
with it by sending various pamphlets and letters jointly prepared in Bel-
grade. Tey also helped its work in conducting hostile activities, and to this
end they did the following:
- On an undetermined date in the period from 1964 to the end of 1969
they wrote, typed and delivered the following pamphlets: Forwards a
general insight, Andrijas imprisonment the testimony of a fellow suf-
ferer, Titos prisons, How to destroy corruption, After 20 years of ex-
perience, Fight of the tillers for land and freedom, with an aim to publish
them abroad in journals of chetnik organisations, and also
- By maintaining contact with the chetnik Andrija Lonari, an ocial of
the chetnik organisation SOPO, they sent him several letters delivered by
Zagorka Stojanovi informing him that the prepared pamphlets were sent
on activities of the accused Djurovi, and that he received help sent to him.
Tey organised meetings in such a way that Zagorka Stojanovi went to
Paris, had meetings there with Lonari and passed to him messages of
Djura Djurovi regarding a plan for activities of the chetnik organisation
and its operational tactics. Tey were receiving letters from him and in that
way were in contact with him until he was killed in Paris, in an internal
clash of various chetnik groups,
- Tereby they committed the criminal act of PARTICIPATING IN
HOSTILE ACTIVITIES AGAINST YUGOSLAVIA under Article 109
of the Penal Code.
125
A day after the verdict was read out, Politika informed its readers that
Dr. Djura Djurovi was sentenced to ve years of severe imprisonment, and
that the same day the writer Ivan Ivanovi was sentenced to two years in
prison by the District Court in Prokuplje.
126
124
Slobodan Stankovic, Yugoslavia 1974, 23 Dec. 1974, Open Society Archives, No.
8131.
125
Verdict of the District Court of Belgrade, K 485/74, AKPDZ, Pers. le of Djura
(edomir) Djurovi, No. 14.591.
126
Dr Djuri Djuroviu pet godina strogog zatvora [Five years of severe prison to Dr.
Djura Djurovi], Politika, 24 Oct. 1974, p. 12.
Balcanica XLIII 316
In the Penitentiary of Zabela
On 19 June 1975, nineteen months after his arrest, Djurovi was
transferred to the Penitentiary of Zabela to serve his sentence. Tis must
have evoked bitter memories of his rst imprisonment. One of the most
despised persons in his life, the warden of his former prison in Sremska
Mitrovica, still held the post. Milenovi sent a letter to Zabela with a char-
acterisation of Djurovi, mentioning that he had been an initiator and or-
ganiser of hostile activities in the penitentiary, and that for such activities
he had been isolated in special premises with a group of the most reaction-
ary elements, and separated from other convicts until 1953. Later he did
not expose himself openly, but kept to himself and to a circle of the closest
likeminded persons.
127
Djurovi considered his second sentence as profoundly unjust. In a
short handwritten autobiography sketched in Zabela, he claims that he took
his rst sentence in 1945 as a normal thing, and would have taken as normal
even capital punishment: I belonged to a movement that was defeated in
the revolution. Te winner had the right to settle accounts with the defeated
as it saw t. In contrast, he considered his second sentence as the greatest
injustice inicted on me by the court, since I did not commit the crime for
which I was sentenced under article 109 of the Penal Code.
128
Although he was in his mid seventies, he was still considered an en-
emy of communism. In June 1975, Svetislav Miti, an ocial of the Pen-
itentiary of Zabela, wrote a report on Djurovi: It is quite certain that
the convict still has an utterly hostile attitude towards our state and social
system. It is quite possible that he may try to spread his ideas among the
convicts during his prison term. Terefore maximum attention should be
paid to his behaviour, and especially to his behaviour in this area. It would
be an illusion to undertake anything in the way of re-education.
129
Being
considered a potential threat, he was sent to a closed part of the penitentiary
by the decision of the warden Aleksandar Stefanovi.
130
His personal le includes information on his wife and a handwritten
remark that all of his mails should be given to Marko. Tis means that
his entire correspondence was under strict surveillance. Tus, one can nd
in his le a handwritten letter he addressed to his barrister Ivkovi, which
127
Letter of Duan Milenovi, warden of the Penitentiary of Sremska Mitrovica, to the
Penitentiary Zabela, 10 July 1975. AKPDZ, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi, No. 27/12.
128
Djuro Djurovi, Autobiograja, AKPDZ, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi.
129
Report on conversations with the sentenced persons compiled by Svetislav Miti, 30
June 1975. AKPDZ, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi.
130
Decision of the Warden, 3 July 1975, AKPDZ, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi.
probably never left the penitentiary. Tere was a special printed form that
the administration of the penitentiary kept on all visits, received packages,
and sent and received letters using a kind of codes. Codes related to two of
his sent letters are encircled, probably meaning that these particular two
deserved some special attention or treatment.
From the opinion of his instructor ivko Jovanovi, who was in
charge of re-education, one nds out that he soon gained the trust of
other convicts. Te instructor thought that this should be attributed to his
bribes given to other convicts. What was certainly more important was his
previous experience of harshest imprisonment, where he was mixed with
criminals and had to learn how to behave under such circumstances. In the
instructors opinion, his attitude to his criminal act represented a group
of his intellectual and emotional ideas against the socialist polity in our
country. Terefore, the instructor concluded that there were no conditions
for granting him a pardon, since the punishment has no educational eect
on him.
131
Te opinion submitted by another instructor was similar. His
intellectual abilities were assessed as above average despite his age, and his
practical intelligence as the best dimension of his general mental abili-
ties. Yet, his attitude to the committed criminal act was totally negative.
It was assessed again that no educational treatment would prove eective
since his intellectual ideas are directed against the socialist polity of our
country.
132
His main act of rebellion during his stay in Zabela took place when
he obtained a cap that resembled the traditional Serbian cap called ajkaa,
which was interpreted by the administration of the penitentiary as a chetnik
symbol, and in January 1976 Dr. Djurovi was punished with a one-month
ban on using money and ten days in solitary connement.
He had already been suering from several illnesses before his sec-
ond imprisonment and they continued during prison days in Zabela. Tey
included cardiomyopathy, arterial hypertension and emphysema. Tere was
a lack of medicines, and Dr. Djurovi lost nine kilos during the rst months
of his imprisonment. Terefore, his wife Ana sent an appeal to the prison
warden reminding him of socialist humanism of which I have heard so
much on television. She requested that Dr. Djurovi should be allowed to
receive dietetic packages and that she should be allowed to bring medicines,
given that her husband had had a cardiac attack with absolute arrhythmia
which lasted for thirty hours since there were no medicines in the prison
inrmary. On the back side of the letter is a handwritten remark that pack-
131
Opinion of the instructor, 21 Jan. 1976, AKPDZ, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi.
132
Opinion of . Jovanovi, 8 Mar. 1977, AKPDZ, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi.
Balcanica XLIII 318
ages are allowed, but that there is no need for his family to bring medicines
since our pharmacy has them.
133
Although the report the instructor in charge of him submitted in
March 1977 was negative, he was pardoned by the Presidency of the SFRY
on 22 November 1977. A telegram with this decision arrived in Poarevac
on 25 November and he was released the same day.
134
Previously, the Fed-
eral Council for the Protection of Constitutional Order, on its session of 6
April 1977, discussed the pros and cons of amnesty and pardon. Te Coun-
cil concluded that foreign factors undertook actions and exerted pressures
aimed at liberating political convicts, and they all referred to six persons:
Mihajlo Mihajlov, Sava Bankovi, Djuro Djurovi, Marko Veselica, Vladi-
mir Dapevi and Franc Miklavi. Te President of Yugoslavia received
some 10,300 appeals. Of these, more than 5,000 were for Miklavi, more
than 4,000 for Djura Djurovi, and 595 for Mihajlov.
135
A number of for-
eign appeals for Djurovi is impressive indeed and testies to an increasing
Western interest in the violation of human rights in communist Yugoslavia
in the 1970s. US President Jimmy Carter also insisted on amnesty for po-
litical prisoners in communist Yugoslavia, and the organisation of sessions
of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE) in
Belgrade (October 1977 March 1978) exposed Yugoslavia to the Western
eyes. Besides, Yugoslavia was very much dependent on Western loans at the
time.
Te amnesty also included communist dissident Mihailo Mihailov,
Croat professor Marko Veselica, Slovene judge Franc Miklavi, and more
than two hundred other political prisoners. Each member republic made a
list of persons proposed to be pardoned and Djurovi was on the list of the
Socialist Republic of Serbia. Te text that accompanies this proposal ends
with the following assessment of Djurovi: He has not changed his politi-
cal convictions and therefore there are no results in this regard.
136
After
133
Letter of 23 Oct. 1975, AKPDZ, Pers. le of Dj. Djurovi.
134
AKPDZ, Pers. le of Djura Djurovi.
135
AJ, Fond 803 (Presidency of SFRY), f. 46, Informacija o amnestiji i pomilovanju
lica osudjenih za politika krivina dela (75. sednica Saveznog saveta za zatitu ustav-
nog poretka odrana 12. aprila 1977) [Information on amnesty and pardon for persons
sentenced for political crimes (75th session of the Federal Council for the Protection of
Constitutional Order held on 12 Apr. 1977)], p. 3. Te document was tagged as strictly
condential.
136
Report titled: Socijalistika Republika Srbija. Spisak osudjenih za krivina dela iz
glave XV i XVI KZ SFRJ i krivinih dela iz lana 157. KZ SFRJ koji se nalaze na
izdravanju izreene kazne a predlau se za pomilovanje povodom 29 novembra Dana
Republike, AJ, Fond 803 (Presidency of SFRY), f. 648.
twenty-one years of keeping Djurovi in various prisons, the communist
authorities had to recognise their complete inability to reform Djurovi,
even on the occasion of his pardoning.
Te decision on amnesty for 724 prisoners, including 218 political
prisoners, was brought by Yugoslav authorities with much reluctance and
against their intimate wishes. In April 1977, the President of the SFRY,
Josip Broz Tito, stated that no foreign pressure would force Yugoslav au-
thorities to grant amnesty. Yet, three months later, on 1 July 1977, the Law
on Pardon was enacted. A researcher of Radio Free Europe, Slobodan
Stankovi, devoted most of his report to the release of Mihailo Mihailov
and shortlisted Djurovi among the most prominent persons who were re-
leased, describing him as a wartime political advisor of the nationalist guer-
rilla leader General Draza Mihailovic.
137

Te action of the Amnesty International was also of key importance
and in May 1976 the readers of Te Times were informed on two politi-
cal convicts as two exemplary cases covered by Amnesty International: Dr.
Djuro Djurovi from Yugoslavia and Carlos Alvariza from Uruguay.
138
Overall, Djurovi spent twenty years, nine months and twenty-eight
days in Yugoslav communist prisons. His rst prison term lasted sixteen
years, nine months and twenty-ve days (8 June 1945 2 April 1962).
His second term lasted four years and three days (22 November 1973
25 November 1977). Among the convicts in Yugoslav prisons designated
as members of the DM movement (the movement of General Drag-
oljub Mihailovi) Djurovi holds a record together with Captain Slavoljub
Vranjeevi, who served his rst prison sentence together with Djurovi in
Sremska Mitrovica until 1963, was rearrested in 1976 and died in prison in
Sremska Mitrovica in 1979.
139

