Chronicle and Romance (The Harvard Classics Series) by Jean Froissart, Thomas Malory, Raphael Holinshed

THE HARVARD CLASSICS
Edited By
CHARLES W. ELIOT, LLD
THE HARVARD CLASSICS 1

CHRONICLE AND ROMANCE
FROISSART—MALORY—HOLINSHED
WITH INTRODUCTIONS, NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS
1910
BY P.F. COLLIER & SON NEW YORK
CONTENTS
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART,
Translated by Lord Berners
Edited by G.C. Macaulay
• The Campaign of Crecy

• The Battle of Poitiers
• Wat Tyler's Rebellion
• The Battle of Otterburn
THE HOLY GRAIL

by Sir Thomas Malory
From The Caxton Edition of The Morte D'Arthur
A DESCRIPTION OF ELIZABETHAN ENGLAND

Written by William Harrison
for Holinshed's Chronicles
CHAPTER
I. Of Degrees of People
II. Of Cities and Towns
CHRONICLE AND ROMANCE 2

The Harvard Classics, Chronicle and Romance, Edited by Charles W. Eliot
III. Of Gardens and Orchards
IV. Of Fairs and Markets
V. Of the Church of England
VI. Of Food and Diet
VII. Of Apparel and Attire
VIII. Of Building and Furniture
IX. Of Provision for the Poor
X. Of Air, Soil, and Commodities
XI. Of Minerals and Metals
XII. Of Cattle Kept for Profit
XIII. Of Wild and Tame Fowls
XIV. Of Savage Beasts and Vermin
XV. Of Our English Dogs
XVI. Of the Navy of England
XVII. Of Kinds of Punishment
XVIII. Of Universities
THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART
By
Jean Froissart
HISTORICAL NARRATIVE OF MANY OF THE BATTLES OF THE HUNDRED YEAR'S WAR

BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
Jean Froissart, the most representative of the chroniclers of the later Middle Ages, was born at Valenciennes
in 1337. The Chronicle which, more than his poetry, has kept his fame alive, was undertaken when he was
only twenty; the first book was written in its earliest form by 1369; and he kept revising and enlarging the
work to the end of his life. In 1361 he went to England, entered the Church, and attached himself to Queen
Philippa of Hainault, the wife of Edward III, who made him her secretary and clerk of her chapel. Much of his
life was spent in travel. He went to France with the Black Prince, and to Italy with the Duke of Clarence. He
CONTENTS 3
saw fighting on the Scottish border, visited Holland, Savoy, and Provence, returning at intervals to Paris and
London. He was Vicar of Estinnes-au-Mont, Canon of Chimay, and chaplain to the Comte de Blois; but the
Church to him was rather a source of revenue than a religious calling. He finally settled down in his native
town, where he died about 1410.
Froissart's wandering life points to one of the most prominent of his characteristics as a historian. Uncritical
and often inconsistent as he is, his mistakes are not due to partisanship, for he is extraordinarily
cosmopolitan. The Germans he dislikes as unchivalrous; but though his life lay in the period of the Hundred
Years' War between England and France, and though he describes many of the events of that war, he is as
friendly to England as to France.
By birth Froissart belonged to the bourgeoisie, but his tastes and associations made him an aristocrat.
Glimpses of the sufferings which the lower classes underwent in the wars of his time appear in his pages, but
they are given incidentally and without sympathy. His interests are all in the somewhat degenerate chivalry of
his age, in the splendor of courts, the pomp and circumstance of war, in tourneys, and in pageantry. Full of
the love of adventure, he would travel across half of Europe to see a gallant feat of arms, a coronation, a
royal marriage. Strength and courage and loyalty were the virtues he loved; cowardice and petty greed he
hated. Cruelty and injustice could not dim for him the brilliance of the careers of those brigand lords who
were his friends and patrons.
The material for the earlier part of his Chronicles he took largely from his predecessor and model, Jean
Lebel; the later books are filled with narratives of what he saw with his own eyes, or gathered from the lips of
men who had themselves been part of what they told. This fact, along with his mastery of a style which is
always vivacious if sometimes diffuse, accounts for the vividness and picturesqueness of his work. The
pageant of medieval life in court and camp dazzled and delighted him, and it is as a pageant that we see the
Middle Ages in his book.
Froissart holds a distinguished place among the poets as well as the historians of his century. He wrote
chiefly in the allegorical style then in vogue; and his poems, though cast in a mold no longer in fashion, are
fresh and full of color, and were found worthy of imitation by Geoffrey Chaucer.
But it is as the supreme chronicler of the later age of chivalry that he lives. "God has been gracious enough"
he writes, "to permit me to visit the courts and palaces of kings, … and all the nobles, kings, dukes, counts,
barons, and knights, belonging to all nations, have been kind to me, have listened to me, willingly received
me, and proved very useful to me.... Wherever I went I enquired of old knights and squires who had shared in
deeds of arms, and could speak with authority concerning them, and also spoke with heralds in order to verify
and corroborate all that was told me. In this way I gathered noble facts for my history, and as long as I live, I
shall, by the grace of God, continue to do this, for the more I labour at this the more pleasure I have, and I
trust that the gentle knight who loves arms will be nourished on such noble fare, and accomplish still more."
THE CAMPAIGN OF CRECY
HOW THE KING OF ENGLAND CAME OVER THE SEA AGAIN, TO RESCUE THEM IN AIGUILLON
The king of England, who had heard how his men were sore constrained in the castle of Aiguillon, then he
thought to go over the sea into Gascoyne with a great army. There he made his provision and sent for men all
about his realm and in other places, where he thought to speed for his money. In the same season the lord
Godfrey of Harcourt came into England, who was banished out of France: he was well received with the king
and retained to be about him, and had fair lands assigned him in England to maintain his degree. Then the
INTRODUCTORY NOTE 4
king caused a great navy of ships to be ready in the haven of Hampton, and caused all manner of men of war
to draw thither. About the feast of Saint John Baptist the year of our Lord God MCCCXLVI., the king
departed from the queen and left her in the guiding of the earl of Kent his cousin; and he stablished the lord
Percy and the lord Nevill to be wardens of his realm with (the archbishop of Canterbury,) the archbishop of
York, the bishop of Lincoln and the bishop of Durham; for he never voided his realm but that he left ever
enough at home to keep and defend the realm, if need were. Then the king rode to Hampton and there tarried
for wind: then he entered into his ship and the prince of Wales with him, and the lord Godfrey of Harcourt,
and all other lords, earls, barons and knights, with all their companies. They were in number a four thousand
men of arms and ten thousand archers, beside Irishmen and Welshmen that followed the host afoot.
Now I shall name you certain of the lords that went over with king Edward in that journey. First, Edward his
eldest son, prince of Wales, who as then was of the age of thirteen years or thereabout,[1] the earls of
Hereford, Northampton, Arundel, Cornwall, Warwick, Huntingdon, Suffolk, and Oxford; and of barons the
lord Mortimer, who was after earl of March, the lords John, Louis and Roger of Beauchamp, and the lord
Raynold Cobham; of lords the lord of Mowbray, Ros, Lucy, Felton, Bradestan, Multon, Delaware, Manne,[2]
Basset, Berkeley, and Willoughby, with divers other lords; and of bachelors there was John Chandos,
Fitz-Warin, Peter and James Audley, Roger of Wetenhale, Bartholomew of Burghersh, and Richard of
Pembridge, with divers other that I cannot name. Few there were of strangers: there was the earl Hainault,[3]
sir Wulfart of Ghistelles, and five or six other knights of Almaine, and many other that I cannot name.
Thus they sailed forth that day in the name of God. They were well onward on their way toward Gascoyne,
but on the third day there rose a contrary wind and drave them on the marches of Cornwall, and there they lay
at anchor six days. In that space the king had other counsel by the means of sir Godfrey Harcourt: he
counselled the king not to go into Gascoyne, but rather to set aland in Normandy, and said to the king: 'Sir, the
country of Normandy is one of the plenteous countries of the world: sir, on jeopardy of my head, if ye will
land there, there is none that shall resist you; the people of Normandy have not been used to the war, and all
the knights and squires of the country are now at the siege before Aiguillon with the duke. And, sir, there ye
shall find great towns that be not walled, whereby your men shall have such winning, that they shall be the
better thereby twenty year after; and, sir, ye may follow with your army till ye come to Caen in Normandy:
sir, I require you to believe me in this voyage,'
The king, who was as then but in the flower of his youth, desiring nothing so much as to have deeds of arms,
inclined greatly to the saying of the lord Harcourt, whom he called cousin. Then he commanded the mariners
to set their course to Normandy, and he took into his ship the token of the admiral the earl of Warwick, and
said now he would be admiral for that viage, and so sailed on before as governour of that navy, and they had
wind at will. Then the king arrived in the isle of Cotentin, at a port called Hogue Saint-Vaast.[4]
Tidings anon spread abroad how the Englishmen were aland: the towns of Cotentin sent word thereof to Paris
to king Philip. He had well heard before how the king of England was on the sea with a great army, but he
wist not what way he would draw, other into Normandy, Bretayne or Gascoyne. As soon as he knew that the
king of England was aland in Normandy, he sent his constable the earl of Guines, and the earl of Tancarville,
who were but newly come to him from his son from the siege at Alguillon, to the town of Caen, commanding
them to keep that town against the Englishmen. They said they would do their best: they departed from Paris
with a good number of men of war, and daily there came more to them by the way, and so came to the town of
Caen, where they were received with great joy of men of the town and of the country thereabout, that were
drawn thither for surety. These lords took heed for the provision of the town, the which as then was not
walled. The king thus was arrived at the port Hogue Saint-Vaast near to Saint-Saviour the Viscount[5] the
right heritage to the lord Godfrey of Harcourt, who as then was there with the king of England.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE 5
HOW THE KING OF ENGLAND RODE IN THREE BATTLES THROUGH NORMANDY
When the king of England arrived in the Hogue Saint-Vaast, the king issued out of his ship, and the first foot
that he set on the ground, he fell so rudely, that the blood brast out of his nose. The knights that were about
him took him up and said: 'Sir, for God's sake enter again into your ship, and come not aland this day, for this
is but an evil sign for us.' Then the king answered quickly and said: 'Wherefore? This is a good token for me,
for the land desireth to have me.' Of the which answer all his men were right joyful. So that day and night the
king lodged on the sands, and in the meantime discharged the ships of their horses and other baggages: there
the king made two marshals of his host, the one the lord Godfrey of Harcourt and the other the earl of
Warwick, and the earl of Arundel constable. And he ordained that the earl of Huntingdon should keep the fleet
of ships with a hundred men of arms and four hundred archers: and also he ordained three battles, one to go on
his right hand, closing to the sea-side, and the other on his left hand, and the king himself in the midst, and
every night to lodge all in one field.
Thus they set forth as they were ordained, and they that went by the sea took all the ships that they found in
their ways: and so long they went forth, what by sea and what by land, that they came to a good port and to a
good town called Barfleur, the which incontinent was won, for they within gave up for fear of death. Howbeit,
for all that, the town was robbed, and much gold and silver there found, and rich jewels: there was found so
much riches, that the boys and villains of the host set nothing by good furred gowns: they made all the men of
the town to issue out and to go into the ships, because they would not suffer them to be behind them for fear
of rebelling again. After the town of Barfleur was thus taken and robbed without brenning, then they spread
abroad in the country and did what they list, for there was not to resist them. At last they came to a great and a
rich town called Cherbourg: the town they won and robbed it, and brent part thereof, but into the castle they
could not come, it was so strong and well furnished with men of war. Then they passed forth and came to
Montebourg, and took it and robbed and brent it clean. In this manner they brent many other towns in that
country and won so much riches, that it was marvel to reckon it. Then they came to a great town well closed
called Carentan, where there was also a strong castle and many soldiers within to keep it. Then the lords came
out of their ships and fiercely made assault: the burgesses of the town were in great fear of their lives, wives
and children: they suffered the Englishmen to enter into the town against the will of all the soldiers that were
there; they put all their goods to the Englishmen's pleasures, they thought that most advantage. When the
soldiers within saw that, they went into the castle: the Englishmen went into the town, and two days together
they made sore assaults, so that when they within saw no succour, they yielded up, their lives and goods
saved, and so departed. The Englishmen had their pleasure of that good town and castle, and when they saw
they might not maintain to keep it, they set fire therein and brent it, and made the burgesses of the town to
enter into their ships, as they had done with them of Barfleur, Cherbourg and Montebourg, and of other towns
that they had won on the sea-side. All this was done by the battle that went by the sea-side, and by them on
the sea together.[6]
Now let us speak of the king's battle. When he had sent his first battle along by the sea-side, as ye have heard,
whereof one of his marshals, the earl of Warwick, was captain, and the lord Cobham with him, then he made
his other marshal to lead his host on his left hand, for he knew the issues and entries of Normandy better than
any other did there. The lord Godfrey as marshal rode forth with five hundred men of arms, and rode off from
the king's battle as six or seven leagues, in brenning and exiling the country, the which was plentiful of
everything—the granges full of corn, the houses full of all riches, rich burgesses, carts and chariots, horse,
swine, muttons and other beasts: they took what them list and brought into the king's host; but the soldiers
made no count to the king nor to none of his officers of the gold and silver that they did get; they kept that to
themselves. Thus sir Godfrey of Harcourt rode every day off from the king's host, and for most part every
night resorted to the king's field. The king took his way to Saint-Lo in Cotentin, but or he came there he
lodged by a river, abiding for his men that rode along by the sea-side; and when they were come, they set
forth their carriage, and the earl of Warwick, the earl of Suffolk, sir Thomas Holland and sir Raynold
Cobham, and their company rode out on the one side and wasted and exiled the country, as the lord Harcourt
INTRODUCTORY NOTE 6
had done; and the king ever rode between these battles, and every night they lodged together.
OF THE GREAT ASSEMBLY THAT THE FRENCH KING MADE TO RESIST THE KING OF
ENGLAND
Thus by the Englishmen was brent, exiled, robbed, wasted and pilled the good, plentiful country of
Normandy. Then the French king sent for the lord John of Hainault, who came to him with a great number:
also the king sent for other men of arms, dukes, earls, barons, knights and squires, and assembled together the
greatest number of people that had been seen in France a hundred year before. He sent for men into so far
countries, that it was long or they came together, wherefore the king of England did what him list in the mean
season. The French king heard well what he did, and sware and said how they should siever return again
unfought withal, and that such hurts and damages as they had done should be dearly revenged; wherefore he
had sent letters to his friends in the Empire, to such as were farthest off, and also to the gentle king of
Bohemia and to the lord Charles his son, who from thenceforth was called king of Almaine; he was made king
by the aid of his father and the French king, and had taken on him the arms of the Empire: the French king
desired them to come to him with all their powers, to the intent to fight with the king o£ England, who brent
and wasted his country. These princes and lords made them ready with great number of men o£ arms, of
Almains, Bohemians and Luxemburgers, and so came to the French king. Also king Philip sent to the duke of
Lorraine, who came to serve him with three hundred spears: also there came the earl (of) Salm in Saumois, the
earl of Sarrebruck, the earl of Flanders, the earl William of Namur, every man with a fair company.
Ye have heard herebefore of the order of the Englishmen, how they went in three battles, the marshals on the
right hand and on the left, the king and the prince of Wales his son in the midst They rode but small journeys
and every day took their lodgings between noon and three of the clock, and found the country so fruitful, that
they needed not to make no provision for their host, but all only for wine; and yet they found reasonably
sufficient thereof.[7] It was no marvel though they of the country were afraid, for before that time they had
never seen men of war, nor they wist not what war or battle meant. They fled away as far as they might hear
speaking of the Englishmen,[8] and left their houses well stuffed, and granges full of corn, they wist not how
to save and keep it. The king of England and the prince had in their battle a three thousand men of arms and
six thousand archers and a ten thousand men afoot, beside them that rode with the marshals.
Thus as ye have heard, the king rode forth, wasting and brenning the country without breaking of his order.
He left the city of Coutances[9] and went to a great town called Saint-Lo, a rich town of drapery and many
rich burgesses. In that town there were dwelling an eight or nine score burgesses, crafty men. When the king
came there, he took his lodging without, for he would never lodge in the town for fear of fire: but he sent his
men before and anon the town was taken and clean robbed. It was hard to think the great riches that there was
won, in clothes specially; cloth would there have been sold good cheap, if there had been any buyers.
Then the king went toward Caen, the which was a greater town and full of drapery and other merchandise, and
rich burgesses, noble ladies and damosels, and fair churches, and specially two great and rich abbeys, one of
the Trinity, another of Saint Stephen; and on the one side of the town one of the fairest castles of all
Normandy, and captain therein was Robert of Wargny, with three hundred Genoways, and in the town was the
earl of Eu and of Guines, constable of France, and the earl of Tancarville, with a good number of men of war.
The king of England rode that day in good order and lodged all his battles together that night, a two leagues
from Caen, in a town with a little haven called Austrehem, and thither came also all his navy of ships with the
earl of Huntingdon, who was governour of them.
The constable and other lords of France that night watched well the town of Caen, and in the morning armed
them with all them of the town: then the constable ordained that none should issue out, but keep their defences
INTRODUCTORY NOTE 7
on the walls, gate, bridge and river, and left the suburbs void, because they were not closed; for they thought
they should have enough to do to defend the town, because it was not closed but with the river. They of the
town said how they would issue out, for they were strong enough to fight with the king of England. When the
constable saw their good wills, he said: 'In the name of God be it, ye shall not fight without me,' Then they
issued out in good order and made good face to fight and to defend them and to put their lives in adventure.
OF THE BATTLE OF CAEN, AND HOW THE ENGLISHMEN TOOK THE TOWN
The same day the Englishmen rose early and apparelled them ready to go to Caen.[10] The king heard mass
before the sun-rising and then took his horse, and the prince his son, with sir Godfrey of Harcourt marshal and
leader of the host, whose counsel the king much followed. Then they drew toward Caen with their battles in
good array, and so approached the good town of Caen. When they of the town, who were ready in the field,
saw these three battles coming in good order, with their banners and standards waving in the wind, and the
archers, the which they had not been accustomed to see, they were sore afraid and fled away toward the town
without any order or good array, for all that the constable could do: then the Englishmen pursued them
eagerly. When the constable and the earl Tancarville saw that, they took a gate at the entry and saved
themselves[11] and certain with them, for the Englishmen were entered into the town. Some of the knights and
squires of France, such as knew the way to the castle, went thither, and the captain there received them all, for
the castle was large. The Englishmen in the chase slew many, for they took none to mercy.
Then the constable and the earl of Tancarville, being in the little tower at the bridge foot, looked along the
street and saw their men slain without mercy: they doubted to fall in their hands. At last they saw an English
knight with one eye called sir Thomas Holland, and a five or six other knights with him: they knew them, for
they had seen them before in Pruce, in Granade, and in other viages. Then they called to sir Thomas and said
how they would yield themselves prisoners. Then sir Thomas came thither with his company and mounted up
into the gate, and there found the said lords with twenty-five knights with them, who yielded them to sir
Thomas, and he took them for his prisoners and left company to keep them, and then mounted again on his
horse and rode into the streets, and saved many lives of ladies, damosels, and cloisterers from defoiling, for
the soldiers were without mercy. It fell so well the same season for the Englishmen, that the river, which was
able to bear ships, at that time was so low, that men went in and out beside the bridge. They of the town were
entered into their houses, and cast down into the street stones, timber and iron, and slew and hurt more than
five hundred Englishmen, wherewith the king was sore displeased. At night when he heard thereof, he
commanded that the next day all should be put to the sword and the town brent; but then sir Godfrey of
Harcourt said: 'Dear sir, for God's sake assuage somewhat your courage, and let it suffice you that ye have
done. Ye have yet a great voyage to do or ye come before Calais, whither ye purpose to go; and, sir, in this
town there is much people who will defend their houses, and it will cost many of your men their lives, or ye
have all at your will; whereby peradventure ye shall not keep your purpose to Calais, the which should
redound to your rack. Sir, save your people, for ye shall have need of them or this month pass; for I think
verily your adversary king Philip will meet with you to fight, and ye shall find many straight passages and
rencounters; wherefore your men, an ye had more, shall stand you in good stead: and, sir, without any further
slaying ye shall be lord of this town; men and women will put all that they have to your pleasure.' Then the
king said: 'Sir Godfrey, you are our marshal, ordain everything as ye will.' Then sir Godfrey with his banner
rode from street to street, and commanded in the king's name none to be so hardy to put fire in any house, to
slay any person, nor to violate any woman. When they of the town heard that cry, they received the
Englishmen into their houses and made them good cheer, and some opened their coffers and bade them take
what them list, so they might be assured of their lives; howbeit there were done in the town many evil deeds,
murders and robberies. Thus the Englishmen were lords of the town three days and won great riches, the
which they sent by barks and barges to Saint-Saviour by the river of Austrehem,[12] a two leagues thence,
whereas all their navy lay. Then the king sent the earl of Huntingdon with two hundred men of arms and four
INTRODUCTORY NOTE 8
hundred archers, with his navy and prisoners and riches that they had got, back again into England. And the
king bought of sir Thomas Holland the constable of France and the earl of Tancarville, and paid for them
twenty thousand nobles.
HOW SIR GODFREY OF HARCOURT FOUGHT WITH THEM OF AMIENS BEFORE PARIS
Thus the king of England ordered his business, being in the town of Caen, and sent into England his navy of
ships charged with clothes, jewels, vessels of gold and silver, and of other riches, and of prisoners more than
sixty knights and three hundred burgesses. Then he departed from the town of Caen and rode in the same
order as he did before, brenning and exiling the country, and took the way to Evreux and so passed by it; and
from thence they rode to a great town called Louviers: it was the chief town of all Normandy of drapery,
riches, and full of merchandise. The Englishmen soon entered therein, for as then it was not closed; it was
overrun, spoiled and robbed without mercy: there was won great riches. Then they entered into the country of
Evreux and brent and pilled all the country except the good towns closed and castles, to the which the king
made none assault, because of the sparing of his people and his artillery.
On the river of Seine near to Rouen there was the earl of Harcourt, brother to sir Godfrey of Harcourt, but he
was on the French party, and the earl of Dreux with him, with a good number of men of war: but the
Englishmen left Rouen and went to Gisors, where was a strong castle: they brent the town and then they brent
Vernon and all the country about Rouen and Pont-de-l'Arche and came to Mantes and to Meulan, and wasted
all the country about, and passed by the strong castle of Rolleboise; and in every place along the river of Seine
they found the bridges broken. At last they came to Poissy, and found the bridge broken, but the arches and
joists lay in the river: the king lay there a five days: in the mean season the bridge was made, to pass the host
without peril. The English marshals ran abroad just to Paris, and brent Saint-Germain in Laye and Montjoie,
and Saint-Cloud, and petty Boulogne by Paris, and the Queen's Bourg:[13] they of Paris were not well assured
of themselves, for it was not as then closed.
Then king Philip removed to Saint-Denis, and or he went caused all the pentices in Paris to be pulled down;
and at Saint-Denis were ready come the king of Bohemia, the lord John of Hainault, the duke of Lorraine, the
earl of Flanders, the earl of Blois, and many other great lords and knights, ready to serve the French king.
When the people of Paris saw their king depart, they came to him and kneeled down and said: 'Ah, sir and
noble king, what will ye do? leave thus this noble city of Paris?' The king said: 'My good people, doubt ye
not: the Englishmen will approach you no nearer than they be.' 'Why so, sir?' quoth they; 'they be within these
two leagues, and as soon as they know of your departing, they will come and assail us; and we not able to
defend them: sir, tarry here still and help to defend your good city of Paris.' 'Speak no more,' quoth the king,
'for I will go to Saint-Denis to my men of war: for I will encounter the Englishmen and fight against them,
whatsoever fall thereof.'
The king of England was at Poissy, and lay in the nunnery there, and kept there the feast of our Lady in
August and sat in his robes of scarlet furred with ermines; and after that feast he went forth in order as they
were before. The lord Godfrey of Harcourt rode out on the one side with five hundred men of arms and
thirteen[14] hundred archers; and by adventure he encountered a great number of burgesses of Amiens
a-horseback, who were riding by the king's commandment to Paris. They were quickly assailed and they
defended themselves valiantly, for they were a great number and well armed: there were four knights of
Amiens their captains. This skirmish dured long: at the first meeting many were overthrown on both parts; but
finally the burgesses were taken and nigh all slain, and the Englishmen took all their carriages and harness.
They were well stuffed, for they were going to the French king well appointed, because they had not seen him
a great season before. There were slain in the field a twelve hundred.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE 9
Then the king of England entered into the country of Beauvoisis, brenning and exiling the plain country, and
lodged at a fair abbey and a rich called Saint-Messien[15] near to Beauvais: there the king tarried a night and
in the morning departed. And when he was on his way he looked behind him and saw the abbey a-fire: he
caused incontinent twenty of them to be hanged that set the fire there, for he had commanded before on pain
of death none to violate any church nor to bren any abbey. Then the king passed by the city of Beauvais
without any assault giving, for because he would not trouble his people nor waste his artillery. And so that day
he took his lodging betime in a little town called Milly. The two marshals came so near to Beauvais, that they
made assault and skirmish at the barriers in three places, the which assault endured a long space; but the town
within was so well defended by the means of the bishop, who was there within, that finally the Englishmen
departed, and brent clean hard to the gates all the suburbs, and then at night they came into the king's field.