Djurovis contribution to the dismantlement of Yugoslav communist
dictatorship
Although one might conclude that Djurovis activities, particularly those
performed in prisons, were harmless, and that his systematic activity, nota-
137
Slobodan Stankovic, Yugoslav Amnesty Assessed, Radio Free Europe, RAD Back-
ground Report/233 (Yugoslavia), 29 Nov. 1977, No. 82-5094, Open Society Archives.
138
Caroline Moorehead, Te power of shame as a weapon, Te Times, 24 May 1976,
p. 16A.
139
Cvetkovi, Izmedju srpa i ekia 2, 238239, made a list of political prisoners in com-
munist Yugoslavia based on the duration of their imprisonment. Djurovi ranks as sec-
ond with 22 years in prison. Even though Cvetkovis calculation is not quite accurate,
Djurovi certainly holds the top of the list.
Balcanica XLIII 320
bly during his rst imprisonment, was undertaken in vain, some ndings of
political anthropology seem to suggest otherwise. James S. Scott observes
that apart from bloody peasant uprisings, villagers in authoritarian countries
deprived of their rights may and usually do employ dierent tactics. It is an
ongoing and everyday process in which peasants struggle against exploita-
tion by pilfering, lying, foot-dragging, slander, minor sabotage and arson.
He calls this sort of opposition to oppression weapons of the weak.
140
Te
political convicts in Sremska Mitrovica and elsewhere under Yugoslav com-
munist dictatorship employed similar tactics and used the weapons of the
weak. By doing this, they kept hundreds, possibly thousands, of the person-
nel of Sremska Mitrovica and other communist prisons tied down; more-
over, they kept members of the state security apparatus and various state
analysts engaged in controlling, monitoring and covering their activities.
Once they were pardoned, ex-convicts were able to organise more
substantial and better synchronised activities. Again, the amount of energy,
paperwork, and maintenance of a developed network of spies working for
the UDBA/SDB, required substantial organisation and means on the part
of the Yugoslav communist state in order to control and monitor Djurovi
and his network, other ex-convicts and other political opponents of Yugo-
slav communism, including communist dissidents. By keeping substantial
portions of the state apparatus busy following its activities, Djurovis group
made the Yugoslav state more vulnerable. However, its main contribution
to dismantling the Yugoslav communist regime was probably the way it af-
fected the image of Yugoslavia abroad. By maintaining links with migrs
and Western embassies, this group kept foreign diplomats informed on the
Yugoslav type of dictatorship and on the persecution of political opponents.
In this way, they counterbalanced Yugoslav ocial propaganda that sought
to portray the Yugoslav type of communism as a more humane socialism,
essentially dierent from the Soviet model. Tis probably was the most im-
portant achievement of Djurovis circle and other similar groups. In the
1970s, as a result of their eorts, a considerable number of articles critical of
Yugoslav communism appeared in the Western press for the rst time after
194649. Djurovi, a former journalist, was particularly skilful in activating
a network of friends which included many persons connected to the diplo-
matic community, and providing them with data and analyses detrimental
to Yugoslav communism.
140
James S. Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasants Resistance (New Ha-
ven: Yale University Press, 1985).
Last years
He died on 2 April 1983, in A Section of the Hospital for Internal Medi-
cine in Belgrade, from respiratory insuciency and general languidness
caused by leucosis lymphocytica. He had been treated for leukaemia in the
same hospital since 1980.
141
Some of his writings were conscated by the UDBA on the occasion
of his second arrest. He wanted to write memoirs, but his health problems
prevented him from doing so in the period after his release. Djurovi wrote
his last work, Reections on death, in 1982. It includes many autobio-
graphical elements. Djurovi spoke of his various encounters with death and
human suering, and revealed a part of his inner world and his thoughts on
facing death from a severe illness:
Man is a great mystery of the world. Death is a no smaller human mystery.
Is it the ultimate end or a new beginning? No matter what answer will be
given to this question, the very act of reecting on death, be it by a theist or
by an atheist, makes him nobler, more humane, more just, more responsible
to himself and his kin and any other human. Tere is no doubt that an
armative answer to the second part of the alternative will have more in-
tense and more enduring eects than an armative answer to its rst part.
It is for this reason that a religious man nds it easier to reconcile himself
with death.
142
He was buried at a central Belgrade cemetery (Novo Groblje), in
his wifes family sepulchre. He felt that the fall of communism was near,
and this made him very satised. In accordance with his wishes, a wreath
made of thorns, symbolising his life experience, was laid on the sepulchre.
Te wreath of thorns was indeed a symbol of his bitter life, but it was also a
symbol of thousands of life stories of other former YHA members in com-
munist Yugoslavia.
UDC 329.15.058.2(497.1):323.28
323.22:929 Djurovi, Djura
Cvetkovi, Srdjan. Izmedju srpa i ekia. Represija u Srbiji 19441953. Belgrade: Institut
za savremenu istoriju, 2006.
Struktura politikih zatvorenika u Srbiji i Jugoslaviji. Hereticus VII/1-2 (2009),
7287.
141
Hospital for Internal MedicineA Section, Belgrade, Discharge Summary signed by
Dr. Milan Petrovi (without date).
142
Dr. Djura Djurovi, Razmiljanje o smrti, p. 48 (typescript in the authors collec-
tion). A slightly dierent version of the same text was published in a Belgrade journal:
Djura Djurovi, Razmiljanje o smrti, Hereticus VII/1-2 (2009), 236.
Balcanica XLIII 322
Izmedju srpa i ekia 2. Politika represija u Srbiji 19531985. Belgrade: Institut za
savremenu istoriju, 2011.
Djordjevi, Dimitrije. Oiljci i opomene, 2 vols. Belgrade: BIGZ, 1995 (also available in
an abridged English version: Dimitrije Djordjevic, Scars and Memory: four lives in
one lifetime. Boulder, Co.: East European Monographs, 1997).
Hrnevi, Josip. Svjedoanstva. Zagreb: Globus, 1982.
Jovanovi, Nadeda. Odnos okupatora i kvislinga prema masoneriji u Srbiji. Godinjak
grada Beograda 18 (1971), 77107.
Markovi, Slobodan G. Rehabilitacija ideoloki progonjenih kao jedan od stubova vla-
davine prava u posttotalitarnim drutvima. Izazovi evropskih integracija 20 (2012),
7196.
(Markovich) New and Old Evidence on the Show-trial of General Dragoljub Mi-
hailovich. Te South Slav Journal 31/1-2 (2012), 105149.
Mati, Boko. Masoni. Bezbednost 1 (1983), 7092.
Mati, Milan B. Ravnogorska ideja u tampi i propaganda. Belgrade: Institut za savre-
menu istoriju, 1995.
Miloevi, Radomir - eda. Zakasneli raport kapetana ede. Hronika jedne srpske sudbine.
Belgrade: Interprint, 1996.
Nikoli, Kosta. Istorija Ravnogorskog pokreta, 3 vols. Belgrade: Srpska re, 1999.
Nikoli, Kosta & Bojan Dimitrijevi. General Dragoljub Mihailovi. Biograja. Belgrade:
Zavod za udbenike, 2011.
Pavlowitch, Stevan K. Hitlers New Disorder. Te Second World War in Yugoslavia. Lon-
don: Hurst and Co., 2008.
Radulovic, Monty. Titos Republic. London and Brussels: Coldharbour Press Ltd.,
1948.
Stankovic, Slobodan. Yugoslavia 1974, dated December 23, 1974. Open Society Ar-
chives, No. 81-3-1 (also available online) .
Yugoslav Amnesty Assessed. Radio Free Europe. RAD Background Report/233
(Yugoslavia) dated 29 November 1977. Open Society Archives, No. 82-5-94 (also
available online).
Published sources
Odluke Svetosavskog kongresa u slobodnim srpskim planinama [Decisions of the St. Sava
Congress in free Serbian mountains]. Executive Board of the Central National
Committee, 1944.
Sudjenje lanovima politikog i vojnog rukovodstva organizacije Drae Mihailovia [Te
trial of the political and military leadership of the organisation of Draa Mihailovi].
Belgrade 1945.
Djourovitch, Djoura. Le Protocole de Genve devant l opinion anglaise. Tse pour le doc-
torat prsente et soutenue le samedi 10 mars 1928 1 heure par Djoura Djouro-
vitch. Paris: Jouve & Cie diteurs, 1928.
Djurovi, Djura. Razmiljanje o smrti. Hereticus VII/1-2 (2009), 207236.
Newspapers
Politika, June-August 1945; 1974.
Te Times, July 31, 1945; May 24, 1976.
Ujedinjeno srpstvo, no. 2.
Unpublished sources
Arhiv Srbije [Te Archives of Serbia], Belgrade. Fond OZNA/UDBA, Personal le of
Djura Djurovi, No. 720-01-16556.
Arhiv Jugoslavije [Te Archives of Yugoslavia], Belgrade. Fond 100, folder 16, File of
Djura Djurovi.
Arhiv Kazneno-popravnog doma Zabela u Poarevcu [Te Archive of the Penitentiary
Zabela in Poarevac].
Personal le No. 14591.
Djuro Djurovi, Autobiograja (handwritten four-page autobiography)
Arhiv Kazneno-popravnog doma Sremska Mitrovica [Te Archive of the Penitentiary
Sremska Mitrovica]. Personal le No. 55.
Private papers and documents of Dr. Djura Djurovi in the authors collection
Unpublished works by Dr. Djura Djurovi from the private collection of his friend, bar-
rister ivota Lazi, especially:
Izvetaj Luteru Smitu o stanju politikih zatvorenika u komunistikoj robijanici u
Sremskoj Mitrovici [Report to Luther Smith on the condition of political convicts
in the communist dungeon in Sremska Mitrovica] (a slightly dierent version of the
report has been preserved in the OZNA/UDBA personal le of Djura Djurovi in
the Archives of Serbia, No. 720-01-16556, pp. 132185)
Seanja iz komunistike robijanice u Sremskoj Mitrovici [Memories from the
communist dungeon in Sremska Mitrovica] (136 typewritten pages with few hand-
written corrections), essentially an enlarged version of the report to Luther Smith.
It is not signed and Djurovi speaks of himself in the third person obviously fearing
that the text might fall into UDBA/SDB hands.
of Serbia.
Milo Kovi
Imagining the Serbs
Revisionism in the Recent Historiography of Nineteenth-century
Serbian History
Abstract: Te end of the Cold War has brought about a complete change of the politi-
cal and social context in the world. Consequently, history, as a scholarly discipline, has
also undergone a signicant transformation. In this broader context, with the destruc-
tion of Yugoslavia, the interpretations of the Serbian nineteenth century have been
experiencing a far-reaching revision. It is necessary, therefore, to scrutinize the main
topics of the debate on nineteenth-century Serbian history in recent world historiog-
raphy, as well as to examine the main causes of this academic revision.
Keywords: historiography, nineteenth century, Serbs, Balkans, Yugoslavia, moderniza-
tion, radicalism
I
W
riting on Balkan historiographies in the Introduction to his history
of the Balkans, Mark Mazower remarks that national histories, until
very recently, presented the past as the inevitable and entirely deserved tri-
umph of the Nation over its enemies.
1
Yet, he also observes that more re-
cently, a disillusionment with nationalism has bred nostalgia for the days of
empire, which is why many historians have come to describe the Ottoman
Empire as a multicultural paradise.
2
Mazower describes such an approach
to the past as normative history. In this context, he is particularly critical
of the type of normative history that seeks to understand the history of the
Balkans through the theoretical model of modernization:
Normative history sets up one pattern of historical evolution as standard
and then explains deviations from that. Te nineteenth-century mind took
it for granted that history worked in this way, and that what one was de-
scribing was the success or failure of any given society in climbing the path
of progress from backwardness and barbarism to civilization. In prefer-
ring to talk about the path from tradition to modernity, twentieth-century
scholars have changed the terms but retained much of the same linear view.
3
1
Mark Mazower, Te Balkans: A Short History (New York: Random House Inc., 2000), xlii.
2
Ibid.
3
Ibid.
DOI: 10.2298/BALC1243325K
Balcanica XLIII 326
However, history can be both deceptive and seductive. Te past
is a foreign country: they do things dierently there, writes Leslie Poles
Hartley in the famous, oft-quoted opening sentence of the novel Te Go-
Between. All too often, we tend to forget that people in the past were very
dierent from us. Te closer they are to our time or our social group, the
more easily we tend to believe that they shared our own concerns or our
own ideological convictions.
A distorted picture of the past is not based simply on errors or mis-
conceptions. Te wise Jacob Burckhardt drew some explicit distinctions
when discussing knowledge and intent. According to him, behind a thirst
for knowledge is the desire to understand the past; behind intent, however,
is the desire to use it. Tis is a ne dividing line which, in his opinion, dis-
tinguishes history from journalism. A historian seeks to explain, whereas
a journalist, having no wish to crack the shell of his own times and self-
interest, makes value judgements.
4
Of course, Burckhardt was well aware
that it is impossible to rid oneself from intent completely, just as he knew
that many of the greatest historians did not hesitate to assume the role of
historical judges. Even so, this distinction, as well as Mazowers denition
of normative history, undoubtedly leads us to a clearer proling and pres-
ervation of the integrity of historiography as an academic discipline.
Temptation becomes much stronger if historians seek to understand
the history of distant countries and cultures. It is not easy to sit in London,
Moscow, Berlin, Paris or New York, and write a rational, unbiased history
of the Serbs on the tails of a decade of bloody wars (199199) which, to
put it mildly, have left no one indierent.
5
In her inuential and insightful
book Imagining the Balkans, Maria Todorova has shown what sorts of preju-
dices and abuses can nest in the writings of foreign travellers throughout the
history of the Balkans. After the Orientalist discourse which, according to
Edward Said, leads from intellectual underestimation to colonial subjugation,
now we also have a Balkanist discourse, similar in content and purpose.
6
4
Jacob Burckhardt, Weltgeschichtliche Betrachtungen (Berlin/Stuttgart: Verlag von Spe-
mann, 1905), 1012, 253273.
5
See Yugoslavia and its Historians: Understanding the Balkan Wars of the 1990s, eds. Nor-
man M. Naimark and Holly Case (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003), and
therein particularly Duan M. Djordjevich, Clio amid the Ruins: Yugoslavia and its
Predecessors in Recent Historiography, 321; Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies: A
Scholars Initiative, eds. Charles W. Ingrao and Tomas A. Emmert (Washington/West
Lafayette: United States Institute of Peace Press and Purdue University Press, 2009).
See also Aleksandar Timofejev, Savremena ruska istoriograja o Srbiji, Tokovi istorije
3 (2006), 200213.
6
Maria Todorova, Imagining the Balkans (New York/Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2009), 320; Edward Said, Orientalism (London: Penguin Classics, 2003), 128. For
M. Kovi, Imagining the Serbs 327
Te purpose of this article is to sketch out a picture of the nineteenth-
century history of the Serbs as portrayed in recent world historiography,
though with no pretensions to presenting an exhaustive analysis. Its focus
is on works which have appeared since the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989,
which is to say that they were written in a new political context, determined
above all else by the Yugoslav wars between 1991 and 1999. Even the most
cautious of historians will admit that their choice of topics is inuenced
by the present; the Balkan conicts of today, it is thought, were conceived
precisely in the turbulent changes of the nineteenth century. Te limited
length of this article necessarily narrows its focus to books and monographs,
to academic historiography produced at major universities and research in-
stitutes with the longest tradition of engaging with the history of the Serbs
and the Balkans. An analysis of the current revision of Serbian history in
the work of Serbian historians should be the subject of a special article,
since it has its own causes and inner logic.
II
To say that the wars of 19911999 have produced a ood of speedily writ-
ten histories to cater to current political trends and political contexts is
common wisdom. It is perhaps better to say that the rationale for the vast
majority of such works comes down to passing value judgements on the ba-
sis of the existing literature, frequently without being familiar with primary
source materials or the Serbian language, and in almost all cases in line with
the prevailing political trends of the time.
Context provides many answers. In the First World War, the Serbs
found themselves on the side of the victors. Consequently, the works ema-
nating from the most inuential interwar academic centres (i.e. those of the
victorious side) viewed their history, from the First Serbian Uprising to the
creation of Yugoslavia, in a generally favourable manner; needless to say, the
historiography of the defeated, and later totalitarian, academic centres saw
nineteenth-century Serbian history dierently. Although a similar stance
was largely retained after the Second World War, the discourse on Greater
Balkanism, see also Eli Skopetea, Orijentalizam i Balkan, Istorijski asopis 38 (1991),
131143; Milica Baki-Hayden and Robert M. Hayden, Orientalist Variations on the
Teme Balkans: Symbolic Geography in Recent Yugoslav Cultural Politics, Slavic
Review 51 (Spring 1992), 115; Vesna Goldsworthy, Inventing Ruritania: Te Imperial-
ism of the Imagination (New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 1998); Katherine
Elizabeth Fleming, Orientalism, the Balkans, and Balkan Historiography, American
Historical Review 105/4 (2000), 12181233; Bogoljub ijakovi, A Critique of the Bal-
kanistic Discourse: Contribution to the Phenomenology of Balkan Otherness (Toronto: Ser-
bian Literary Company, 2004).
Balcanica XLIII 328
Serbian hegemony in interwar Yugoslavia, in the spirit of the ocial Tito-
ist regime, began to make its way into world historiography. In the wars of
the 1990s, the Serbs, once again viewed from the victorious and dominant
academic centres, now found themselves on the wrong side. As a result, a
wider revision of earlier interpretations of Serbian history, coupled with a
search for the roots of Serbian misconceptions, was initiated. It seems that
there are few nations in Europe whose history has been, in the last twenty
years, subjected to so many value-based revisions and reinterpretations.
In this process of historical revisionism, several inuential and oft-
quoted books are of particular importance. Te discourse on Greater Ser-
bian nationalism has been very eloquently transposed into a new, post-Cold
War era through Ivo Banacs Te National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins,
History, Politics, where nineteenth-century Serbian history is covered by a
long and biased introductory section.
7
However, the books that conspicu-
ously stand out in terms of how widely read and inuential they have been,
and how hostile they are towards the Serbs, are those of Noel Malcolm, a
columnist of the Daily Telegraph and fellow of All Souls College in Oxford.
8

Tis new Edward Gibbon, as an overexcited reviewer
9
describes him on
the cover of Malcolms Kosovo, does, it is true, use diverse sources, including
Albanian and, much less, Serbian. Even so, his books are ill-intentioned
journalism cloaked in academic gowns more than real history. However,
compared to Branimir Anzulovics Heavenly Serbia: From Myth to Genocide,
Malcolms works look like a bright example of honest research and aw-
less objectivity.
10
Anzulovics writing, closer to propaganda than to anything
else, has not been nearly as inuential as that of Banac and Malcolm, but
it also deserves attention inasmuch as it all too frequently features in the
literature referenced even by serious historians.
In order to understand the motives of these authors, let us turn to
Burckhardt once more. According to him, the usual driving force behind
intent is patriotism, which often is nothing more than arrogance towards
other nations and often consists in oending others. Tis kind of history
is journalism.
11
7
Ivo Banac, Te National Question in Yugoslavia: Origins, History, Politics (Ithaca: Cor-
nell University Press, 1988), 21140.
8
Noel Malcolm, Bosnia: A Short History (London: Macmillan, 1994), as well as his Ko-
sovo: A Short History (London: Macmillan, 1998).
9
Michael Foot, publicist and former Labour Party leader.
10
Branimir Anzulovic, Heavenly Serbia: From Myth to Genocide (London: Hurst & Co.,
1999).
11
Burckhardt, Weltgeschichtliche Betrachtungen, 11. Tere is no doubt that what we are
dealing with in Banac and Anzulovic is their Croat patriotic intent. As regards the
On the other hand, it has to be said that among the books which,
judging by how frequently they are quoted, have had a particularly impor-
tant impact in shaping the contemporary image of the nineteenth-century
Serbs, there are some very valuable works, to mention but the histories of
the Balkans that provide an overall survey such as those by Leften Stavri-
anos, Stevan Pavlowitch, Barbara Jelavich and, especially, the exceptional
Balkan Worlds of Traian Stoianovich.
12
It is also encouraging that there still are a considerable number of
very well-researched monographs looking at individual themes relating to
the history of the Serbs in the nineteenth century. Tis group primarily
includes published doctoral theses, such as Robin Okeys Taming Balkan
Nationalism: Te Habsburg Civilizing Mission in Bosnia 18781914; Marie-
Janine Calics Sozialgeschichte Serbiens 18151941: Der aufhaltsame Fortshritt
whrend der Industrialisiernung; the intellectual biography of Nikola Pai
by Andrei Shemiakin; or the research undertaken by James Evans on the
role of Great Britain in the creation of Yugoslavia.
13
Te category of com-
mendable examples also includes the study of Gale Stokes on the begin-
nings of political parties in Serbia; the book by Georges Castellan on the
history of Serbia at the time of Karadjordje and Milo Obrenovi; Svetlana
Danchenkos analysis of Russo-Serbian relations between 1878 and 1903;
the books of David MacKenzie, and a number of others.
14
imperialistic, patriotic and other intent of Noel Malcolm, see Jovo Baki, Jugoslavija:
Razaranje i njegovi tumai (Belgrade: Slubeni glasnik and Filozofski fakultet, 2011),
343385; Response to Noel Malcolms Book Kosovo: A Short History, ed. Slavenko Terzi
(Belgrade: Institute of History, 2000); Aleksa Djilas, Imagining Kosovo. A Biased
New Account Fans Western Confusion, Foreign Aairs (September/October 1998),
124131.
12
Leften S. Stavrianos, Te Balkans since 1453 (London: Hurst & Co., 2000); Barbara
Jelavich, History of the Balkans III (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983);
Stevan K. Pavlowitch, A History of the Balkans 18041945 (London/New York: Long-
man, 1999); Traian Stoianovich, Balkan Worlds: Te First and Last Europe (New York/
London: M. E. Sharpe, 1994).
13
Robin Okey, Taming Balkan Nationalism: Te Habsburg Civilizing Mission in Bos-
nia 18781914 (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2007) (signicantly expanded PhD
thesis, defended in 1972); Marie-Janine Calic, Sozialgeschichte Serbiens 18151941: Der
aufhaltsame Fortshritt whrend der Industrialisiernung (Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 1994)
(Serb. ed. 2004); Andrei L. Shemiakin, Ideologiia Nikoly Pashicha. Formirovanie i evo-
liutsiia (18681891) (Moscow: Indrik, 1998); James Evans, Great Britain and the Crea-
tion of Yugoslavia: Negotiating Balkan Nationality and Identity (London: Tauris Aca-
demic Studies, 2008).
14
Gale Stokes, Politics as Development: Te Emergence of Political Parties in Nineteenth-
Century Serbia (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1990); Georges Castel-
lan, Serbes dautrefois: Aux origines de la Serbie moderne (Brest: Armeline, 2005); Svetlana
Balcanica XLIII 330
III
Te recent historiography of Serbia and Serbs in the nineteenth century
conrms the old truth that the history of a nation cannot be understood
without using a comparative approach and situating it in a broader context.
Tat the European context is the most fruitful context for Serbian history
was shown long ago by Leopold Ranke in his Serbian Revolution.
15
After
1918, and particularly after 1945, Serbian history was usually placed in the
broader framework of the history of the Yugoslav peoples. Yugoslavia was
an attempt by the Serbian elites to escape from the Balkans into Central
Europe; following the break-up of this state, historiography has begun to
return Serbia into a Balkan context. But, historiography can only benet
from this return to the Balkans. Tere is no doubt that the Balkans, par-
ticularly if the countries of the former Yugoslavia are subsumed under the
term, is the smallest cultural and geographic whole within the framework of
which, through comparison, Serbian history can be understood.
A survey of the history of the Serbs in the nineteenth century within
the context of more recent histories of Europe is a matter for a separate
article. It is clear, however, that today Serbian history is very often placed in
an East-European setting. A good standard for this type of comparative ap-
proach was set by Robin Okeys Eastern Europe.
16
Originality, independent
judgement and a critical approach being the characteristics of Te Making
of Eastern Europe by Philip Longworth,
17
the reader can only regret that the
author has not paid more attention to the history of Serbia. However, more
often cited in the literature is the much broader, and yet, when it comes to
the history of Serbs in the nineteenth century, unreliable History of Eastern
Europe written by Robert Bideleux and Ian Jeries.
18
In their brief survey of
I. Danchenko, Razvitie serbskoi gosudarstvennosti i Rossiia 18781903 (Moscow: Insti-
tut slavianovedenia i balkanistiki, 1996); David MacKenzie, Jovan Ristic: Outstanding
Serbian Statesman (Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 2006), as well as his
Milovan Milovanovic: Talented and Peace-loving Diplomat (New York: Columbia Uni-
versity Press, 2009).
15
For an English translation see Leopold Ranke, A History of Servia and the Servian
Revolution (London: John Murray, 1848).
16
Robin Okey, Eastern Europe 17401985: Feudalism to communism (London/New
York: Routledge, 1991; 1st ed. 1982).
17
Philip Longworth, Te Making of Eastern Europe: From Prehistory to Postcommunism
(London: Macmillan, 1997; 1st ed. 1994; Serb. ed. 2002).
18
Robert Bideleux and Ian Jeries, A History of Eastern Europe: Crisis and Change (Lon-
don/New York: Routledge, 2007; 1st ed. 1998), 57, 110124.
nineteenth-century Serbian history in Te Balkans: A Post-communist His-
tory, knowledge retreats before intent.
19
In the more recent literature on the two Yugoslavias, the nineteenth
century, if mentioned at all, is touched upon in just a few introductory pag-
es. John Lampes Yugoslavia as History is one of the exceptions in that it
gives a somewhat more detailed explanation of the rise of the Yugoslav idea
prior to 1918. Tis placement of pre-1918 Serbian history in the Yugoslav
context is reminiscent of the literature that originated in the time of Yu-
goslavia.
20
John Allcocks Explaining Yugoslavia also stands out in terms of
attention paid to the pre-1918 period.
21
Among the most recent histories of the Balkans, Traian Stoianovichs
Balkan Worlds holds an especially important place. Considering the inno-
vativeness of his approach, the breadth of his views, the independence of
judgement, and the new questions he raises, it would probably not be an
overstatement to say that it is one of the best histories of the Balkans writ-
ten over the last few decades. Stoianovichs other great contribution is the
four-volume collection of his articles published under the title Between East
and West: Te Balkan and Mediterranean Worlds.
22
Among the best works
of a more recent date are Stevan Pavlowitchs detailed and reliable History
of the Balkans 18041945, written in the style of Stavrianoss Te Balkans
since 1453, and Barbara Jelavichs History of the Balkans (1983). Another very
solid work is Georges Castellans History of the Balkans from the fourteenth
to the twentieth century.
23
Te domination of both the English language
and Anglo-Saxon academic centres being yet another important feature of
the changed post-1989 context, the citedness of this book, as well as of Ed-
19
Robert Bideleux and Ian Jeries, Te Balkans: A Post-communist History (London and
New York: Routledge, 2007), 233237.
20
John H. Lampe, Yugoslavia as History. Twice there was a country (Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press, 1996) 3998 (expanded ed. 2000). Lampe tried his hand at a
history of the Balkans under a similarly inventive title, but it deals with the twentieth
century, with only a summary overview of the previous period. John H. Lampe, Balkans
into Southeastern Europe: A Century of War and Transition (Basingstoke/New York: Pal-
grave Macmillan, 2006), 1140. For a critical assessment of Lampes work, see Aleksa
Djilas, Te academic West and the Balkan test, Journal of Southern Europe and the
Balkans 9/3 (2007), 328332, as well as Lampes, Response, in the same journal, 10/1
(2008), 113115.
21
John B. Allcock, Explaining Yugoslavia (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000).
22
Traian Stoianovich, Between East and West: Te Balkan and Mediterranean Worlds, 4
vols. (New Rochelle/New York: A. D. Caratzas, 19921995).
23
Georges Castellan, Histoire des Balkans (XIV
e
XX
e
sicle) (Paris: Fayard, 1991) (2nd
ed. 1999; English ed. 1992).
Balcanica XLIII 332
gar Hschs slightly earlier History of the Balkans,
24
has not been as high as
that of, for instance, Denis Hupchiks Te Balkans from Communism to Con-
stantinople.
25
When it comes to the history of the Serbs in the nineteenth
century, Hupchiks book is much less reliable than Castellans, both factually
and interpretatively. While being very well-informed on certain matters,
Hupchik oers a presentation of the 19031914 period which is replete
with factual errors and unconvincing arguments, particularly as regards the
Yugoslav movement.
26
Much like Noel Malcolm and Denis Hupchick, Tom Gallagher, in
his book on the history of the Balkans from 1789 to 1989, expresses his
dissatisfaction with the standosh stance of the Western powers, particu-
larly the British government of John Major, towards the demand that the
Yugoslav crisis be settled through a confrontation with the Serbs.
27
While
Hupchik even goes so far as to compare the stance of the West to Neville
Chamberlains appeasement policy towards Hitler, Gallagher, it has to be
said, concedes that there was systematic violence on the part of not only
Serbian, but also Croatian nationalists.
28
For Hupchik, the bombing of Ser-
bia in 1999 was a half measure, while Gallagher commends the newly-
discovered resoluteness of Western governments.
29
Gallaghers book prom-
ises a great deal, the author being above all else interested in the role of the
Great Powers in the Balkan conicts; this, however, makes the readers dis-
appointment all the greater. When it comes to the Serbs in the nineteenth
century, Gallagher the researcher is far less credible than Hupchick.
30
Mark Mazower, in his Balkans, also relies on media-generated truths
about the wars of the 1990s and the history of two Yugoslavias. However,
when writing on the nineteenth century, Mazower uses more serious sources
and literature, relying in particular on the work of Stavrianos, Stoianovich,
Castellan and Jelavich. Indeed, there are in Mazower some original inter-
pretations and observations concerning the nineteenth-century Balkans.
24
Edgar Hsch, Geschichte der Balkanlnder: von der Frhzeit bis zur Gegenwart (Mu-
nich: C. H. Beck Wissen, 2008) (1st ed. 1968; English ed. 1972).
25
Dennis P. Hupchick, Te Balkans from Constantinople to Communism (New York/Bas-
ingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004; 1st ed. 2002).
26
Ibid. 302320.
27
Tom Gallagher, Outcast Europe: From Ottomans to Miloevi (London/New York:
Routledge, 2005), vivii (1st ed. 2001).
28
Ibid. vi; Hupchick, Balkans, xi. See also Noel Malcolm, Povijest Bosne: Kratki pregled
(Zagreb/Sarajevo: Novi Liber/Dani, 1995), IXXIV, XXIXXV.
29
Ibid. xii; Gallagher, Outcast Europe, 1517.
30
See, e.g., his comparison between Milo Obrenovi and Slobodan Miloevi, or Petar
Petrovi Njego and eljko Ranjatovi Arkan (ibid., 3738, 5354).
Particularly important is his understanding of the dynamic relationship
between the imperialism of the Great Powers and the nationalism of the
Balkan nations.
31
Te series of edited volumes under the title Chelovek na Balkanakh,
published in St. Petersburg since 2002,
32
support the impression that this
trend of accommodating the nineteenth-century history of the Serbs to the
picture generated by the mass media has not taken place in Russian histo-
riography. It is interesting, however, that, in unravelling the causes of the
tragic departure of the Balkan peoples from the redeeming path of mod-
ernization, Russian historiography, at least judging by these volumes, also
nurtures the kind of normative historiography that Mazower writes about,
and nurtures it in its starkest form.
IV
Teories of modernization predominate in many of the most important
new studies concerned with the nineteenth-century history of Serbia. An-
drei Shemiakins Ideology of Nikola Pai, based on a vast number of primary
sources and bringing many new facts and ndings, is an example of a well-
researched topic. However, the theoretical framework of this book is the
challenge of modernization. It stresses in particular the conict between
the economic and cultural primitivism of the traditional, backward, col-
lectivist Serbian peasant society represented, according to the author, by the
Peoples Radical Party, and the Serbian Progressive Partys modernizing,
Europeanizing, ruling elite, which, relying on the powerful state appara-
tus, sought to impose reforms from above.
33
Pais populism and prag-
matic references to Orthodoxy and Slavdom during his youthful years, at
the time he was an migr trying to secure Russias support in his struggle
against King Milan Obrenovi, are taken as a proof of his anti-Western and
31
Mazower, Balkans, 8688, 101103, 111112.
32
Chelovek na Balkanakh v epohu krizisov i etnopoliticheskikh stolkovenii XX v, eds. G.
G. Litavrin and P. R. Grishina (Saint Petersburg: Aleteiia, 2002); Chelovek na Bal-
kanakh i protsessy modernizatsii. Sindrom otiagoshchennoi nasledstvennosti (poslednaia tret
XIX pervaia polovina XX v), eds. A. M. Vasilev and N. R. Ignatev (Saint Petersburg:
Aleteiia, 2004); Chelovek na Balkanakh i protsessy modernizatsii. Gosudarstvo i ego insti-
tuty: grimasy politicheskoi modernizatsii (poslednaia chetvrt XIX nachalo XX v), ed. P. R.
Grishina (Saint Petersburg: Aleteiia, 2006); Chelovek na Balkanakh: Sotsiokul turnye iz-
mereniia protsessa modernizatsii na Balkanakh (seredina XIX seredina XX vv.), ed. P. R.
Grishina (Saint Petersburg: Aleteiia, 2007); Chelovek na Balkanakh. Vlast i opshchestvo:
opyt vzaimodeistviia (konets XIX nachalo XX v), ed. P. R. Grishina (Saint Petersburg:
Aleteiia, 2009); Chelovek na Balkanakh glazami russkih, eds. P. R. Grishina and A. L.
Shemiakin (Saint Petersburg: Aleteiia, 2011).
33
Shemiakin, Ideologiia Nikoly Pashicha, 2137.
Balcanica XLIII 334
anti-modern beliefs. Such interpretation of Pais ideas is then projected
onto the ideology of the Peoples Radical Party as a whole. Te broader
European, or even Balkan, context of the emergence of Serbian Radicalism
is completely neglected in favour of an exclusively Russian, Slavic context.
Even the basic introductory literature about the history of nineteenth-cen-
tury Europe shows, however, that an ambivalent attitude towards moder-
nity, and reliance on the peasantry in resisting rulers and their governments
was actually characteristic of European Radicalism.
34
Te general literature
also makes it clear that it was precisely in the 1880s, the period covered
by Shemiakins book i.e. at the beginning of the age of the masses
that mass, radical, democratic parties were emerging on the liberal left from
Norway to Italy, and from France to Serbia and Bulgaria.
35
Te vast existing
literature on European radicalism as well as nationalism which, judging
precisely by the material assembled by Shemiakin, was the basis of Nikola
Pais ideology remains unused. What it shows is that nineteenth-cen-
tury nationalism in all its diverse forms, particularly in developing societ-
ies, essentially was a modernizing, European ideology.
36
Te manichean division of nineteenth-century Serbian society into
patriarchal, primitive, traditional, segmented, pro-Russian rural commu-
nities, represented by the all-powerful Radicals, and the enlightened, pro-
Western, Progressive bureaucracy in the service of the modernizing state, is
taken to extremes in Holm Sundhaussens History of Serbia from the Nine-
teenth to the Twenty-rst Century.
37
According to this author, the supremacy
of the anti-modernizing Radicals in Serbia in the crucial transitional pe-
riod of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century is not merely typical
of the chronic late-running of Serbian modernization, but is also related
to the conquests and ethnic cleansing that the Serbs engaged in during
the twentieth century, since 1912. Traditional Serbian society, stubborn and
34
See Eric J. Hobsbawm, Te Age of Revolution. Europe 17891848 (London: Abacus,
2001), 155157, 299305.
35
Robert Gildea, Barricades and Borders, Europe 18001914 (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1996), 311314; Norman Stone, Europe Transformed 18781919 (Cambridge,
US: Harvard University Press, 1984), 4273; Michael D. Biddis, Te Age of Masses. Ideas
and Society in Europe since 1870 (Hassocks: Harvester Press, 1977), 2940; Pavlowitch,
History of the Balkans, 130131, 138139.
36
See Andrej Mitrovi, Karakteristina crta dananjeg veka. Jedan izvor o moder-
nom mentalitetu u Srbiji analiza dopisa Nikole Paia od 8/20. marta 1872, Istorijski
asopis 4243 (199596), 117118. For an overview of theories of nations and national-
ism, see Nationalism, eds. John Hutchinson and Anthony D. Smith (Oxford/New York:
Oxford University Press, 1994).
37
Holm Sundhaussen, Geschichte Serbiens: 19.21. Jahrhundert (Viena etc.: Bhlau,
2007) (Serb. ed. 2008).
unmoving like a rock, resisted the tide of modernization, while its intellec-
tuals, from Vuk Karadi and Njego to Jovan Cviji, promoted the damag-
ing myth of Kosovo, the hayduk ethic, collectivism and violence. Combined
together, this purportedly created a dangerous mixture which during the
twentieth century, with some brief breaks, such as the period of Titos Com-
munist rule, consistently threatened neighbouring peoples and nations.
38

Sundhaussens book resembles an indictment in many respects, as it
nds the roots of the crimes of the 1990s in the depths of Serbian history,
as far back as the Battle of Kosovo (1389) and the epic poetry of the pre-
modern period. Sundhaussen states in the introduction that he has no wish
to act as prosecutor, judge or defence lawyer, but hastens to add that he sees
himself as a court expert or investigative judge, as someone who provides
leads, collects evidence, interrogates and metes out
39
In nineteenth-century Serbia, according to some parameters, indus-
try, agriculture, transport and education were indeed underdeveloped, even
by Balkan standards. Tis can be seen particularly clearly from the com-
parative statistics relating to Serbia for the period between 1834 and 1914,
a truly precious work Sundhaussen published in 1989.
40
Te appearance
of this book was an important event, as it opened up a series of new re-
search questions revolving around the theme of Serbias delayed progress.
However, Sundhaussens History of the Serbs oers few inspiring answers
or rational interpretations of this phenomenon; it is rather Marie-Janine
Calics Social History of Serbia 18151941 that does this. Among a number
of factors, she stresses several laws passed in Serbia in the 1830s, which, in
her opinion, hindered economic competition and preserved the traditional
social structure.
41

In his History of Serbia, Sundhaussen oers his own explanation of
Serbias delay. What is contentious, however, is the contemporary politi-
cal context within which he places her delayed progress. Te view that
the Serbs, precisely in the nineteenth century, turned away from modernity
as the path to universal salvation, only to nd themselves at the historical
dead-end of the twentieth century, enslaving and murdering members of
other nations in the process, beginning in 1912, is one of key premises of
the current revision of Serbias history. Sundhaussen obviously borrows this
kind of explanation from German Sonderweg theories, which interpret the
existence and crimes of the Tird Reich as the result of delayed modern-
38
Zundhausen, Istorija Srbije, 108127, 206230.
39
Ibid. 28.
40
Holm Sundhaussen, Historische Statistik Serbiens 18341914. Mit europischen Ver- Mit europischen Ver-
gleichsdaten (Munich: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 1989).
41
ali, Socijalna istorija Srbije, 417429.
Balcanica XLIII 336
ization in nineteenth-century Germany. What is particularly interesting is
that Sundhaussen has been able to nd such strange comparisons and in-
terpretations even in Serbian historiography. Tis, however, is an altogether
dierent topic going beyond the scope of this article.
Mark Mazower, on the other hand, nds an explanation for the mis-
fortunes of the Balkans precisely in the phenomenon of modernity. His
explanation appears quite convincing, and deserves to be quoted:
Tey [historians] have drawn on supposedly universal models of economic
development and political democratization in order to understand why
Balkan states and societies have remained poor and unstable and have not
turned out as they should have done. But it is questionable whether relative
poverty in southeastern Europeor indeed the politics of ethnic violence
can really be explained as marks of backwardness. Since the ethnic mix of
the Balkans has remained remarkably unchanged for centuriesduring
most of which there was no ethnic conict at allwhy is it only in the last
one or two centuries that the cocktail became politically volatile? Contem-
porary contingencies of mass politics and urban, industrial life, the rise of
new state structures and the spread of literacy and technology may well turn
out to be as important in the Balkans as the supposed eternal verities of re-
ligious fracture, peasant rootedness and ethnic cleavage.
42
Even less than well-informed social scientists consider moderniza-
tion theories to be rather archaic and only occasionally usable relics of the
1950s and 1960s; judging the quality of the democratic superstructure
through the state of the economic and social base (no industry and no
strong middle class, no democracy) belongs to even older times. Immanuel
Wallerstein, Edward Said and many others warn that theories of modern-
ization are regularly used as an ideological tool of Western imperial and
colonial interests. According to them, modernization is another name for
Westernization, the process which aims to impose Western dominance and
destroy indigenous cultures.
43
Historians of twentieth-century totalitarian-
ism and mass atrocities also increasingly stress their modern roots. Tus,
Mazower notes that the Nazis in their destruction of the Jews relied on
modern, quasi-scientic racial theories, modern technology and education
rather than on medieval, pre-modern ideas. According to him, the root of
42
Mazower, Balkans, xliii.
43
See Immanuel Wallerstein, European Universalism: Te Rhetoric of Power (New York/
London: Te New Press, 2006), 3334, 4647, 7576; Edward Said, Covering Islam:
How the Media and the Experts Determine How We See the Rest of the World (New
York: Vintage Books and Random House, 1981), 2935; Bill Aschroft and Pal Ahlu-
walia, Edward Said (London/ New York: Routledge, 2001), 126127; John Tomlinson,
Cultural Imperialism: A Critical Introduction (London/New York: Continuum, 2002),
140172.
the evil lies in the modern state and its authoritarian, professional bureau-
cracy
44
precisely those actors among which Sundhaussen and Shemiakin
identify the driving force of modernizing, pro-European change when it
comes to Serbia.
45
Tis focus on the role of the modern state and bureau-
cracy in the mass atrocities of the twentieth century brings Mazowers ideas
closer to the conclusions drawn by the inuential sociologist and historian
Michael Mann who, in his book Te Dark Side of Democracy, goes even fur-
ther and claims that ethnic cleansing can be linked to democracy and civil
society, as well as that it has been a part of our modernity and civilisation.
46

It is not only Nazism and Bolshevism that reveal the dangers of moder-
nity; the destruction of whole populations were projects undertaken by
ideal-type modern, liberal states of the nineteenth century such as Britain,
Holland, France, America or Australia in their colonial wars. In Hitlers Em-
pire, Mazower compares the attitude of Hitlers Empire towards European
peoples, especially the Slavs, to the treatment that native, non-European
peoples were subjected to in America and in modern, liberal colonial em-
pires. According to Mazower, in Slavic Eastern Europe Hitler was eager to
use the experience of America and the British Empire in colonizing lands
of the American and Asiatic inferior races.
47
V
As we have seen, delayed modernization and the ideological origins of Ser-
bian Radicalism gure among the key themes in the contemporary reassess-
ment of Serbian nineteenth-century history. Historiography has, however,
long ceased to lay claim to nal truth; hence a divergence of opinion on
these issues.
In examining the causes of Serbias delayed development, Traian
Stoianovich, as a student of Fernand Braudel, is closer to the former direc-
tor of Fernand Braudel Center at Binghamton University, Immanuel Waller-
stein, and his theories regarding the world system and global economic
44
Mark A. Mazower, Violence and the State in the Twentieth Century, Te American
Historical Review 104/7 (2002), 11471151.
45
It is from there that the praise for the Serbian Constitutionalists and Progressives
comes from: Zundhausen, Istorija Srbije, 7980; Shemiakin, Ideologiia Nikoly Pashicha,
33, 3536. Sundhaussen (Istorija Srbije, 89) even describes the rule of the Constitution-
alists (18391858) as dictatorship of modernity.
46
Michael Mann, Te Dark Side of Democracy: Explaining Ethnic Cleansing (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2005), 1823.
47
Mark Mazower, Hitlers Empire. Nazi Rule in Occupied Europe (London: Penguin
Books) 2009 (1st ed. 2008), 556561, 581590.
Balcanica XLIII 338
interdependence. Apart from internal obstacles to modernization, Waller-
stein also stresses the inuence of external actors, through unequal terms
of exchange and the colonial control of the core over the periphery.
48
In
Stoianovichs view, among the factors that delayed Serbias industrialization
were the consequences of wars, beginning with the wars of 18041815, a
fear of competition from the Habsburg Empire, but also the monopolies
the neighbouring Empire sought to establish over the Serbian economy.
49
Gale Stokes, in his book focused on the role of the Peoples Radical
Party in the emergence of political party life in Serbia, uses this Balkan princi-
pality as a case in point for the political system that is not necessarily a reec-
tion of the social and economic situation in the country. Keeping to the limits
of modernization theories, Stokes argues that by most standards Serbia in the
nineteenth century was a backward country, but also that it had established
a political system which had every appearance of being modern.
50
Te sys-
tem, of course, did not work perfectly; yet, the fact remains that this almost
completely peasant nation, without the complex socioeconomic structure that
we associate with functioning democracies, had built a relatively sophisticated
political structure based on the best models of the nineteenth-century liberal
state.
51
Stokes also notes that all three major political parties in Serbia were
pro-Western and pro-modernization; in their struggle to monopolize the in-
terpretation of the national idea, the Radicals merely went further than the
Liberals and Progressives, basing their theories of popular sovereignty on the
inclusion of the broadest possible cross-section of society in politics as well
as on the new, mass emotional nationalism of the 1880s.
52
In his conclusion,
Gale Stokes stresses that the main sphere in which modernization occurred in
Serbia in the nineteenth-century was not society or industry, but politics.
53
John Lampe embraces the conclusions put forward by Stokes, ob-
serving that the Serbian Radicals quickly abandoned their utopian peasant
socialism, in order to adapt their programme to that of the French Radicals.
However, according to Lampe, the struggle for national unication pre-
vented the Radicals and Progressives from pursuing internal moderniza-
tion; instead, they built the institutions of government on weak foundations
dependent on a backward, rural economy.
54
48
Tis is also noted by ali, Socijalna istorija Srbije, 13.
49
On these and other causes, see Stoianovich, Balkan Worlds, 100103 and 288293.
50
Stokes, Politics as Development, 1.
51
Ibid. 2.
52
Ibid. 296 and 299306.
53
Ibid. 306.
54
Lampe, Yugoslavia as History, 54.
Dennis Hupchick also sees the Radicals, along with the Progressives,
as Western-leaning and espousing liberal-democratic ideals, while Tom
Gallagher on the other hand sees Radicals as isolationists and national-
ists with explicit territorial ambitions.
55
Interestingly, Georges Castellan is
also among those who stress the Russian, populist, socialist origins of their
ideas.
56
In his History of the Balkans, Stevan Pavlowitch presents the evolu-
tion of the Radicals from Russian populism to French leftist republicanism
and Swiss radicalism, while also noting that their role in the moderniza-
tion of Serbia is subject to controversy.
57
In his Serbia: the History behind
the Name, Pavlowitch no longer mentions this controversy; instead, apart
from the French and Swiss models as obviously inspiring for the Radicals,
he also highlights the indirect inuence of British parliamentary practices
and procedures.
58
VI
Tere are several other topics which are considered important in interna-
tional historiography within the ongoing revision of nineteenth-century
Serbian history. Te First and Second Serbian Uprisings have, for the most
part, not been subjected to revisionism but, much like events from more
recent Serbian history, they continue to attract the attention of historians.
Sundhaussen remains relatively isolated in questioning the use of the term
Serbian Revolution, forged early on by Ranke, to refer to these events. He
argues that it is more appropriate to speak of peasant uprisings than of a
revolution.
59
Phillip Longworth, for his part, does not believe that national-
ism played a signicant role in these events.
60
However, Traian Stoianovich
stresses that, as in the case of Bulgaria and Greece, what actually took place
was also a national and social revolution which swept away the existing
class structures in order to replace them with institutions modelled on those
that were being established in Western Europe. In his opinion, the Balkan
revolutions remained incomplete inasmuch as they failed to create a social
basis, in particular a middle class, which would have been able to guarantee
55
Hupchick, Balkans, 282; Gallagher, Outcast Europe, 57.
56
Castellan, Histoire des Balkans, 327.
57
Pavlowitch, History of the Balkans, 126, 127.
58
Stevan K. Pavlowitch, Serbia: Te History behind the Name (London Hurst & Co.,
2002), 69 (Serb. ed. 2004).
59
Zundhausen, Istorija Srbije, 76.
60
Longworth, Making of Eastern Europe, 176177.
Balcanica XLIII 340
the stability of the new system in the face of wars and other diculties.
61