The next day the king departed, brenning and wasting all before him, and at night lodged in a good village
called Grandvilliers. The next day the king passed by Dargies: there was none to defend the castle, wherefore
it was soon taken and brent. Then they went forth destroying the country all about, and so came to the castle
of Poix, where there was a good town and two castles. There was nobody in them but two fair damosels,
daughters to the lord of Poix; they were soon taken, and had been violated, an two English knights had not
been, sir John Chandos and sir Basset; they defended them and brought them to the king, who for his honour
made them good cheer and demanded of them whither they would fainest go. They said, 'To Corbie,' and the
king caused them to be brought thither without peril. That night the king lodged in the town of Poix. They of
the town and of the castles spake that night with the marshals of the host, to save them and their town from
brenning, and they to pay a certain sum of florins the next day as soon as the host was departed. This was
granted them, and in the morning the king departed with all his host except a certain that were left there to
receive the money that they of the town had promised to pay. When they of the town saw the host depart and
but a few left behind, then they said they would pay never a penny, and so ran out and set on the Englishmen,
who defended themselves as well as they might and sent after the host for succour. When sir Raynold Cobham
and sir Thomas Holland, who had the rule of the rearguard, heard thereof, they returned and cried, 'Treason,
treason!' and so came again to Poix-ward and found their companions still fighting with them of the town.
Then anon they of the town were nigh all slain, and the town brent, and the two castles beaten down. Then
they returned to the king's host, who was as then at Airaines and there lodged, and had commanded all manner
of men on pain of death to do no hurt to no town of Arsyn,[16] for there the king was minded to lie a day or
two to take advice how he might pass the river of Somme; for it was necessary for him to pass the river, as ye
shall hear after.
HOW THE FRENCH KING FOLLOWED THE KING OF ENGLAND IN BEAUVOISINOIS
Now let us speak of King Philip, who was at Sant-Denis and his people about him, and daily increased. Then
on a day he departed and rode so long that he came to Coppegueule, a three leagues from Amiens, and there
he tarried. The king of England being at Airaines wist not where for to pass the river of Somme, the which
was large and deep, and all bridges were broken and the passages well kept. Then at the king's commandment
his two marshals with a thousand men of arms and two thousand archers went along the river to find some
passage, and passed by Longpré, and came to the bridge of Remy,[17] the which was well kept with a great
number of knights and squires and men of the country. The Englishmen alighted afoot and assailed the
Frenchmen from the morning till it was noon; but the bridge was so well fortified and defended, that the
Englishmen departed without winning of anything. Then they went to a great town called Fountains on the
river of Somme, the which was clean robbed and brent, for it was not closed. Then they went to another town
called Long-en-Ponthieu; they could not win the bridge, it was so well kept and defended. Then they departed
and went to Picquigny, and found the town, the bridge, and the castle so well fortified, that it was not likely to
pass there: the French king had so well defended the passages, to the intent that the king of England should
not pass the river of Somme, to fight with him at his advantage or else to famish him there.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE 10
When these two marshals had assayed in all places to find passage and could find none, they returned again to
the king, and shewed how they could find no passage in no place. The same night the French king came to
Amiens with more than a hundred thousand men. The king of England was right pensive, and the next
morning heard mass before the sun-rising and then dislodged; and every man followed the marshals' banners
and so rode in the country of Vimeu approaching to the good town of Abbeville, and found a town thereby,
whereunto was come much people of the country in trust of a little defence that was there; but the Englishmen
anon won it; and all they that were within slain, and many taken of the town and of the country. The king took
his lodging in a great hospital[18] that was there. The same day the French king departed from Amiens and
came to Airaines about noon; and the Englishmen were departed thence in the morning. The Frenchmen found
there great provision that the Englishmen had left behind them, because they departed in haste. There they
found flesh ready on the broaches, bread and pasties in the ovens, wine in tuns and barrels, and the tables
ready laid. There the French king lodged and tarried for his lords.
That night the king of England was lodged at Olsemont. At night when the two marshals were returned, who
had that day overrun the country to the gates of Abbeville and to Saint-Valery and made a great skirmish
there, then the king assembled together his council and made to be brought before him certain prisoners of the
country of Ponthieu and of Vimeu. The king right courteously demanded of them, if there were any among
them that knew any passage beneath Abbeville, that he and his host might pass over the river of Somme: if he
would shew him thereof, he should be quit of his ransom, and twenty of his company for his love. There was a
varlet called Gobin Agace who stepped forth and said to the king: 'Sir, I promise you on the jeopardy of my
head I shall bring you to such a place, whereas ye and all your host shall pass the river of Somme without
peril. There be certain places in the passage that ye shall pass twelve men afront two times between day and
night: ye shall not go in the water to the knees. But when the flood cometh, the river then waxeth so great, that
no man can pass; but when the flood is gone, the which is two times between day and night, then the river is
so low, that it may be passed without danger both a-horseback and afoot. The passage is hard in the bottom
with white stones, so that all your carriage may go surely; therefore the passage is called Blanche-taque. An
ye make ready to depart betimes, ye may be there by the sun-rising.' The king said: 'If this be true that ye say,
I quit thee thy ransom and all thy company, and moreover shall give thee a hundred nobles.' Then the king
commanded every man to be ready at the sound of the trumpet to depart.
OF THE BATTLE OF BLANCHE-TAQUE BETWEEN THE KING OF ENGLAND AND SIR GODEMAR
DU FAY
The king of England slept not much that night, for at midnight he arose and sowned his trumpet: then
incontinent they made ready carriages and all things, and at the breaking of the day they departed from the
town of Oisemont and rode after the guiding of Gobin Agace, so that they came by the sun-rising to
Blanche-taque; but as then the flood was up, so that they might not pass: so the king tarried there till it was
prime; then the ebb came.
The French king had his currours in the country, who brought him word of the demeanour of the Englishmen.
Then he thought to close the king of England between Abbeville and the river of Somme, and so to fight with
him at his pleasure. And when he was at Amiens he had ordained a great baron of Normandy, called sir
Godemar du Fay, to go and keep the passage of Blanche-taque, where the Englishmen must pass or else in
none other place. He had with him a thousand men of arms and six thousand afoot, with the Genoways: so
they went by Saint-Riquier in Ponthieu and from thence to Crotoy, whereas the passage lay; and also he had
with him a great number of men of the country, and also a great number of them of Montreuil, so that they
were a twelve thousand men one and other.
When the English host was come thither, sir Godemar du Fay arranged all his company to defend the passage.
The king of England let not for all that; but when the flood was gone, he commanded his marshals to enter
into the water in the name of God and Saint George. Then they that were hardy and courageous entered on
both parties, and many a man reversed. There were some of the Frenchmen of Artois and Picardy that were as
glad to joust in the water as on the dry land.
The Frenchmen defended so well the passage at the issuing out of the water, that they had much to do. The
Genoways did them great trouble with their cross-bows: on the other side the archers of England shot so
wholly together, that the Frenchmen were fain to give place to the Englishmen. There was a sore battle, and
many a noble feat of arms done on both sides. Finally the Englishmen passed over and assembled together in
the field. The king and the prince passed, and all the lords; then the Frenchmen kept none array, but departed,
he that might best. When sir Godemar saw that discomfiture, he fled and saved himself: some fled to
Abbeville and some to Saint-Riquiers. They that were there afoot could not flee, so that there were slain a
great number of them of Abbeville, Montreuil, Rue and of Saint-Riquiers: the chase endured more than a great
league. And as yet all the Englishmen were not passed the river, and certain currours of the king of Bohemia
and of sir John of Hainault came on them that were behind and took certain horses and carriages and slew
divers, or they could take the passage.
The French king the same morning was departed from Airaines, trusting to have found the Englishmen
between him and the river of Somme: but when he heard how that sir Godemar du Fay and his company were
discomfited, he tarried in the field and demanded of his marshals what was best to do. They said, 'Sir, ye
cannot pass the river but at the bridge of Abbeville, for the flood is come in at Blanche-taque': then he
returned and lodged at Abbeville.
The king of England when he was past the river, he thanked God and so rode forth in like manner as he did
before. Then he called Gobin Agace and did quit him his ransom and all his company, and gave him a
hundred nobles and a good horse. And so the king rode forth fair and easily, and thought to have lodged in a
great town called Noyelles; but when he knew that the town pertained to the countess d'Aumale, sister to the
lord Robert of Artois,[19] the king assured the town and country as much as pertained to her, and so went
forth; and his marshals rode to Crotoy on the sea-side and brent the town, and found in the haven many ships
and barks charged with wines of Poitou, pertaining to the merchants of Saintonge and of Rochelle: they
brought the best thereof to the king's host. Then one of the marshals rode to the gates of Abbeville and from
thence to Saint-Riquiers, and after to the town of Rue-Saint-Esprit. This was on a Friday, and both battles of
the marshals returned to the king's host about noon and so lodged all together near to Cressy in Ponthieu.
The king of England was well informed how the French king followed after him to fight. Then he said to his
company: 'Let us take here some plot of ground, for we will go no farther till we have seen our enemies. I
have good cause here to abide them, for I am on the right heritage of the queen my mother, the which land
was given at her marriage: I will challenge it of mine adversary Philip of Valois.' And because that he had not
the eighth part in number of men as the French king had, therefore he commanded his marshals to chose a plot
of ground somewhat for his advantage: and so they did, and thither the king and his host went. Then he sent
his currours to Abbeville, to see if the French king drew that day into the field or not. They went forth and
returned again, and said how they could see none appearance of his coming: then every man took their
lodging for that day, and to be ready in the morning at the sound of the trumpet in the same place. This Friday
the French king tarried still in Abbeville abiding for his company, and sent his two marshals to ride out to see
the dealing of the Englishmen, and at night they returned, and said how the Englishmen were lodged in the
fields. That night the French king made a supper to all the chief lords that were there with him, and after
supper the king desired them to be friends each to other. The king looked for the earl of Savoy, who should
come to him with a thousand spears, for he had received wages for a three months of them at Troyes in
Champagne.
OF THE ORDER OF THE ENGLISHMEN AT CRESSY, HOW THEY MADE THREE BATTLES AFOOT
On the Friday, as I said before, the king of England lay in the fields, for the country was plentiful of wines and
other victual, and if need had been, they had provision following in carts and other carriages. That night the
king made a supper to all his chief lords of his host and made them good cheer; and when they were all
departed to take their rest, then the king entered into his oratory and kneeled down before the altar, praying
God devoutly, that if he fought the next day, that he might achieve the journey to his honour: then about
midnight he laid him down to rest, and in the morning he rose betimes and heard mass, and the prince his son
with him, and the most part of his company were confessed and houselled; and after the mass said, he
commanded every man to be armed and to draw to the field to the same place before appointed. Then the king
caused a park to be made by the wood side behind his host, and there was set all carts and carriages, and
within the park were all their horses, for every man was afoot; and into this park there was but one entry. Then
he ordained three battles: in the first was the young prince of Wales, with him the earl of Warwick and
Oxford, the lord Godfrey of Harcourt, sir Raynold Cobham, sir Thomas Holland, the lord Stafford, the lord of
Mohun, the lord Delaware, sir John Chandos, sir Bartholomew de Burghersh, sir Robert Nevill, the lord
Thomas Clifford, the lord Bourchier, the lord de Latimer, and divers other knights and squires that I cannot
name: they were an eight hundred men of arms and two thousand archers, and a thousand of other with the
Welshmen: every lord drew to the field appointed under his own banner and pennon. In the second battle was
the earl of Northampton, the earl of Arundel, the lord Ros, the lord Lucy, the lord Willoughby, the lord
Basset, the lord of Saint-Aubin, sir Louis Tufton, the lord of Multon, the lord Lascelles and divers other, about
an eight hundred men of arms and twelve hundred archers. The third battle had the king: he had seven
hundred men of arms and two thousand archers. Then the king leapt on a hobby,[20] with a white rod in his
hand, one of his marshals on the one hand and the other on the other hand: he rode from rank to rank desiring
every man to take heed that day to his right and honour. He spake it so sweetly and with so good countenance
and merry cheer, that all such as were discomfited took courage in the seeing and hearing of him. And when
he had thus visited all his battles, it was then nine of the day: then he caused every man to eat and drink a
little, and so they did at their leisure. And afterward they ordered again their battles: then every man lay down
on the earth and by him his salet and bow, to be the more fresher when their enemies should come.
THE ORDER OF THE FRENCHMEN AT CRESSY, AND HOW THEY BEHELD THE DEMEANOUR OF
THE ENGLISHMEN
This Saturday the French king rose betimes and heard mass in Abbeville in his lodging in the abbey of Saint
Peter, and he departed after the sun-rising. When he was out of the town two leagues, approaching toward his
enemies, some of his lords said to him: 'Sir, it were good that ye ordered your battles, and let all your footmen
pass somewhat on before, that they be not troubled with the horsemen.' Then the king sent four knights, the
Moine (of) Bazeilles, the lord of Noyers, the lord of Beaujeu and the lord d'Aubigny to ride to aview the
English host; and so they rode so near that they might well see part of their dealing. The Englishmen saw
them well and knew well how they were come thither to aview them: they let them alone and made no
countenance toward them, and let them return as they came. And when the French king saw these four knights
return again, he tarried till they came to him and said: 'Sirs, what tidings?' These four knights each of them
looked on other, for there was none would speak before his companion; finally the king said to (the) Moine,
who pertained to the king of Bohemia and had done in his days so much, that he was reputed for one of the
valiantest knights of the world: 'Sir, speak you,' Then he said: 'Sir, I shall speak, sith it pleaseth you, under the
correction of my fellows. Sir, we have ridden and seen the behaving of your enemies: know ye for truth they
are rested in three battles abiding for you. Sir, I will counsel you as for my part, saving your displeasure, that
you and all your company rest here and lodge for this night: for or they that be behind of your company be
come hither, and or your battles be set in good order, it will be very late, and your people be weary and out of
array, and ye shall find your enemies fresh and ready to receive you. Early in the morning ye may order your
battles at more leisure and advise your enemies at more deliberation, and to regard well what way ye will
assail them; for, sir, surely they will abide you.'
Then the king commanded that it should be so done. Then his two marshals one rode before, another behind,
saying to every banner: 'Tarry and abide here in the name of God and Saint Denis.' They that were foremost
tarried, but they that were behind would not tarry, but rode forth, and said how they would in no wise abide
till they were as far forward as the foremost: and when they before saw them come on behind, then they rode
forward again, so that the king nor his marshals could not rule them. So they rode without order or good array,
till they came in sight of their enemies: and as soon as the foremost saw them, they reculed then aback without
good array, whereof they behind had marvel and were abashed, and thought that the foremost company had
been fighting. Then they might have had leisure and room to have gone forward, if they had list: some went
forth and some abode still. The commons, of whom all the ways between Abbeville and Cressy were full,
when they saw that they were near to their enemies, they took their swords and cried: 'Down with them! let us
slay them all.' There is no man, though he were present at the journey, that could imagine or shew the truth of
the evil order that was among the French party, and yet they were a marvellous great number. That I write in
this book I learned it specially of the Englishmen, who well beheld their dealing; and also certain knights of
sir John of Hainault's, who was always about king Philip, shewed me as they knew.
OF THE BATTLE OF CRESSY BETWEEN THE KING OF ENGLAND AND THE FRENCH KING
The Englishmen, who were in three battles lying on the ground to rest them, as soon as they saw the
Frenchmen approach, they rose upon their feet fair and easily without any haste and arranged their battles.
The first, which was the prince's battle, the archers there stood in manner of a herse and the men of arms in
the bottom of the battle. The earl of Northampton and the earl of Arundel with the second battle were on a
wing in good order, ready to comfort the prince's battle, if need were.
The lords and knights of France came not to the assembly together in good order, for some came before and
some came after in such haste and evil order, that one of them did trouble another. When the French king saw
the Englishmen, his blood changed, and said to his marshals: 'Make the Genoways go on before and begin the
battle in the name of God and Saint Denis.' There were of the Genoways cross-bows about a fifteen
thousand,[21] but they were so weary of going afoot that day a six leagues armed with their cross-bows, that
they said to their constables: 'We be not well ordered to fight this day, for we be not in the case to do any great
deed of arms: we have more need of rest.' These words came to the earl of Alengon, who said: 'A man is well
at ease to be charged with such a sort of rascals, to be faint and fail now at most need.' Also the same season
there fell a great rain and a clipse[22] with a terrible thunder, and before the rain there came flying over both
battles a great number of crows for fear of the tempest coming. Then anon the air began to wax clear, and the
sun to shine fair and bright, the which was right in the Frenchmen's eyen and on the Englishmen's backs.
When the Genoways were assembled together and began to approach, they made a great leap[23] and cry to
abash the Englishmen, but they stood still and stirred not for all that: then the Genoways again the second
time made another leap and a fell cry, and stept forward a little, and the Englishmen removed not one foot:
thirdly, again they leapt and cried, and went forth till they came within shot; then they shot fiercely with their
cross-bows. Then the English archers stept forth one pace and let fly their arrows so wholly (together) and so
thick, that it seemed snow. When the Genoways felt the arrows piercing through heads, arms and breasts,
many of them cast down their cross-bows and did cut their strings and returned discomfited. When the French
king saw them fly away, he said: 'Slay these rascals, for they shall let and trouble us without reason.' Then ye
should have seen the men of arms dash in among them and killed a great number of them: and ever still the
Englishmen shot whereas they saw thickest press; the sharp arrows ran into the men of arms and into their
horses, and many fell, horse and men, among the Genoways, and when they were down, they could not
relieve[24] again, the press was so thick that one overthrew another. And also among the Englishmen there
were certain rascals that went afoot with great knives, and they went in among the men of arms, and slew and
murdered many as they lay on the ground, both earls, barons, knights and squires, whereof the king of
England was after displeased, for he had rather they had been taken prisoners.
The valiant king of Bohemia called Charles of Luxembourg, son to the noble emperor Henry of Luxembourg,
for all that he was nigh blind, when he understood the order of the battle, he said to them about him: 'Where is
the lord Charles my son?' His men said: 'Sir, we cannot tell; we think he be fighting.' Then he said: 'Sirs, ye
are my men, my companions and friends in this journey: I require you bring me so far forward, that I may
strike one stroke with my sword.' They said they would do his commandment, and to the intent that they
should not lose him in the press, they tied all their reins of their bridles each to other and set the king before to
accomplish his desire, and so they went on their enemies. The lord Charles of Bohemia his son, who wrote
himself king of Almaine and bare the arms, he came in good order to the battle; but when he saw that the
matter went awry on their party, he departed, I cannot tell you which way. The king his father was so far
forward that he strake a stroke with his sword, yea and more than four, and fought valiantly and so did his
company; and they adventured themselves so forward, that they were there all slain, and the next day they
were found in the place about the king, and all their horses tied each to other.
The earl of Alençon came to the battle right ordinately and fought with the Englishmen, and the earl of
Flanders also on his part. These two lords with their companies coasted the English archers and came to the
prince's battle, and there fought valiantly long. The French king would fain have come thither, when he saw
their banners, but there was a great hedge of archers before him. The same day the French king had given a
great black courser to sir John of Hainault, and he made the lord Tierry of Senzeille to ride on him and to bear
his banner. The same horse took the bridle in the teeth and brought him through all the currours of the
Englishmen, and as he would have returned again, he fell in a great dike and was sore hurt, and had been there
dead, an his page had not been, who followed him through all the battles and saw where his master lay in the
dike, and had none other let but for his horse, for the Englishmen would not issue out of their battle for taking
of any prisoner. Then the page alighted and relieved his master: then he went not back again the same way
that they came, there was too many in his way.
This battle between Broye and Cressy this Saturday was right cruel and fell, and many a feat of arms done that
came not to my knowledge. In the night[25] divers knights and squires lost their masters, and sometime came
on the Englishmen, who received them in such wise that they were ever nigh slain; for there was none taken to
mercy nor to ransom, for so the Englishmen were determined.
In the morning[26] the day of the battle certain Frenchmen and Almains perforce opened the archers of the
prince's battle and came and fought with the men of arms hand to hand. Then the second battle of the
Englishmen came to succour the prince's battle, the which was time, for they had as then much ado; and they
with the prince sent a messenger to the king, who was on a little windmill hill. Then the knight said to the
king: 'Sir, the earl of Warwick and the earl of Oxford, sir Raynold Cobham and other, such as be about the
prince your son, are fiercely fought withal and are sore handled; wherefore they desire you that you and your
battle will come and aid them; for if the Frenchmen increase, as they doubt they will, your son and they shall
have much ado.' Then the king said: 'Is my son dead or hurt or on the earth felled?' 'No, sir,' quoth the knight,
'but he is hardly matched; wherefore he hath need of your aid.' 'Well,' said the king, 'return to him and to them
that sent you hither, and say to them that they send no more to me for any adventure that falleth, as long as my
son is alive: and also say to them that they suffer him this day to win his spurs;[27] for if God be pleased, I will
this journey be his and the honour thereof, and to them that be about him.' Then the knight returned again to
them and shewed the king's words, the which greatly encouraged them, and repoined[28] in that they had sent
to the king as they did.
Sir Godfrey of Harcourt would gladly that the earl of Harcourt his brother might have been saved; for he
heard say by them that saw his banner how that he was there in the field on the French party: but sir Godfrey
could not come to him betimes, for he was slain or he could come at him, and so was also the earl of Aumale
his nephew. In another place the earl of Alençon and the earl of Flanders fought valiantly, every lord under his
own banner; but finally they could not resist against the puissance of the Englishmen, and so there they were
also slain, and divers other knights and squires. Also the earl Louis of Blois, nephew to the French king, and
the duke of Lorraine fought under their banners, but at last they were closed in among a company of
Englishmen and Welshmen, and there were slain for all their prowess. Also there was slain the earl of
Auxerre, the earl of Saint-Pol and many other.
In the evening the French king, who had left about him no more than a three-score persons, one and other,
whereof sir John of Hainault was one, who had remounted once the king, for his horse was slain with an
arrow, then he said to the king: 'Sir, depart hence, for it is time; lose not yourself wilfully: if ye have loss at
this time, ye shall recover it again another season.' And so he took the king's horse by the bridle and led him
away in a manner perforce. Then the king rode till he came to the castle of Broye. The gate was closed,
because it was by that time dark: then the king called the captain, who came to the walls and said: 'Who is that
calleth there this time of night?' Then the king said: 'Open your gate quickly, for this is the fortune of
France.'[29] The captain knew then it was the king, and opened the gate and let down the bridge. Then the king
entered, and he had with him but five barons, sir John of Hainault, sir Charles of Montmorency, the lord of
Beaujeu, the lord d'Aubigny and the lord of Montsault. The king would not tarry there, but drank and departed
thence about midnight, and so rode by such guides as knew the country till he came in the morning to Amiens,
and there he rested.
This Saturday the Englishmen never departed from their battles for chasing of any man, but kept still their
field, and ever defended themselves against all such as came to assail them. This battle ended about evensong
time.
HOW THE NEXT DAY AFTER THE BATTLE THE ENGLISHMEN DISCOMFITED DIVERS
FRENCHMEN
On this Saturday, when the night was come and that the Englishmen heard no more noise of the Frenchmen,
then they reputed themselves to have the victory, and the Frenchmen to be discomfited, slain and fled away.
Then they made great fires and lighted up torches and candles, because it was very dark. Then the king avaled
down from the little hill whereas he stood; and of all that day till then his helm came never on his head. Then
he went with all his battle to his son the prince and embraced him in his arms and kissed him, and said: 'Fair
son, God give you good perseverance; ye are my good son, thus ye have acquitted you nobly: ye are worthy to
keep a realm.' The prince inclined himself to the earth, honouring the king his father.
This night they thanked God for their good adventure and made no boast thereof, for the king would that no
man should be proud or make boast, but every man humbly to thank God. On the Sunday in the morning there
was such a mist, that a man might not see the breadth of an acre of land from him. Then there departed from
the host by the commandment of the king and marshals five hundred spears and two thousand archers, to see
if they might see any Frenchmen gathered again together in any place. The same morning out of Abbeville
and Saint-Riquiers in Ponthieu the commons of Rouen and of Beauvais issued out of their towns, not knowing
of the discomfiture of the day before. They met with the Englishmen weening they had been Frenchmen, and
when the Englishmen saw them, they set on them freshly, and there was a sore battle; but at last the
Frenchmen fled and kept none array. There were slain in the ways and in hedges and bushes more than seven
thousand, and if the day had been clear there had never a one escaped. Anon after, another company of
Frenchmen were met by the Englishmen, the archbishop of Rouen and the great prior of France, who also
knew nothing of the discomfiture the day before, for they heard that the French king should have fought the
same Sunday, and they were going thitherward. When they met with the Englishmen, there was a great battle,
for they were a great number, but they could not endure against the Englishmen; for they were nigh all slain,
few escaped; the two lords were slain. This morning the Englishmen met with divers Frenchmen that had lost
their way on the Saturday and had lain all night in the fields, and wist not where the king was nor the captains.
They were all slain, as many as were met with; and it was shewed me that of the commons and men afoot of
the cities and good towns of France there was slain four times as many as were slain the Saturday in the great
battle.