Stoianovichs original contribution is also in his linking the beginning of
the Serbian Revolution with the millenarian expectations of messianic lib-
eration which, as he observes, had spread among the Serbs in the second
half of the eighteenth century;
62
this argument is accepted by Pavlowitch
and Lampe.
63
Te role of Kosovo, epic folk poetry, Vuk Karadi reforms, Njegos
Mountain Wreath and Garaanins Draft in shaping Serbian national ideol-
ogy are pet topics in the revision of Serbian history that is currently under
way. In short, some of the most recent studies belonging to this category
seek to prove that the traditions of the Serbian people and the cultural
heritage stemming from them, such as the poem Mountain Wreath, set the
stage for the persecution of Muslims in the twentieth century, and that Vuk
Karadi and Ilija Garaanin provided a political blueprint for the conquest
of non-Serbian territories and the creation of Greater Serbia. Blaming
individuals from past centuries for present-day events is clearly an anachro-
nism; yet, the inapplicability of such a view is not proportional to its actual
inuence. Te works of Michael Sells and Branimir Anzulovic, experts on
the genocidal tradition in Serbian history, are quoted particularly often.
64

Teir key arguments are accepted, for instance, by Holm Sundhaussen and
Tom Gallagher.
65
John Lampe is also among those who condemn Njego
for dedicating himself, in his Mountain Wreath, to avenging Kosovo and
expelling the local Turks rather than to the ideas of the Enlightenment.
66

Perhaps as a result of this, Elizabeth Roberts, the writer of the latest history
of Montenegro, touches upon Mountain Wreath only very briey, avoiding
any deeper discussion of this poem. However, not even she shies away from
mentioning the interpretations that place the responsibility for the crimes
perpetrated in the late twentieth century on Njego, and from expressing
bemusement at his voluntary submission to Serbias policies, personied in
Ilija Garaanin.
67
61
Stoianovich, Balkan Worlds, 175178.
62
Ibid. 168170.
63
Pavlowitch, Serbia, 28; Lampe, Yugoslavia as History, 48.
64
Michael A. Sells, Te Bridge Betrayed: Religion and Genocide in Bosnia (Berkeley: Uni-
versity of California Press, 1998).
65
Zundhausen, Istorija Srbije, 108127; Gallagher, Outcast Europe, 5759.
66
Lampe, Yugoslavia as History, 57.
67
Elizabeth Roberts, Realm of the Black Mountain: A History of Montenegro (Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 2007), 186189, 134135 and 214215.
As for Garaanins Draft, there have been some serious monographs.
Konstantin Nikiforovs book, which critically examines the extent to which
Garaanins ideas were suited to the reality of his time and how successful
his plans were, is a case in point.
68
Traian Stoianovich and Stevan Pavlow-
itch are among those who stress the economic aspect of the Draft, particu-
larly its demand for access to the sea in order to wrest Serbia from her trade
dependence on the Habsburg Empire.
69
When it comes to Serbias involvement in the Balkan Wars, there is
very little divergence of opinion. With some honest exceptions, the exami-
nation of the Balkan Wars boils down to the view that what was at work was
the Serbian occupation of non-Serb areas and systematic destruction of the
Albanian people. What has become the most frequently quoted contempo-
rary source is the pro-Bulgarian Report of the Carnegie Endowment which
places most of the blame for the expulsions that took place in Macedonia
on the Greeks and Serbs.
70
Te Serbian armys repression against Albanian
civilians has been a long-known fact, and it constitutes an important and
legitimate research topic. What is surprising, however, is the silence about
Albanian violence against the Serbs in Kosovo, particularly the systematic
mass expulsion carried out in 18781912. Where such events are men-
tioned at all, as in Noel Malcolms Kosovo, they are mentioned in order to
deny that the Serbs experienced any real suering
71
or, as in Sundhaussen,
a few words on the matter are slipped into a long and detailed description
of the suering of Albanians at the hands of Serbs.
72
In both cases, what is
stressed is that everything that happened to the Serbs was the consequence
of the Serbian persecution of the Albanians which had begun in 1878, and
that the misfortunes of the Serbs in Kosovo, if there were any at all, cannot
compare with the mass crimes of Serbs against Albanians in 1878.
73
68
Konstatin V. Nikiforov, Serbia v seredine XIX v. (nachalo deiatel nosti po obedineniiu
serbskikh zemel ) (Moscow: Institut slavianovedenia i balkanistiki, 1995). See also Niki-
forovs text in the volume relating to this period Mezhdunarodnnye otnosheniia na Bal-
kanakh 18301856 gg., ed. Vladlen N. Vinogradov (Moscow: Nauka, 1990), 132147.
69
Stoianovich, Balkan Worlds, 103; Pavlowitch, Serbia, 4446.
70
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Report of the International Commis-
sion to Inquire into the Causes and Conduct of the Balkan Wars (Washington: Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace, 1914) (reprinted ed. 1993), 148207. See also Ivan
Ilchev, Karnegievata enketa prez 1913 g. Obstanovka, izvrshvane i mezhdunaroden
otzvuk, Istoricheski pregled 45/10 (1989), 1528.
71
Malcolm, Kosovo, 228238.
72
Zundhausen, Istorija Srbije, 237243.
73
For this approach to Serbias role in the Balkan wars, see also Mazower, Balkans, 118;
Gallagher, Outcast Europe 66; Lampe, Yugoslavia as History, 9495.
Balcanica XLIII 342
In his monograph on the Balkan Wars, Richard Hall carefully ana-
lyzes the military operations. Yet, quite in the spirit of the current trend of
elevating empires above nations, he presents the successes of the Balkan al-
lies as satisfying nationalist appetites at the expense of a multinational, Ot-
toman, empire. Although this author is not familiar with the violence per-
petrated by Albanians against Serbs after 1878, he at least does not look at
the Serbian repression of Albanians outside the context of mutual violence
and recrimination among Balkan peoples.
74
In his Balkan Worlds, Traian
Stoianovich places the mutual expulsions of 191213, as well as those that
took place later in the twentieth century, within the context of forced relo-
cations of dierent ethnic and religious groups that dierent empires, from
the Roman and Byzantine to Ottoman, had been carrying out in the Bal-
kans for centuries.
75
Te Balkan Wars of Andr Gerolymatos, which covers
much more than the Balkan Wars of 191213, is a good example of a histo-
rians desire to understand rather than to use the past.
76
Surprisingly, neither the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand
nor the beginning of the First World War is subjected to the same deep-go-
ing revision as the Balkan Wars. A rising star of Anglo-Saxon historiogra-
phy, Niall Ferguson, ever favourably inclined towards powerful empires and
disparaging of small troublemakers, argues in his history of the First World
War that Serbias foreign policy of the time deliberately sought to provoke
conict, and describes it as a nationalist version of Lenins the worse the
better principle. However, not even he claims that the Serbian government
was aware of the preparations for the Sarajevo assassination.
77
In principle,
most historians of the Balkans are more cautious than Ferguson when it
comes to attributing the blame for the First World War. Tere is a clear
stress on, but little glorication of, the modernizing successes of the Hab-
sburg regime in Bosnia.
78
Robin Okey, in Te Habsburg Civilizing Mission
in Bosnia 18781914, places Austro-Hungarian rule in Bosnia within the
context of the age of empires and points to its colonial nature.
79
74
Richard C. Hall, Te Balkan Wars 19121913: Prelude to the First World War (London/
New York: Routledge, 2000), 136138.
75
Stoianovich, Balkan Worlds, 199200.
76
Andr Gerolymatos, Te Balkan Wars: Conquest, Revolution and Retribution from the
Ottoman Era to the Twentieth Century and Beyond (New York: Basic Books, 2002).
77
Niall Ferguson, Te Pity of War 19141918 (London: Basic Books, 1999), 146147.
78
Mazower, Balkans, 107; Lampe, Yugoslavia as History, 6468, 7981; Gallagher, Out-
cast Europe, 6869. Malcolm, Povijest Bosne, 187209, paints a positive picture of Aus-
tro-Hungarian rule, as well as Hupchick, Balkans, 316317.
79
Okey, Taming Balkan Nationalism, viiviii, 220. Te colonial nature of Habsburg rule
in Bosnia is noted by Mazower, Balkans, 103; Pavlowitch, Serbia, 76.
* * *
Scientic advances are impossible without re-examining long-accepted
views. Yet, the re-evaluation of nineteenth-century Serbian history which
is currently under way has little to do with the advancement of knowledge.
What is at work is not a desire to understand the past, but rather the intent
to accommodate the past to the present. Te victors do write history, but not
forever; their interpretations last only as long as their power.
One of the major causes of the declining quality of historical studies
on Serbias nineteenth-century history lies in the fact that, over the last two
decades, a generation of historians whose contribution to global knowledge
is undisputable has been departing from this world: Michael Boro Petrovich,
Wayne Vucinich, Traian Stoianovich, Dimitrije Djordjevic. However, good
academic work continues to be published in the face of temptation. In times
such as these, it becomes clearer than ever that the basic method of histori-
ans, with all perfected techniques and increased knowledge, is the audacity
to confront ones own intent; that, coupled with honesty, prevents us from
making unfounded claims.
UDC 930(100):94(497.11)18
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ideas and institutions in the Balkans in the 19th and 20th century (no. 177011), funded by
the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of
Serbia. It is a revised and updated version of the article published in Serbian, Saznanje
ili namera: Savremena svetska istoriograja o Srbima u 19. veku, Sociologija LIII/4
(2011), 401416.
* Faculty of Philology, University of Bel-
grade
D~xic~ Povovi, 8v~xisi~v Toui ~xu v~c~x \ojvoui, DEANSKA PUSTINJA.
SKITOVI I KELIJE MANASTIRA DEANA |nglish summary: Tnv v~xi vsvv:. Tnv
SKETAE ~xu KELLIA ov :nv Mox~s:vvv ov v~xi|. 8vicv~uv: !xs:i:u:v
vov 8~ix~x S:uuivs ~xu !x:vvuvv~v::vx:~i Co::i::vv ov :nv Svvni~x
Ac~uv:v ov Scivxcvs ~xu Av:s vov :nv S:uuv ov Kosovo ~xu Mv:onij~, :o++,
pp. :8:, ills. +6.
Reviewed by !rcna padijcr
Tc cani cscrt is thc namc lor dc
pcndcncics ol thc monastcry ol cani
that wcrc cstablishcd in a vckilomctrc
long bclt wcst ol thc mothcr monastcry
and consistcd ol somc tcn ascctic commu
nitics whosc cclls wcrc scattcrcd in cavcs
dotting thc lclt wall ol thc canyon carvcd
by thc canska 8istrica rivcr. !t was
lormcd not latcr than thc midlourtccnth
ccntury and rcmaincd activc until thc cnd
ol thc scvcntccnth ccntury. Tcrc is abso
lutcly no doubt that it is onc ol thc most
important phcnomcna in thc history ol
Scrbian crcmitic monasticism, morcovcr,
it is thc only such whosc history may bc
to an cxtcnt rcconstructcd lrom writtcn
sourccs. Vhcn, in thc dicult timcs ol
Scrbian cxoduscs lrom Kosovo and Mc
tohija, thc last kclliotic monks wcrc lorccd
to lcavc, thcir abodcs bccamc abandoncd
and wcrc ncvcr inhabitcd again.
An occasional intcrcst shown lrom
thc midninctccnth ccntury by conccrncd
or curious individuals among whom
wcrc two distinguishcd archimandritcs
ol cani, 8ritish lady travcllcrs and lcw
prolcssionally cquippcd twcnticthccntu
ry rcscarchcrs and thcir now invalu
ablc rccords, wcrc what thc historians ol
art anica Popovi, 8ranislav Todi and
ragan \ojvodi could count on in thc
volatilc 8alkans ol thc turn ol thc sccond
millcnnium, whcn thcy cmbarkcd upon
a rathcr unprcdictablc advcnturc to cx
plorc ascctic abodcs in Mctohija. Altcr
thcir prcliminary cld survcy conductcd
undcr prccarious circumstanccs in +8,
thcrc was much work and many chal
lcngcs ahcad ol thcm. cspitc all dicul
tics, thcy lound thc couragc and stamina
to continuc thcir cldwork in :oo6 and
:oo. Tc obtaincd cldwork ndings,
combincd with thc carlicr rccords and
thc until rcccntly unknown documcntary
matcrial lrom thc Archivcs ol thc Scrbian
Acadcmy ol Scicnccs and Arts, rcsultcd
in a book, which, as thc authors put it
thcmsclvcs, was taking shapc slowly,
with intcrruptions and various obstaclcs
along thc way.
REVIEWS
Balcanica XLIII 348
Apart from a brief introduction, the
book contains seven chapters, two appen-
dices, an extensive summary in English, a
list of abbreviations and an index. Finally,
it is richly illustrated: photographs of the
sites taken over a long span of time from
the 1930s to the early years of the twenty-
rst century add a particular value to it, as
they document the situation in the eld at
dierent periods.
Te rst chapter (Reviving the mem-
ory of the Deani Desert and its ascetics),
by Branislav Todi, provides background
information on the rediscovery of the
Deani Desert in the mid-nineteenth
century from the monasterys learned
archimandrite Seraphim (Risti), the ac-
counts of the British travellers Georgina
Muir Mackenzie and Adelina Paulina
Irby, and Milo S. Milojevi to liter-
ary and scholarly pieces of another archi-
mandrite of Deani, Leontios (Ninkovi),
written in the 1920s and 1930s.
Te reader is then acquainted with the
pioneering, but sporadic, scholarly inter-
est in the site in the twentieth century
(Sergei Smirnov and Djurdje Bokovi in
the 1930s; Janko Radovanovi and Milan
Ivanovi in the 1960s), and the publica-
tion of the relevant source materials (most
of all, the notes and inscriptions compiled
and edited by Ljubomir Stojanovi). It is
in this chapter, which its author, Dragan
Vojvodi, appositely titles On the margin
of scholarly attention, far from protected
status, that the reader becomes fully
aware of the extent to which the hermit-
ages of Deani were uncared for through-
out the past century.
Te ascetic communities are then
looked at in the light of the surviving
written sources: B. Todi analyzes refer-
ences to them in literary works, such as
Te Life of Patriarch Ephrem by Mark of
Pe, and in the notes made in manuscripts
transcribed in the Deani Desert. We even
learn the names of some scribes, such as
Nikandar, active in 1493/4, and Nestor,
in the 1560s. All communities recorded
in the sources Belaja, the Holy Tree
Hierarchs, St Nicholas, St Neilos and St
George are looked at in detail.
After this historical and philological
perspective on the whole of the complex,
the authors shift their attention to the
three most important and best preserved
of the sketae and kellia: those of Belaja
with the church dedicated to the Dor-
mition of the Virgin, of the Holy Tree
Hierarchs (also known as the Holy King),
and of St George (also known as the Her-
mitage of St Helen). Given that the three
sites notwithstanding the identical
function they used to full and a measure
of similarity when it comes to the current
state of preservation of their architecture
and wall paintings show a number of
dierences, the authors (D. Popovi and
D. Vojvodi) necessarily adopt dier-
ent approaches and methodologies. Tey
maintain their individual research styles
without eroding the overall structure
of the book or disrupting the common
thread running through their accounts,
which results in remarkable observations
concerning the antiquity and style of the
layers of frescoes in Belaja, and a meticu-
lous analysis of the structural remains of
the Tree Holy Hierarchs leading to some
interesting suggestions about their former
use.
Tis part of the book, which may be
dened as concrete examination of written
and physical sources reporting on the
explored sites and analyzing the evidence
thus obtained, which is in fact the basis of
a book thus conceived is followed by
a chapter that provides both a historical
synthesis and a theoretical background
for the entire study: Te Deani Desert
within the framework of Byzantine and
Serbian eremitism. In her approach to
the subject, Danica Popovi clearly sepa-
rates the diachronic and synchronic per-
spectives, which, as she points out herself,
required that her account be structured
Reviews 349
in decreasing order of generality: the
type of monasticsim under study is rst
looked at within the Byzantine world at
large, then within the Serbian environ-
ment, and nally, in the case of the her-
mitages of Deani. Tis is the reason why
this part of the book begins with analyz-
ing the very concept of the monastic desert,
drawing attention to terminological prob-
lems encountered by modern researchers
concerned with the past practices of soli-
tary monasticism, oering a categorization
of the terms occurring in the sources, and
providing justication for the adopted
terminology. Eremitism in the Byzantine
world is looked at in its full temporal and
spatial extent, which inevitably involves
the deserts of Egypt, Palestine, Syria or
Asia Minor. Special attention is paid to
Mount Athos which, with its distinctive
types and forms of monasticism, served as
the fundamental model for the practice of
eremitism in medieval Serbia. Te situa-
tion in medieval Serbia is looked at pri-
marily in terms of its connection with the
monastery of Hilandar and its dependen-
cy, the Kellion of St Sabas at Karyes, and,
of course, with special reference to the
role of St Sava (Sabas) of Serbia and the
prototypical example of Studenica. Natu-
rally, the brightest beam of the searchlight
illuminates the anchoritic communities
of the Deani Desert. Teir relationship
with the mother monastery, including the
issue of ownership, organization, struc-
ture, day-to-day life with its liturgical
practices, ascetic labour and monastic du-
ties, all of that is looked at in its chrono-
logical continuity. Te essay concludes
with an analysis of the natural setting and
the man-made physical structures that
provided shelter for the Deani ascetics
and, with them, grew into a symbol of a
distinctive form of Orthodox spirituality.
Two appendices at the end of the book
constitute a particularly valuable supple-
ment: the memorial books of two anchor-
itic communities of Deani: Belaja and the
Holy Tree Hierarchs. Te original books
were kept in the manuscript collection of
the National Library in Belgrade, which
burned to the ground in Germanys air
attack on Belgrade on 6 April 1941. So,
both are lost forever. But large excerpts
from these books and almost all personal
and place names had been copied out by
the librarian Svetozar Mati. After 1957,
his transcripts and notes found their way
into the Archives of the Serbian Academy
of Sciences and Arts. Trough the eort of
Branislav Todi, these hitherto unknown
sixteenth-century sources, of interest not
only for the history of the monastery of
Deani and its desert, but also for many
other elds of research, are now accessible
to a broader public.
A book conceived in such a way as
to integrate several important forms of
scholarly work from eld surveys to
critical analysis of sources to theoreti-
cally well-grounded examination of the
perceived phenomena inevitably pro-
duces new and fresh insights; moreover,
it brings back to life an entire existence
in all its fullness. Tis vibrant portrayal
of the anchoritic communities of Deani
challenges the widespread stereotype of
hermits as persons withdrawn from life
and strangers in this world, conrm-
ing the claim that their solitude was not
a mere ight. As D. Chitty observed as
early as the 1960s, it was rooted in the
profound faith in God and acceptance
of a struggle which was not the struggle
against the material world but against the
powers of darkness and evil in this world.
If it was not so, Chitty asked, how is it
that hermits tended to choose the natural
setting for their withdrawal with such a
sense of beauty, and showed such love for
all Gods creatures.
Te Deani Desert is a book that comes
as a result of years-long research of three
scholars. Tey found themselves facing
an impossible mission. In a situation in
which Serbian scholars are practically
Balcanica XLIII 350
barred from access to the sites, they strug-
gled to rescue from oblivion, if they could
not from decay, an important testimony
to an authentic monastic spirituality and
presence in Metohija. Unreservedly dedi-
cated to their work, which involved eld
research in a less than friendly environ-
ment, they were given a generous reward:
in company with Deani monks, they
lived to hear, after more than three cen-
turies, the gorge of the Bistrica reverber-
ate with the sound of troparia, which, at
least for a brief moment, restored to the
Deani Desert some of its original spir-
ituality and blissful peace. D. Popovi, B.
Todi and D. Vojvodi have given future
generations of scholars, as well as inter-
ested readers, a remarkable book which
will be a must-read for a comprehensive
understanding of the Serbian past of Ko-
sovo and Metohija. At the same time, it
will be a comprehensive and exceptionally
well-documented case study for compara-
tive research into Eastern Christian an-
choritic monasticism.
Nicoi~s \~:ix, Giiivs \vixs:vix ~xu iiz~nv:n Z~cn~vi~uou, CATALOGUE
DU FONDS OTTOMAN DES ARCHIVES DU MONASTRE DE SAINT-JEAN PATMOS. LES VINGT-
DEUX PREMIERS DOSSIERS. A:nvxs: Foxu~:iox x~:iox~iv uv i~ vvcnvvcnv
scivx:iviquv, !xs:i:u: uv vvcnvvcnvs nvz~x:ixvs, :o++, pp. 6.
Reviewed by gnjcn Krci
Ministry ol ducation, Scicncc and Tcch Ministry ol ducation, Scicncc and Tcch
nological cvclopmcnt ol thc Rcpublic ol
Scrbia doctoral scholarship holdcr
!n +, thc !nstitutc lor 8yzantinc
Studics (Institut de recherches byzantines)
ol thc National Foundation lor Scicn
tic Rcscarch (Fondation nationale de la
recherche scientique) and thc Ccntrc lor
Turkish, ttoman, 8alkan and Ccntral
Asian Studics (Centre dtudes turque, otto-
mans, balkaniques et centrasiatiques) ol thc
National Ccntrc lor Scicntic Rcscarch
(Centre national de la recherche scientique/
CNRS) startcd collaboration on an archi
val rcscarch projcct conccrning thc tto
man documcnts prcscrvcd in thc monas
tcry ol Saint John thc Tcologian on Pat
mos. Tc actual archival work bcgan lour
ycars latcr, whcn thc rst rcscarch tcam
arrivcd in thc monastcry. !t was madc up
ol lizabcth Zahariadou, rctircd prolcs
sor ol Turkish studics at thc cpartmcnt
ol History and Archacology ol thc Uni
vcrsity ol Crctc, Nicolas \atin, dircctor ol
rcscarch at thc CNRS, and Gillcs \cin
stcin, prolcssor at thc Collgc dc Francc
and dircctor ol studics at thc School lor
Advanccd Studics in thc Social Scicnccs
(cole des hautes tudes en sciences sociales).
Tc rcsult ol thcir work is thc rst volumc
ol a cataloguc ol ttoman documcnts
publishcd in :o++. Tc volumc ocrs thc
summarics ol 8: documcnts dividcd
into loldcrs (Z, +b, and lrom + to :o),
which span thc pcriod lrom thc ltccnth
to thc middlc ol thc scvcntccnth ccn
tury, including scvcral documcnts dating
lrom latcr ccnturics. Tc rcmaining part
ol thc archival matcrial, consisting ol ::
mostly cightccnth and ninctccnthccn
tury documcnts, is in thc proccss ol bcing
prcparcd by Michacl Ursinus, and should
also appcar in thc lorm ol a cataloguc.
Tc book consists ol an introduc
tion to thc Cataloguc and Appcndix (pp.
:8), thc Cataloguc with summarics ol
cvcry documcnt (pp. :66), thc indcxcs
ol pcrsonal namcs, most important lunc
tionarics and placc namcs, a topical indcx,
a chronological list ol thc monastcrys
Reviews 351
hegumens, a genealogical table of the Di-
akos family, and a glossary (pp. 567664).
Te authors made detailed summaries
of every document, which provide basic
diplomatic information about the type of
document, date of issue, issuer and recipi-
ent, signature and seal, contents of the re-
verse side, dimensions, a summary of the
main text in French and, where needed,
additional remarks. Most documents have
short commentaries or additional infor-
mation written on them in Greek, and
the authors included them in summaries.
Tey also included in their remarks all
available information about the persons
mentioned in the documents or drew at-
tention to interconnections between dif-
ferent documents.
At the time when the Ottomans in-
corporated the island of Patmos into their
sphere of inuence the monastery of Saint
John had already had a long history. It was
not only the religious centre of the island
but, during the last decades of Byzantine
rule, it also became the most important
administrative institution that governed
the lives of the islanders. Facing the new
developments on the neighbouring Ana-
tolian coast, where the Turkish emirates
of Aydn and Mentee were founded, and
the rapid decline of Byzantine central au-
thority, the monastery continued to for-
tify its inuence, and the island became a
small, practically independent, monastic
state. In exchange for the preservation
of its autonomous status, the monastery
paid a tribute to the emirs of Mentee. It
is believed that the monastery established
relations with the Ottomans as soon as
they conquered the coastal emirates, but
it was only after the Ottoman conquest
of Constantinople in 1453, that Patmos
nally became part of the Ottoman Em-
pire. Te Ottoman central government
did not formally recognize the temporal
authority of the hegumen and his status
was not sanctioned by a berat. As a result,
communication went through the Patri-
archate and the local authorities. On the
other hand, the local authorities were well
aware of the inuential role of the mon-
astery and its hegumen in the life of the
inhabitants of Patmos.
Te fact that the monastery was so
involved in the functioning of the islands
society and that it had developed relations
with Ottoman authorities, especially lo-
cal, explains the great number and diver-
sity of Ottoman documents preserved
in its archive. Most are various types of
certicates and attestations issued by the
kad (hccets, temessks), but there is also
a rich collection of documents issued by
the central (fermans, berats) and local au-
thorities (such as pashas, beys, kapudan-
pashas). An especially interesting feature
of the monasterys Ottoman collection is
that it contains a considerable number of
documents of a private nature. Given that
the island was a sacred and geographi-
cally well protected place, many people,
and not only locals, chose to deposit their
valuables and important documents in the
monastery vaults. Moreover, the islanders
used the monastery as a kind of public
archives. Terefore, those interested in
the life of the islanders can obtain infor-
mation about various types of everyday
transactions and about the kind of prob-
lems that caused them trouble.
Te archive of such an important in-
stitution as the monastery of Saint John
on Patmos undoubtedly is a mine of in-
formation for various areas of academic
interest. In the rst place, there are eco-
nomic topics. Te monastery possessed
a large number of estates, scattered on
dierent Aegean islands, and its monks
were actively engaged in trade. Tus,
researchers can follow the functioning
of the monasterys economy, the collec-
tion of revenues from its properties and
the complicated operation of transport-
ing products both to the island and to
other Ottoman territories. Closely con-
nected with this is the question of rela-
Balcanica XLIII 352
tions between the monastery and local
authorities and payment of taxes due to
the state. Te monasterys rights over its
estates and sources of income were often
disputed by neighbours or local notables,
and with a help of many documents one
can reconstruct how such problems were
handled and resolved. Also, the Ottoman
documents can provide some informa-
tion about the relationship between the
monks and religious authorities, notably
the Patriarchate in Constantinople.
Te archival material from a mon-
astery situated on an island is, of course,
of great interest to researchers concerned
with any topic relating to the sea. Patmos
was involved in the Aegean trade network,
but its trade connections were not limited
to the nearby regions, but encompassed
the whole of the Mediterranean. Apart
from trade, the documents also provide
information about agriculture and animal
husbandry on the Aegean islands. Te sea
can bring as many problems as benets to
insular communities. Te Patmiots expe-
rienced many problems caused by piracy,
and several documents testify to the aid
they extended to the victims of pirate at-
tacks.
Te Catalogue of the Ottoman docu-
ments in the Archive of the Monastery of
Saint John on Patmos can be highly useful
to all researchers interested in the history
of the Orthodox monasteries in the Ot-
toman Empire. Te documents provide
information about the functioning of the
monastery as an institution, about its eco-
nomic activities and its relationship with
Ottoman central and local authorities.
Moreover, given the distinctive role that
the monastery of Saint John played in the
society of the island, its archive is also a
source of valuable information about the
life of all inhabitants of the island. Taken
as a whole, these documents can give us
a picture of the life on an Aegean island
under Ottoman rule, which could never
be completely isolated from events taking
place elsewhere across the vast empire.
Jov~x j. Av~xu:ovi, MEMOARI |Mv:oivs|, vu. Sionou~x Tuvi~xov.
Svv:sxi K~viovci Novi S~u: IZDAVAKA KNJIARNICA ZORANA STOJANOVIA,
:oo8, pp 686.
Reviewed by Alcksandra Kolakovi
!nstitutc lor 8alkan Studics, 8clgradc
Jovan Avakumovi (+8++:8),
Scrbian jurist, politician, and mcmbcr ol
Royal Scrbian Acadcmy, was onc ol thc
gurcs who markcd thc political and so
cial sccnc in Scrbia in thc latc ninctccnth
and carly twcnticth ccntury. A dcsccn
dant ol thc mcrchant 8abadudi lam
ily, hc graduatcd in law lrom thc Grcat
School (Velika kola) in 8clgradc and thcn
continucd his law studics in Gcrmany,
Francc and Switzcrland. Avakumovi
bcgan his carccr as rst sccrctary ol thc
Court ol Cassation (+8+), and hcld thc
occ ol mayor ol 8clgradc (+8), chicl
ol thc Policc cpartmcnt ol thc Ministry
ol !ntcrior (+8+88o) and judgc ol thc
Court ol Cassation (+88++88).
As a mcmbcr ol thc Libcral Party,
Avakumovi scrvcd twicc as Ministcr
ol Justicc, in thc cabinct ol Jovan Risti
(+88+) and thc coalition cabinct ol Lib
crals and Radicals (+88). Hc was Primc
Ministcr and Ministcr ol Forcign Al
lairs lrom +8: until thc King Alcxandcr
brcnovis coup dtat ol +8, which
was thc rcason why thc Radicals dc
mandcd that Avakumovi and somc othcr
Reviews 353
gency (Milivoje Blaznavac, Jovan Risti
and Jovan Gavrilovi) ruling on behalf
of Prince Milan Obrenovi, as evidenced
by a wealth of information about them,
their mutual relations and the events they
participated in. Te second chapter covers
the course of his career and political life in
Serbia between 1869 and 1883, including
the adoption of the Constitution (1869),
the Serbian-Ottoman wars (187678),
the Congress of Berlin (1878), the so-
called Timok Rebellion (1883). Along
with his recollections of the Congress
of Berlin written immediately after the
event, Avakumovi added a text about the
annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina
(1908), which he obviously wrote much
later. Tis conrms what Avakumovi
himself stressed: some parts of his mem-
oirs were notes produced at the time of
the events in question, whereas others
underwent some modications and took
their nal shape later.
Party struggles, the reign of King Mi-
lan Obrenovi and his conict with the
Radicals, the divorce of King Milan and
Queen Natalie, the adoption of a new
Constitution (1888) are described in the
third chapter of the memoirs. When Jo-
van Risti, leader of the Liberals, served as
Regent (188992) for the young King Al-
exander Obrenovi, Avakumovis inu-
ence in the Liberal Party grew, which was
reected in its organization and activities.
Apart from his own party, Avakumovi
pays special attention to the activity of the
Radical Party and its relations with two
Obrenovi sovereigns, Milan and his son
Alexander, between 1883 and 1893. Not
surprisingly, he dwells on the programme,
composition and activities of his own
government, with special reference to the
coup dtat mounted by King Alexander
Obrenovi (1893) which led to the fall of
his cabinet. In this part of his memoirs,
Avakumovi gives valuable testimonies
about his dealings with foreign diplomats
in Serbia.
members of the Liberal government be
tried. After the assassination of King Al-
exander and Queen Draga Obrenovi (29
May 1903), Avakumovi again became
the Prime Minister of Serbia. During his
premiership, Peter I Karadjordjevi ac-
cessed the throne as King of Serbia and
the Constitution of 1888 was reinstated.
During the First World War,
Avakumovi was captured and sent to the
internment camp in Cegled (Hungary),
and thence at Hietzing (Austria). After
the war, he withdrew from politics and
started a law practice. Avakumovi wrote
a number of books on legal issues includ-
ing: Teorija kaznenog prava (18871891)
[Te Teory of Criminal Law 1887
1891], Nuna odbrana [Self-Defence],
Vanost krivinog zakona [Te Importance
of Criminal Law], Francuska i Engleska
porota [French and English Juries] etc.
Te memoirs of Jovan Avakumovi
cover nearly sixty years of political and so-
cial life in Serbia, encompassing the reign
of three Obrenovi rulers: Michael/Mi-
hailo (18601868), Milan (18721889)
and Alexander (18931903), and one
Karadjordjevi: Peter I (19031918), as
well as the period of the First World War.
It is divided chronologically into six the-
matically structured chapters.
Te rst chapter describes the period
from 1840 to 1869. Having reminisced
about his childhood and family back-
ground, Avakumovi moves on to his ed-
ucation at Heidelberg, Berlin, Zurich and
Paris (18621868) and the friendships he
struck up during those years. Most of the
chapter is devoted to the assassination of
Prince Michael Obrenovi (1868) and
the trial of the assassins, in which he took
part as assistant of one of the investiga-
tors. Following his appointment as secre-
tary of the Ministry of Interior in 1868,
he became a close friend of Radivoje
Milojkovi, Minister of Interior and Act-
ing Minister of Foreign Aairs. He also
enjoyed the trust of the three-men Re-
Balcanica XLIII 354
Te fourth chapter covers the period
from 1894 to 1902. It opens with the
description of the proceedings brought
against him and his ministers on charges
of violation of the Constitution dur-
ing the parliamentary elections in 1893.
Avakumovi also records his view of King
Alexanders abolition of the Constitution
(1894) and reinstatement of the conser-
vative Constitution of 1869. Te premier-
ship of Vladan Djordjevi and the situa-
tion in the Liberal Party, particularly after
the death of Jovan Risti (1899), are de-
scribed in detail. Te failed assassination
attempt on ex-King Milan in 1899, which
took place on St. John the Baptists Day
(Ivanjdanski atentat), the reign of Alexan-
der Obrenovi and his marriage to Draga
Main, the April Constitution (1901) are
also touched upon in the fourth chapter
of the memoirs.
Te fth chapter reviews the last year
of the life and reign of King Alexander
(1902) and the distinctive decade that
preceded the Balkan Wars (191213).
After an account of his meetings with
King Alexander and Dimitrije Cincar
Markovi and the assassination of King
Alexander and Queen Draga (the May
Coup), Avakumovi explains his activities
during the reign of Peter Karadjordjevi.
As Prime Minister of Serbia, later an
MP, Avakumovi had a number of op-
portunities to meet and exchange views
with King Peter I. Tese conversations,
Avakumovis suggestions concerning
the education of the Kings sons, and his
notes on Crown Prince Djordjes relin-
quishment of the throne in favour of his
younger brother, Prince Alexander, make
an ample contribution to the history of
the Karadjordjevi dynasty. On the other
hand, Avakumovi briey sketches the
turbulent events surrounding the annexa-
tion of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the
Balkan Wars.
Te sixth chapter focuses on the Great
War (19141918). On the day of the as-
sassination of Franz Ferdinand in Sara-
jevo, Avakumovi was on his way to Vi-
enna with his family, and thus witnessed
rsthand the atmosphere that the Arch-
dukes death caused in Austria-Hungary.
He then gives a detailed account of his
return to Serbia and Austrias attack on
Belgrade. Avakumovis description of the
refugees ooding into central Serbia and
the conditions of daily life in the towns of
Ni, aak, Kraljevo and Vrnjaka Banja,
provides a vivid glimpse into what the war
operations of 191415 brought to Serbia.
Finally, Avakumovi recalls the Austro-
Hungarian occupation, his own arrest and
internment in Hungary and Austria, and
the end of the war.
Due to the abundance of information
and Avakumovis prominent role in Ser-
bias politics, his memoirs are an impor-
tant source for the history of Serbia. Te
most valuable sections of the memoirs
are certainly those in which he discusses
his own participation in government and
the political activities of his Liberal Party.
Much is said about the Obrenovi and
Karadjordjevi dynasties, and many po-
litical gures in Serbia before the First
World War. Te authors interesting ac-
count of his studies at prominent foreign
universities, his travels and contacts with
foreign diplomats and journalists, and the
description of his internment expand the
usual range of topics for which memoirs
can be an important source. Avakumovis
profession seems to have inuenced his
clear and precise train of thought and
his tendency to provide additional expla-
nations. Te memoirs of such a promi-
nent political and legal gure as Jovan
Avakumovi undoubtedly are a treasure
trove for historians and all lovers of his-
tory.
Reviews 355
MEMOARI VUKAINA J. PETROVIA |Mv:oivs ov \ux~six J. Pv:vovi|. 8vicv~uv:
Svvni~x ~c~uv:v ov scivxcvs ~xu ~v:s, :oo, pp. :o.
Reviewed by Alcksandra Kolakovi
Tc cpartmcnt ol Historical Scicnccs
ol thc Scrbian Acadcmy ol Scicnccs
and Arts, prcsidcd by \asilijc Krcsti,
publishcd thc mcmoirs ol \ukain J.
Pctrovi (+8+:), a distinguishcd
Scrbian statcsman and nancc cxpcrt ol
Jcwish origin. His contcmporarics ncvcr
qucstioncd his cxpcrtisc, but thought ol
him as bcing an Austrian man.
+
Closc
to King Milan (Princc +8:+88:, King
+88:+88) who pursucd an Austrophilc
policy, and wcllrcccivcd in \icnna and
8crlin altcr thc First Vorld Var, Pctrovi
was tricd lor trcason and acquittcd. Tc
main body ol thc book consists ol two
parts: Mcmoirs ol \ukain J. Pctrovi,
and Supplcmcnts to thc mcmoirs ol
\ukain J. Pctrovi. An inlormativc tcxt
by Slobodan Turlakov, who prcparcd thc
manuscript lor publication, is addcd at
thc cnd ol thc book, as wcll as a vcry usc
lul indcx ol pcrsonal namcs.
Having graduatcd lrom 8clgradcs
Grcat School, \ukain Pctrovi contin
ucd his cducation in \icnna, 8crlin and
Hcidclbcrg.
:
Vhilc in Gcrmany, hc bc
+
According to thc notcs ol thc promincnt
Scrbian intcllcctual and politician Jovan
ujovi (+86+6), kcpt in thc Archivcs
ol Scrbia ( J+, Audicncc with King Al
cxandcr brcnovi, + cc. +8), ujovi
dcscribcd Pctrovi as a brilliant parliamcn
tary orator, but unacccptablc on account ol
bcing an Austrian man. Hc corroboratcd
his vicw by cxKing Milans allcgcd claim
that Pctrovi was not simply an Austrophilc,
but considcrcd to bc a paid Austrian scrv
ant.
:
S. Stanojcvi, Narodna enciklopedija srpsko-
hrvatsko-slovenaka, vol. (Zagrcb +:8),
camc closc to Jovan Risti,
and it was
through this acquaintancc that hc bcgan a
carccr in thc civil scrvicc. !n +8o hc was
appointcd to a clcrical post in thc Min
istry ol !ntcrior. Hc was also thc cditor
ol thc ncwspapcr Jedinstvo (Unity).
Hc
o+, Enciklopedija srpskog naroda (8cl
gradc: Zavod za udbcnikc, :oo8), 8:.
Jovan Risti (+8++8), a statcsman,