HOW THE NEXT DAY AFTER THE BATTLE OF CRESSY THEY THAT WERE DEAD WERE
NUMBERED BY THE ENGLISHMEN
The same Sunday, as the king of England came from mass, such as had been sent forth returned and shewed
the king what they had seen and done, and said: 'Sir, we think surely there is now no more appearance of any
of our enemies.' Then the king sent to search how many were slain and what they were. Sir Raynold Cobham
and Sir Richard Stafford with three heralds went to search the field and country: they visited all them that
were slain and rode all day in the fields, and returned again to the host as the king was going to supper. They
made just report of that they had seen, and said how there were eleven great princes dead, fourscore banners,
twelve hundred knights, and more than thirty thousand other.[30] The Englishmen kept still their field all that
night: on the Monday in the morning the king prepared to depart: the king caused the dead bodies of the great
lords to be taken up and conveyed to Montreuil, and there buried in holy ground, and made a cry in the
country to grant truce for three days, to the intent that they of the country might search the field of Cressy to
bury the dead bodies.
Then the king went forth and came before the town of Montreuil-by-the-sea, and his marshals ran toward
Hesdin and Brent Waben and Serain, but they did nothing to the castle, it was so strong and so well kept.
They lodged that night on the river of Hesdin towards Blangy. The next day they rode toward Boulogne and
came to the town of Wissant: there the king and the prince lodged, and tarried there a day to refresh his men,
and on the Wednesday the king came before the strong town of Calais.
THE BATTLE OF POITIERS
OF THE GREAT HOST THAT THE FRENCH KING BROUGHT TO THE BATTLE OF POITIERS
After the taking of the castle of Romorantin and of them that were therein, the prince then and his company
rode as they did before, destroying the country, approaching to Anjou and to Touraine. The French king, who
was at Chartres, departed and came to Blois and there tarried two days, and then to Amboise and the next day
to Loches: and then he heard how that the prince was at Touraine[31] and how that he was returning by Poitou:
ever the Englishmen were coasted by certain expert knights of France, who alway made report to the king
what the Englishmen did. Then the king came to the Haye in Touraine and his men had passed the river of
Loire, some at the bridge of Orleans and some at Meung, at Saumur, at Blois, and at Tours and whereas they
might: they were in number a twenty thousand men of arms beside other; there were a twenty-six dukes and
earls and more than sixscore banners, and the four sons of the king, who were but young, the duke Charles of
Normandy, the lord Louis, that was from thenceforth duke of Anjou, and the lord John duke of Berry, and the
lord Philip, who was after duke of Burgoyne. The same season, pope Innocent the sixth sent the lord Bertrand,
cardinal of Perigord, and the lord Nicholas, cardinal of Urgel, into France, to treat for a peace between the
French king and all his enemies, first between him and the king of Navarre, who was in prison: and these
cardinals oftentimes spake to the king for his deliverance during the siege at Bretuel, but they could do
nothing in that behalf. Then the cardinal of Perigord went to Tours, and there he heard how the French king
hasted sore to find the Englishmen: then he rode to Poitiers, for he heard how both the hosts drew thitherward.
The French king heard how the prince hasted greatly to return, and the king feared that he should scape him
and so departed from Haye in Touraine, and all his company, and rode to Chauvigny, where he tarried that
Thursday in the town and without along by the river of Creuse, and the next day the king passed the river at
the bridge there, weening that the Englishmen had been before him, but they were not. Howbeit they pursued
after and passed the bridge that day more than threescore thousand horses, and divers other passed at
Chatelleraut, and ever as they passed they took the way to Poitiers.
On the other side the prince wist not truly where the Frenchmen were; but they supposed that they were not
far off, for they could not find no more forage, whereby they had great fault in their host of victual, and some
of them repented that they had destroyed so much as they had done before when they were in Berry, Anjou
and Touraine, and in that they had made no better provision. The same Friday three great lords of France, the
lord of Craon, the lord Raoul of Coucy and the earl of Joigny, tarried all day in the town of Chauvigny, and
part of their companies. The Saturday they passed the bridge and followed the king, who was then a three
leagues before, and took the way among bushes without a wood side to go to Poitiers.
The same Saturday the prince and his company dislodged from a little village thereby, and sent before him
certain currours to see if they might find any adventure and to hear where the Frenchmen were. They were in
number a threescore men of arms well horsed, and with them was the lord Eustace d'Aubrecicourt and the lord
John of Ghistelles, and by adventure the Englishmen and Frenchmen met together by the foresaid wood side.
The Frenchmen knew anon how they were their enemies; then in haste they did on their helmets and displayed
their banners and came a great pace towards the Englishmen: they were in number a two hundred men of
arms. When the Englishmen saw them, and that they were so great a number, then they determined to fly and
let the Frenchmen chase them, for they knew well the prince with his host was not far behind. Then they
turned their horses and took the corner of the wood, and the Frenchmen after them crying their cries and made
great noise. And as they chased, they came on the prince's battle or they were ware thereof themselves; the
prince tarried there to have word again from them that he sent forth. The lord Raoul de Coucy with his banner
went so far forward that he was under the prince's banner: there was a sore battle and the knight fought
valiantly; howbeit he was there taken, and the earl of Joigny, the viscount of Brosse, the lord of Chauvigny
and all the other taken or slain, but a few that scaped. And by the prisoners the prince knew how the French
king followed him in such wise that he could not eschew the battle:[32] then he assembled together all his men
and commanded that no man should go before the marshals' banners. Thus the prince rode that Saturday from
the morning till it was against night, so that he came within two little leagues of Poitiers. Then the captal de
Buch, sir Aymenion of Pommiers, the lord Bartholomew of Burghersh and the lord Eustace d'Aubrecicourt,
all these the prince sent forth to see if they might know what the Frenchmen did. These knights departed with
two hundred men of arms well horsed; they rode so far that they saw the great battle of the king's, they saw all
the fields covered with men of arms. These Englishmen could not forbear, but set on the tail of the French
host and cast down many to the earth and took divers prisoners, so that the host began to stir, and tidings
thereof came to the French king as he was entering into the city of Poitiers. Then he returned again and made
all his host do the same, so that Saturday it was very late or he was lodged in the field. The English currours
returned again to the prince and shewed him all that they saw and knew, and said how the French host was a
great number of people. 'Well,' said the prince, 'in the name of God let us now study how we shall fight with
them at our advantage.' That night the Englishmen lodged in a strong place among hedges, vines and bushes,
and their host well watched, and so was the French host.
OF THE ORDER OF THE FRENCHMEN BEFORE THE BATTLE OF POITIERS
On the Sunday in the morning the French king, who had great desire to fight with the Englishmen, heard his
mass in his pavilion and was houselled, and his four sons with him. After mass there came to him the duke of
Orleans, the duke of Bourbon, the earl of Ponthieu, the lord Jaques of Bourbon,[33] the duke of Athens,
constable of France, the earl of Tancarville, the earl of Sarrebruck, the earl of Dammartin, the earl of
Ventadour, and divers other great barons of France and of other neighbours holding of France, as the lord
Clermont, the lord Arnold d'Audrehem, marshal of France, the lord of Saint-Venant, the lord John of Landas,
the lord Eustace Ribemont, the lord Fiennes, the lord Geoffrey of Charny, the lord Chatillon, the lord of Sully,
the lord of Nesle, sir Robert Duras and divers other; all these with the king went to counsel. Then finally it
was ordained that all manner of men should draw into the field, and every lord to display his banner and to set
forth in the name of God and Saint Denis: then trumpets blew up through the host and every man mounted on
horseback and went into the field, where they saw the king's banner wave with the wind. There might a been
seen great nobless of fair harness and rich armoury of banners and pennons; for there was all the flower of
France, there was none durst abide at home without he would be shamed for ever. Then it was ordained by the
advice of the constable and marshals to be made three battles, and in each ward sixteen thousand men of arms
all mustered and passed for men of arms. The first battle the duke of Orleans to govern, with thirty-six
banners and twice as many pennons, the second the duke of Normandy and his two brethren the lord Louis
and the lord John, the third the king himself: and while that these battles were setting in array, the king called
to him the lord Eustace Ribemont, the lord John of Landas and the lord Richard of Beaujeu, and said to them;
'Sirs, ride on before to see the dealing of the Englishmen and advise well what number they be and by what
means we may fight with them, other afoot or a-horseback.' These three knights rode forth and the king was
on a white courser and said a-high to his men: 'Sirs, among you, when ye be at Paris, at Chartres, at Rouen or
at Orleans, then ye do threat the Englishmen and desire to be in arms out against them. Now ye be come
thereto: I shall now shew you them: now shew forth your evil will that ye bear them and revenge your
displeasures and damages that they have done you, for without doubt we shall fight with them.' Such as heard
him said: 'Sir, in God's name so be it; that would we see[34] gladly.'
Therewith the three knights returned again to the king, who demanded of them tidings. Then sir Eustace of
Ribemont answered for all and said: 'Sir, we have seen the Englishmen: by estimation they be two thousand
men of arms and four thousand archers and a fifteen hundred of other. Howbeit they be in a strong place, and
as far as we can imagine they are in one battle; howbeit they be wisely ordered, and along the way they have
fortified strongly the hedges and bushes: one part of their archers are along by the hedge, so that none can go
nor ride that way, but must pass by them, and that way must ye go an ye purpose to fight with them. In this
hedge there is but one entry and one issue by likelihood that four horsemen may ride afront. At the end of this
hedge, whereas no man can go nor ride, there be men of arms afoot and archers afore them in manner of a
herse, so that they will not be lightly discomfited,'[35] 'Well,' said the king, 'what will ye then counsel us to
do?' Sir Eustace said: 'Sir, let us all be afoot, except three hundred men of arms, well horsed, of the best in
your host and most hardiest, to the intent they somewhat to break and to open the archers, and then your
battles to follow on quickly afoot and so to fight with their men of arms hand to hand. This is the best advice
that I can give you: if any other think any other way better, let him speak.'
The king said: 'Thus shall it be done': then the two marshals rode from battle to battle and chose out a three
hundred knights and squires of the most expert men of arms of all the host, every man well armed and horsed.
Also it was ordained that the battles of Almains should abide still on horseback to comfort the marshals, if
need were, whereof the earl of Sarrebruck, the earl of Nidau and the earl of Nassau were captains. King John
of France was there armed, and twenty other in his apparel; and he did put the guiding of his eldest son to the
lord of Saint-Venant, the lord of Landas and the lord Thibault of Vaudenay; and the lord Arnold of Cervolles,
called the archpriest,[36] was armed in the armour of the young earl of Alençon.
HOW THE CARDINAL OF PERIGORD TREATED TO MAKE AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE FRENCH
KING AND THE PRINCE BEFORE THE BATTLE OF POITIERS
When the French king's battles was ordered and every lord under his banner among their own men, then it was
commanded that every man should cut their spears to a five foot long and every man to put off their spurs.
Thus as they were ready to approach, the cardinal of Perigord[37] came in great haste to the king. He came the
same morning from Poitiers; he kneeled down to the king and held up his hands and desired him for God's
sake a little to abstain setting forward till he had spoken with him: then he said: 'Sir, ye have here all the
flower of your realm against a handful of Englishmen as to regard your company,[38] and, sir, if ye may have
them accorded to you without battle, it shall be more profitable and honourable to have them by that manner
rather than to adventure so noble chivalry as ye have here present. Sir, I require you in the name of God and
humility that I may ride to the prince and shew him what danger ye have him in,' The king said: 'It pleaseth
me well, but return again shortly.' The cardinal departed and diligently he rode to the prince, who was among
his men afoot: then the cardinal alighted and came to the prince, who received him courteously. Then the
cardinal after his salutation made he said: 'Certainly, fair son, if you and your council advise justly the
puissance of the French king, ye will suffer me to treat to make a peace between you, an I may,' The prince,
who was young and lusty, said: 'Sir, the honour of me and of my people saved, I would gladly fall to any
reasonable way.' Then the cardinal said: 'Sir, ye say well, and I shall accord you, an I can; for it should be
great pity if so many noblemen and other as be here on both parties should come together by battle,' Then the
cardinal rode again to the king and said: 'Sir, ye need not to make any great haste to fight with your enemies,
for they cannot fly from you though they would, they be in such a ground: wherefore, sir, I require you
forbear for this day till tomorrow the sun-rising.' The king was loath to agree thereto, for some of his council
would not consent to it; but finally the cardinal shewed such reasons, that the king accorded that respite: and
in the same place there was pight up a pavilion of red silk fresh and rich, and gave leave for that day every
man to draw to their lodgings except the constable's and marshals' battles.
That Sunday all the day the cardinal travailed in riding from the one host to the other gladly to agree them: but
the French king would not agree without he might have four of the principallest of the Englishmen at his
pleasure, and the prince and all the other to yield themselves simply: howbeit there were many great offers
made. The prince offered to render into the king's hands all that ever he had won in that voyage, towns and
castles, and to quit all prisoners that he or any of his men had taken in that season, and also to swear not to be
armed against the French king in seven year after; but the king and his council would none thereof: the
uttermost that he would do was, that the prince and a hundred of his knights should yield themselves into the
king's prison; otherwise he would not: the which the prince would in no wise agree unto.
In the mean season that the cardinal rode thus between the hosts in trust to do some good, certain knights of
France and of England both rode forth the same Sunday, because it was truce for that day, to coast the hosts
and to behold the dealing of their enemies. So it fortuned that the lord John Chandos rode the same day
coasting the French host, and in like manner the lord of Clermont, one of the French marshals, had ridden
forth and aviewed the state of the English host; and as these two knights returned towards their hosts, they met
together: each of them bare one manner of device, a blue lady embroidered in a sunbeam above on their
apparel. Then the lord Clermont said: 'Chandos, how long have ye taken on you to bear my device?' 'Nay, ye
bear mine,' said Chandos, 'for it is as well mine as yours.' 'I deny that,' said Clermont, 'but an it were not for
the truce this day between us, I should make it good on you incontinent that ye have no right to bear my
device.' 'Ah, sir,' said Chandos, 'ye shall find me to-morrow ready to defend you and to prove by feat of arms
that it is as well mine as yours,' Then Clermont said: 'Chandos, these be well the words of you Englishmen,
for ye can devise nothing of new, but all that ye see is good and fair.' So they departed without any more
doing, and each of them returned to their host.
The cardinal of Perigord could in no wise that Sunday make any agreement between the parties, and when it
was near night he returned to Poitiers. That night the Frenchmen took their ease; they had provision enough,
and the Englishmen had great default; they could get no forage, nor they could not depart thence without
danger of their enemies. That Sunday the Englishmen made great dikes and hedges about their archers, to be
the more stronger; and on the Monday in the morning the prince and his company were ready apparelled as
they were before, and about the sun-rising in like manner were the Frenchmen. The same morning betimes the
cardinal came again to the French host and thought by his preaching to pacify the parties; but then the
Frenchmen said to him: 'Return whither ye will: bring hither no more words of treaty nor peace: and ye love
yourself depart shortly.' When the cardinal saw that he travailed in vain, he took leave of the king and then he
went to the prince and said: 'Sir, do what ye can; there is no remedy but to abide the battle, for I can find none
accord in the French king.' Then the prince said: 'The same is our intent and all our people: God help the
right!' So the cardinal returned to Poitiers. In his company there were certain knights and squires, men of
arms, who were more favourable to the French king than to the prince; and when they saw that the parties
should fight, they stale from their masters and went to the French host; and they made their captain the
chatelain of Amposte,[39] who was as then there with the cardinal, who knew nothing thereof till he was come
to Poitiers.
The certainty of the order of the Englishmen was shewed to the French king, except they had ordained three
hundred men a-horseback and as many archers a-horseback to coast under covert of the mountain and to strike
into the battle of the duke of Normandy, who was under the mountain afoot. This ordinance they had made of
new, that the Frenchmen knew not of. The prince was with his battle down among the vines and had closed in
the weakest part with their carnages.
Now will I name some of the principal lords and knights that were there with the prince: the earl of Warwick,
the earl of Suffolk, the earl of Salisbury, the earl of Oxford, the lord Raynold Cobham, the lord Spencer, the
lord James Audley, the lord Peter his brother, the lord Berkeley, the lord Bassett, the lord Warin, the lord
Delaware, the lord Manne, the lord Willoughby, the lord Bartholomew de Burghersh, the lord of Felton, the
lord Richard of Pembroke, the lord Stephen of Cosington, the lord Bradetane and other Englishmen; and of
Gascon there was the lord of Pommiers, the lord of Languiran, the captal of Buch, the lord John of Caumont,
the lord de Lesparre, the lord of Rauzan, the lord of Condon, the lord of Montferrand, the lord of Landiras, the
lord soudic of Latrau and other that I cannot name; and of Hainowes the lord Eustace d'Aubrecicourt, the lord
John of Ghistelles, and two other strangers, the lord Daniel Pasele and the lord Denis of Morbeke: all the
prince's company passed not an eight thousand men one and other, and the Frenchmen were a sixty thousand
fighting men, whereof there were more than three thousand knights.
OF THE BATTLE OF POITIERS BETWEEN THE PRINCE OF WALES AND THE FRENCH KING
When the prince saw that he should have battle and that the cardinal was gone without any peace or truce
making, and saw that the French king did set but little store by him, he said then to his men: 'Now, sirs,
though we be but a small company as in regard to the puissance of our enemies, let us not be abashed therefor;
for the victory lieth not in the multitude of people, but whereas God will send it. If it fortune that the journey
be ours, we shall be the most honoured people of all the world; and if we die in our right quarrel, I have the
king my father and brethren, and also ye have good friends and kinsmen; these shall revenge us. Therefore,
sirs, for God's sake I require you do your devoirs this day; for if God be pleased and Saint George, this day ye
shall see me a good knight.' These words and such other that the prince spake comforted all his people. The
lord sir John Chandos that day never went from the prince, nor also the lord James Audley of a great season;
but when he saw that they should needs fight, he said to the prince: 'Sir, I have served always truly my lord
your father and you also, and shall do as long as I live. I say this because I made once a vow that the first
battle that other the king your father or any of his children should be at, how that I would be one of the first
setters on,[40] or else to die in the pain: therefore I require your grace, as in reward for any service that ever I
did to the king your father or to you, that you will give me licence to depart from you and to set myself thereas
I may accomplish my vow.' The prince accorded to his desire and said, 'Sir James, God give you this day that
grace to be the best knight of all other,' and so took him by the hand. Then the knight departed from the prince
and went to the foremost front of all the battles, all only accompanied with four squires, who promised not to
fail him. This lord James was a right sage and a valiant knight, and by him was much of the host ordained and
governed the day before. Thus sir James was in front of the battle ready to fight with the battle of the marshals
of France. In like wise the lord Eustace d'Aubrecicourt did his pain to be one of the foremost to set on. When
sir James Audley began to set forward to his enemies, it fortuned to sir Eustace d'Aubrecicourt as ye shall hear
after. Ye have heard before how the Almains in the French host were appointed to be still a-horseback. Sir
Eustace being a-horseback laid his spear in the rest and ran into the French battle, and then a knight of
Almaine, called the lord Louis of Recombes, who bare a shield silver, five roses gules, and sir Eustace bare
ermines, two branches of gules[41],—when this Almain saw the lord Eustace come from his company, he rode
against him and they met so rudely, that both knights fell to the earth. The Almain was hurt in the shoulder,
therefore he rose not so quickly as did sir Eustace, who when he was up and had taken his breath, he came to
the other knight as he lay on the ground; but then five other knights of Almaine came on him all at once and
bare him to the earth, and so perforce there he was taken prisoner and brought to the earl of Nassau, who as
then took no heed of him; and I cannot say whether they sware him prisoner or no, but they tied him to a chare
and there let him stand.[42]
Then the battle began on all parts, and the battles of the marshals of France approached, and they set forth that
were appointed to break the array of the archers. They entered a-horseback into the way where the great
hedges were on both sides set full of archers. As soon as the men of arms entered, the archers began to shoot
on both sides and did slay and hurt horses and knights, so that the horses when they felt the sharp arrows they
would in no wise go forward, but drew aback and flang and took on so fiercely, that many of them fell on their
masters, so that for press they could not rise again; insomuch that the marshals' battle could never come at the
prince. Certain knights and squires that were well horsed passed through the archers and thought to approach
to the prince, but they could not. The lord James Audley with his four squires was in the front of that battle
and there did marvels in arms, and by great prowess he came and fought with sir Arnold d'Audrehem under
his own banner, and there they fought long together and sir Arnold was there sore handled. The battle of the
marshals began to disorder by reason of the shot of the archers with the aid of the men of arms, who came in
among them and slew of them and did what they list, and there was the lord Arnold d'Audrehem taken
prisoner by other men than by sir James Audley or by his four squires; for that day he never took prisoner, but
always fought and went on his enemies.
Also on the French party the lord John Clermont fought under his own banner as long as he could endure: but
there he was beaten down and could not be relieved nor ransomed, but was slain without mercy: some said it
was because of the words that he had the day before to sir John Chandos. So within a short space the marshals'
battles were discomfited, for they fell one upon another and could not go forth;[43] and the Frenchmen that
were behind and could not get forward reculed back and came on the battle of the duke of Normandy, the
which was great and thick and were afoot, but anon they began to open behind;[44] for when they knew that
the marshals' battle was discomfited, they took their horses and departed, he that might best. Also they saw a
rout of Englishmen coming down a little mountain a-horseback, and many archers with them, who brake in on
the side of the duke's battle. True to say, the archers did their company that day great advantage; for they shot
so thick that the Frenchmen wist not on what side to take heed, and little and little the Englishmen won
ground on them.
And when the men of arms of England saw that the marshals' battle was discomfited and that the duke's battle
began to disorder and open, they leapt then on their horses, the which they had ready by them: then they
assembled together and cried, 'Saint George! Guyenne!' and the lord Chandos said to the prince: 'Sir, take
your horse and ride forth; this journey is yours: God is this day in your hands: get us to the French king's
battle, for their lieth all the sore of the matter. I think verily by his valiantness he will not fly: I trust we shall
have him by the grace of God and Saint George, so he be well fought withal: and, sir, I heard you say that this
day I should see you a good knight.' The prince said, 'Let us go forth; ye shall not see me this day return back,'
and said, 'Advance, banner, in the name of God and of Saint George,' The knight that bare it did his
commandment: there was then a sore battle and a perilous, and many a man overthrown, and he that was once
down could not be relieved again without great succour and aid. As the prince rode and entered in among his
enemies, he saw on his right hand in a little bush lying dead the lord Robert of Duras and his banner by
him,[45] and a ten or twelve of his men about him. Then the prince said to two of his squires and to three
archers: 'Sirs, take the body of this knight on a targe and bear him to Poitiers, and present him from me to the
cardinal of Perigord, and say how I salute him by that token.' And this was done. The prince was informed
that the cardinal's men were on the field against him, the which was not pertaining to the right order of arms,
for men of the church that cometh and goeth for treaty of peace ought not by reason to bear harness nor to
fight for neither of the parties; they ought to be indifferent: and because these men had done so, the prince was
displeased with the cardinal, and therefore he sent unto him his nephew the lord Robert of Duras dead: and the
chatelain of Amposte was taken, and the prince would have had his head stricken off, because he was
pertaining to the cardinal, but then the lord Chandos said: 'Sir, suffer for a season: intend to a greater matter:
and peradventure the cardinal will make such excuse that ye shall be content.'
Then the prince and his company dressed them on the battle of the duke of Athens, constable of France. There
was many a man slain and cast to the earth. As the Frenchmen fought in companies, they cried, 'Mountjoy!
Saint Denis!' and the Englishmen, 'Saint George! Guyenne!' Anon the prince with his company met with the
battle of Almains, whereof the earl of Sarrebruck, the earl Nassau and the earl Nidau were captains, but in a
short space they were put to flight: the archers shot so wholly together that none durst come in their dangers:
they slew many a man that could not come to no ransom: these three earls was there slain, and divers other
knights and squires of their company, and there was the lord d'Aubrecieourt rescued, by his own men and set
on horseback, and after he did that day many feats of arms and took good prisoners. When the duke of
Normandy's battle saw the prince approach, they thought to save themselves, and so the duke and the king's
children, the earl of Poitiers and the earl of Touraine, who were right young, believed their governours and so
departed from the field, and with them more than eight hundred spears, that strake no stroke that day. Howbeit
the lord Guichard d'Angle and the lord John of Saintré, who were with the earl of Poitiers, would not fly, but
entered into the thickest press of the battle. The king's three sons took the way to Chauvigny, and the lord
John of Landas and the lord Thibauld of Vaudenay, who were set to await on the duke of Normandy, when
they had brought the duke a long league from the battle, then they took leave of the duke and desired the lord
of Saint-Venant that he should not leave the duke, but to bring him in safeguard, whereby he should win more
thank of the king than to abide still in the field. Then they met also the duke of Orleans and a great company
with him, who were also departed from the field with clear hands: there were many good knights and squires,
though that their masters departed from the field, yet they had rather a died than to have had any reproach.
Then the king's battle came on the Englishmen: there was a sore fight and many a great stroke given and
received. The king and his youngest son met with the battle of the English marshals, the earl of Warwick and
the earl of Suffolk, and with them of Gascons the captal of Buch, the lord of Pommiers, the lord Amery of
Tastes, the lord of Mussidan, the lord of Languiran and the lord de Latrau. To the French party there came
time enough the lord John of Landas and the lord of Vaudenay; they alighted afoot and went into the king's
battle, and a little beside fought the duke of Athens, constable of France, and a little above him the duke of
Bourbon and many good knights of Bourbonnais and of Picardy with him, and a little on the one side there
were the Poitevins, the lord de Pons, the lord of Partenay, the lord of Dammartin, the lord of Tannay-Bouton,
the lord of Surgieres, the lord John Saintré, the lord Guichard d'Angle, the lord Argenton, the lord of Linieres,
the lord of Montendre and divers other, also the viscount of Rochechouart and the earl of Aunay;[46] and of
Burgoyne the lord James of Beaujeu, the lord de Chateau-Vilain and other: in another part there was the earl
of Ventadour and of Montpensier, the lord James of Bourbon, the lord John d'Artois and also the lord James
his brother, the lord Arnold of Cervolles, called the archpriest, armed for the young earl of Alençon; and of
Auvergne there was the lord of Mercoeur, the lord de la Tour, the lord of Chalençon, the lord of Montaigu, the
lord of Rochfort, the lord d'Acier, the lord d'Acon; and of Limousin there was the lord de Melval, the lord of
Mareuil, the lord of Pierrebuffiere; and of Picardy there was the lord William of Nesle, the lord Arnold of
Rayneval, the lord Geoffrey of Saint-Dizier, the lord of Chauny, the lord of Helly, the lord of Montsault, the
lord of Hangest and divers other: and also in the king's battle there was the earl Douglas of Scotland, who
fought a season right valiantly, but when he saw the discomfiture, he departed and saved himself; for in no
wise he would be taken of the Englishmen, he had rather been there slain. On the English part the lord James
Audley with the aid of his four squires fought always in the chief of the battle: he was sore hurt in the body
and in the visage: as long as his breath served him he fought; at last at the end of the battle his four squires
took and brought him out of the field and laid him under a hedge side for to refresh him; and they unarmed
him and bound up his wounds as well as they could. On the French party king John was that day a full right
good knight: if the fourth part of his men had done their devoirs as well as he did, the journey had been his by
all likelihood. Howbeit they were all slain and taken that were there, except a few that saved themselves, that
were with the king.[47] There was slain the duke Peter of Bourbon, the lord Guichard of Beaujeu, the lord of
Landas, and the duke of Athens, constable of France, the bishop of Chalons in Champagne, the lord William
of Nesle, the lord Eustace of Ribemont, the lord de la Tour, the lord William of Montaigu, sir Grismouton of
Chambly, sir Baudrin de la Heuse, and many other, as they fought by companies; and there were taken
prisoners the lord of Vaudenay, the lord of Pompadour, and the archpriest, sore hurt, the earl of Vaudimont,
the earl of Mons, the earl of Joinville, the earl of Vendome, sir Louis of Melval, the lord Pierrebuffiere and the
lord of Serignac: there were at that brunt, slain and taken more than two hundred knights.[48]
OF TWO FRENCHMEN THAT FLED FROM THE BATTLE OF POITIERS AND TWO ENGLISHMEN
THAT FOLLOWED THEM
Among the battles, recounterings, chases and pursuits that were made that day in the field, it fortuned so to sir
Oudart of Renty that when he departed from the field because he saw the field was lost without recovery, he
thought not to abide the danger of the Englishmen; wherefore he fled all alone and was gone out of the field a
league, and an English knight pursued him and ever cried to him and said, 'Return again, sir knight, it is a
shame to fly away thus.' Then the knight turned, and the English knight thought to have stricken him with his
spear in the targe, but he failed, for sir Oudart swerved aside from the stroke, but he failed not the English
knight, for he strake him such a stroke on the helm with his sword, that he was astonied and fell from his
horse to the earth and lay still. Then sir Oudart alighted and came to him or he could rise, and said, 'Yield you,
rescue or no rescue, or else I shall slay you.' The Englishman yielded and went with him, and afterward was
ransomed. Also it fortuned that another squire of Picardy called John de Hellenes was fled from the battle and
met with his page, who delivered him a new fresh horse, whereon he rode away alone. The same season there
was in the field the lord Berkeley of England, a young lusty knight, who the same day reared his banner, and
he all alone pursued the said John of Hellenes. And when he had followed the space of a league, the said John
turned again and laid his sword in the rest instead of a spear, and so came running toward the lord Berkeley,
who lift up his sword to have stricken the squire; but when he saw the stroke come, he turned from it, so that
the Englishman lost his stroke and John strake him as he passed on the arm, that the lord Berkeley's sword fell
into the field. When he saw his sword down, he lighted suddenly off his horse and came to the place where his
sword lay, and as he stooped down to take up his sword, the French squire did pike his sword at him, and by
hap strake him through both the thighs, so that the knight fell to the earth and could not help himself. And
John alighted off his horse and took the knight's sword that lay on the ground, and came to him and demanded
if he would yield him or not. The knight then demanded his name. 'Sir,' said he, 'I hight John of Hellenes; but
what is your name?' 'Certainly,' said the knight, 'my name is Thomas and am lord of Berkeley, a fair castle on
the river of Severn in the marches of Wales.' 'Well, sir,' quoth the squire, 'then ye shall be my prisoner, and I
shall bring you in safe-guard and I shall see that you shall be healed of your hurt.' 'Well,' said the knight, 'I am
content to be your prisoner, for ye have by law of arms won me.' There he sware to be his prisoner, rescue or
no rescue. Then the squire drew forth the sword out of the knight's thighs and the wound was open: then he
wrapped and bound the wound and set him on his horse and so brought him fair and easily to Chatelleraut,
and there tarried more than fifteen days for his sake and did get him remedy for his hurt: and when he was
somewhat amended, then he gat him a litter and so brought him at his ease to his house in Picardy. There he
was more than a year till he was perfectly whole; and when he departed he paid for his ransom six thousand
nobles, and so this squire was made a knight by reason of the profit that he had of the lord Berkeley.
HOW KING JOHN WAS TAKEN PRISONER AT THE BATTLE OF POITIERS
Oftentimes the adventures of amours and of war are more fortunate and marvellous than any man can think or
wish. Truly this battle, the which was near to Poitiers in the fields of Beauvoir and Maupertuis, was right great
and perilous, and many deeds of arms there was done the which all came not to knowledge. The fighters on
both sides endured much pain: king John with his own hands did that day marvels in arms: he had an axe in
his hands wherewith he defended himself and fought in the breaking of the press. Near to the king there was
taken the earl of Tancarville, sir Jaques of Bourbon earl of Ponthieu, and the lord John of Artois earl of Eu,
and a little above that under the banner of the capital of Buch was taken sir Charles of Artois and divers other
knights and squires. The chase endured to the gates of Poitiers: there were many slain and beaten down, horse
and man, for they of Poitiers closed their gates and would suffer none to enter; wherefore in the street before
the gate was horrible murder, men hurt and beaten down. The Frenchmen yielded themselves as far off as they
might know an Englishman: there were divers English archers that had four, five or six prisoners: the lord of
Pons, a great baron of Poitou, was there slain, and many other knights and squires; and there was taken the
earl of Rochechouart, the lord of Dammartin, the lord of Partenay, and of Saintonge the lord of Montendre
and the lord John of Saintré, but he was so sore hurt that he had never health after: he was reputed for one of
the best knights in France. And there was left for dead among other dead men the lord Guichard d'Angle, who
fought that day by the king right valiantly, and so did the lord of Charny, on whom was great press, because
he bare the sovereign banner of the king's: his own banner was also in the field, the which was of gules, three
scutcheons silver. So many Englishmen and Gascons come to that part, that perforce they opened the king's
battle, so that the Frenchmen were so mingled among their enemies that sometime there was five men upon
one gentleman. There was taken the lord of Pompadour and[49] the lord Bartholomew de Burghersh, and there
was slain sir Geoffrey of Charny with the king's banner in his hands: also the lord Raynold Cobham slew the
earl of Dammartin. Then there was a great press to take the king, and such as knew him cried, 'Sir, yield you,
or else ye are but dead.' There was a knight of Saint-Omer's, retained in wages with the king of England,
called sir Denis Morbeke, who had served the Englishmen five year before, because in his youth he had
forfeited the realm of France for a murder that he did at Saint-Omer's. It happened so well for him, that he was
next to the king when they were about to take him: he stept forth into the press, and by strength of his body
and arms he came to the French king and said in good French, 'Sir, yield you,' The king beheld the knight and
said: 'To whom shall I yield me? Where is my cousin the prince of Wales? If I might see him, I would speak
with him.' Denis answered and said: 'Sir, he is not here; but yield you to me and I shall bring you to him. 'Who
be you?' quoth the king. 'Sir,' quoth he, 'I am Denis of Morbeke, a knight of Artois; but I serve the king of
England because I am banished the realm of France and I have forfeited all that I had there,' Then the king
gave him his right gauntlet, saying, 'I yield me to you,' There was a great press about the king, for every man
enforced him to say,[50] 'I have taken him,' so that the king could not go forward with his young son the lord
Philip with him because of the press.
The prince of Wales, who was courageous and cruel as a lion, took that day great pleasure to fight and to
chase his enemies. The lord John Chandos, who was with him, of all that day never left him nor never took
heed of taking of any prisoner: then at the end of the battle he said to the prince: 'Sir, it were good that you
rested here and set your banner a-high in this bush, that your people may draw hither, for they be sore spread
abroad, nor I can see no more banners nor pennons of the French party; wherefore, sir, rest and refresh you,
for ye be sore chafed.' Then the prince's banner was set up a-high on a bush, and trumpets and clarions began
to sown. Then the prince did off his bassenet, and the knights for his body and they of his chamber were ready
about him, and a red pavilion pight up, and then drink was brought forth to the prince and for such lords as
were about him, the which still increased as they came from the chase: there they tarried and their prisoners
with them. And when the two marshals were come to the prince, he demanded of them if they knew any tiding
of the French king. They answered and said: 'Sir, we hear none of certainty, but we think verily he is other
dead or taken, for he is not gone out of the battles.' Then the prince said to the earl of Warwick and to sir
Raynold Cobham: 'Sirs, I require you go forth and see what ye can know, that at your return ye may shew me
the truth.' These two lords took their horses and departed from the prince and rode up a little hill to look about
them: then they perceived a flock of men of arms coming together right wearily:[51] there was the French king
afoot in great peril, for Englishmen and Gascons were his masters; they had taken him from sir Denis
Morbeke perforce, and such as were most of force said, 'I have taken him,' 'Nay,' quoth another, 'I have taken
him': so they strave which should have him. Then the French king, to eschew that peril, said: 'Sirs, strive not:
lead me courteously, and my son, to my cousin the prince, and strive not for my taking, for I am so great a
lord to make you all rich.' The king's words somewhat appeased them; howbeit ever as they went they made
riot and brawled for the taking of the king. When the two foresaid lords saw and heard that noise and strife
among them, they came to them and said: 'Sirs, what is the matter that ye strive for?' 'Sirs,' said one of them,
'it is for the French king, who is here taken prisoner, and there be more than ten knights and squires that
challenged the taking of him and of his son.' Then the two lords entered into the press and caused every man
to draw aback, and commanded them in the prince's name on pain of their heads to make no more noise nor to
approach the king no nearer, without they were commanded. Then every man gave room to the lords, and they
alighted and did their reverence to the king, and so brought him and his son in peace and rest to the prince of
Wales.
OF THE GIFT THAT THE PRINCE GAVE TO THE LORD AUDLEY AFTER THE BATTLE OF
POITIERS
As soon as the earl of Warwick and the lord Cobham were departed from the prince, as ye have heard before,
then the prince demanded of the knights that were about him for the lord Audley, if any knew anything of
him. Some knights that were there answered and said: 'Sir, he is sore hurt and lieth in a litter here beside.' 'By
my faith,' said the prince, 'of his hurts I am right sorry: go and know if he may be brought hither, or else I will
go and see him thereas he is.' Then two knights came to the lord Audley and said: 'Sir, the prince desireth
greatly to see you, other ye must go to him or else he will come to you.' 'Ah, sir,' said the knight, 'I thank the
prince when he thinketh on so poor a knight as I am.' Then he called eight of his servants and caused them to
bear him in his litter to the place whereas the prince was. Then the prince took him in his arms and kissed him
and made him great cheer and said: 'Sir James, I ought greatly to honour you, for by your valiance ye have
this day achieved the grace and renown of us all, and ye are reputed for the most valiant of all other,' 'Ah, sir,'
said the knight, 'ye say as it pleaseth you: I would it were so: and if I have this day anything advanced myself
to serve you and to accomplish the vow that I made, it ought not to be reputed to me any prowess.' 'Sir James,'
said the prince, 'I and all ours take you in this journey for the best doer in arms, and to the intent to furnish
you the better to pursue the wars, I retain you for ever to be my knight with five hundred marks of yearly
revenues, the which I shall assign you on mine heritage in England.' 'Sir,' said the knight, 'God grant me to
deserve the great goodness that ye shew me': and so he took his leave of the prince, for he was right feeble,
and so his servants brought him to his lodging. And as soon as he was gone, the earl of Warwick and the lord
Cobham returned to the prince and presented to him the French king. The prince made lowly reverence to the
king and caused wine and spices to be brought forth, and himself served the king in sign of great love.
HOW THE ENGLISHMEN WON GREATLY AT THE BATTLE OF POITIERS
Thus this battle was discomfited, as ye have heard, the which was in the fields of Maupertuis a two leagues
from Poitiers the twenty-second day of September the year of our Lord MCCCLVI. It begun in the
morning[52] and ended at noon, but as then all the Englishmen were not returned from the chase; therefore the
prince's banner stood on a bush to draw all his men together, but it was well nigh night or all came from the
chase. And as it was reported, there was slain all the flower of France, and there was taken with the king and
the lord Philip his son a seventeen earls, beside barons, knights and squires, and slain a five or six thousand of
one and other. When every man was come from the chase, they had twice as many prisoners as they were in
number in all. Then it was counselled among them because of the great charge and doubt to keep so many,
that they should put many of them to ransom incontinent in the field, and so they did: and the prisoners found
the Englishmen and Gascons right courteous; there were many that day put to ransom and let go all only on
their promise of faith and truth to return again between that and Christmas to Bordeaux with their ransoms.
Then that night they lay in the field beside whereas the battle had been: some unarmed them, but not all, and
unarmed all their prisoners, and every man made good cheer to his prisoner; for that day whosoever took any
prisoner, he was clear his and might quit or ransom him at his pleasure. All such as were there with the prince
were all made rich with honour and goods, as well by ransoming of prisoners as by winning of gold, silver,
plate, jewels, that was there found: there was no man that did set anything by rich harness, whereof there was
great plenty, for the Frenchmen came thither richly beseen, weening to have had the journey for them.
HOW THE LORD JAMES AUDLEY GAVE TO HIS FOUR SQUIRES THE FIVE HUNDRED MARKS
OF REVENUES THAT THE PRINCE HAD GIVEN HIM
When sir James Audley was brought to his lodging, then he sent for sir Peter Audley his brother and for the
lord Bartholomew of Burghersh, the lord Stephen of Cosington, the lord of Willoughby and the lord Ralph
Ferrers, all these were of his lineage, and then he called before him his four squires, that had served him that
day well and truly. Then he said to the said lords: 'Sirs, it hath pleased my lord the prince to give me five
hundred marks of revenues by year in heritage, for the which gift I have done him but small service with my
body. Sirs, behold here these four squires, who hath always served me truly and specially this day: that honour
that I have is by their valiantness. Wherefore I will reward them: I give and resign into their hands the gift that
my lord the prince hath given me of five hundred marks of yearly revenues, to them and to their heirs for ever,
in like manner as it was given me. I clearly disherit me thereof and inherit them without any repeal[53] or
condition. The lords and other that ere there, every man beheld other and said among themselves: It cometh of
a great nobleness to give this gift.' They answered him with one voice: 'Sir, be it as God will; we shall bear
witness in this behalf wheresoever we be come.' Then they departed from him, and some of them went to the
prince, who the same night would make a supper to the French king and to the prisoners, for they had enough
to do withal, of that the Frenchmen brought with them,[54] for the Englishmen wanted victual before, for some
in three days had no bread before.
HOW THE PRINCE MADE A SUPPER TO THE FRENCH KING THE SAME DAY OF THE BATTLE
The same day of the battle at night the prince made a supper in his lodging to the French king and to the most
part of the great lords that were prisoners. The prince made the king and his son, the lord James of Bourbon,
the lord John d'Artois, the earl of Tancarville, the earl of Estampes, the earl Dammartin, the earl of Joinville
and the lord of Partenay to sit all at one board, and other lords, knights and squires at other tables; and always
the prince served before the king as humbly as he could, and would not sit at the king's board for any desire
that the king could make, but he said he was not sufficient to sit at the table with so great a prince as the king
was. But then he said to the king: 'Sir, for God's sake make none evil nor heavy cheer, though God this day
did not consent to follow your will; for, sir, surely the king my father shall bear you as much honour and
amity as he may do, and shall accord with you so reasonably that ye shall ever be friends together after. And,
sir, methinks ye ought to rejoice, though the journey be not as ye would have had it, for this day ye have won
the high renown of prowess and have passed this day in valiantness all other of your party. Sir, I say not this
to mock you, for all that be on our party, that saw every man's deeds, are plainly accorded by true sentence to
give you the prize and chaplet.' Therewith the Frenchmen began to murmur and said among themselves how
the prince had spoken nobly, and that by all estimation he should prove a noble man, if God send him life and
to persevere in such good fortune.
HOW THE PRINCE RETURNED TO BORDEAUX AFTER THE BATTLE OF POITIERS
When supper was done, every man went to his lodging with their prisoners. The same night they put many to
ransom and believed them on their faiths and troths, and ransomed them but easily, for they said they would
set no knight's ransom so high, but that he might pay at his ease and maintain still his degree. The next day,
when they had heard mass and taken some repast and that everything was trussed and ready, then they took
their horses and rode towards Poitiers. The same night there was come to Poitiers the lord of Roye with a
hundred spears: he was not at the battle, but he met the duke of Normandy near to Chauvigny, and the duke
sent him to Poitiers to keep the town till they heard other tidings. When the lord of Roye knew that the
Englishmen were so near coming to the city, he caused every man to be armed and every man to go to his
defence to the walls, towers and gates; and the Englishmen passed by without any approaching, for they were
so laded with gold, silver and prisoners, that in their returning they assaulted no fortress; they thought it a
great deed if they might bring the French king, with their other prisoners and riches that they had won, in
safeguard to Bordeaux. They rode but small journeys because of their prisoners and great carriages that they
had: they rode in a day no more but four or five leagues and lodged ever betimes, and rode close together in
good array saving the marshals' battles, who rode ever before with five hundred men of arms to open the
passages as the prince should pass; but they found no encounters, for all the country was so frayed that every
man drew to the fortresses.
As the prince rode, it was shewed him how the lord Audley had given to his four squires the gift of the five
hundred marks that he had given unto him: then the prince sent for him and he was brought in his litter to the
prince, who received him courteously and said: 'Sir James, we have knowledge that the revenues that we gave
you, as soon as ye came to your lodging, you gave the same to four squires: we would know why ye did so,
and whether the gift was agreeable to you or not.' 'Sir,' said the knight, 'it is of truth I have given it to them,
and I shall shew you why I did so. These four squires that be here present have a long season served me well
and truly in many great businesses and, sir, in this last battle they served me in such wise that an they had
never done nothing else I was bound to reward them, and before the same day they had never nothing of me in
reward. Sir, I am but a man alone: but by the aid and comfort of them I took on me to accomplish my vow
long before made. I had been dead in the battle an they had not been: wherefore, sir, when I considered the
love that they bare unto me, I had not been courteous if I would not a rewarded them. I thank God I have had
and shall have enough as long as I live: I will never be abashed for lack of good. Sir, if I have done this
without your pleasure, I require you to pardon me, for, sir, both I and my squires shall serve you as well as
ever we did.' Then the prince said: 'Sir James, for anything that ye have done I cannot blame you, but can you
good thank therefor; and for the valiantness of these squires, whom ye praise so much, I accord to them your
gift, and I will render again to you six hundred marks in like manner as ye had the other.'
Thus the prince and his company did so much that they passed through Poitou and Saintonge without damage
and came to Blaye, and there passed the river of Gironde and arrived in the good city of Bordeaux. It cannot
be recorded the great feast and cheer that they of the city with the clergy made to the prince, and how
honourably they were there received. The prince brought the French king into the abbey of Saint Andrew's,
and there they lodged both, the king in one part and the prince in the other. The prince bought of the lords,
knights and squires of Gascoyne the most part of the earls of the realm of France, such as were prisoners, and
paid ready money for them. There was divers questions and challenges made between the knights and squires
of Gascoyne for taking of the French king; howbeit Denis Morbeke by right of arms and by true tokens that he
shewed challenged him for his prisoner. Another squire of Gascoyne called Bernard of Truttes said how he
had right to him: there was much ado and many words before the prince and other lords that were there, and
because these two challenged each other to fight in that quarrel, the prince caused the matter to rest till they
came in England and that no declaration should be made but afore the king of England his father; but because
the French king himself aided to sustain the challenge of Denis Morbeke, for he inclined more to him than to
any other, the prince therefore privily caused to be delivered to the said sir Denis two thousand nobles to
maintain withal his estate.
Anon after the prince came to Bordeaux, the cardinal of Perigord came thither, who was sent from the pope in
legation, as it was said. He was there more than fifteen days or the prince would speak with him because of
the chatelain of Amposte and his men, who were against him in the battle of Poitiers. The prince believed that
the cardinal sent them thither, but the cardinal did so much by the means of the lord of Caumont, the lord of
Montferrand and the captal of Buch, who were his cousins, they shewed so good reasons to the prince, that he
was content to hear him speak. And when he was before the prince, he excused himself so sagely that the
prince and his council held him excused, and so he fell again into the prince's love and redeemed out his men
by reasonable ransoms; and the chatelain was set to his ransom of ten thousand franks, the which he paid
after. Then the cardinal began to treat on the deliverance of the French king, but I pass it briefly because
nothing was done. Thus the prince, the Gascons and Englishmen tarried still at Bordeaux till it was Lent in
great mirth and revel, and spent foolishly the gold and silver that they had won. In England also there was
great joy when they heard tidings of the battle of Poitiers, of the discomfiting of the Frenchmen and taking of
the king: great solemnities were made in all churches and great fires and wakes throughout all England. The
knights and squires, such as were come home from that journey, were much made of and praised more than
other.
WAT TYLER'S REBELLION
HOW THE COMMONS OF ENGLAND REBELLED AGAINST THE NOBLEMEN
In the mean season while this treaty was, there fell in England great mischief and rebellion of moving of the
common people, by which deed England was at a point to have been lost without recovery. There was never
realm nor country in so great adventure as it was in that time, and all because of the ease and riches that the
common people were of, which moved them to this rebellion, as sometime they did in France, the which did
much hurt, for by such incidents the realm of France hath been greatly grieved.
It was a marvellous thing and of poor foundation that this mischief began in England, and to give ensample to
all manner of people I will speak hereof as it was done, as I was informed, and of the incidents thereof. There
was an usage in England, and yet is in divers countries, that the noblemen hath great franchise over the
commons and keepeth them in servage, that is to say, their tenants ought by custom to labour the lords' lands,
to gather and bring home their corns, and some to thresh and to fan, and by servage to make their hay and to
hew their wood and bring it home. All these things they ought to do by servage, and there be more of these
people in England than in any other realm. Thus the noblemen and prelates are served by them, and especially
in the county of Kent, Essex, Sussex and Bedford. These unhappy people of these said countries began to stir,
because they said they were kept in great servage, and in the beginning of the world, they said, there were no
bondmen, wherefore they maintained that none ought to be bond, without he did treason to his lord, as Lucifer
did to God; but they said they could have no such battle,[55] for they were neither angels nor spirits, but men
formed to the similitude of their lords, saying why should they then be kept so under like beasts; the which
they said they would no longer suffer, for they would be all one, and if they laboured or did anything for their
lords, they would have wages therefor as well as other. And of this imagination was a foolish priest in the
country of Kent called John Ball, for the which foolish words he had been three times in the bishop of
Canterbury's prison: for this priest used oftentimes on the Sundays after mass, when the people were going out
of the minster, to go into the cloister and preach, and made the people to assemble about him, and would say
thus: 'Ah, ye good people, the matters goeth not well to pass in England, nor shall not do till everything be
common, and that there be no villains nor gentlemen, but that we may be all united together, and that the lords
be no greater masters than we be. What have we deserved, or why should we be kept thus in servage? We be
all come from one father and one mother, Adam and Eve: whereby can they say or shew that they be greater
lords than we be, saving by that they cause us to win and labour for that they dispend? They are clothed in
velvet and camlet furred with grise, and we be vestured with poor cloth: they have their wines, spices and
good bread, and we have the drawing out of the chaff[56] and drink water; they dwell in fair houses, and we
have the pain and travail, rain and wind in the fields; and by that that cometh of our labours they keep and
maintain their estates: we be called their bondmen, and without we do readily them service, we be beaten; and
we have no sovereign to whom we may complain, nor that will hear us nor do us right. Let us go to the king,
he is young, and shew him what servage we be in, and shew him how we will have it otherwise, or else we
will provide us of some remedy; and if we go together, all manner of people that be now in any bondage will
follow us to the intent to be made free; and when the king seeth us, we shall have some remedy, either by
fairness or otherwise.' Thus John Ball said on Sundays, when the people issued out of the churches in the
villages; wherefore many of the mean people loved him, and such as intended to no goodness said how he said
truth; and so they would murmur one with another in the fields and in the ways as they went together,
affirming how John Ball said truth.