historian and mcmbcr ol thc Royal Scrbian
Acadcmy, lounding mcmbcr and lcadcr ol
thc Libcral Party. Undcr Princc Michacl
(Mihailo) brcnovi, hc was appointcd
sccrctary ol thc govcrnmcnt dclcgation to
Constantinoplc (+86o). As Scrbias rcprc
scntativc to thc ttoman Portc (+86+6),
hc ncgotiatcd thc withdrawal ol thc last six
ttoman garrisons lrom Scrbia in +86. Hc
inucnccd thc adoption ol thc Constitu
tion ol +86. uring thc Scrbianttoman
wars (+868) hc scrvcd as ministcr ol
lorcign aairs, and in thcir wakc, took part
in thc Congrcss ol 8crlin in +88 undcr
thc provisions ol which Scrbia was intcr
nationally rccognizcd as a sovcrcign statc.
Hc scrvcd as rcgcnt lor two minor kings,
Milan brcnovi (+868:) and Alcxan
dcr brcnovi (+88), and lour timcs as
primc ministcr (+86, +8, +888o and
+88). Hc was a modcratc Libcral and an
advocatc ol individual ministcrial rcspon
sibility, judicial indcpcndcncc, lrccdom ol
thc prcss, a strong govcrnmcnt, and a wcll
organizcd lcgislaturc. For his cquilibristic
lorcign policy hc was considcrcd both an
Austrophilc and a Russophilc. Hc wrotc
a thrccvolumc book on Scrbias lorcign
policy and a twovolumc diplomatic history
ol Scrbia during hcr wars ol indcpcndcncc
(+88). For gcncral inlormation, scc En-
ciklopedija srpskog naroda, .
Jedinstvo, a scmiocial daily ol thc Scr

bian govcrnmcnt (+868), publishcd ar
ticlcs on lorcign policy and rcports lrom
Scrbinhabitcd arcas outsidc Scrbia. !t
Balcanica XLIII 356
entered the circles close to King Milan
quite early and after the 1885 war with
Bulgaria became some sort of his advisor,
and purportedly his trusted condant
and an ardent Austrophile. Even though
closer to the Progressives from the 1880s,
he collaborated with Jovan Risti for over
a decade. Widely esteemed by his con-
temporaries as Serbias greatest nance
expert, he served as nance minister in
the governments of Milutin Garaanin
(188587),
5
Svetomir Nikolajevi
(1894),
6
Nikola Hristi (189495)
7
and
Vladan Djordjevi (18981900).
8
Dur-
ing his terms as minister, he drew up
several nancial laws (on direct taxation,
on tobacco monopoly, on scal adminis-
tration, on scal committees), and sat on
stood out for a very good literary column,
but also for Vladan Djordjevis attacks on
the socialist Svetozar Markovi. For gen-
eral information, see Enciklopedija srpskog
naroda, 445.
5
Milutin Garaanin (18431898), a poli-
tician, founder and leader of the Popular
Party, a contributor to the magazine Videlo
(Beacon); served as Serbias minister to
Austria-Hungary (1883), minister of for-
eign aairs and prime minister (188486),
minister of interior (188687); towards the
end of his life, served as head of the Serbian
diplomatic mission in Paris (189495), and
as president of the National Assembly of
the Kingdom of Serbia.
6
Svetomir Nikolajevi (18441922), a writ-
er, Great School professor, member of the
Royal Serbian Academy; served as interior
minister and prime minister (1894).
7
Nikola Hristi (18181911), a politi-
cian; served as interior minister (1860), and
prime minister (186061, 188384, 1888
89, 189495).
8
Vladan Djordjevi (18441930), a sur-
geon, army colonel and founder of the Ser-
bian medical corps; served as minister of the
economy (188889), prime minister (1897
1900), and head of the Serbian legations in
Constantinople and Athens.
the committee in charge of preparing the
law on agricultural cooperatives (1898).
He served as acting prime minister at
the time of the failed assassination of ex-
King Milan (1899), and the engagement
of King Alexander Obrenovi to Draga
Main (1900). After King Alexanders
engagement, he resigned along with the
entire cabinet of Vladan Djordjevi. In
1906 there were attempts to return him to
politics so that he might form a govern-
ment that would be capable of settling the
dicult issues in Serbias relations with
Austria. Together with his brother Nikola,
he published the Source Materials for the
History of the Kingdom of Serbia in two
volumes (1882), and he left behind the
manuscript of his memoirs, which is kept
in the Archives of the Serbian Academy
of Sciences and Arts.
Te rst part of the book, Memoirs
of Vukain J. Petrovi, comprises eleven
chapters. His account combines personal
observations, events from his private life
and events relating to Serbias political life
in the last decades of the nineteenth and
early twentieth century. He begins by rec-
ollecting his student days in Germany, his
rst encounter and subsequent collabora-
tion with Jovan Risti. Te account of his
activity relating to the newspaper Jedinstvo
is followed by a description of his situa-
tion after the fall of Ristis government
in 1873 and his resignation from the civil
service. With Risti as the most inuential
member of the cabinet formed in 1875 by
Steva Mihailovi, Petrovi was appointed
to a clerical post in the Police Department
of the Ministry of Interior. His closeness
to Risti meant an opportunity for him
to take part in state aairs during Ser-
bias wars of independence, when he was
awarded the Order of the Takovo Cross
4th Class. Formally, Petrovi was not a
member of a political party. However, he
claims that he demanded that his name be
removed from the list of the Liberal Party
after his clash with Jovan Risti, who called
Reviews 357
him a total zero. From then on he began
collaboration with the Progressive Party
without becoming a member, and served
as nance minister in Milutin Garaanins
cabinet in 1885. As nance minister in
the cabinets of Nikolajevi, Hristi and
Djordjevi, and as the acting prime min-
ister at the time of the failed assassination
of former King Milan in 1899, he was in a
position to witness or inuence the course
of some of the most important events in
the history of Serbia. His memoirs of-
fer his observations, as well as his views
on some issues of relevance to Serbias
nances, such as the crash of Bontouxs
Union Gnrale in 1882.
9
Apart from nancial issues, Petrovis
memoirs provide his portrayal of charac-
ter traits of a number of politicians, and
abound in information concerning their
private life. Especially interesting are the
sections describing his encounters with
the Austrian politician Benjamin von
Kally
10
and the German chancellor Bis-
marck. He also presents what information
he had on the conspiracy that ended in
the assassination of King Alexander and
Queen Draga in 1903 and the accession
of King Peter I Karadjordjevi to the
throne of Serbia. Quite interesting is his
brief description of how he met some of
the conspirators in Vienna, including their
9
Te cabinet of Milan Piroanac concluded
in 1881 a contract with Bontouxs invest-
ment bank concerning the construction and
exploitation of the BelgradeVranje railway.
Te banks bankruptcy a year later caused
one of the greatest scandals in Serbias mod-
ern history and threatened the countrys
nances.
10
Benjamin von Kally (18391903), con-
sul-general of Austria-Hungary in Belgrade
(186875), subsequently the administra-
tor of Bosnia-Herzegovina (18821903),
known for promoting the creation of a Bos-
niak nation; wrote a history of the Serbs
(1877), but forbade its distribution in Bos-
nia-Herzegovina.
leader, Colonel Dragutin Dimitrijevi
Apis. He also recollects the failed at-
tempt, made at the insistence of King Pe-
ter, to form a government that would nd
a way to ease tensions between Serbia and
Austria-Hungary over the so-called can-
non aair. Te last chapters are devoted
to an account of his situation in occupied
Serbia during the First World War, and
to the trial he was put on for treason and
collaboration with the occupying force.
Te second part of the book, Sup-
plements to the memoirs of Vukain J.
Petrovi, subtitled My defences (1886
87, 1896 and 1920), is organized into
thirteen wholes containing Petrovis
perspective on the most important events
in his personal life and career, and his
reminiscences about prominent gures
of Serbian politics and his own relation-
ship with them. Accounts of the attacks
in parliament and in court in 1886 and
1887, his resignation as minister in 1895,
his recollections of the relationship, in the
course of 1897, between King Alexander
and prime minister Djordjevi, Petrovis
friend since their student days, and of
Djordjevis cabinet, are an invaluable
source for the history of political life in
Serbia under the last Obrenovis. Petrovi
takes a look at the failed assassination of
ex-King Milan in 1899, and at the ensu-
ing persecution of the Radicals.
Two parts of the Supplements con-
cern the issue of King Alexanders pro-
spective marriage to Draga Main. In
1900, at the time the King was setting
the stage for announcing his engagement,
Petrovi was the acting prime minister,
and therefore in communication with the
King, as can be seen from his account of
the conversations he had with the King.
He also left behind his correspondence
with the prime minister (Djordjevi),
who was out of the country at the time.
Petrovi pays particular attention to his
relationship with Nikola Pai, a promi-
nent politician and leader of the Radical
Balcanica XLIII 358
Party. In the sections titled Relationship
with Pai 1904 and Pai and I (26 Oct.
to 22 Nov. 1912), he accounts their con-
versations, and brings his correspondence
with Djordje Geni and a few quotations
from the Serbian and German press.
Now available to the general public,
the memoirs of Vukain Petrovi are an
invaluable contribution to the publica-
tion of the sources for the history of the
reigns of two last Obrenovis, King Milan
and his son, King Alexander. Of course,
historians need to be cautious when deal-
ing with memoirs, and for more than one
reason. Te inevitable issue of the authors
objectivity set aside, their frequently frag-
mentary narrative tends to paint an in-
complete picture of events and persons.
In this particular case, the supplements
contribute to a greater clarity and com-
pleteness of the body text. Te relevance
of Vukain Petrovis career as a statesman
and his acquaintance and collaboration
with the most prominent political gures
of Serbia and Austria-Hungary make
such drawbacks appear less important.
Te memoirs of Vukain Petrovi should
be considered an unavoidable source for
the history of political and social life of
the Kingdom of Serbia in the last decades
of the nineteenth and early twentieth
century.
* Institute for Balkan Studies, Belgrade
Pniiivvv Gvivz, SAFVET-BEG BAAGI (18701934). AUX RACINES INTELLECTUELLES DE
LA PENSE NATIONALE CHEZ LES MUSULMANS DE BOSNIE-HERZGOVINE. A:nvxs: coiv
vv~x~isv uA:nixvs, Moxuvs :vui:vvv~xvvxs v: n~ix~xiquvs, :o+o, pp. 8o.
Reviewed by \cljko Stani
Tc book prcscntcd hcrc originatcs lrom
a doctoral thcsis dclcndcd at Paris Sor
bonnc Univcrsity (Paris !\) in :oo6. !ts
author, Philippc Gclcz, a lormcr lcllow
ol thc Frcnch School in Athcns, has bccn
assistant prolcssor at thc Paris Sorbonnc
Univcrsity cpartmcnt lor Slavic Stud
ics sincc :o+o. His main arca ol intcrcst
is thc past ol 8osnia and Hcrzcgovina,
cspccially its !slamic componcnt. Vith
thc biography ol Salvctbcy 8aagi, hc
joincd thc ranks ol modcrn Frcnch 8al
kan studics scholars.
Salvctbcy 8aagi (+8o+) bc
longs to thc circlc ol Muslim intcllcctu
als ol 8osniaHcrzcgovina ol thc latc
ninctccnth and carly twcnticth ccnturics
championing a 8osniak nation. A poct,
translator, litcrary historian and ri
cntal studics scholar, 8aagi is also a
politician whosc activity coincidcs with
thc last ycars ol thc AustroHungarian
administration ol 8osniaHcrzcgovina.
Morcovcr, 8aagi sccs AustriaHungary
as an unavoidablc patron ol thc 8osnian
Muslims in thc proccss ol modcrnization,
opcning to uropc and an undcrstand
ing bctwccn ast and Vcst. Not lully ac
ccptcd in 8aagis lilctimc, his work has
sccn an cxubcrant rcvival in thc last lcw
dccadcs, and notably so sincc +:.
Gclcz ocrs an cxhaustivc biographical
account applying thc classical chronologi
cal approach. cspitc its cxtcnsivcncss, it
is systcmatically and rcadably structurcd,
and vcry wcll writtcn. Tc book is orga
nizcd into thrcc largc parts: Aux origines
de la pense de Baagi: racines familiales et
formation intellectuelle (15961890), Na-
tionalisme et orientalisme chez Safvet-beg
Baagi (18901906), Kultur et politique
chez Safvet-beg Baagi (19071934), cach
comprising scvcral chaptcrs. Apart lrom
Reviews 359
an introduction, epilogue and conclusion,
it contains extensive appendices (a census
data table for Bosnia and Herzegovina in
18661931, personal documents, trans-
lated excerpts from Baagis literary
and history writings), a bibliography, and
an index of personal names. Te central
corpus of documentary source mate-
rial comprises Baagis personal archive
kept at the Historical Archives in Sara-
jevo, the Baagi family archive from the
Archives of Herzegovina in Mostar, and
ocial sources from the period of Aus-
trian administration kept in the Archives
of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Sarajevo.
Finally, the authors thorough familiarity
both with Baagis writings and with the
literature on him contributes to a more
comprehensive picture of the man and his
work.
Gelez paints a vibrant and sugges-
tive portrait of Safvet-bey, a lonely intel-
lectual poised between two worlds, lack-
ing the energy to assert himself as an in-
tellectual or political leader of the Bosnian
Muslims. Yet, it was Baagi who outlined
the major tenets of Bosniak nationalism,
and today his name holds a central place
in the revival of the Bosniak ideology in
Bosnia-Herzegovina. Te origin and his-
tory of the Baagi family, to which this
book pays special attention, leads us to a
prominent bey family from Herzegovina.
Aristocratic origin and an attachment to
the land and tradition are key elements of
Baagis intellectual as well as political
prole, decisively contributing to his con-
servatism and elitism. However, Baagi
belonged to the minority part of the Mus-
lim elites in Bosnia-Herzegovina who did
not see the 1878 Austro-Hungarian occu-
pation of this Ottoman province as a di-
saster. On the contrary, having completed
his education at a religious school, the boy
proceeded to the Austrian State Gymna-
sium in Sarajevo, and from 1895 to 1899
pursued Oriental studies at the University
of Vienna. His experience of n-de-sicle
Europe led him to try to nd a middle
ground between the Ottoman Empire
and Europe, between Islam and laicism.
He found it in the idea of Bosniakness,
elaborated and supported by Austria-
Hungary for ideological and geopolitical
reasons of her own. It was based on the
hypothetical continuity of the Bosniak
nation from medieval Bogomilism, to the
voluntary conversion of feudal families
to Islam, to the Bosnia-Herzegovina of
Baagis own times.
Apart from declaring himself as a
Bosniak, however, Baagi claimed, espe-
cially in his younger days, to belong to the
Croat nation as well. Tis Croat compo-
nent was important in the formation of
Baagis political culture, and had never
faded away completely. During the First
World War and the interwar Kingdom
of Yugoslavia, he remained close to the
stance of Croatian nationalists. Namely,
in the 1890s he belonged to the circle
around Ante Starevi (18231896),
the ideologist of the Croatian Party of
Rights and leader of Croatian extreme
nationalism. Among the lasting friend-
ships that Baagi established in those
years, reconstructed in detail by Gelez,
was the one with Ivo Pilar (18741933),
a geopolitician and advocate of Bosnia-
Herzegovinas unication with Croatia.
Tis dual situation has confronted Gelez
with the central contradiction: How does
Baagi dene the cornerstones of Bos-
niak national identity, while emphasiz-
ing his Croatness? Te answer should be
looked for not only in the endeavour, by
the Serb and Croat sides alike, to nation-
alize the Muslims of Bosnia-Herzegovina
in the late nineteenth century, but also
in Baagis enduring attachment to the
Austro-Hungarian political and cultural
orbit. Moreover, as a loyal subject, Baagi
entered politics, and as President of the
Diet of Bosnia and Herzegovina from
1910 until its dissolution after the out-
break of the First World War. Two years
Balcanica XLIII 360
of central importance in Baagis life
were certainly 1878 and 1918, as clearly
emphasized by his biographer. In view of
the victorious Yugoslav idea at the end of
the First World War, however, these two
dates marked the withdrawal and demise
of foreign, imperial rules, Ottoman and
Austro-Hungarian, in the South-Slavic
world. After 1918, Baagi was no longer
a man of politics and inuence.
Gelez identies four separate but
complementary approaches in Baagis
endeavours to modernize the Bosnian
Muslim community: historiographic,
literary, educational and religious. His
work as a historian is best illustrated by
his Brief Introduction to the Past of Bosnia
and Herzegovina published in Sarajevo in
1900, which puts forth, in a literary and
romantic manner, the abovementioned
theory of the continuity of the Bosniak
nation from medieval times. Te same
perspective was used in Baagis doctoral
dissertation defended in Vienna in 1910,
and published in Sarajevo two years later
(Bosniaks and Herzegovinans in Islamic
Literature). In the eld of literature, in
1900 Baagi started the magazine Be-
har (Blossom Tree), and in 1903 became
the rst president of Gajret (Zeal), a so-
ciety committed to establishing closer ties
between Muslim elites and masses, and to
a general moral and national renaissance.
Among other things, Baagi urged Mus-
lim youths to pursue higher education in
Europe. Finally, Baagis stance as regards
the religious question shows a certain
measure of liberalism, as he saw the aris-
tocratic, bey, class rather than Islam to be
the mainstay of the Bosniak nation. In his
view, there is nothing controversial about
Islam as a religious or cultural trait, but
the conservative social role of the ulema is
dicult to balance with Europes ration-
alism: Baagi was inclined to European
Orientalism. Tere resides yet another of
Baagis contradictions: elated by Islam
as a poet, Baagi as a politician brought
upon himself the disapproval of extremely
traditional Muslim circles and thus fur-
ther undermined his own position.
A particular merit of Gelezs book is
its nuanced analysis of Baagis ideology,
which he justiably terms Kultur. What
it means in Baagis case is an amalga-
mation of poetic expression, scientic
discourse and political action. It is this
ideology, rather than practical politics,
that has enabled the continuity of Mus-
lim nationalism in Bosnia-Herzegovina.
Gelez sees it as an ideological substra-
tum in which the roots of various national
ideas are embedded, especially those of
the Party of Rights before 1895, of the
Independent State of Croatia during the
Second World War, of Muslim national-
ism in the second Yugoslavia, and nally,
of contemporary Bosniakness (p. 613). It
is regrettable that Gelez, while giving a
precise account of Baagis posthumous
fate in the Epilogue (e.g. the appropria-
tion of Baagi by Croatian nationalists in
the 1930s, or, during the Second World
War, by the Ustasha, who organized a
commemoration of the tenth anniversary
of Baagis death in Zagreb in 1944),
has not embarked upon an analysis of the
evolution of the Bosniak ideology in the
twentieth century, notably since 1992, a
process in which the rehabilitation of
Baagi holds a very important place.
1
Gelezs book has a few weak points
which should be noted as well. While ad-
mitting that the name Bosniak for the
language spoken in Bosnia-Herzegovina
was in use only in the late nineteenth
and early twentieth century, remerging
since 1992, he chooses to use it, and not
Serbo-Croatian. In much the same way,
he also chooses to dene the population
1
On the evolution of the Bosniak ideology,
see Darko Tanaskovi, La renaissance de
lidologie bosniaque, Dialogue 20 (Dec.
1996), 3345.
Reviews 361
of Bosnia-Herzegovina exclusively in
religious terms, that is, as Orthodox, Ro-
man Catholic and Muslim. According
to Gelez, religious identities in Bosnia-
Herzegovina not only precede national
identities, but national identities purport-
edly took shape quite late in history; and
mostly as the result of the pressure of
aggressive nationalisms from Serbia and
Croatia in the late nineteenth century.
By keeping aloof from endless debates,
however, Gelez makes a choice, which is as
much political as it is theoretical. When it
comes to dening nationalism, Gelez does
not enter into theoretical discussions, but
rather calls for a minimalism: National-
ism is the idea which tends to inuence
political grouping around a community
of values. In other words, the existence of
a people (a community of people sharing
the same values) is a prerequisite for the
emergence of a nation (political group-
ing). However, he fails to take his deni-
tion to its ultimate consequences in the
case of Bosnia-Herzegovina, because he
overlooks the fact that the religious and
ethnic identities of the subjugated Chris-
tian population went hand in hand with
one another. In other words, through
their patriarchal culture the numerically
strongest Orthodox population preserved
self-awareness as a community of Serbian
people and the historical memory of the
old, medieval Serbian state. Te Serbian
Orthodox Church embodied in the Pa-
triarchate of Pe acted as their ethnic as
well as political representative. According
to one of the most eminent historians of
the Balkans, Traian Stoianovich, the early
nineteenth-century Serbian insurrec-
tions were a social as much as a national
revolution which sought to overthrow
the Ottoman feudal system quite in the
spirit of the ideas of the Enlightenment.
Leopold Rankes well-known Serbian
Revolution was published as early as 1829.
A leading British expert on the history
of central Europe and the Balkans, Rob-
ert William Seton-Watson, wrote: In
Herzegovina and Bosnia, to which the
revolt [1875] speedily spread, unrest had
been chronic since the beginning of the
[nineteenth] century. Te two provinces
have been hermetically sealed from the
outside world ever since the nal Turk-
ish conquest in 1483. Of purest Serbian
blood, the population was divided be-
tween Moslem, Orthodox and Catholic.
2