The archbishop of Canterbury, who was informed of the saying of this John Ball, caused him to be taken and
put in prison a two or three months to chastise him: howbeit, it had been much better at the beginning that he
had been condemned to perpetual prison or else to have died, rather than to have suffered him to have been
again delivered out of prison; but the bishop had conscience to let him die. And when this John Ball was out
of prison, he returned again to his error, as he did before.
Of his words and deeds there were much people in London informed, such as had great envy at them that were
rich and such as were noble; and then they began to speak among them and said how the realm of England
was right evil governed, and how that gold and silver was taken from them by them that were named
noblemen: so thus these unhappy men of London began to rebel and assembled them together, and sent word
to the foresaid countries that they should come to London and bring their people with them, promising them
how they should find London open to receive them and the commons of the city to be of the same accord,
saying how they would do so much to the king that there should not be one bondman in all England.
This promise moved so them of Kent, of Essex, of Sussex, of Bedford and of the countries about, that they
rose and came towards London to the number of sixty thousand. And they had a captain called Water Tyler,
and with him in company was Jack Straw and John Ball: these three were chief sovereign captains, but the
head of all was Water Tyler, and he was indeed a tiler of houses, an ungracious patron. When these unhappy
men began thus to stir, they of London, except such as were of their band, were greatly affrayed. Then the
mayor of London and the rich men of the city took counsel together, and when they saw the people thus
coming on every side, they caused the gates of the city to be closed and would suffer no man to enter into the
city. But when they had well imagined, they advised not so to do, for they thought they should thereby put
their suburbs in great peril to be brent; and so they opened again the city, and there entered in at the gates in
some place a hundred, two hundred, by twenty and by thirty, and so when they came to London, they entered
and lodged: and yet of truth the third part[57] of these people could not tell what to ask or demand, but
followed each other like beasts, as the shepherds[58] did of old time, saying how they would go conquer the
Holy Land, and at last all came to nothing. In like wise these villains and poor people came to London, a
hundred mile off, sixty mile, fifty mile, forty mile, and twenty mile off, and from all countries about London,
but the most part came from the countries before named, and as they came they demanded ever for the king.
The gentlemen of the countries, knights and squires, began to doubt, when they saw the people began to rebel;
and though they were in doubt, it was good reason; for a less occasion they might have been affrayed. So the
gentlemen drew together as well as they might.
The same day that these unhappy people of Kent were coming to London, there returned from Canterbury the
king's mother, princess of Wales, coming from her pilgrimage. She was in great jeopardy to have been lost,
for these people came to her chare and dealt rudely with her, whereof the good lady was in great doubt lest
they would have done some villany to her or to her damosels. Howbeit, God kept her, and she came in one
day from Canterbury to London, for she never durst tarry by the way. The same time king Richard her son
was at the Tower of London: there his mother found him, and with him there was the earl of Salisbury, the
archbishop of Canterbury, sir Robert of Namur, the lord of Gommegnies and divers other, who were in doubt
of these people that thus gathered together, and wist not what they demanded. This rebellion was well known
in the king's court, or any of these people began to stir out of their houses; but the king nor his council did
provide no remedy therefor, which was great marvel. And to the intent that all lords and good people and such
as would nothing but good should take ensample to correct them that be evil and rebellious, I shall shew you
plainly all the matter, as it was.
THE EVIL DEEDS THAT THESE COMMONS OF ENGLAND DID TO THE KING'S OFFICERS, AND
HOW THEY SENT A KNIGHT TO SPEAK WITH THE KING
The Monday before the feast of Corpus Christi the year of our Lord God a thousand three hundred and
eighty-one these people issued out of their houses to come to London to speak with the king to be made free,
for they would have had no bondman in England. And so first they came to Saint Thomas of Canterbury, and
there John Ball had thought to have found the bishop of Canterbury, but he was at London with the king.
When Wat Tyler and Jack Straw entered into Canterbury, all the common people made great feast, for all the
town was of their assent; and there they took counsel to go to London to the king, and to send some of their
company over the river of Thames into Essex, into Sussex and into the counties of Stafford and Bedford, to
speak to the people that they should all come to the farther side of London and thereby to close London round
about, so that the king should not stop their passages, and that they should all meet together on Corpus Christi
day. They that were at Canterbury entered into Saint Thomas' church and did there much hurt, and robbed and
brake up the bishop's chamber, and in robbing and bearing out their pillage they said: 'Ah, this chancellor of
England hath had a good market to get together all this riches: he shall give us now account of the revenues of
England and of the great profits that he hath gathered sith the king's coronation.' When they had this Monday
thus broken the abbey of Saint Vincent, they departed in the morning and all the people of Canterbury with
them, and so took the way to Rochester and sent their people to the villages about. And in their going they
beat down and robbed houses of advocates and procurers of the king's court and of the archbishop, and had
mercy of none. And when they were come to Rochester, they had there good cheer; for the people of that town
tarried for them, for they were of the same sect, and then they went to the castle there and took the knight that
had the rule thereof, he was called sir John Newton, and they said to him: 'Sir, it behoveth you to go with us
and you shall be our sovereign captain and to do that we will have you,' The knight excused himself honestly
and shewed them divers considerations and excuses, but all availed him nothing, for they said unto him: 'Sir
John, if ye do not as we will have you, ye are but dead,' The knight, seeing these people in that fury and ready
to slay him, he then doubted death and agreed to them, and so they took him with them against his inward
will; and in like wise did they of other counties in England, as Essex, Sussex, Stafford, Bedford and Warwick,
even to Lincoln; for they brought the knights and gentlemen into such obeisance, that they caused them to go
with them, whether they would or not, as the lord Moylays, a great baron, sir Stephen of Hales and sir Thomas
of Cosington and other.
Now behold the great fortune. If they might have come to their intents, they would have destroyed all the
noblemen of England, and thereafter all other nations would have followed the same and have taken foot and
ensample by them and by them of Gaunt and Flanders, who rebelled against their lord. The same year the
Parisians rebelled in like wise and found out the mallets of iron, of whom there were more than twenty
thousand, as ye shall hear after in this history; but first we will speak of them of England.
When these people thus lodged at Rochester departed, and passed the river and came to Brentford, alway
keeping still their opinions, beating down before them and all about the places and houses of advocates and
procurers, and striking off the heads of divers persons. And so long they went forward till they came within a
four mile of London, and there lodged on a hill called Blackheath; and as they went, they said ever they were
the king's men and the noble commons of England:[59] and when they of London knew that they were come
so near to them, the mayor, as ye have heard before, closed the gates and kept straitly all the passages. This
order caused the mayor, who was called Nicholas Walworth,[60] and divers other rich burgesses of the city,
who were not of their sect; but there were in London of their unhappy opinions more than thirty thousand.
Then these people thus being lodged on Blackheath determined to send their knight to speak with the king and
to shew him how all that they have done or will do is for him and his honour, and how the realm of England
hath not been well governed a great space for the honour of the realm nor for the common profit by his uncles
and by the clergy, and specially by the archbishop of Canterbury his chancellor; whereof they would have
account. This knight durst do none otherwise, but so came by the river of Thames to the Tower. The king and
they that were with him in the Tower, desiring to hear tidings, seeing this knight coming made him way, and
was brought before the king into a chamber; and with the king was the princess his mother and his two
brethren, the earl of Kent and the lord John Holland, the earl of Salisbury, the earl of Warwick, the earl of
Oxford, the archbishop of Canterbury, the lord of Saint John's,[61] sir Robert of Namur, the lord of Vertaing,
the lord of Gommegnies, sir Henry of Senzeille, the mayor of London and divers other notable burgesses. This
knight sir John Newton, who was well known among them, for he was one of the king's officers, he kneeled
down before the king and said: 'My right redoubted lord, let it not displease your grace the message that I
must needs shew you, for, dear sir, it is by force and against my will.' 'Sir John,' said the king, 'say what ye
will: I hold you excused.' 'Sir, the commons of this your realm hath sent me to you to desire you to come and
speak with them on Blackheath; for they desire to have none but you: and, sir, ye need not to have any doubt
of your person, for they will do you no hurt; for they hold and will hold you for their king. But, sir, they say
they will shew you divers things, the which shall be right necessary for you to take heed of, when they speak
with you; of the which things, sir, I have no charge to shew you: but, sir, it may please you to give me an
answer such as may appease them and that they may know for truth that I have spoken with you; for they have
my children in hostage till I return again to them, and without I return again, they will slay my children
incontinent.'
Then the king made him an answer and said: 'Sir, ye shall have an answer shortly.' Then the king took counsel
what was best for him to do, and it was anon determined that the next morning the king should go down the
river by water and without fail to speak with them. And when sir John Newton heard that answer, he desired
nothing else and so took his leave of the king and of the lords and returned again into his vessel, and passed
the Thames and went to Blackheath, where he had left more than threescore thousand men. And there he
answered them that the next morning they should send some of their council to the Thames, and there the king
would come and speak with them.[62] This answer greatly pleased them, and so passed that night as well as
they might, and the fourth part of them fasted for lack of victual for they had none, wherewith they were sore
displeased, which was good reason.
All this season the earl of Buckingham was in Wales, for there he had fair heritages by reason of his wife,
who was daughter to the earl of Northumberland and Hereford; but the voice was all through London how he
was among these people. And some said certainly how they had seen him there among them; and all was
because there was one Thomas in their company, a man of the county of Cambridge, that was very like the
earl. Also the lords that lay at Plymouth to go into Portugal were well informed of this rebellion and of the
people that thus began to rise; wherefore they doubted lest their viage should have been broken, or else they
feared lest the commons about Hampton, Winchester and Arundel would have come on them: wherefore they
weighed up their anchors and issued out of the haven with great pain, for the wind was sore against them, and
so took the sea and there cast anchor abiding for the wind. And the duke of Lancaster, who was in the marches
of Scotland between Moorlane and Roxburgh entreating with the Scots, where it was shewed him of the
rebellion, whereof he was in doubt, for he knew well he was but little beloved with the commons of England;
howbeit, for all those tidings, yet he did sagely demean himself as touching the treaty with the Scots. The earl
Douglas, the earl of Moray, the earl of Sutherland and the earl Thomas Versy, and the Scots that were there
for the treaty knew right well the rebellion in England, how the common people in every part began to rebel
against the noblemen; wherefore the Scots thought that England was in great danger to be lost, and therefore
in their treaties they were the more stiffer against the duke of Lancaster and his council.
Now let us speak of the commons of England and how they persevered.
HOW THE COMMONS OF ENGLAND ENTERED INTO LONDON, AND OF THE GREAT EVIL THAT
THEY DID, AND OF THE DEATH OF THE BISHOP OF CANTERBURY AND DIVERS OTHER
In the morning on Corpus Christi day king Richard heard mass in the Tower of London, and all his lords, and
then he took his barge with the earl of Salisbury, the earl of Warwick, the earl of Oxford and certain knights,
and so rowed down along the Thames to Rotherhithe, whereas was descended down the hill a ten thousand
men to see the king and to speak with him. And when they saw the king's barge coming, they began to shout,
and made such a cry, as though all the devils of hell had been among them. And they had brought with them
sir John Newton to the intent that, if the king had not come, they would have stricken him all to pieces, and so
they had promised him. And when the king and his lords saw the demeanour of the people, the best assured of
them were in dread; and so the king was counselled by his barons not to take any landing there, but so rowed
up and down the river. And the king demanded of them what they would, and said how he was come thither to
speak with them, and they said all with one voice: 'We would that ye should come aland, and then we shall
shew you what we lack.' Then the earl of Salisbury answered for the king and said: 'Sirs, ye be not in such
order nor array that the king ought to speak with you.' And so with those words no more said: and then the
king was counselled to return again to the Tower of London, and so he did.
And when these people saw that, they were inflamed with ire and returned to the hill where the great band
was, and there shewed them what answer they had and how the king was returned to the Tower of London.
Then they cried all with one voice, 'Let us go to London,' and so they took their way thither; and in their going
they beat down abbeys and houses of advocates and of men of the court, and so came into the suburbs of
London, which were great and fair, and there beat down divers fair houses, and specially they brake up the
king's prisons, as the Marshalsea and other, and delivered out all the prisoners that were within: and there they
did much hurt, and at the bridge foot they threat them of London because the gates of the bridge were closed,
saying how they would bren all the suburbs and so conquer London by force, and to slay and bren all the
commons of the city. There were many within the city of their accord, and so they drew together and said:
'Why do we not let these good people enter into the city? they are your fellows, and that that they do is for us,'
So therewith the gates were opened, and then these people entered into the city and went into houses and sat
down to eat and drink. They desired nothing but it was incontinent brought to them, for every man was ready
to make them good cheer and to give them meat and drink to appease them.
Then the captains, as John Ball, Jack Straw and Wat Tyler, went throughout London and a twenty thousand
with them, and so came to the Savoy in the way to Westminster, which was a goodly house and it pertained to
the duke of Lancaster. And when they entered, they slew the keepers thereof and robbed and pilled the house,
and when they had so done, then they set fire on it and clean destroyed and brent it. And when they had done
that outrage, they left not therewith, but went straight to the fair hospital of the Rhodes called Saint John's,[63]
and there they brent house, hospital, minster and all. Then they went from street to street and slew all the
Flemings that they could find in church or in any other place, there was none respited from death. And they
brake up divers houses of the Lombards and robbed them and took their goods at their pleasure, for there was
none that durst say them nay. And they slew in the city a rich merchant called Richard Lyon, to whom before
that time Wat Tyler had done service in France; and on a time this Richard Lyon had beaten him, while he
was his varlet, the which Wat Tyler then remembered and so came to his house and strake off his head and
caused it to be borne on a spear-point before him all about the city. Thus these ungracious people demeaned
themselves like people enraged and wood, and so that day they did much sorrow in London.
And so against night they went to lodge at Saint Katherine's before the Tower of London, saying how they
would never depart thence till they had the king at their pleasure and till he had accorded to them all (they
would ask, and) that they would ask accounts of the chancellor of England, to know where all the good was
become that he had levied through the realm, and without he made a good account to them thereof, it should
not be for his profit. And so when they had done all these evils to the strangers all the day, at night they
lodged before the Tower.
Ye may well know and believe that it was great pity for the danger that the king and such as were with him
were in. For some time these unhappy people shouted and cried so loud, as though all the devils of hell had
been among them. In this evening the king was counselled by his brethren and lords and by sir Nicholas
Walworth, mayor of London, and divers other notable and rich burgesses, that in the night time they should
issue out of the Tower and enter into the city, and so to slay all these unhappy people, while they were at their
rest and asleep; for it was thought that many of them were drunken, whereby they should be slain like flies;
also of twenty of them there was scant one in harness. And surely the good men of London might well have
done this at their ease, for they had in their houses secretly their friends and servants ready in harness, and
also sir Robert Knolles was in his lodging keeping his treasure with a sixscore ready at his commandment; in
like wise was sir Perducas d'Albret, who was as then in London, insomuch that there might well (have)
assembled together an eight thousand men ready in harness. Howbeit, there was nothing done, for the residue
of the commons of the city were sore doubted, lest they should rise also, and the commons before were a
threescore thousand or more. Then the earl of Salisbury and the wise men about the king said: 'Sir, if ye can
appease them with fairness, it were best and most profitable, and to grant them everything that they desire, for
if we should begin a thing the which we could not achieve, we should never recover it again, but we and our
heirs ever to be disinherited,' So this counsel was taken and the mayor countermanded, and so commanded
that he should not stir; and he did as he was commanded, as reason was. And in the city with the mayor there
were twelve aldermen, whereof nine of them held with the king and the other three took part with these
ungracious people, as it was after well known, the which they full dearly bought.
And on the Friday in the morning the people, being at Saint Katharine's near to the Tower, began to apparel
themselves and to cry and shout, and said, without the king would come out and speak with them, they would
assail the Tower and take it by force, and slay all them that were within. Then the king doubted these words
and so was counselled that he should issue out to speak with them: and then the king sent to them that they
should all draw to a fair plain place called Mile-end, whereas the people of the city did sport them in the
summer season, and there the king to grant them that they desired; and there it was cried in the king's name,
that whosoever would speak with the king let him go to the said place, and there he should not fail to find the
king. Then the people began to depart, specially the commons of the villages, and went to the same place: but
all went not thither, for they were not all of one condition; for there were some that desired nothing but riches
and the utter destruction of the noblemen and to have London robbed and pilled; that was the principal matter
of their beginning, the which they well shewed, for as soon as the Tower gate opened and that the king was
issued out with his two brethren and the earl of Salisbury, the earl of Warwick, the earl of Oxford, sir Robert
of Namur, the lord of Vertaing, the lord Gommegnies and divers other, then Wat Tyler, Jack Straw and John
Ball and more than four hundred entered into the Tower and brake up chamber after chamber, and at last
found the archbishop of Canterbury, called Simon, a valiant man and a wise, and chief chancellor of England,
and a little before he had said mass before the king. These gluttons took him and strake off his head, and also
they beheaded the lord of Saint John's and a friar minor, master in medicine, pertaining to the duke of
Lancaster, they slew him in despite of his master, and a sergeant at arms called John Leg; and these four heads
were set on four long spears and they made them to be borne before them through the streets of London and at
last set them a-high on London bridge, as though they had been traitors to the king and to the realm. Also
these gluttons entered into the princess' chamber and brake her bed, whereby she was so sore affrayed that she
swooned; and there she was taken up and borne to the water side and put into a barge and covered, and so
conveyed to a place called the Queen's Wardrobe;[64] and there she was all that day and night like a woman
half dead, till she was comforted with the king her son, as ye shall hear after.
HOW THE NOBLES OF ENGLAND WERE IN GREAT PERIL TO HAVE BEEN DESTROYED, AND
HOW THESE REBELS WERE PUNISHED AND SENT HOME TO THEIR OWN HOUSES
When the king came to the said place of Mile-end without London, he put out of his company his two
brethren, the earl of Kent and sir John Holland, and the lord of Gommegnies, for they durst not appear before
the people: and when the king and his other lords were there, he found there a threescore thousand men of
divers villages and of sundry countries in England; so the king entered in among them and said to them
sweetly: 'Ah, ye good people, I am your king: what lack ye? what will ye say?' Then such as understood him
said: 'We will that ye make us free for ever, ourselves, our heirs and our lands, and that we be called no more
bond nor so reputed.' 'Sirs,' said the king, 'I am well agreed thereto. Withdraw you home into your own houses
and into such villages as ye came from, and leave behind you of every village two or three, and I shall cause
writings to be made and seal them with my seal, the which they shall have with them, containing everything
that ye demand; and to the intent that ye shall be the better assured, I shall cause my banners to be delivered
into every bailiwick, shire and countries.'
These words appeased well the common people, such as were simple and good plain men, that were come
thither and wist not why. They said, 'It was well said, we desire no better.' Thus these people began to be
appeased and began to withdraw them into the city of London. And the king also said a word, the which
greatly contented them. He said: 'Sirs, among you good men of Kent ye shall have one of my banners with
you, and ye of Essex another, and ye of Sussex, of Bedford, of Cambridge, of Yarmouth, of Stafford and of
Lynn, each of you one; and also I pardon everything that ye have done hitherto, so that ye follow my banners
and return home to your houses.' They all answered how they would so do: thus these people departed and
went into London. Then the king ordained more than thirty clerks the same Friday, to write with all diligence
letter patents and sealed with the king's seal, and delivered them to these people; and when they had received
the writing, they departed and returned into their own countries: but the great venom remained still behind, for
Wat Tyler, Jack Straw and John Ball said, for all that these people were thus appeased, yet they would not
depart so, and they had of their accord more than thirty thousand. So they abode still and made no press to
have the king's writing nor seal, for all their intents was to put the city to trouble in such wise as to slay all the
rich and honest persons and to rob and pill their houses. They of London were in great fear of this, wherefore
they kept their houses privily with their friends and such servants as they had, every man according to his
puissance. And when these said people were this Friday thus somewhat appeased, and that they should depart
as soon as they had their writings, every man home into his own country, then king Richard came into the
Royal, where the queen his mother was, right sore affrayed: so he comforted her as well as he could and
tarried there with her all that night.
Yet I shall shew you of an adventure that fell by these ungracious people before the city of Norwich, by a
captain among them called Guilliam Lister of Stafford. The same day of Corpus Christi that these people
entered into London and brent the duke of Lancaster's house, called the Savoy; and the hospital of Saint John's
and brake up the king's prisons and did all this hurt, as ye have heard before, the same time there assembled
together they of Stafford, of Lynn, of Cambridge, of Bedford and of Yarmouth; and as they were coming
towards London, they had a captain among them called Lister. And as they came, they rested them before
Norwich, and in their coming they caused every man to rise with them, so that they left no villains behind
them. The cause why they rested before Norwich I shall shew you. There was a knight, captain of the town,
called sir Robert Sale. He was no gentleman born, but he had the grace to be reputed sage and valiant in arms,
and for his valiantness king Edward made him knight. He was of his body one of the biggest knights in all
England. Lister and his company thought to have had this knight with them and to make him their chief
captain, to the intent to be the more feared and beloved: so they sent to him that he should come and speak
with them in the field, or else they would bren the town. The knight considered that it was better for him to go
and speak with them rather than they should do that outrage to the town: then he mounted on his horse and
issued out of the town all alone, and so came to speak with them. And when they saw him, they made him
great cheer and honoured him much, desiring him to alight off his horse and to speak with them, and so he
did: wherein he did great folly; for when he was alighted, they came round about him and began to speak fair
to him and said: 'Sir Robert, ye are a knight and a man greatly beloved in this country and renowned a valiant
man; and though ye be thus, yet we know you well, ye be no gentleman born, but son to a villain such as we
be. Therefore come you with us and be our master, and we shall make you so great a lord, that one quarter of
England shall be under your obeisance,' When the knight heard them speak thus, it was greatly contrarious to
his mind, for he thought never to make any such bargain, and answered them with a felonous regard: 'Fly
away, ye ungracious people, false and evil traitors that ye be: would you that I should forsake my natural lord
for such a company of knaves as ye be, to my dishonour for ever? I had rather ye were all hanged, as ye shall
be; for that shall be your end.' And with those words he had thought to have leapt again upon his horse, but he
failed of the stirrup and the horse started away. Then they cried all at him and said: 'Slay him without mercy.'
When he heard those words, he let his horse go and drew out a good sword and began to scrimmish with
them, and made a great place about him, that it was pleasure to behold him. There was none that durst
approach near him: there were some that approached near him, but at every stroke that he gave he cut off
other leg, head or arm: there was none so hardy but that they feared him: he did there such deeds of arms that
it was marvel to regard. But there were more than forty thousand of these unhappy people: they shot and cast
at him, and he was unarmed: to say truth, if he had been of iron or steel, yet he must needs have been slain;
but yet, or he died, he slew twelve out of hand, beside them that he hurt. Finally he was stricken to the earth,
and they cut off his arms and legs and then strake his body all to pieces. This was the end of sir Robert Sale,
which was great damage; for which deed afterward all the knights and squires of England were angry and sore
displeased when they heard thereof.
Now let us return to the king. The Saturday the king departed from the Wardrobe in the Royal and went to
Westminster and heard mass in the church there, and all his lords with him. And beside the church there was a
little chapel with an image of our Lady, which did great miracles and in whom the kings of England had ever
great trust and confidence. The king made his orisons before this image and did there his offering; and then he
leapt on his horse, and all his lords, and so the king rode toward London; and when he had ridden a little way,
on the left hand there was a way to pass without London.[65]
The same proper morning Wat Tyler, Jack Straw and John Ball had assembled their company to common
together in a place called Smithfield, whereas every Friday there is a market of horses; and there were
together all of affinity more than twenty thousand, and yet there were many still in the town, drinking and
making merry in the taverns and paid nothing, for they were happy that made them best cheer. And these
people in Smithfield had with them the king's banners, the which were delivered them the day before, and all
these gluttons were in mind to overrun and to rob London the same day; for their captains said how they had
done nothing as yet. 'These liberties that the king hath given us is to us but a small profit: therefore let us be
all of one accord and let us overrun this rich and puissant city, or they of Essex, of Sussex, of Cambridge, of
Bedford, of Arundel, of Warwick, of Reading, of Oxford, of Guildford, of Lynn, of Stafford, of Yarmouth, of
Lincoln, of York and of Durham do come hither. For all these will come hither; Baker and Lister will bring
them hither; and if we be first lords of London and have the possession of the riches that is therein, we shall
not repent us; for if we leave it, they that come after will have it from us.'
To this counsel they all agreed; and therewith the king came the same way unware of them, for he had thought
to have passed that way without London, and with him a forty horse. And when he came before the abbey of
Saint Bartholomew and beheld all these people, then the king rested and said how he would go no farther till
he knew what these people ailed, saying, if they were in any trouble, how he would rappease them again. The
lords that were with him tarried also, as reason was when they saw the king tarry. And when Wat Tyler saw
the king tarry, he said to his people: 'Sirs, yonder is the king: I will go and speak with him. Stir not from
hence, without I make you a sign; and when I make you that sign, come on and slay all them except the king;
but do the king no hurt, he is young, we shall do with him as we list and shall lead him with us all about
England, and so shall we be lords of all the realm without doubt.' And there was a doublet-maker of London
called John Tycle, and he had brought to these gluttons a sixty doublets, the which they ware: then he
demanded of these captains who should pay him for his doublets; he demanded thirty mark. Wat Tyler
answered him and said: 'Friend, appease yourself, thou shalt be well paid or this day be ended. Keep thee near
me; I shall be thy creditor.' And therewith he spurred his horse and departed from his company and came to
the king, so near him that his horse head touched the croup of the king's horse, and the first word that he said
was this: 'Sir king, seest thou all yonder people?' 'Yea truly,' said the king, 'wherefore sayest thou?' 'Because,'
said he, 'they be all at my commandment and have sworn to me faith and truth, to do all that I will have them'
'In a good time,' said the king, 'I will well it be so.' Then Wat Tyler said, as he that nothing demanded but riot:
'What believest thou, king, that these people and as many more as be in London at my commandment, that
they will depart from thee thus without having thy letters?' 'No,' said the king, 'ye shall have them: they be
ordained for you and shall be delivered every one each after other. Wherefore, good fellows, withdraw fair
and easily to your people and cause them to depart out of London; for it is our intent that each of you by
villages and townships shall have letters patents, as I have promised you.'
With those words Wat Tyler cast his eyen on a squire that was there with the king bearing the king's sword,
and Wat Tyler hated greatly the same squire, for the same squire had displeased him before for words between
them. 'What,' said Tyler, 'art thou there? Give me thy dagger.' 'Nay,' said the squire, 'that will I not do:
wherefore should I give it thee?' The king beheld the squire and said: 'Give it him; let him have it.' And so the
squire took it him sore against his will. And when this Wat Tyler had it, he began to play therewith and turned
it in his hand, and said again to the squire: 'Give me also that sword.' 'Nay,' said the squire, 'it is the king's
sword: thou art not worthy to have it, for thou art but a knave; and if there were no more here but thou and I,
thou durst not speak those words for as much gold in quantity as all yonder abbey.'[66] 'By my faith,' said Wat
Tyler, 'I shall never eat meat till I have thy head': and with those words the mayor of London came to the king
with a twelve horses well armed under their coats, and so he brake the press and saw and heard how Wat
Tyler demeaned himself, and said to him: 'Ha, thou knave, how art thou so hardy in the king's presence to
speak such words? It is too much for thee so to do.' Then the king began to chafe and said to the mayor: 'Set
hands on him.' And while the king said so, Tyler said to the mayor: 'A God's name what have I said to
displease thee?' 'Yes truly,' quoth the mayor, 'thou false stinking knave, shalt thou speak thus in the presence
of the king my natural lord? I commit never to live, without thou shalt dearly abye it.'[67] And with those
words the mayor drew out his sword and strake Tyler so great a stroke on the head, that he fell down at the
feet of his horse, and as soon as he was fallen, they environed him all about, whereby he was not seen of his
company. Then a squire of the king's alighted, called John Standish, and he drew out his sword and put it into
Wat Tyler's belly, and so he died.
Then the ungracious people there assembled, perceiving their captain slain, began to murmur among
themselves and said: 'Ah, our captain is slain, let us go and slay them all': and therewith they arranged
themselves on the place in manner of battle, and their bows before them. Thus the king began a great
outrage;[68] howbeit, all turned to the best: for as soon as Tyler was on the earth, the king departed from all
his company and all alone he rode to these people, and said to his own men: 'Sirs, none of you follow me; let
me alone.' And so when he came before these ungracious people, who put themselves in ordinance to revenge
their captain, then the king said to them: 'Sirs, what aileth you? Ye shall have no captain but me: I am your
king: be all in rest and peace.' And so the most part of the people that heard the king speak and saw him
among them, were shamefast and began to wax peaceable and to depart; but some, such as were malicious and
evil, would not depart, but made semblant as though they would do somewhat.
Then the king returned to his own company and demanded of them what was best to be done. Then he was
counselled to draw into the field, for to fly away was no boot. Then said the mayor: 'It is good that we do so,
for I think surely we shall have shortly some comfort of them of London and of such good men as be of our
part, who are purveyed and have their friends and men ready armed in their houses.' And in the mean time
voice and bruit ran through London how these unhappy people were likely to slay the king and the mayor in
Smithfield; through the which noise all manner of good men of the king's party issued out of their houses and
lodgings well armed, and so came all to Smithfield and to the field where the king was, and they were anon to
the number of seven or eight thousand men well armed. And first thither came sir Robert Knolles and sir
Perducas d'Albret, well accompanied, and divers of the aldermen of London, and with them a six hundred
men in harness, and a puissant man of the city, who was the king's draper,[69] called Nicholas Bramber, and
he brought with him a great company; and ever as they came, they ranged them afoot in order of battle: and on
the other part these unhappy people were ready ranged, making semblance to give battle, and they had with
them divers of the king's banners. There the king made three knights, the one the mayor of London sir
Nicholas Walworth, sir John Standish and sir Nicholas Bramber. Then the lords said among themselves:
'What shall we do? We see here our enemies, who would gladly slay us, if they might have the better hand of
us.' Sir Robert Knolles counselled to go and fight with them and slay them all; yet the king would not consent
thereto, but said: 'Nay, I will not so: I will send to them commanding them to send me again my banners and
thereby we shall see what they will do. Howbeit, other by fairness or otherwise, I will have them.' 'That is well
said, sir,' quoth the earl of Salisbury. Then these new knights were sent to them, and these knights made token
to them not to shoot at them, and when they came so near them that their speech might be heard, they said:
'Sirs, the king commandeth you to send to him again his banners, and we think he will have mercy of you.'
And incontinent they delivered again the banners and sent them to the king. Also they were commanded on
pain of their heads, that all such as had letters of the king to bring them forth and to send them again to the
king; and so many of them delivered their letters, but not all. Then the king made them to be all to torn in their
presence; and as soon as the king's banners were delivered again, these unhappy people kept none array, but
the most part of them did cast down their bows, and so brake their array and returned into London. Sir Robert
Knolles was sore displeased in that he might not go to slay them all: but the king would not consent thereto,
but said he would be revenged of them well enough; and so he was after.
Thus these foolish people departed, some one way and some another; and the king and his lords and all his
company right ordinately entered into London with great joy. And the first journey that the king made he went
to the lady princess his mother, who was in a castle in the Royal called the Queen's Wardrobe, and there she
had tarried two days and two nights right sore abashed, as she had good reason; and when she saw the king
her son, she was greatly rejoiced and said: 'Ah, fair son, what pain and great sorrow that I have suffered for
you this day!' Then the king answered and said: 'Certainly, madam, I know it well; but now rejoice yourself
and thank God, for now it is time. I have this day recovered mine heritage and the realm of England, the
which I had near lost.' Thus the king tarried that day with his mother, and every lord went peaceably to their
own lodgings. Then there was a cry made in every street in the king's name, that all manner of men, not being
of the city of London and have not dwelt there the space of one year, to depart; and if any such be found there
the Sunday by the sun-rising, that they should be taken as traitors to the king and to lose their heads. This cry
thus made, there was none that durst brake it, and so all manner of people departed and sparkled abroad every
man to their own places. John Ball and Jack Straw were found in an old house hidden, thinking to have stolen
away, but they could not, for they were accused by their own men. Of the taking of them the king and his
lords were glad, and then strake off their heads and Wat Tyler's also, and they were set on London bridge, and
the valiant men's heads taken down that they had set on the Thursday before. These tidings anon spread
abroad, so that the people of the strange countries, which were coming towards London, returned back again
to their own houses and durst come no farther.
THE BATTLE OF OTTERBURN
HOW THE EARL DOUGLAS WON THE PENNON OF SIR HENRY PERCY AT THE BARRIERS
BEFORE NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, AND HOW THE SCOTS BRENT THE CASTLE OF PONTLAND,
AND HOW SIR HENRY PERCY AND SIR RALPH HIS BROTHER TOOK ADVICE TO FOLLOW THE
SCOTS TO CONQUER AGAIN THE PENNON THAT WAS LOST AT THE SCRIMMISH
When the English lords saw that their squire returned not again at the time appointed, and could know nothing
what the Scots did, nor what they were purposed to do, then they thought well that their squire was taken. The
lords sent each to other, to be ready whensoever they should hear that the Scots were abroad: as for their
messenger, they thought him but lost.
Now let us speak of the earl Douglas and other, for they had more to do than they that went by Carlisle. When
the earls of Douglas, of Moray, of March, and Dunbar[70] departed from the great host, they took their way
thinking to pass the water and to enter into the bishopric of Durham, and to ride to the town and then to return,
brenning and exiling the country and so to come to Newcastle and to lodge there in the town in the despite of
all the Englishmen. And as they determined, so they did assay to put it in use, for they rode a great pace under
covert without doing of any pillage by the way or assaulting of any castle, tower or house, but so came into
the lord Percy's land and passed the river of Tyne without any let a three leagues above Newcastle not far
from Brancepeth, and at last entered into the bishopric of Durham, where they found a good country. Then
they began to make war, to slay people and to bren villages and to do many sore displeasures.
As at that time the earl of Northumberland and the other lords and knights of that country knew nothing of
their coming. When tidings came to Newcastle and to Durham that the Scots were abroad, and that they might
well see by the fires and smoke abroad in the country, the earl sent to Newcastle his two sons and sent
commandment to every man to draw to Newcastle, saying to his sons: 'Ye shall go to Newcastle and all the
country shall assemble there, and I shall tarry at Alnwick, which is a passage that they must pass by. If we
may enclose them, we shall speed well.' Sir Henry Percy and sir Ralph his brother obeyed their father's
commandment and came thither with them of the country. The Scots rode burning and exiling the country,
that the smoke thereof came to Newcastle. The Scots came to the gates of Durham and scrimmished there; but
they tarried not long but returned, as they had ordained before to do, and that they found by the way took and
destroyed it. Between Durham and Newcastle is but twelve leagues English and a good country: there was no
town, without it were closed, but it was brent, and they repassed the river of Tyne where they had passed
before, and then came before Newcastle and there rested. All the English knights and squires of the country of
York and bishopric of Durham were assembled at Newcastle, and thither came the seneschal of York, sir
Ralph Lumley, sir Matthew Redman, captain of Berwick, sir Robert Ogle, sir Thomas Grey, sir Thomas
Holton, sir John Felton, sir John Lilleburn, sir Thomas Abingdon, the baron of Hilton, sir John Coppledike
and divers other, so that the town was so full of people that they wist not where to lodge.
When these three Scottish earls who were chief captains had made their enterprise in the bishopric of Durham
and had sore overrun the country, then they returned to Newcastle and there rested and tarried two days, and
every day they scrimmished. The earl of Northumberland's two sons were two young lusty knights and were
ever foremost at the barriers to scrimmish. There were many proper feats of arms done and achieved: there
was fighting hand to hand: among other there fought hand to hand the earl Douglas and sir Henry Percy, and
by force of arms the earl Douglas won the pennon of sir Henry Percy's, wherewith he was sore displeased and
so were all the Englishmen. And the earl Douglas said to sir Henry Percy: 'Sir, I shall bear this token of your
prowess into Scotland and shall set it on high on my castle of Dalkeith, that it may be seen far off,' 'Sir,' quoth
sir Henry, 'ye may be sure ye shall not pass the bounds of this country till ye be met withal in such wise that
ye shall make none avaunt thereof,' 'Well, sir,' quoth the earl Douglas, 'come this night to my lodging and seek
for your pennon: I shall set it before my lodging and see if ye will come to take it away.' So then it was late,
and the Scots withdrew to their lodgings and refreshed them with such as they had. They had flesh enough:
they made that night good watch, for they thought surely to be awaked for the words they had spoken, but
they were not, for sir Henry Percy was counselled not so to do.
The next day the Scots dislodged and returned towards their own country, and so came to a castle and a town
called Pontland, whereof sir Edmund of Alphel was lord, who was a right good knight. There the Scots rested,
for they came thither betimes, and understood that the knight was in his castle. Then they ordained to assail
the castle, and gave a great assault, so that by force of arms they won it and the knight within it. Then the
town and castle was brent; and from thence the Scots went to the town and castle of Otterburn, an eight
English mile from Newcastle[71] and there lodged. That day they made none assault, but the next morning
they blew their horns and made ready to assail the castle, which was strong, for it stood in the marish. That
day they assaulted till they were weary, and did nothing. Then they sowned the retreat and returned to their
lodgings. Then the lords drew to council to determine what they should do. The most part were of the accord
that the next day they should dislodge without giving of any assault and to draw fair and easily towards
Carlisle. But the earl Douglas brake that counsel and said: 'In despite of sir Henry Percy, who said he would
come and win again his pennon, let us not depart hence for two or three days. Let us assail this castle: it is
pregnable: we shall have double honour. And then let us see if he will come and fetch his pennon: he shall be
well defended.'[72] Every man accorded to his saying, what for their honour and for the love of him. Also they
lodged there at their ease, for there was none that troubled them: they made many lodgings of boughs and
great herbs and fortified their camp sagely with the marish that was thereby, and their carriages were set at the
entry into the marishes and had all their beasts within the marish. Then they apparelled for to assault the next
day: this was their intention.
Now let us speak of sir Henry Percy and of sir Ralph his brother and shew somewhat what they did. They
were sore displeased that the earl Douglas had won the pennon of their arms: also it touched greatly their
honours, if they did not as sir Henry Percy said he would; for he had said to the earl Douglas that he should
not carry his pennon out of England, and also he had openly spoken it before all the knights and squires that
were at Newcastle. The Englishmen there thought surely that the earl Douglas' band was but the Scots'
vanguard and that their host was left behind. The knights of the country, such as were well expert in arms,
spake against sir Henry Percy's opinion and said to him: 'Sir, there fortuneth in war oftentimes many losses. If
the earl Douglas have won your pennon, he bought it dear, for he came to the gate to seek it and was well
beaten:[73] another day ye shall win as much of him or more. Sir, we say this because we know well all the
power of Scotland is abroad in the fields, and if we issue out and be not men enow to fight with them, and
peradventure they have made this scrimmish with us to the intent to draw us out of the town, and the number
that they be of, as it is said, above forty thousand men, they may soon enclose us and do with us what they
will. Yet it were better to lose a pennon than two or three hundred knights and squires and put all our country
in adventure,' These words refrained sir Henry and his brother, for they would do nothing against counsel.
Then tidings came to them by such as had seen the Scots and seen all their demeanour and what way they took
and where they rested.
HOW SIR HENRY PERCY AND HIS BROTHER WITH A GOOD NUMBER OF MEN OF ARMS AND
ARCHERS WENT AFTER THE SCOTS, TO WIN AGAIN HIS PENNON THAT THE EARL DOUGLAS
HAD WON BEFORE NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, AND HOW THEY ASSAILED THE SCOTS BEFORE
OTTERBURN IN THEIR LODGINGS
It was shewed to sir Henry Percy and to his brother and to the other knights and squires that were there, by
such as had followed the Scots from Newcastle and had well advised their doing, who said to sir Henry and to
sir Ralph: 'Sirs, we have followed the Scots privily and have discovered all the country. The Scots be at
Pontland and have taken sir Edmund Alphel in his own castle, and from thence they be gone to Otterburn and
there they lay this night. What they will do to-morrow we know not: they are ordained to abide there: and,
sirs, surely their great host is not with them, for in all they pass not there a three thousand men,' When sir
Henry heard that, he was joyful and said: 'Sirs, let us leap on our horses, for by the faith I owe to God and to
my lord my father I will go seek for my pennon and dislodge them this same night.' Knights and squires that
heard him agreed thereto and were joyous, and every man made him ready.
The same evening the bishop of Durham came thither with a good company, for he heard at Durham how the
Scots were before Newcastle and how that the lord Percy's sons with other lords and knights should fight with
the Scots: therefore the bishop of Durham to come to the rescue had assembled up all the country and so was
coming to Newcastle. But sir Henry Percy would not abide his coming, for he had with him six hundred
spears, knights and squires, and an eight thousand footmen. They thought that sufficient number to fight with
the Scots, if they were not but three hundred spears and three thousand of other. Thus they departed from
Newcastle after dinner and set forth in good order, and took the same way as the Scots had gone and rode to
Otterburn, a seven little leagues from thence and fair way, but they could not ride fast because of their
foot-men. And when the Scots had supped and some laid down to their rest, and were weary of travailing and
assaulting of the castle all that day, and thought to rise early in the morning in cool of the day to give a new
assault, therewith suddenly the Englishmen came on them and entered into the lodgings, weening it had been
the masters' lodgings, and therein were but varlets and servants. Then the Englishmen cried, 'Percy, Percy!'
and entered into the lodgings, and ye know well where such affray is noise is soon raised: and it fortuned well
for the Scots, for when they saw the Englishmen came to wake them, then the lord sent a certain of their
servants of foot-men to scrimmish with the Englishmen at the entry of the lodgings, and in the mean time they
armed and apparelled them, every man under his banner and under his captain's pennon. The night was far on,
but the moon shone so bright as an it had been in a manner day. It was in the month of August and the weather
fair and temperate.
Thus the Scots were drawn together and without any noise departed from their lodgings and went about a little
mountain, which was greatly for their advantage. For all the day before they had well advised the place and
said among themselves: 'If the Englishmen come on us suddenly, then we will do thus and thus, for it is a
jeopardous thing in the night if men of war enter into our lodgings. If they do, then we will draw to such a
place, and thereby other we shall win or lose.' When the Englishmen entered into the field, at the first they
soon overcame the varlets, and as they entered further in, always they found new men to busy them and to
scrimmish with them. Then suddenly came the Scots from about the mountain and set on the Englishmen or
they were ware, and cried their cries; whereof the Englishmen were sore astonied. Then they cried 'Percy!' and
the other party cried 'Douglas!'
There began a cruel battle and at the first encounter many were overthrown of both parties; and because the
Englishmen were a great number and greatly desired to vanquish their enemies, and rested at their pace[74]
and greatly did put aback the Scots, so that the Scots were near discomfited. Then the earl James Douglas,
who was young and strong and of great desire to get praise and grace, and was willing to deserve to have it,
and cared for no pain nor travail, came forth with his banner and cried, 'Douglas, Douglas!' and sir Henry
Percy and sir Ralph his brother, who had great indignation against the earl Douglas because he had won the
pennon of their arms at the barriers before Newcastle, came to that part and cried, 'Percy!' Their two banners
met and their men: there was a sore fight: the Englishmen were so strong and fought so valiantly that they
reculed the Scots back. There were two valiant knights of Scots under the banner of the earl Douglas, called
sir Patrick of Hepbourn and sir Patrick his son. They acquitted themselves that day valiantly: the earl's banner
had been won, an they had not been: they defended it so valiantly and in the rescuing thereof did such feats of
arms, that it was greatly to their recommendation and to their heirs' for ever after.
It was shewed me by such as had been at the same battle, as well by knights and squires of England as of
Scotland, at the house of the earl of Foix,—for anon after this battle was done I met at Orthez two squires of
England called John of Chateauneuf and John of Cantiron; also when I returned to Avignon I found also there
a knight and a squire of Scotland; I knew them and they knew me by such tokens as I shewed them of their
country, for I, author of this book, in my youth had ridden nigh over all the realm of Scotland, and I was as
then a fifteen days in the house of earl William Douglas, father to the same earl James, of whom I spake of
now, in a castle of five leagues from Edinburgh in the country of Dalkeith;[75] the same time I saw there this
earl James, a fair young child, and a sister of his called the lady Blanche,—and I was informed by both these
parties[76] how this battle was as sore a battle fought as lightly hath been heard of before of such a number;
and I believe it well, for Englishmen on the one party and Scots on the other party are good men of war, for
when they meet there is a hard fight without sparing, there is no ho between them as long as spears, swords,
axes or daggers will endure, but lay on each upon other, and when they be well beaten[77] and that the one
party hath obtained the victory, they then glorify so in their deeds of arms and are so joyful, that such as be
taken they shall be ransomed or they go out of the field, so that shortly each of them is so content with other
that at their departing-courteously they will say, 'God thank you'; but in fighting one with another there is no
play nor sparing, and this is true, and that shall well appear by this said rencounter, for it was as valiantly
foughten as could be devised, as ye shall hear.
HOW THE EARL JAMES DOUGLAS BY HIS VALIANTNESS ENCOURAGED HIS MEN, WHO WERE
RECULED AND IN A MANNER DISCOMFITED, AND IN HIS SO DOING HE WAS WOUNDED TO
DEATH
Knights and squires were of good courage on both parties to fight valiantly: cowards there had no place, but
hardiness reigned with goodly feats of arms, for knights and squires were so joined together at hand strokes,
that archers had no place of nother party. There the Scots shewed great hardiness and fought merrily with
great desire of honour: the Englishmen were three to one: howbeit, I say not but Englishmen did nobly acquit
themselves, for ever the Englishmen had rather been slain or taken in the place than to fly. Thus, as I have
said, the banners of Douglas and Percy and their men were met each against other, envious who should win
the honour of that journey. At the beginning the Englishmen were so strong that they reculed back their
enemies: then the earl Douglas, who was of great heart and high of enterprise, seeing his men recule back,
then to recover the place and to shew knightly valour he took his axe in both his hands, and entered so into the
press that he made himself way in such wise, that none durst approach near him, and he was so well armed
that he bare well off such strokes as he received.[78] Thus he went ever forward like a hardy Hector, willing
alone to conquer the field and to discomfit his enemies: but at last he was encountered with three spears all at
once, the one strake him on the shoulder, the other on the breast and the stroke glinted down to his belly, and
the third strake him in the thigh, and sore hurt with all three strokes, so that he was borne perforce to the earth
and after that he could not be again relieved. Some of his knights and squires followed him, but not all, for it
was night, and no light but by the shining of the moon. The Englishmen knew well they had borne one down
to the earth, but they wist not who it was; for if they had known that it had been the earl Douglas, they had
been thereof so joyful and so proud that the victory had been theirs. Nor also the Scots knew not of that
adventure till the end of the battle; for if they had known it, they should have been so sore despaired and
discouraged that they would have fled away. Thus as the earl Douglas was felled to the earth, he was stricken
into the head with an axe, and another stroke through the thigh: the Englishmen passed forth and took no heed
of him: they thought none otherwise but that they had slain a man of arms. On the other part the earl George
de la March and of Dunbar fought right valiantly and gave the Englishmen much ado, and cried, 'Follow
Douglas,' and set on the sons of Percy: also earl John of Moray with his banner and men fought valiantly and
set fiercely on the Englishmen, and gave them so much to do that they wist not to whom to attend.
HOW IN THIS BATTLE SIR RALPH PERCY WAS SORE HURT AND TAKEN PRISONER BY A
SCOTTISH KNIGHT
Of all the battles and encounterings that I have made mention of herebefore in all this history, great or small,
this battle that I treat of now was one of the sorest and best foughten without cowardice or faint hearts. For
there was nother knight nor squire but that did his devoir and fought hand to hand: this battle was like the
battle of Becherel,[79] the which was valiantly fought and endured. The earl of Northumberland's sons, sir
Henry and sir Ralph Percy, who were chief sovereign captains, acquitted themselves nobly, and sir Ralph
Percy entered in so far among his enemies that he was closed in and hurt, and so sore handled that his breath
was so short, that he was taken prisoner by a knight of the earl of Moray's called sir John Maxwell. In the
taking the Scottish knight demanded what he was, for it was in the night, so that he knew him not, and sir
Ralph was so sore overcome and bled fast, that at last he said: 'I am Ralph Percy.' Then the Scot said: 'Sir
Ralph, rescue or no rescue I take you for my prisoner: I am Maxwell.' 'Well,' quoth sir Ralph, 'I am content:
but then take heed to me, for I am sore hurt, my hosen and my greaves are full of blood,' Then the knight saw
by him the earl Moray and said: 'Sir, here I deliver to you sir Ralph Percy as prisoner; but, sir, let good heed
be taken to him, for he is sore hurt.' The earl was joyful of these words and said: 'Maxwell, thou hast well won
thy spurs.' Then he delivered sir Ralph Percy to certain of his men, and they stopped and wrapped his wounds:
and still the battle endured, not knowing who had as then the better, for there were many taken and rescued
again that came to no knowledge.
Now let us speak of the young James earl of Douglas, who did marvels in arms or he was beaten down. When
he was overthrown, the press was great about him, so that he could not relieve, for with an axe he had his
death's wound. His men followed him as near as they could, and there came to him sir James Lindsay his
cousin and sir John and sir Walter Sinclair and other knights and squires. And by him was a gentle knight of
his, who followed him all the day, and a chaplain of his, not like a priest but like a valiant man of arms, for all
that night he followed the earl with a good axe in his hands and still scrimmished about the earl thereas he lay,
and reculed back some of the Englishmen with great strokes that he gave. Thus he was found fighting near to
his master, whereby he had great praise, and thereby the same year he was made archdeacon of Aberdeen.