Otherwise, how can one explain the en-
thusiastic response that the insurrections
generated among the Orthodox Chris-
tians in Bosnia-Herzegovina,
3
Srem, the
Banat, Montenegro and southern Serbia,
or the series of peasants revolts in Bosnia-
Herzegovina throughout the nineteenth
century?
4
Tis is the reason why Dimitrije
2
R. W. Seton-Watson, Disraeli, Gladstone
and the Eastern Question (London: Frank
Cass, 1971; rst published in 1935), 17.
3
Te Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina ac-
tively participated in the preparation of this
insurrection. One of the prominent leaders
of this insurrection, Mateja Nenadovi, ne- , ne- , ne-
gotiated an agreement in 1803 with notable
Sarajevan Serbs on joint revolt in order to
bring the two insurgent movements togeth-
er. Te preconditions for such an agreement
were excellent, as the Serbs from Bosnia and
the Serbs from Serbia had long had a close
connection Te Nenadovi family, for ex-
ample, playing a leading role in 1804 insur-
rection, had its origins in the Bosnian Bira
area, and the parents of Vuk Karadi, at
rst a rebel and a revolutionary and later the
famous cultural and educational reformer
who modernized the Serbian alphabet and
the Serbian language, came from Petnica
in Herzegovina (Montenegro today). Alto-
gether, about one fourth of the leadership of
the 1804 insurrection had roots in Herze-
govina and Bosnia. Te quotation comes
from Duan T. Batakovi, Te Serbs of Bosnia
& Herzegovina: History and Politics (Paris:
Dialogue, 1996), 42, a book which has, un-
fortunately, escaped Gelezs notice.
4
Tere are plentiful other examples, to
mention but, e.g. in the eld of cultural his-
Balcanica XLIII 362
Djordjevi, in his typology of Balkan na-
tionalisms, opens with agrarian national-
ism, which was at work from the begin-
ning of the nineteenth century until the
1840s; it then was ushered into the age of
historical nationalism (historicism) by
the Balkan elites (1840s1878), followed
by the age of state nationalism (1880s
WWI). Peter Sugar also speaks of a
popular or egalitarian nationalism among
the Serbs. In other words, Gelez tends to
overlook the bigger picture, i.e. the proc-
esses that were taking place across the
Balkan region of the Ottoman Empire
and not only in the Pashalik/Principality
of Serbia. Muslim revolts against the sul-
tan in Bosnia-Herzegovina were encour-
aged, inter alia, by the Ottoman conces-
sions to the Principality of Serbia under
Prince Milo Obrenovi (autonomy from
1830), its system of free peasant tenure
etc. Serbian national identity in Bosnia-
Herzegovina, therefore, is not a tardy de-
velopment, but an integral part of Serbian
nationalism, one of the key integrative
forces in the nineteenth-century Balkans.
It had its religious and ethnic basis which,
from the beginning of the 1800s, became
incorporated into the overall process of
Serbian national emancipation and mod-
ern nation-state building modelled on
contemporary European examples.
5
tory: a reader for Serbian primary schools in
Bosnia-Herzegovina published in Cyrillic
script in Sarajevo in 1867, cf. Istorija srpskog
naroda, vol. V-1 (Belgrade: Srpska knjievna
zadruga, 1981), 500; or oral history: in 1878,
Grga Marti, a Franciscan from Bosnia-
Herzegovina, wrote down narrations of
a ninety-year old man, Pantelija, who re-
ferred to Turkey and Austria-Hungary in
the following way: Both are tyrants. Tis
is a Serbian land, cf. Fra Grga Marti,
Zapamenja (18281878), Izabrani spisi
(Sarajevo: Svjetlost, 1956), 266.
5
See Dimitrije Djordjevic, Balkan versus
European Enlightenment Parallelism
and Dissonances, East European Quar-
When it comes to the period of
Benjamin von Kallys administration in
Bosnia-Herzegovina (18821903), the
reader remains unconvinced that Gelez
has succeeded in his attempt to relativize
the classical ndings of Yugoslav histori-
ography, least of all Tomislav Kraljais
study Kallys Regime in Bosnia 1882
1903, which Gelez himself qualies as an
excellent monograph. In this particular
case, Gelez describes Yugoslav histori-
ography as postcolonial and points to
the neglected positive aspects of Kallys
regime, denying its quintessentially colo-
nial nature. In his view, Kally was facing
a dicult challenge of ghting the exist-
ing nationalisms. Tere is no doubt about
that; but Gelez makes no eort to expand
his view by analyzing the relationship of
interdependence between imperialism
and nationalism in the Balkans, the in-
terdependence discussed by, for instance,
Mark Mazower in his book Te Balkans:
A Short History. We cannot go into detail
here, but, on the whole, Gelez seems to
be overly willing to show understanding
for the intentions and needs of Austro-
Hungarian policies, which is more than
one can say for his perspective on Balkan
nationalisms.
Fully committed to critically recon-
structing the life of his hero, Gelez
sometimes denies his readers the broad-
er intellectual backdrop against which
Baagis life and work unfolded. His
portrait of an often lonely and isolated
Baagi is not balanced with sucient
information about those Muslim intellec-
terly IV/4 (1975), 487497, as well as his
National Factors in Nineteenth-Century
Balkan Revolutions, in War and Society in
East Central Europe, vol. I Special Topics and
Generalization on the 18th and 19th centuries,
ed. B. Kirly & G. Rothenberg (New York:
Brooklyn College Press, 1979), 197214,
and Agrarian Factors in Nineteenth-Cen-
tury Balkan Revolutions, ibid., 163182.
Reviews 363
tuals in Bosnia-Herzegovina who opted
for the Serbian or the Yugoslav national
cause and tied the future of their com-
munity to a wider corpus of democratic
ideas radiating in the South-Slavic world
in the early twentieth century. Te same
goes for the Serbian intellectual circles in
Bosnia-Herzegovina. Even though they
belonged to the numerically strongest
ethnic and national group in this prov-
ince of the Ottoman, and subsequently
Austro-Hungarian, empire, they are
hardly ever mentioned, and if they are,
they almost unfailingly gure as expo-
nents of Serbian nationalism. Te critique
of Baagis historical writings put for-
ward by Stanoje Stanojevi (18741937)
or Vladimir orovi (18851941) is, for
Gelez, in the rst place nationalist, in the
second place scholarly. Te Young Bosnia
movement, the major youth movement in
Bosnia-Herzegovina, is only mentioned
in passing.
Finally, the reader will vainly search
this extensive book for the most impor-
tant Serbian intellectual gures such as
Jovan Cviji (18651927) or Jovan Skerli
(18771914), as if the political, ideologi-
cal and aesthetic battles that they fought,
at the time of the Modernist movement,
had not been fought in the whole of the
Slavic South, and thus in Bosnia-Herze-
govina, too. In other words, Baagis in-
tellectual and political work can hardly
be properly understood if viewed solely
within the connes of Bosnia-Herzegovi-
na; it needs to be looked at and evaluated
comparatively, against the background of
the rest of the South-Slavic world.
Tere are a few imprecisions and errors
that escaped the authors notice: a medio-
cre Croat writer such as Mile Budak can
hardly be described as an author of great
renown (p. 563), and a political migr
such as Djoko Slijepevi as an exponent
of Yugoslavias ocial cultural policy (p.
591). Finally, Gelez, quoting Ivo Andris
ironic remark about Safvet-bey, which he
dates to 1934, oers an unfounded claim
that Andri was a sympathizer of social-
ism. In the 1930s, Andri, a high-ranking
royal diplomat, certainly was not one; and
even after 1945, the communist regime
needed him more than he needed the re-
gime. Yet, Gelez remembers Andri with
good reason: the greatest Serbian writer,
born in Bosnia-Herzegovina, had little
sympathy for the Bosnian bey class.
Te book of Philippe Gelez is no
doubt an important contribution not only
to French historiography, but also to the
historiography on Bosnia and Herzegovi-
na at large. Te broadness of its analytical
approach, which encompasses the literary,
scholarly and political work of Safvet-bey
Baagi, makes it the most comprehensive
piece of historical writing on this intel-
lectual gure. On the other hand, some
views and thoughts it puts forth suggest
that Balkan and other European histo-
riographies need to establish a broader
critical dialogue.