This priest was called sir William of North Berwick: he was a tall man and a hardy and was sore hurt. When
these knights came to the earl, they found him in an evil case and a knight of his lying by him called sir
Robert Hart: he had a fifteen wounds in one place and other. Then sir John Sinclair demanded of the earl how
he did. 'Right evil, cousin,' quoth the earl, 'but thanked be God there hath been but a few of mine ancestors
that hath died in their beds: but, cousin, I require you think to revenge me, for I reckon myself but dead, for
my heart fainteth oftentimes. My cousin Walter and you, I pray you raise up again my banner which lieth on
the ground, and my squire Davie Collemine slain: but, sirs, shew nother to friend nor foe in what case ye see
me in; for if mine enemies knew it, they would rejoice, and our friends discomforted.' The two brethren of
Sinclair and sir James Lindsay did as the earl had desired them and raised up again his banner and cried
'Douglas!' Such as were behind and heard that cry drew together and set on their enemies valiantly and
reculed back the Englishmen and many overthrown, and so drave the Englishmen back beyond the place
whereas the earl lay, who was by that time dead, and so came to the earl's banner, the which sir John Sinclair
held in his hands, and many good knights and squires of Scotland about him, and still company drew to the
cry of 'Douglas.' Thither came the earl Moray with his banner well accompanied, and also the earl de la March
and of Dunbar, and when they saw the Englishmen recule and their company assembled together, they
renewed again the battle and gave many hard and sad strokes.
HOW THE SCOTS WON THE BATTLE AGAINST THE ENGLISHMEN BESIDE OTTERBURN, AND
THERE WAS TAKEN PRISONERS SIR HENRY AND SIR RALPH PERCY, AND HOW AN ENGLISH
SQUIRE WOULD NOT YIELD HIM, NO MORE WOULD A SCOTTISH SQUIRE, AND SO DIED
BOTH; AND HOW THE BISHOP OF DURHAM AND HIS COMPANY WERE DISCOMFITED AMONG
THEMSELVES
To say truth, the Englishmen were sorer travailed than the Scots, for they came the same day from
Newcastle-upon-Tyne, a six English miles, and went a great pace to the intent to find the Scots, which they
did; so that by their fast going they were near out of breath, and the Scots were fresh and well rested, which
greatly availed them when time was of their business: for in the last scrimmish they reculed back the
Englishmen in such wise, that after that they could no more assemble together, for the Scots passed through
their battles. And it fortuned that sir Henry Percy and the lord of Montgomery, a valiant knight of Scotland,
fought together hand to hand right valiantly without letting of any other, for every man had enough to do. So
long they two fought that per force of arms sir Henry Percy was taken prisoner by the said lord of
Montgomery.
The knights and squires of Scotland, as sir Marc Adreman,[80] sir Thomas Erskine, sir William, sir James and
sir Alexander Lindsay, the lord of Fenton, sir John of Saint-Moreaulx,[81] sir Patrick of Dunbar, sir John and
sir Walter Sinclair, sir John Maxwell, sir Guy Stuart, sir John Haliburton, sir Alexander Ramsay, Robert
Collemine[82] and his two sons John and Robert; who were there made knights, and a hundred knights and
squires that I cannot name, all these right valiantly did acquit themselves. And on the English party, before
that the lord Percy was taken and after, there fought valiantly sir Ralph Lumley, sir Matthew Redman, sir
Thomas Ogle, sir Thomas Gray, sir Thomas Helton, sir Thomas Abingdon, sir John Lilleburn, sir William
Walsingham, the baron of Helton, sir John of Colpedich,[83] the seneschal of York and divers other footmen.
Whereto should I write long process? This was a sore battle and well foughten; and as fortune is always
changeable, though the Englishmen were more in number than the Scots and were right valiant men of war
and well expert, and that at the first front they reculed back the Scots, yet finally the Scots obtained the place
and victory, and all the foresaid Englishmen taken, and a hundred more, saving sir Matthew Redman, captain
of Berwick, who when he knew no remedy nor recoverance, and saw his company fly from the Scots and
yielded them on every side, then he took his horse and departed to save himself.
The same season about the end of this discomfiture there was an English squire called Thomas Waltham, a
goodly and a valiant man, and that was well seen, for of all that night he would nother fly nor yet yield him. It
was said he had made a vow at a feast in England, that the first time that ever he saw Englishmen and Scots in
battle, he would so do his devoir to his power, in such wise that either he would be reputed for the best doer
on both sides or else to die in the pain. He was called a valiant and a hardy man and did so much by his
prowess, that under the banner of the earl of Moray he did such valiantness in arms, that the Scots had marvel
thereof, and so was slain in fighting: the Scots would gladly have taken him alive, but he would never yield,
he hoped ever to have been rescued. And with him there was a Scottish squire slain, cousin to the king of
Scots, called Simon Glendowyn; his death was greatly complained of the Scots.
This battle was fierce and cruel till it came to the end of the discomfiture; but when the Scots saw the
Englishmen recule and yield themselves, then the Scots were courteous and set them to their ransom, and
every man said to his prisoner: 'Sirs, go and unarm you and take your ease; I am your master:' and so made
their prisoners as good cheer as though they had been brethren, without doing to them any damage. The chase
endured a five English miles, and if the Scots had been men enow, there had none scaped, but other they had
been taken or slain. And if Archambault Douglas and the earl of Fife, the earl Sutherland and other of the
great company who were gone towards Carlisle had been there, by all likelihood they had taken the bishop of
Durham and the town of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. I shall shew you how. The same evening that the Percies
departed from Newcastle, as ye have heard before, the bishop of Durham with the rearband came to
Newcastle and supped: and as he sat at the table, he had imagination in himself how he did not acquit himself
well to see the Englishmen in the field and he to be within the town. Incontinent he caused the table to be
taken away and commanded to saddle his horses and to sown the trumpets, and called up men in the town to
arm themselves and to mount on their horses, and foot-men to order themselves to depart. And thus every man
departed out of the town to the number of seven thousand, two thousand on horseback and five thousand
afoot; they took their way toward Otterburn, whereas the battle had been. And by that time they had gone two
mile[84] from Newcastle tidings came to them how their men were fighting with the Scots. Therewith the
bishop rested there, and incontinent came more flying fast, that they were out of breath. Then they were
demanded how the matter went. They answered and said: 'Right evil; we be all discomfited: here cometh the
Scots chasing of us.' These tidings troubled the Englishmen, and began to doubt. And again the third time men
came flying as fast as they might. When the men of the bishopric of Durham heard of these evil tidings, they
were abashed in such wise that they brake their array, so that the bishop could not hold together the number of
five hundred. It was thought that if the Scots had followed them in any number, seeing that it was night, that
in the entering into the town, and the Englishmen so abashed, the town had been won.
The bishop of Durham, being in the field, had good will to have succoured the Englishmen and recomforted
his men as much as he could; but he saw his own men fly as well as other. Then he demanded counsel of sir
William Lucy and of sir Thomas Clifford and of other knights, what was best to do. These knights for their
honour would give him no counsel; for they thought to return again and do nothing should sown greatly to
their blame, and to go forth might be to their great damage; and so stood still and would give none answer,
and the longer they stood, the fewer they were, for some still stale away. Then the bishop said: 'Sirs, all things
considered, it is none honour to put all in peril, nor to make of one evil damage twain. We hear how our
company be discomfited, and we cannot remedy it: for to go to recover them, we know not with whom nor
with what number we shall meet. Let us return fair and easily for this night to Newcastle, and to-morrow let us
draw together and go look on our enemies.' Every man answered: 'As God will, so be it.' Therewith they
returned to Newcastle. Thus a man may consider the great default that is in men that be abashed and
discomfited: for if they had kept them together and have turned again such as fled, they had discomfited the
Scots. This was the opinion of divers; and because they did not thus, the Scots had the victory.
HOW SIR MATTHEW REDMEN DEPARTED FROM THE BATTLE TO SAVE HIMSELF; AND HOW
SIR JAMES LINDSAY WAS TAKEN PRISONER BY THE BISHOP OF DURHAM; AND HOW AFTER
THE BATTLE SCURRERS WERE SENT FORTH TO DISCOVER THE COUNTRY
I shall shew you of sir Matthew Redman, who was on horseback to save himself, for he alone could not
remedy the matter. At his departing sir James Lindsay was near to him and saw how sir Matthew departed,
and this sir James, to win honour, followed in chase sir Matthew Redman, and came so near him that he might
have striken him with his spear, if he had list. Then he said: 'Ah, sir knight, turn; it is a shame thus to fly: I am
James of Lindsay: if ye will not turn, I shall strike you on the back with my spear.' Sir Matthew spake no
word, but strake his horse with the spurs sorer than he did before. In this manner he chased him more than
three miles, and at last sir Matthew Redman's horse foundered and fell under him. Then he stept forth on the
earth and drew out his sword, and took courage to defend himself; and the Scot thought to have stricken him
on the breast, but sir Matthew Redman swerved from the stroke, and the spear-point entered into the earth.
Then sir Matthew strake asunder the spear with his sword; and when sir James Lindsay saw how he had lost
his spear, he cast away the truncheon and lighted afoot, and took a little battle-axe that he carried at his back
and handled it with his one hand quickly and deliverly, in the which feat Scots be well expert, and then he set
at sir Matthew and he defended himself properly. Thus they tourneyed together, one with an axe and the other
with a sword, a long season, and no man to let them. Finally sir James Lindsay gave the knight such strokes
and held him so short, that he was put out of breath in such wise that he yielded himself, and said: 'Sir James
Lindsay, I yield me to you.' 'Well,' quoth he, 'and I receive you, rescue or no rescue,' 'I am content,' quoth
Redman, 'so ye deal with me like a good companion.' 'I shall not fail that,' quoth Lindsay, and so put up his
sword. 'Well, sir,' quoth Redman, 'what will you now that I shall do? I am your prisoner, ye have conquered
me. I would gladly go again to Newcastle, and within fifteen days I shall come to you into Scotland, whereas
ye shall assign me.' 'I am content,' quoth Lindsay: 'ye shall promise by your faith to present yourself within
this three weeks at Edinboro, and wheresoever ye go, to repute yourself my prisoner,' All this sir Matthew
sware and promised to fulfil. Then each of them took their horses and took leave each of other. Sir James
returned, and his intent was to go to his own company the same way that he came, and sir Matthew Redman to
Newcastle.
Sir James Lindsay could not keep the right way as he came: it was dark and a mist, and he had not ridden half
a mile, but he met face to face with the bishop of Durham and more than five hundred Englishmen with him.
He might well escaped if he had would, but he supposed it had been his own company, that had pursued the
Englishmen. When he was among them, one demanded of him what he was. 'I am,' quoth he, 'sir James
Lindsay,' The bishop heard those words and stept to him and said: 'Lindsay, ye are taken: yield ye to me.'
'Who be you?' quoth Lindsay. 'l am,' quoth he, 'the bishop of Durham.' 'And from whence come you, sir?'
quoth Lindsay. 'I come from the battle,' quoth the bishop, 'but I struck never a stroke there. I go back to
Newcastle for this night, and ye shall go with me,' 'I may not choose,' quoth Lindsay, 'sith ye will have it so. I
have taken and I am taken; such is the adventures of arms.' 'Whom have ye taken?' quoth the bishop. 'Sir,'
quoth he, 'I took in the chase sir Matthew Redman.' 'And where is he?' quoth the bishop. 'By my faith, sir, he
is returned to Newcastle: he desired me to trust him on his faith for three weeks, and so have I done,' 'Well,'
quoth the bishop, 'let us go to Newcastle, and there ye shall speak with him.' Thus they rode to Newcastle
together, and sir James Lindsay was prisoner to the bishop of Durham.
Under the banner of the earl de la March and of Dunbar was taken a squire of Gascoyne, called John of
Chateauneuf, and under the banner of the earl of Moray was taken his companion John de Camiron. Thus the
field was clean avoided, or the day appeared. The Scots drew together and took guides and sent out scurrers to
see if any men were in the way from Newcastle, to the intent that they would not be troubled in their lodgings;
wherein they did wisely, for when the bishop of Durham was come again to Newcastle and in his lodging, he
was sore pensive and wist not what to say nor do; for he heard say how his cousins the Percies were slain or
taken, and all the knights that were with them. Then he sent for all the knights and squires that were in the
town; and when they were come, he demanded of them if they should leave the matter in that case, and said:
'Sirs, we shall bear great blame if we thus return without looking on our enemies,' Then they concluded by the
sun-rising every man to be armed, and on horseback and afoot to depart out of the town and to go to Otterburn
to fight with the Scots. This was warned through the town by a trumpet, and every man armed them and
assembled before the bridge, and by the sun-rising they departed by the gate towards Berwick and took the
way towards Otterburn to the number of ten thousand, what afoot and a-horseback. They were not gone past
two mile from Newcastle, when the Scots were signified that the bishop of Durham was coming to themward
to fight: this they knew by their spies, such as they had set in the fields.
After that sir Matthew Redman was returned to Newcastle and had shewed to divers how he had been taken
prisoner by sir James Lindsay, then it was shewed him how the bishop of Durham had taken the said sir James
Lindsay and how that he was there in the town as his prisoner. As soon as the bishop was departed, sir
Matthew Redman went to the bishop's lodging to see his master, and there he found him in a study, lying in a
window,[85] and said: 'What, sir James Lindsay, what make you here?' Then sir James came forth of the study
to him and gave him good morrow, and said: 'By my faith, sir Matthew, fortune hath brought me hither; for as
soon as I was departed from you, I met by chance the bishop of Durham, to whom I am prisoner, as ye be to
me. I believe ye shall not need to come to Edinboro to me to make your finance: I think rather we shall make
an exchange one for another, if the bishop be so content.' 'Well, sir,' quoth Redman, 'we shall accord right well
together, ye shall dine this day with me: the bishop and our men be gone forth to fight with your men, I cannot
tell what shall fall, we shall know at their return.' 'I am content to dine with you,' quoth Lindsay. Thus these
two knights dined together in Newcastle.
When the knights of Scotland were informed how the bishop of Durham came on them with ten thousand
men, they drew to council to see what was best for them to do, other to depart or else to abide the adventure.
All things considered, they concluded to abide, for they said they could not be in a better nor a stronger place
than they were in already; they had many prisoners and they could not carry them away, if they should have
departed; and also they had many of their men hurt and also some of their prisoners, whom they thought they
would not leave behind them. Thus they drew together and ordered so their field, that there was no entry but
one way, and they set all their prisoners together and made them to promise how that, rescue or no rescue,
they should be their prisoners. After that they made all their minstrels to blow up all at once and made the
greatest revel of the world. Lightly it is the usage of Scots, that when they be thus assembled together in arms,
the footmen beareth about their necks horns in manner like hunters, some great, some small, and of all sorts,
so that when they blow all at once, they make such a noise, that it may be heard nigh four miles off: thus they
do to abash their enemies and to rejoice themselves. When the bishop of Durham with his banner and ten
thousand men with him were approached, within a league, then the Scots blew their horns in such wise, that it
seemed that all the devils in hell had been among them, so that such as heard them and knew not of their
usage were sore abashed. This blowing and noise endured a long space and then ceased: and by that time the
Englishmen were within less than a mile. Then the Scots began to blow again and made a great noise, and as
long endured as it did before. Then the bishop approached with his battle well ranged in good order and came
within the sight of the Scots, as within two bow-shot or less: then the Scots blew again their horns a long
space. The bishop stood still to see what the Scots would do and aviewed them well and saw how they were in
a strong ground greatly to their advantage. Then the bishop took counsel what was best for him to do; but all
things well advised, they were not in purpose to enter in among the Scots to assail them, but returned without
doing of anything, for they saw well they might rather lose than win.
When the Scots saw the Englishmen recule and that they should have no battle, they went to their lodgings
and made merry, and then ordained to depart from thence. And because that sir Ralph Percy was sore hurt, he
desired of his master that he might return to Newcastle or into some place, whereas it pleased him unto such
time as he were whole of his hurts, promising, as soon as he were able to ride, to return into Scotland, other to
Edinboro or into any other place appointed. The earl of March, under whom he was taken, agreed thereto and
delivered him a horse litter and sent him away; and by like covenant divers other knights and squires were
suffered to return and took term other to return or else to pay their finance, such as they were appointed unto.
It was shewed me by the information of the Scots, such as had been at this said battle that was between
Newcastle and Otterburn in the year of our Lord God a thousand three hundred fourscore and eight, the
nineteenth day of August, how that there were taken prisoners of the English party a thousand and forty men,
one and other, and slain in the field and in the chase eighteen hundred and forty, and sore hurt more than a
thousand: and of the Scots there were a hundred slain, and taken in the chase more than two hundred; for as
the Englishmen fled, when they saw any advantage they returned again and fought: by that means the Scots
were taken and none otherwise. Every man may well consider that it was a well fought field, when there were
so many slain and taken on both parties.
HOW THE SCOTS DEPARTED AND CARRIED WITH THEM THE EARL DOUGLAS DEAD, AND
BURIED HIM IN THE ABBEY OF MELROSE; AND HOW SIR ARCHAMBAULT DOUGLAS AND HIS
COMPANY DEPARTED FROM BEFORE CARLISLE AND RETURNED INTO SCOTLAND
After this battle thus finished, every man returned,[86] and the earl Douglas' dead body chested and laid in a
chare, and with him sir Robert Hart and Simon Glendowyn, then they prepared to depart: so they departed and
led with them sir Henry Percy and more than forty knights of England, and took the way to the abbey of
Melrose. At their departing they set fire in their lodgings, and rode all the day, and yet lay that night in the
English ground: none denied them. The next day they dislodged early in the morning and so came that day to
Melrose. It is an abbey of black monks on the border between both realms. There they rested and buried the
earl James Douglas. The second day after his obsequy was done reverently, and on his body laid a tomb of
stone and his banner hanging over him. Whether there were as then any more earls of Douglas, to whom the
land returned, or not, I cannot tell; for I, sir John Froissart, author of the book, was in Scotland in the earl's
castle of Dalkeith, living earl William, at which time he had two children, a son and a daughter; but after there
were many of the Douglases, for I have seen a five brethren, all squires, bearing the name of Douglas, in the
king of Scotland's house, David; they were sons to a knight in Scotland called sir James Douglas, and they
bare in their arms gold, three oreilles gules, but as for the heritage, I know not who had it: as for sir
Archambault Douglas, of whom I have spoken before in this history in divers places, who was a valiant
knight, and greatly redoubted of the Englishmen, he was but a bastard.
When these Scots had been at Melrose abbey and done there all that they came thither for, then they departed
each from other and went into their own countries, and such as had prisoners, some led them away with them
and some were ransomed and suffered to return. Thus the Englishmen found the Scots right courteous and
gentle in their deliverance and ransom, so that they were well content. This was shewed me in the country of
Bearn in the earl of Foix's house by a knight named John of Chateauneuf, who was taken prisoner at the same
journey under the banner of the earl of March and Dunbar: and he greatly praised the said earl, for he suffered
him to pass in manner as he desired himself.
Thus these men of war of Scotland departed, and ransomed their prisoners as soon as they might right
courteously, and so returned little and little into their own countries. And it was shewed me and I believe it
well, that the Scots had by reason of that journey two hundred thousand franks for ransoming of prisoners: for
sith the battle that was before Stirling in Scotland, whereas sir Robert of Bruce, sir William Douglas, sir
Robert Versy, sir Simon Fraser and other Scots chased the Englishmen three days, they never had journey so
profitable nor so honourable for them, as this was. When tidings came to the other company of the Scots that
were beside Carlisle, how their company had distressed the Englishmen beside Otterburn, they were greatly
rejoiced, and displeased in their minds that they had not been there. Then they determined to dislodge and to
draw into their own countries, seeing their other company were withdrawn. Thus they dislodged and entered
into Scotland.
Now let us leave to speak of the Scots and of the Englishmen for this time, and let us return to the young
Charles of France, who with a great people went into Almaine, to bring the duke of Gueldres to reason.
When the French king and all his army were past the river of Meuse at the bridge of Morsay, they took the
way of Ardennes and of Luxembourg, and always the pioneers were before, beating woods and bushes and
making the ways plain. The duke of Juliers and his country greatly doubted the coming of the French king, for
they knew well they should have the first assault and bear the first burden: and the land of Juliers is a plain
country; in one day the men of war should do much damage there, and destroy and waste all, except the
castles and good towns. Thus the French king entered into the country of Luxembourg and came to an abbey,
whereas Wenceslas sometime duke of Brabant was buried. There the king tarried two days: then he departed
and took the way through Bastogne, and lodged within a league whereas the duchess of Brabant lay. She sent
word of her being there to the duke of Burgoyne, and he brought her into the field to speak with the king, who
received her right honourably, and there communed together. Then the duchess returned to Bastogne, and
thither she was conveyed with sir John of Vienne and sir Guy of Tremouille; and the next day the king went
forward, approaching to the land of his enemies, and came to the entering into Almaine, on the frontiers of the
duchy of Juliers. But or he came so far forward, Arnold bishop of Liege had been with the king and had
greatly entreated for the duke of Juliers, that the king should not be miscontent with him, though he were
father to the duke of Gueldres; for he excused him of the defiance that his son had made, affirming how it was
not by his knowledge nor consent, wherefore, he said, it were pity that the father should bear the default of the
son. This excuse was not sufficient to the king nor to his uncles: for the intent of the king and his council was,
without the duke of Juliers would come and make other manner of excuse, and to yield himself to the king's
pleasure, his country should be the first that should bear the burden. Then the bishop of Liege and the lords of
Hesbaing and the councils of the good towns offered to the king and his council wholly the bishopric of Liege
for his army to pass and repass paying for their expenses, and to rest and refresh them there as long as it
pleased them. The king thanked them, and so did his uncles, and would not refuse their offer, for he knew not
what need he should have after.
THE HOLY GRAIL FROM THE BOOK OF KING ARTHUR
By
Sir Thomas Malory
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
The earliest extant form of the story of the Holy Grail is the French metrical romance of "Perceval" or "Le
Conte du Graal" of Chrétien de Troies, written about 1175. Chrétien died leaving the poem unfinished, and it
was continued by three other authors till it reached the vast size of 63,000 lines. The religious signification of
the Grail is supposed to have been attached to it early in the thirteenth century by Robert de Boron; and,
perhaps a little later, in the French prose "Quest of the Holy Grail," Galahad takes the place of Perceval as
the hero of the story. The later history of the various versions of the legend is highly intricate, and in many
points uncertain. It was from a form of it embodied in the French prose "Lancelot" that Sir Thomas Malory
drew the chapters of his "Morte d'Arthur" which are here reprinted, and which, more than the earlier
versions, are the source from which the legend has passed into modern English poetry.
Until a few years ago Malory himself was little more than a name, our information about him being limited to
the statement in Caxton's edition of the "Morte d'Arthur" that he was the author. It now appears probable,
however, that Sir Thomas Malory was an English knight born about 1400, of an old Warwickshire family. He
served in the French wars under Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, "whom all Europe recognized as
embodying the knightly ideal of the age" and may well have owed his enthusiasm for chivalry to his
association with this distinguished nobleman. He died in 1471.
Malory's book is a compilation from French and English sources. These are chosen without much
discrimination, and put together without great skill in arrangement. But the author's whole-hearted
enthusiasm for chivalrous ideals and the noble simplicity and fine rhythm of his prose have combined to give
his work a unique place in English literature. In it the age of chivalry is summed up and closed. It is not
without reason that the date of its publication by Caxton, 1485, should be conventionally accepted as the end
of the Middle Ages in England. Romance had passed under the printing press, and a new age had begun.
THE HOLY GRAIL
BEING BOOKS XIII, XIV, XV, XVI and XVII OF THE BOOK OF KING ARTHUR AND OF HIS NOBLE
KNIGHTS OF THE ROUND TABLE
THE THIRTEENTH BOOK.
CHAPTER I
HOW AT THE VIGIL OF THE FEAST OF PENTECOST ENTERED INTO THE HALL BEFORE KING
ARTHUR A DAMOSEL, AND DESIRED SIR LAUNCELOT FOR TO COME AND DUB A KNIGHT,
AND HOW HE WENT WITH HER
At the vigil of Pentecost, when all the fellowship of the Round Table were come unto Camelot and there heard
their service, and the tables were set ready to the meat, right so entered into the hall a full fair gentlewoman on
horseback, that had ridden full fast, for her horse was all besweated. Then she there alit, and came before the
king and saluted him; and he said: Damosel, God thee bless. Sir, said she, for God's sake say me where Sir
Launcelot is. Yonder ye may see him, said the king. Then she went unto Launcelot and said: Sir Launcelot, I
salute you on King Pelles' behalf, and I require you come on with me hereby into a forest. Then Sir Launcelot
asked her with whom she dwelled. I dwell, said she, with King Pelles. What will ye with me? said Launcelot.