Balcanica XLIII 364
Axuvvj Miiix, Miouv~c Miiix ~xu Cvv:xo Min~jiov, SRBI U RUMUNIJI ZA
VREME KOMUNIZMA. ZVUNI ARHIV I PRIRUNIK O STRADANJU |Svvns ix Ro:~xi~ uxuvv
Co::uxis:. Ax ~uuio ~vcnivv ~xu ~ n~xunoox ox n~vusniv|. Ti:iso~v~:
S~vvz Svn~ u Ru:uxiji, :o++, pp. :.
Reviewed by Alcksandra juri Milovanovi
Tc rcccntly publishcd biligual Scrbian/
Romanian book on thc Scrbs in Romania
in thc agc ol communism, authorcd by
Andrcj Milin, Miodrag Milin and Cvctko
Mihajlov, is a rcsult ol ycarslong rcscarch
into thc situation ol an cthnic minority
in Romania in a rcccnt pcriod ol history.
Tc situation ol thc Scrbian minority in
Romania during thc communist cra is
onc ol thc kcy issucs in undcrstanding
thc rclations bctwccn Yugoslavia and Ro
mania altcr thc Sccond Vorld Var. As a
dircct conscqucncc ol thc Rcsolution ol
thc Cominlorm ol +8, which cxpcllcd
Yugoslavia lrom thc communist bloc, thc
Scrbian minority was subjcctcd to political
and cconomic prcssurc and various lorms
ol assimilation and acculturation. Tcir
minority institutions wcrc abolishcd, rc
ligious schools closcd down, thcrc cnsucd
individual arrcsts and trials, and lorccd
group rclocation to thc 8rgan Plain.
Having rcluscd to comply with thc Com
inlorm Rcsolution, thc Scrbian minority
camc to cpitomizc thc traitor and cn
cmy ol thc political systcm in Romania.
As a rcsult, its position dctcrioratcd, and
conspicuously so altcr thc brcak ol dip
lomatic rclations bctwccn Romania and
Yugoslavia and thc closing ol thc Yugo
slav cmbassy in 8ucharcst. !n ++, mcm
bcrs ol thc minority groups lrom thc 8a
nat arca along thc bordcr with Yugoslavia,
such as Scrbs, Gcrmans, 8ulgarians and
Hungarians, as wcll as pcrsons considcrcd
as posing a thrcat to thc Communist Par
ty, wcrc dcportcd to uninhabitcd arcas ol
thc 8rgan Plain ncar thc anubc clta.
nc ol thc authors, thc historian Miodrag
Milin, had alrcady dcvotcd a monograph
to thc ordcal ol thc Scrbs dcportcd to thc
8rgan Plain (Srbi iz Rumunije u Bara-
ganskoj golgoti/Scrbs lrom Romania in thc
8rgan Golgotha).
Tc book Serbs in Romania under
Communism compriscs an introduction
and clcvcn chaptcrs which mostly consist
ol sclcctcd biographical accounts. !n thc
introduction, thc authors strcss that thc
study dcals with thc qucstion ol politi
cal prisoncrs among thc Scrbs and invcs
tigatcs thc social and lcgal dimcnsions ol
antiTitoist rcprisals against thc minority
population (p. ++). Political prisoncrs
among whom spccial attcntion is paid to
Laza Adamov, 8oidar Stojanovi and
Miladin Silin wcrc but a lcw among
thc largc numbcr ol imprisoncd Scrbs,
rcprcscntativcs ol minority institutions,
local activists, tcachcrs and pricsts. Tc
chaptcr 8oidar Stanojcvis notcs on
thc SAF |Slavic Antilascist Front| and
thc USCAR |Union ol thc Slav Cul
tural cmocratic Associations in Roma
nia| contains 8oidar Stanojcvis ac
count ol thc lormation ol an antilascist
lront in thc Scrbian scttlcmcnts in thc
Romanian part ol thc 8anat. Tc Roma
nian communist authoritics, howcvcr, did
not approvingly acccpt thc cstablishmcnt
ol minority antilascist organizations. Tc
SAF was loundcd altcr thc libcration ol
Timioara, and it soon cstablishcd a nct
work ol organizations in Scrbian villagcs,
as wcll as an antilascist lront ol womcn.
Tc SAF subscqucntly translormcd into
thc Union ol thc Slav Cultural cmo
cratic Associations in Romania, which
was to bccomc thc most important Scr
bian minority organization in Romania.
Reviews 365
In his Notes, Boidar Stanojevi oers
a detailed account of all key events in the
period between 1941 and 1953. Te ar-
rested members of the Serbian minority
were brought to trial and sentenced to
long-term imprisonment. In the second
half of 1949, several SAF members were
arrested, which led to the Indictment
against a Group of Spies and Traitors
Serving Titos Fascist Clique. Te same
chapter also gives an account of the cir-
cumstances under which the Serbian
members of the USCDAR were accused
of criminal activity and espionage.
Just like other similar trials, this one was
intended to show that the accused were
Yugoslav spies working against the
regime in communist Romania, and it
ended with severe sentences. Te chapter
Political prisoners: interviews, archival
materials, notes, testimonies and life sto-
ries acquaints the reader with the Serbs
sentenced to imprisonment between 1948
and 1955 through their short biographies
and interviews with them. Te chapter
Te Serbian Church in Romania under
communist terror presents the docu-
mentary material evidencing repression
against the Serbian Orthodox Church
and its clergy. Te authors suggest that
the entire Serbian Orthodox Church was
under suspicion of Titoist espionage and
hostility against the new republic (p. 17).
It also includes the list of Serbian clerics
who were under police surveillance, ob-
tained from the National Council for the
Study of Securitatea Archives (CNSAS)
in Bucharest. Te chapter Tree inter-
views from the opposite side oers in-
terviews with Serbian intellectuals, activ-
ists who were witnesses to the persecution
of Serbs. It is followed by the texts of Va-
sile Sandru Territorial Pretensions and
Vladimir Lj. Cvetkovi Te Red Army
on the Danube and the aspirations of the
Serbs in Romania to be annexed by Yu-
goslavia, and Photographs of the former
political prisoners among Serbs, which
features photographs of prisons, forced
labour camps and prison construction
sites in Romania. Te chapter Political
prisoners: biographies presents short bi-
ographies of about six hundred members
of the Serbian minority in Romania who
were persecuted and imprisoned through-
out the country on account of being po-
litically unsuitable. Te book closes with
appendices presenting archival documents
and the list of seventy-eight former po-
litical prisoners whose biographies are not
included in the main body of the study. A
CD enclosed with the book contains the
audio record of thirty-eight interviews
portraying the life of Serbs under com-
munism. It adds a new value to the book
and opens up the possibility of further
research based on the recorded material.
Te presented biographical accounts re-
veal the scale of the damaging impact of
the communist period on the ethnic mi-
norities in Romania. As a testimony to a
period, the oral histories presented in this
study shed light on the role of a commu-
nitys memory in understanding the past
and present. Terefore, this book should
primarily be seen as a source material
for an important period in the history of
the Serbian minority in Romania, which
partly explains the reasons for its increas-
ing assimilation and decreasing numerical
strength. It is also necessary to point out
that the volume is bilingual, Serbian and
Romanian, which makes it accessible to
both Serbian and Romanian readers. To
scholars, this rich corpus of material about
the Serbs in Romania during communism
provides a basis and opportunity for new
research into the history of the Serbian
community, and to interested readers, it
opens a window onto a dynamic period
in the recent history of Romania and the
Serbian community in that context.
Balcanica XLIII 366
Tnv 8~ix~xs ix Sv~::iv
A Cnvoxiciv ov :nv +8:n 8ivxxi~i Coxvvvvxcv ox 8~ix~x ~xu Sou:n
Si~vic Lixcuis:ics, Li:vv~:uvv, ~xu Foixiovv. Uxivvvsi:v ov V~snixc:ox
Sv~::iv, VA, :+ M~vcn :o+:
By Marija !li and Lidija cli
Tc +8th 8icnnial Conlcrcncc on 8al
kan and SouthSlavic Linguistics, onc in
a scrics initiatcd in +8 by thc Univcr
sity ol Chicago, was organizcd in Scat
tlc in March :o+: by thc cpartmcnt ol
Slavic Languagcs and Litcraturcs ol thc
Univcrsity ol Vashington, and asscmblcd
morc than thirty participants lrom thc
Unitcd Statcs, Canada, Russia, Gcrmany,
Albania, Romania, Slovcnia, Scrbia, FYR
Maccdonia and 8ulgaria. Vhat addcd a
distinctivc charm to it was thc lact that
thc organizcrs took a spccial cort to
combinc two dicrcnt but rclatcd sphcrcs
and approachcs to 8alkan culturcs: thc
acadcmic pcrspcctivc and thc pcrspcctivc
ol distinguishcd rcsidcnts ol Scattlc who
havc a pcrsonal, humanitarian or artistic
intcrcst in thc 8alkans. Tc lattcr was prc
scntcd in thc scction My Balkans at thc
cnd ol cach conlcrcncc day.
Tc Conlcrcncc opcncd with thc pa
pcr ol Tom Priestly (Univcrsity ol Albcrta,
Canada) Placcmcnt ol pronouns in a
Slovcnc dialcct, locuscd on thc dialcct
spokcn in thc bilingual Slovcnc/Gcrman
zonc in Austrian Carinthia. 8y analyzing
positions and occurrcnccs ol thc rccxivc
pronoun se and thc singular pcrsonal pro
nouns in rclation to vcrbs, Pricstly comcs
to thc conclusion that contcxt sccms to
bc thc only sociolinguistic lactor accting
thc pronoun placcmcnt: morc lormal top
ics corrclatc with prcvcrbal placcmcnt,
similar to Standard Slovcnc, whilc lcss
lormal topics corrclatc with postvcrbal
placcmcnt, which is morc likc contact
Gcrman. Tc papcr ol Matthew C. Cur-
tis (hio Statc Univcrsity, USA) n thc
chronology ol lcxical borrowings lrom
Albanian into Slavic analyzcs thc chro
nology ol loanwords lrom Albanian into
South Slavic on thc basis ol Albanian and
Slavic diachronic phonological changcs.
Curtis argucs that almost all Albanian
borrowings camc into Slavic altcr thc
lourtccnthccntury ttoman conqucst ol
thc wcstcrn 8alkans. Tc papcr Slavic cl
cmcnts in thc prcscnt Rumanian languagc
and thcir history by Helmut Schaller (Uni
vcrsity ol Marburg, Gcrmany) concludcd
thc rst scction. !n Schallcrs vicw, thc
pattcrn ol borrowing lrom Slavic into Ru
manian was dctcrmincd by scmantic lac
tors. Such a pattcrn, according to Schallcr,
structurcd ccrtain scmantic clds which
could bc rclatcd to naturc and agricul
turc, houschold, human cxistcncc.
Schallcr suggcsts that thc Slavic borrow
ings in Rumanian and in othcr 8alkan
languagcs may bc rcgardcd as typical ol
thc 8alkan Sprachbund.
!n hcr papcr Tc lcmalc gazc on thc
ncw othcrthc mcmbcrs ol nonSlovc
nian postYugoslav statcs, Kristina Rear-
don (Univcrsity ol Connccticut, USA) an
alyzcs short storics ol thc contcmporary
Slovcnian womcn writcrs Maja Novak,
Lili Potpara and Suzana Tratnik. Rcar
don argucs that thc disintcgration ol Yu
goslavia and thc ncw gcopolitical position
ol Slovcnia havc brought ncw symbolic
laycrs to thc spatial and social catcgorics
(north/south, up/down, us/thcm),
noting that thc lcmalc gazc on thc other
scrvcs thc authors to ncgotiatc Slovcnian
idcntity by strcssing what thc Slovcnian
lcmalc charactcrs arc not. Victor Friedman
!nstitutc lor Litcraturc and Art, 8clgradc
Reviews 367
(University of Chicago, USA), in his pa-
per What is a newspaper? Basic colour
terms and Balkan linguistics, adheres
to Trubetzkoys denition according to
which lexicon and morphosyntax consti-
tute fundamental aspects of a Sprachbund.
Friedman argues that borrowings from
Turkish for black, white and red as univer-
sally basic colours are the most susceptible
to stylistic variation in Balkan languages.
Te Balkan colour terminology, in Fried-
mans view, may be relevant to the nature
of universals and for a strategic integration
of typology and contact linguistics. Te
paper of Andrew Dombrowski (University
of Chicago, USA), Pulevskis Turkish in
a Balkan context, analyzes the Turkish
section of Pulevskis trilingual Macedoni-
an-Albanian-Turkish dictionary (1875).
As an early example of West Rumelian,
the Turkish text in the Dictionary is of
unique value in the Balkanological con-
text. Dombrowski shows that the Turk-
ish text reects signicant balkanization
as regards phonological developments,
morphosyntax and syntax. Te work-
ing section of the Conference concluded
with Reconstruction of the Proto-Gheg
innitive by Kelly Lynne Maynard (Mo-
raine Valley Community College, USA).
Maynard bases her analysis on eldwork
conducted among the Samsun Albanian
population in Turkey, an ethno-linguistic
enclave where archaic linguistic features
survive. She endeavours to reconstruct an
earlier stage of the commonly proposed
Proto-Gheg innitive as ma + (clitic) +
participle, compared to later me + (clitic)
+ participle.
Te rst conference day was enriched
with two talks. Tom Priestly presented
his photos, reminiscing about his summer
vacation when he hitchhiked to Ohrid in
the 1960s. In the My Balkans section, Pe-
ter Lippman, a human rights activist from
Seattle, shared with the audience sto-
ries about his travels, particularly to the
former Yugoslavia, and his humanitarian
activity aimed at helping families aected
by war and loss of family members.
Denis Ermolin (Russian Academy of
Sciences) opened the second conference
day with Funeral laments and weeping
among the Albanians of Ukraine: (con)-
text and semantics. Ermolin analyzes
both the published funeral songs (S. Isla-
mi; S. Musliu, D. Dauti) and those record-
ed during his 200711 eldwork among
the Albanian population of two regions in
Ukraine (Budjak and Priazovje). He dis-
tinguishes three main lamenting situations
(at home; on the way to the cemetery; at
the moment the con is being laid in the
grave) and discusses common topics, mo-
tifs and taboos associated with the ritual.
Tracing some Balkan features in the lam-
entations, Ermolin points to the possible
zone of origin of the Albanian population
in Ukraine, i.e. the border area between
Albania, Montenegro and Kosovo. Tanya
Dimitrova (Friedrich Schiller Univer-
sity, Germany) presented Language as a
main identication among Bulgarian mi-
grants in Greece, based on her eldwork
in Greece in 200810. Dimitrova argues
that, among recent Bulgarian immigrants
of various social and cultural backgrounds,
Bulgarian language is the primary factor
of their self-identication as a communi-
ty and as Bulgarians. She points to the
reciprocal relationship between language
and identity, whereby changes in language
use among the migrants indicate changes
in identity attitudes, and vice versa. Grace
Fielder (University of Arizona, USA), in
her paper Language, identity and stand-
ardization in the Balkans, pays special at-
tention to the conjunctions and discourse
markers ama, ami with regard to the Bal-
kan standard languages, Montenegrin in
particular. Te afternoon section was de-
voted to literary and folklore issues. Bav-
jola Shatro (University Aleksander Moi-
siu, Albania), in her paper Metaphysical
concepts and hermeticism in contempo-
rary Albanian poetry: the poetry of Mar-
Balcanica XLIII 368
tin Camaj in Palimpsest, focuses on the
last volume of poetry that the renowned
Albanian poet wrote in the 1990s, shortly
before his death. Shatro connects Camajs
mysticism to Albanian traditional beliefs,
and his metaphysical concepts to his un-
derstanding of language, memory and the
origin of thought and mystery. Tis sec-
tion concluded with the paper Sacred
stones in Macedonian folk religion by
Dragica Popovska (Institute of National
History, FYR Macedonia). It presents
Macedonian traditional beliefs and rituals
centred on large stones scattered around
in the landscape e.g. the belief in their
supernatural and healing powers, and sa-
credness, which has persisted to this day.
She emphasizes that people who practise
rituals are of dierent ages, nationalities,
confessions and levels of education, which,
among other factors, leads to the conclu-
sion about the vitality of very old, archaic
layers of tradition and their contamination
with new ones. Aleksandra Salamurovi
(Friedrich Schiller University, Germany)
presented Cultural models of self-images
and alterity in Serbian newspapers after
2000. Salamurovi adheres to the system
theory and constructivism, according to
which the media reect prevailing social
relations and symbolic values in a soci-
ety. By analyzing the Serbian media, she
nds that contemporary Germany and its
politicians are still chiey (re)presented
by association with Germanys Nazi past.
Amanda Greber (University of Toronto,
Canada) analyzes Macedonian elemen-
tary school readers from 1945 to 2000 in
her paper T is for Tito: good language,
good citizen, and identity in textbooks.
Since school textbooks play a central role
in nation building and identity construc-
tion, Greber conducts a diachronic analy-
sis, looking at changes in language use
and the associated rhetoric.
Te conference side event was de-
voted to a newly-released book, Balkanis-
men Heute Balkanisms Today (ed. by T.
Kahl, M. Metzeltin and H. Schaller). In
the My Balkans section, Yvonne Hunt, an
American ethnomusicologist and tradi-
tional dance instructor, spoke about her
personal and professional experiences
while studying Greek traditional dances
still performed in contemporary Greece.
Ivelina Tchizmarzova (Simon Fraser
University, Canada) opened the nal con-
ference day with Pragmatic function of
non-anaphoric denites and non-deictic
demonstratives in Bulgarian. By examin-
ing the use of non-anaphoric noun phras-
es (e.g. nouns with the denite article -t,
the demonstratives tozi and onzi, personal
pronouns, etc.) and non-deictic proximal
and distal demonstratives (e.g. tozi / toz /
toja, onzi / onja), Tchizmarova nds that
these forms often reect the speakers
subjective viewpoint, which shows that
deniteness is a more subjective notion
than generally believed. Ronelle Alexander
(University of California, Berkeley, USA)
presented Bulgarian dialectology as liv-
ing tradition, describing an on-going
project based upon digitisation of eld-
work material from the Soa-Berkeley
Archive of Bulgarian Dialectal Speech,
collected throughout Bulgaria over a
number of years. Although the audio clip
accompanied by text les containing
transcription, annotation and translation
is the central feature of the digital for-
mat, individual linguistic (and content)
elements of each le can be also tagged
for retrieval. Furthermore, each audio clip
not only displays major linguistic features
of a dialect, but also constitutes a coher-
ent discourse segment of relevance to dis-
course analysis and ethnography. Te fol-
lowing section was devoted to multilin-
gual contacts and language policies. Brian
Joseph and Christopher Brown (Ohio State
University, USA) co-authored the paper
Balkanological lessons from the Greek of
Southern Albania, which came about as
a result of eldwork conducted in south-
ern Albania, an area inhabited by a large
Reviews 369
number of Greek speakers. Te paper
seeks to outline the current sociolinguistic
situation of the Greek-speaking minority
and report on some noteworthy linguis-
tic features of the Greek regional dialect.
Its other goal is to shed light on language
contact between Greek and Albanian.
Te conference program continued with
another co-authored paper Language in
the making? Te case of Bunjevaki, pre-
sented by Marija Ili (Institute for Balkan
Studies, SASA, Serbia) and Bojan Beli
(University of Washington, USA). It looks
at the project of creating, alongside the
already existing Bosnian, Croatian, Ser-
bian and Montenegrin, a new standard-
ized language based upon the tokavian
dialect Bunjevaki (the language of the
Bunjevci). Te paper is based on eldwork
carried out among the Bunjevci minority
in northern Serbia. Special emphasis is
laid upon the phases that the process of
standardization is going through. Keith
Langston (University of Georgia, USA),
in Managing Croatian and Serbian: the
role of language planning boards, com-
pares policies and practices carried out by
the Croatian and Serbian agencies Vijee
za normu and Odbor za standardizaciju re-
spectively. Although the constitutions of
the two countries provide for the ocial
use of Croatian and Serbian respectively,
Serbia has a law on the ocial use of lan-
guages and scripts, whereas Croatia does
not. Besides, the Croatian Vijee was set
up by the government, is characterized by
a purist orientation and meets no organ-
ized opposition, whereas the Serbian Od-
bor is characterized by anti-purism, but its
policy meets an organized opposition.
Te following section was devoted to
Balkan folklore. In his text About drag-
ons and lions in Slavic and Romanian
cultures, Nicolae Stanciu (University of
Ljubljana, Slovenia) analyzes the occur-
rence of lions in Romanian Christmas
carols. As lions do not gure in Slavic
folklore, Stanciu suggests that their pres-
ence may have come as a result of oriental
inuences or ancient heritage (Tracian,
Greek or Roman). In her paper Turkish
bride in Christian epic poetry: in the web
of epic and social stereotypes, Lidija Deli
(Institute for Literature and Arts, Serbia)
points out that, unlike the Muslim male
characters in Serbian epic poems, the
roles and domains of Turkish women
were not predominantly determined by
their ethnic or confessional aliation. As
regards the image of the Turkish bride,
the importance of the nuptial theme and
the plot considerably toned down the tra-
ditional notion of otherness.
Tede Kahl (Friedrich Schiller Univer-
sity, Germany) presented Old professions
and occupational names in multilingual
communities of South Albania. Kahls
analysis, which draws on eldwork carried
out in Southern Albania, observes that
dierent ethnic groups have shown pref-
erence for certain traditional professions,
and points out that some occupational
names underwent a semantic shift towards
ethnonyms. Olga Mladenova (University
of Calgary, Canada), in her paper Textual
analysis and historical linguistics, oers
three examples of how editions of impor-
tant texts can provide data enriching our
understanding of the history of a language:
she analyzes the origin of a Bulgarian or-
thographic convention (the spelling of the
feminine third-person clitic i her) and
discusses new evidence for the persistence
of case in nineteenth-century Bulgarian
and for the seventeenth-century Bulgar-
ian continuants of Proto-Slavic *. Te
academic part of the conference conclud-
ed with the paper of Donald Dyer (Uni-
versity of Mississippi, USA) Hanging
in the balance: real lessons in manuscript
acceptance and rejection at Balkanistica.
In his capacity as editor of the Balkanis-
tica journal, Dyer summarized its editorial
policy and presented the journals statistics
on the authors, their elds of interest and
countries of origin.
Balcanica XLIII 370
Te Seattle-based internet bookstore
Plavi kit (Blue Whale), which distrib-
utes books mainly from the area of the
former Yugoslavia, was presented on the
last conference day. In the My Balkans
section, Mary Sherhart, a Seattle resident
and one of Americas leading teachers and
performers of traditional Balkan vocal
music, talked about her work with Balkan
musicians and about her own interpreta-
tions of Balkan music. Te organizers had
a nal surprise in store for the partici-
pants: a small retirement celebration for
Prof. Emeritus Jim Augerot, a renowned
Slavist and Balkanologist. Te conference
ended with a dinner and a party with a
Seattle-based orchestra which performed
music from all around the Balkans.
Held on the beautiful campus of the
University of Washington, owing to the
great eort and genuine commitment of
Bojan Beli, Jim Augerot and the Depart-
ment of Slavic Languages and Literatures,
the 18th Biennial Conference on Balkan
and South Slavic Linguistics, Literature
and Folklore, with its inspiring contribu-
tions and warm atmosphere, will remain a
memorable experience of all participants.
Publisher
Belgrade, Knez Mihailova 35
/IV
www.balkaninstitut.com
e-mail: balkinst@bi.sanu.ac.rs
Editorial assistant
Marina Adamovi-Kulenovi
Layout
Kranislav Vrani
Cover design
Aleksandar Palavestra
Printed by
igoja tampa
Belgrade
CIP
,
930.85
949.7
BALCANICA : Annual of the Institute for Balkan Studies = :
/ editor-in-chief Duan T. Batakovi. - 1970, . 1- .
- Belgrade : Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. Institute for Balkan Studies =
: . , 1970-
(Belgrade : igoja tampa). - 24 cm
Godinje
ISSN 0350-7653 = Balcanica (Beograd)
COBISS.SR-ID 6289154

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BALCANICA XLIII

BALCANICA XLIII, Belgrade 2012, 1372

Director of the Institute for Balkan Studies

. C.M.I. [the church of the Most Holy Virgin built

Jovan Risti (+8++8), a statcsman,

Jedinstvo, a scmiocial daily ol thc Scr

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