Ye shall know, said she, when ye come thither. Well, said he, I will gladly go with you. So Sir Launcelot bad
his squire saddle his horse and bring his arms; and in all haste he did his commandment. Then came the queen
unto Launcelot, and said: Will ye leave us at this high feast? Madam, said the gentlewoman, wit ye well he
shall be with you tomorn by dinner time. If I wist, said the queen, that he should not be with us here tomorn
he should not go with you by my good will. Right so departed Sir Launcelot with the gentlewoman, and rode
until that he came into a forest and into a great valley, where they saw an abbey of nuns; and there was a
squire ready and opened the gates, and so they entered and descended off their horses; and there came a fair
fellowship about Sir Launcelot, and welcomed him, and were passing glad of his coming. And then they led
him unto the Abbess's chamber and unarmed him; and right so he was ware upon a bed lying two of his
cousins, Sir Bors and Sir Lionel, and then he waked them; and when they saw him they made great joy. Sir,
said Sir Bors unto Sir Launcelot, what adventure hath brought you hither, for we weened tomorn to have
found you at Camelot? As God me help, said Sir Launcelot, a gentlewoman brought me hither, but I know not
the cause. In the meanwhile that they thus stood talking together, therein came twelve nuns that brought with
them Galahad, the which was passing fair and well made, that unnethe in the world men might not find his
match: and all those ladies wept. Sir, said they all, we bring you here this child the which we have nourished,
and we pray you to make him a knight, for of a more worthier man's hand may he not receive the order of
knighthood. Sir Launcelot beheld the young squire and saw him seemly and demure as a dove, with all
manner of good features, that he weened of his age never to have seen so fair a man of form. Then said Sir
Launcelot: Cometh this desire of himself? He and all they said yea. Then shall he, said Sir Launcelot, receive
the high order of knighthood as tomorn at the reverence of the high feast. That night Sir Launcelot had passing
good cheer; and on the morn at the hour of prime, at Galahad's desire, he made him knight and said: God
make him a good man, for of beauty faileth you not as any that liveth.
CHAPTER II
HOW THE LETTERS WERE FOUND WRITTEN IN THE SIEGE PERILOUS, AND OF THE
MARVELLOUS ADVENTURE OF THE SWORD IN A STONE
Now fair sir, said Sir Launcelot, will ye come with me unto the court of King Arthur? Nay, said he, I will not
go with you as at this time. Then he departed from them and took his two cousins with him, and so they came
unto Camelot by the hour of underne on Whitsunday. By that time the king and the queen were gone to the
minster to hear their service. Then the king and the queen were passing glad of Sir Bors and Sir Lionel, and so
was all the fellowship. So when the king and all the knights were come from service, the barons espied in the
sieges of the Round Table all about, written with golden letters: Here ought to sit he, and he ought to sit here.
And thus they went so long till that they came to the Siege Perilous, where they found letters newly written of
gold which said: Four hundred winters and four and fifty accomplished after the passion of our Lord Jesu
Christ ought this siege to be fulfilled. Then all they said: This is a marvellous thing and an adventurous. In the
name of God, said Sir Launcelot; and then accounted the term of the writing from the birth of our Lord unto
that day. It seemeth me, said Sir Launcelot, this siege ought to be fulfilled this same day, for this is the feast of
Pentecost after the four hundred and four and fifty year; and if it would please all parties, I would none of
these letters were seen this day, till he be come that ought to achieve this adventure. Then made they to ordain
a cloth of silk, for to cover these letters in the Siege Perilous. Then the king bad haste unto dinner. Sir, said Sir
Kay the Steward, if ye go now to your meat ye shall break your old custom of your court, for ye have not used
on this day to sit at your meat or that ye have seen some adventure. Ye say sooth, said the king, but I had so
great joy of Sir Launcelot and of his cousins, which he come to the court whole and sound, so that I bethought
me not of mine old custom. So, as they stood speaking, in came a squire and said unto the king: Sir, I bring
unto you marvellous tidings. What be they? said the king. Sir, there is here beneath at the river a great stone
which I saw fleet above the water, and therein I saw sticking a sword. The king said: I will see that marvel. So
all the knights went with him, and when they came to the river they found there a stone fleeting, as it were of
red marble, and therein stuck a fair rich sword, and in the pommel thereof were precious stones wrought with
subtil letters of gold. Then the barons read the letters which said in this wise: Never shall man take me hence,
but only he by whose side I ought to hang, and he shall be the best knight of the world. When the king had
seen the letters, he said unto Sir Launcelot: Fair sir, this sword ought to be yours, for I am sure ye be the best
knight of the world. Then Sir Launcelot answered full soberly: Certes, sir, it is not my sword; also, Sir, wit ye
well I have no hardiness to set my hand to it, for it longed not to hang by my side. Also, who that assayeth to
take the sword and faileth of it, he shall receive a wound by that sword that he shall not be whole long after.
And I will that ye wit that this same day shall the adventures of the Sangreal, that is called the Holy Vessel,
begin.
CHAPTER III
HOW SIR GAWAINE ESSAYED TO DRAW OUT THE SWORD, AND HOW AN OLD MAN BROUGHT
IN GALAHAD
Now, fair nephew, said the king unto Sir Gawaine, essay ye, for my love Sir, he said, save your good grace I
shall not do that. Sir, said the king, essay to take the sword and at my commandment. Sir, said Gawaine, your
commandment I will obey. And therewith he took up the sword by the handles, but he might not stir it. I thank
you, said the king to Sir Gawaine. My lord Sir Gawaine, said Sir Launcelot, now wit ye well this sword shall
touch you so sore that ye shall will ye had never set your hand thereto for the best castle of this realm. Sir, he
said, I might not withsay mine uncle's will and commandment. But when the king heard this he repented it
much, and said unto Sir Percivale that he should essay, for his love. And he said: Gladly, for to bear Sir
Gawaine fellowship. And therewith he set his hand on the sword and drew it strongly, but he might not move
it. Then were there more that durst be so hardy, to set their hands thereto. Now may ye go to your dinner, said
Sir Kay unto the King, for a marvellous adventure have ye seen. So the king and all went unto the court, and
every knight knew his own place, and set him therein, and young men that were knights served them. So when
they were served, and all sieges fulfilled save only the Siege Perilous, anon there befell a marvellous
adventure, that all the doors and windows of the palace shut by themself. Not for then the hall was not greatly
darked; and therewith they abashed both one and other. Then King Arthur spake first and said: By God, fair
fellows and lords, we have seen this day marvels, but or night I suppose we shall see greater marvels. In the
meanwhile came in a good old man, and an ancient, clothed all in white, and there was no knight knew from
whence he came. And with him he brought a young knight, both on foot, in red arms, without sword or shield,
save a scabbard hanging by his side. And these words he said: Peace be with you, fair lords. Then the old man
said unto Arthur: Sir, I bring here a young knight, the which is of king's lineage, and of the kindred of Joseph
of Aramathie, whereby the marvels of this court, and of strange realms, shall be fully accomplished.
CHAPTER IV
HOW THE OLD MAN BROUGHT GALAHAD TO THE SIEGE PERILOUS AND SET HIM THEREIN,
AND HOW ALL THE KNIGHTS MARVELLED
The king was right glad of his words, and said unto the good man: Sir, ye be right welcome, and the young
knight with you. Then the old man made the young man to unarm him, and he was in a coat of red sendel, and
bare a mantle upon his shoulder that was furred with ermine, and put that upon him. And the old knight said
unto the young knight: Sir, follow me. And anon he led him unto the Siege Perilous, where beside sat Sir
Launcelot; and the good man lift up the cloth, and found there letters that said thus: This is the siege of
Galahad, the haut prince. Sir, said the old knight, wit ye well that place is yours. And then he set him down
surely in that siege. And then he said to the old man: Sir, ye may now go your way, for well have ye done that
ye were commanded to do; and recommend me unto my grandsire, King Pelles, and unto my lord Petchere,
and say them on my behalf, I shall come and see them as soon as ever I may. So the good man departed; and
there met him twenty noble squires, and so took their horses and went their way. Then all the knights of the
Table Round marvelled greatly of Sir Galahad, that he durst sit there in that Siege Perilous, and was so tender
of age; and wist not from whence he came but all only by God; and said: This is he by whom the Sangreal
shall be achieved, for there sat never none but he, but he were mischieved. Then Sir Launcelot beheld his son
and had great joy of him. Then Bors told his fellows: Upon pain of my life this young knight shall come unto
great worship. This noise was great in all the court, so that it came to the queen. Then she had marvel what
knight it might be that durst adventure him to sit in the Siege Perilous. Many said unto the queen he resembled
much unto Sir Launcelot. I may well suppose, said the queen, that Sir Launcelot begat him on King Pelles'
daughter, by the which he was made to lie by, by enchantment, and his name is Galahad. I would fain see him,
said the queen, for he must needs be a noble man, for so is his father that him begat, I report me unto all the
Table Round. So when the meat was done that the king and all were risen, the king yede unto the Siege
Perilous and lift up the cloth, and found there the name of Galahad; and then he shewed it unto Sir Gawaine,
and said: Fair nephew, now have we among us Sir Galahad, the good knight that shall worship us all; and
upon pain of my life he shall achieve the Sangreal, right as Sir Launcelot had done us to understand. Then
came King Arthur unto Galahad and said: Sir, ye be welcome, for ye shall move many good knights to the
quest of the Sangreal, and ye shall achieve that never knights might bring to an end. Then the king took him
by the hand, and went down from the palace to shew Galahad the adventures of the stone.
CHAPTER V
HOW KING ARTHUR SHEWED THE STONE HOVING ON THE WATER TO GALAHAD, AND HOW
HE DREW OUT THE SWORD
The queen heard thereof, and came after with many ladies, and shewed them the stone where it hoved on the
water. Sir, said the king unto Sir Galahad, here is a great marvel as ever I saw, and right good knights have
essayed and failed. Sir, said Galahad, that is no marvel, for this adventure is not theirs but mine; and for the
surety of this sword I brought none with me, for here by my side hangeth the scabbard. And anon he laid his
hand on the sword, and lightly drew it out of the stone, and put it in the sheath, and said unto, the king: Now it
goeth better than it did aforehand. Sir, said the King, a shield God shall send you. Now have I that sword that
sometime was the good knight's, Balin le Savage, and he was a passing good man of his hands; and with this
sword he slew his brother Balan, and that was great pity, for he was a good knight, and either slew other
through a dolorous strode that Balin gave unto my grandfather King Pelles, the which is not yet whole, nor not
shall be till I heal him. Therewith the king and all espied where came riding down the river a lady on a white
palfrey toward them. Then she saluted the king and the queen, and asked if that Sir Launcelot was there. And
then he answered himself: I am here, fair lady. Then she said all with weeping: How your great doing is
changed sith this day in the morn. Damosel, why say you so? said Launcelot. I say you sooth, said the
damosel, for ye were this day the best knight of the world, but who should say so now, he should be a liar, for
there is now one better than ye, and well it is proved by the adventures of the sword whereto ye durst not set
to your hand; and that is the change and leaving of your name. Wherefore I make unto you a remembrance,
that ye shall not ween from henceforth that ye be the best knight of the world. As touching unto that, said
Launcelot, I know well I was never the best. Yes, said the damosel, that were ye, and are yet, of any sinful
man of the world. And, Sir king, Nacien, the hermit, sendeth thee word, that thee shall befall the greatest
worship that ever befell king in Britain; and I say you wherefore, for this day the Sangreal appeared in thy
house and fed thee and all thy fellowship of the Round Table. So she departed and went that same way that
she came.
CHAPTER VI
HOW KING ARTHUR HAD ALL THE KNIGHTS TOGETHER FOR TO JOUST IN THE MEADOW
BESIDE CAMELOT OR THEY DEPARTED
Now, said the king, I am sure at this quest of the Sangreal shall all ye of the Table Round depart, and never
shall I see you again whole together; therefore I will see you all whole together in the meadow of Camelot to
joust and to tourney, that after your death men may speak of it that such good knights were wholly together
such a day. As unto that counsel and at the king's request they accorded all, and took on their harness that
longed unto jousting. But all this moving of the king was for this intent, for to see Galahad proved; for the
king deemed he should not lightly come again unto the court after his departing. So were they assembled in
the meadow both more and less. Then Sir Galahad, by the prayer of the king and the queen, did upon him a
noble jesseraunce, and also he did on his helm, but shield would he take none for no prayer of the king. And
then Sir Gawaine and other knights prayed him to take a spear. Right so he did; and the queen was in a tower
with all her ladies, for to behold that tournament. Then Sir Galahad dressed him in middes of the meadow, and
began to break spears marvellously, that all men had wonder of him; for he there surmounted all other knights,
for within a while he had defouled many good knights of the Table Round save twain, that was Sir Launcelot
and Sir Percivale.
CHAPTER VII
HOW THE QUEEN DESIRED TO SEE GALAHAD; AND HOW AFTER, ALL THE KNIGHTS WERE
REPLENISHED WITH THE HOLY SANGREAL, AND HOW THEY AVOWED THE ENQUEST OF THE
SAME
The the king, at the queen's request, made him to alight and to unlace his helm, that the queen might see him
in the visage. When she beheld him she said: Soothly I dare well say that Sir Launcelot begat him, for never
two men resembled more in likeness, therefore it is no marvel though he be of great prowess. So a lady that
stood by the queen said: Madam, for God's sake ought he of right to be so good a knight? Yea, forsooth, said
the queen, for he is of all parties come of the best knights of the world and of the highest lineage; for Sir
Launcelot is come but of the eighth degree from our Lord Jesu Christ, and Sir Galahad is of the ninth degree
from our Lord Jesu Christ, therefore I dare say they be the greatest gentlemen of the world. And then the king
and all estates went home unto Camelot, and so went to evensong to the great minster, and so after upon that
to supper, and every knight sat in his own place as they were toforehand. Then anon they heard cracking and
crying of thunder, that them thought the place should all to drive. In the midst of this blast entered a sunbeam
more clearer by seven times than ever they saw day, and all they were alighted of the grace of the Holy Ghost.
Then began every knight to behold other, and either saw other, by their seeming, fairer than ever they saw
afore. Not for then there was no knight might speak one word a great while, and so they looked every man on
other as they had been dumb. Then there entered into the hall the Holy Greal covered with white samite, but
there was none might see it, nor who bare it. And there was all the hall fulfilled with good odours, and every
knight had such meats and drinks as he best loved in this world. And when the Holy Greal had been borne
through the hall, then the Holy Vessel departed suddenly, that they wist not where it became: then had they all
breath to speak. And then the king yielded thankings to God, of His good grace that he had sent them. Certes,
said the king, we ought to thank our Lord Jesu greatly for that he hath shewed us this day, at the reverence of
this high feast of Pentecost. Now, said Sir Gawaine, we have been served this day of what meats and drinks
we thought on; but one thing beguiled us, we might not see the holy Grail, it was so preciously covered.
Wherefore I will make here avow, that tomorn, without longer abiding, I shall labour in the quest of the
Sangreal, that I shall hold me out a twelvemonth and a day, or more if need be, and never shall I return again
unto the court till I have seen it more openly than it hath been seen here; and if I may not speed I shall return
again as he that may not be against the will of our Lord Jesu Christ. When they of the Table Round heard Sir
Gawaine say so, they arose up the most part and made such avows as Sir Gawaine had made. Anon as King
Arthur heard this he was greatly displeased, for he wist well they might not again say their avows. Alas, said
King Arthur unto Sir Gawaine, ye have nigh slain me with the avow and promise that ye have made; for
through you ye have bereft me the fairest fellowship and the truest of knighthood that ever were seen together
in any realm of the world; for when they depart from hence I am sure they all shall never meet more in this
world, for they shall die many in the quest. And so it forthinketh me a little, for I have loved them as well as
my life, wherefore it shall grieve me right sore, the departition of this fellowship: for I have had an old custom
to have them in my fellowship.
CHAPTER VIII
HOW GREAT SORROW WAS MADE OF THE KING AND THE QUEEN AND LADIES FOR THE
DEPARTING OF THE KNIGHTS, AND HOW THEY DEPARTED
And therewith the tears filled in his eyes. And then he said: Gawaine, Gawaine, ye have set me in great
sorrow, for I have great doubt that my true fellowship shall never meet here more again. Ah, said Sir
Launcelot, comfort yourself; for it shall be unto us a great honour and much more than if we died in any other
places, for of death we be siccar. Ah, Launcelot, said the king, the great love that I have had unto you all the
days of my life maketh me to say such doleful words; for never Christian king had never so many worthy men
at his table as I have had this day at the Round Table, and that is my great sorrow. When the queen, ladies,
and gentlewomen, wist these tidings, they had such sorrow and heaviness that there might no tongue tell it, for
those knights had held them in honour and charity. But among all other Queen Guenever made great sorrow. I
marvel, said she, my lord would suffer them to depart from him. Thus was all the court troubled for the love
of the departition of those knights. And many of those ladies that loved knights would have gone with their
lovers; and so had they done, had not an old knight come among them in religious clothing; and then he spake
all on high and said: Fair lords, which have sworn in the quest of the Sangreal, thus sendeth you Nacien, the
hermit, word, that none in this quest lead lady nor gentlewoman with him, for it is not to do in so high a
service as they labour in; for I warn you plain, he that is not clean of his sins he shall not see the mysteries of
our Lord Jesu Christ. And for this cause they left these ladies and gentlewomen. After this the queen came
unto Galahad and asked him of whence he was, and of what country. He told her of whence he was. And son
unto Launcelot, she said he was. As to that, he said neither yea or nay. So God me help, said the queen, of
your father ye need not to shame you, for he is the goodliest knight, and of the best men of the world come,
and of the strain of all parties, of kings. Wherefore ye ought of right to be, of your deeds, a passing good man;
and certainly, she said, ye resemble him much. Then Sir Galahad was a little ashamed and said: Madam, sith
ye know in certain, wherefore do ye ask it me? for he that is my father shall be known openly and all betimes.
And then they went to rest them. And in the honour of the highness of Galahad he was led into King Arthur's
chamber, and there rested in his own bed. And as soon as it was day the king arose, for he had no rest of all
that night for sorrow. Then he went unto Gawaine and to Sir Launcelot that were arisen for to hear mass. And
then the king again said: Ah Gawaine, Gawaine, ye have betrayed me; for never shall my court be amended
by you, but ye will never be sorry for me as I am for you. And therewith the tears began to run down by his
visage. And therewith the king said: Ah, knight Sir Launcelot, I require thee thou counsel me, for I would that
this quest were undone an it might be. Sir, said Sir Launcelot, ye saw yesterday so many worthy knights that
then were sworn that they may not leave it in no manner of wise. That wot I well, said the king, but it shall so
heavy me at their departing that I wot well there shall no manner of joy remedy me. And then the king and the
queen went unto the minster. So anon Launcelot and Gawaine commanded their men to bring their arms. And
when they all were armed save their shields and their helms, then they came to their fellowship, which were
all ready in the same wise, for to go to the minster to hear their service. Then after the service was done the
king would wit how many had undertaken the quest of the Holy Grail; and to account them he prayed them
all. Then found they by tale an hundred and fifty, and all were knights of the Round Table. And then they put
on their helms and departed, and recommended them all wholly unto the queen: and there was weeping and
great sorrow. Then the queen departed into her chamber so that no man should apperceive her great sorrows.
When Sir Launcelot missed the queen he went into her chamber, and when she saw him she cried aloud: O Sir
Launcelot, ye have betrayed me and put me to death, for to leave thus my lord. Ah, madam, said Sir
Launcelot, I pray you be not displeased, for I shall come as soon as I may with my worship. Alas, said she,
that ever I saw you; but he that suffered death upon the cross for all mankind be to you good conduct and
safety, and all the whole fellowship. Right so departed Sir Launcelot, and found his fellowship that abode his
coming. And so they mounted upon their horses and rode through the streets of Camelot; and there was
weeping of the rich and poor, and the king turned away and might not speak for weeping. So within a while
they came to a city, and a castle that hight Vagon. There they entered into the castle, and the lord of that castle
was an old man that hight Vagon, and he was a good man of his living, and set open the gates, and made them
all the good cheer that he might. And so on the morrow they were all accorded that they should depart every
each from other; and then they departed on the morrow with weeping and mourning cheer, and every knight
took the way that him best liked.
CHAPTER IX
HOW GALAHAD GAT HIM A SHIELD, AND HOW THEY SPED THAT PRESUMED TO TAKE DOWN
THE SAID SHIELD
Now rideth Sir Galahad yet without shield, and so he rode four days without any adventure. And at the fourth
day after evensong he came to a White Abbey, and there he was received with great reverence, and led to a
chamber, and there he was unarmed; and then was he ware of two knights of the Round Table, one was King
Bagdemagus, and that other was Sir Uwaine. And when they saw him they went unto him and made of him
great solace, and so they went to supper. Sirs, said Sir Galahad, what adventure brought you hither? Sir, said
they, it is told us that within this place is a shield that no man may bear about his neck but if that he be
mischieved or dead within three days, or else maimed for ever. Ah sir, said King Bagdemagus, I shall it bear
to-morrow for to essay this strange adventure. In the name of God, said Sir Galahad. Sir, said Bagdemagus, an
I may not achieve the adventure of this shield ye shall take it upon you, for I am sure ye shall not fail. Sir, said
Galahad, I agree right well thereto, for I have no shield. So on the morn they arose and heard mass. Then King
Bagdemagus asked where the adventurous shield was. Anon a monk led him behind an altar where the shield
hung as white as any snow, but in the middes was a red cross. Sir, said the monk, this shield ought not to be
hanged about no knight's neck but he be the worthiest knight of the world, and therefore I counsel you knights
to be well advised. Well, said King Bagdemagus, I wot well that I am not the best knight of the world, but yet
shall I essay to bear it. And so he bare it out of the monastery; and then he said unto Sir Galahad: If it will
please you I pray you abide here still, till ye know how I shall speed. I shall abide you here, said Galahad.
Then King Bagdemagus took with him a squire, the which should bring tidings unto Sir Galahad how he sped.
Then when they had ridden a two mile and came in a fair valley afore an hermitage, then they saw a goodly
knight come from that part in white armour, horse and all; and he came as fast as his horse might run, with his
spear in the rest, and King Bagdemagus dressed his spear against him and brake it upon the white knight. But
the other struck him so hard that he brake the mails, and thrust him through the right shoulder, for the shield
covered him not as at that time; and so he bare him from his horse. And therewith he alighted and took the
white shield from him, saying: Knight, thou hast done thyself great folly, for this shield ought not to be borne
but by him that shall have no peer that liveth. And then he came to King Bagdemagus' squire and said: Bear
this shield unto the good knight Sir Galahad, that thou left in the abbey, and greet him well from me. Sir, said
the squire, what is your name? Take thou no heed of my name, said the knight, for it is not for thee to know
nor for none earthly man. Now, fair sir, said the squire, at the reverence of Jesu Christ, tell me for what cause
this shield may not be borne but if the bearer thereof be mischieved. Now sith thou hast conjured me so, said
the knight, this shield behoveth unto no man but unto Galahad. And the squire went unto Bagdemagus and
asked whether he were sore wounded or not. Yea, forsooth, said he, I shall escape hard from the death. Then
he fetched his horse, and brought him with great pain unto an abbey. Then was he taken down softly and
unarmed, and laid in a bed, and there was looked to his wounds. And as the book telleth, he lay there long,
and escaped hard with the life.
CHAPTER X
HOW GALAHAD DEPARTED WITH THE SHIELD, AND HOW KING EVELAKE HAD RECEIVED
THE SHIELD OF JOSEPH OF ARAMATHIE
Sir Galahad, said the squire, that knight that wounded Bagdemagus sendeth you greeting, and bad that ye
should bear this shield, wherethrough great adventures should befall. Now blessed be God and fortune, said
Galahad. And then he asked his arms, and mounted upon his horse, and hung the white shield about his neck,
and commended them unto God. And Sir Uwaine said he would bear him fellowship if it pleased him. Sir,
said Galahad, that may ye not, for I must go alone, save this squire shall bear me fellowship: and so departed
Uwaine. Then within a while came Galahad there as the white knight abode him by the hermitage, and every
each saluted other courteously. Sir, said Galahad, by this shield be many marvels fallen? Sir, said the knight, it
befell after the passion of our Lord Jesu Christ thirty-two year, that Joseph of Aramathie, the gentle knight,
the which took down our Lord off the holy Cross, at that time he departed from Jerusalem with a great party
of his kindred with him. And so he laboured till that they came to a city that hight Sarras. And at that same
hour that Joseph came to Sarras there was a king that hight Evelake, that had great war against the Saracens,
and in especial against one Saracen, the which was King Evelake's cousin, a rich king and a mighty, which
marched nigh this land, and his name was called Tolleme la Feintes. So on a day these two met to do battle.
Then Joseph, the son of Joseph of Aramathie, went to King Evelake and told him he should be discomfit and
slain, but if he left his belief of the old law and believed upon the new law. And then there he shewed him the
right belief of the Holy Trinity, to the which he agreed unto with all his heart; and there this shield was made
for King Evelake, in the name of Him that died upon the Cross. And then through his good belief he had the
better of King Tolleme. For when Evelake was in the battle there was a cloth set afore the shield, and when he
was in the greatest peril he let put away the cloth, and then his enemies saw a figure of a man on the Cross,
wherethrough they all were discomfit. And so it befell that a man of King Evelake's was smitten his hand off,
and bare that hand in his other hand; and Joseph called that man unto him and bade him go with good
devotion touch the Cross. And as soon as that man had touched the Cross with his hand it was as whole as
ever it was tofore. Then soon after there fell a great marvel, that the cross of the shield at one time vanished
away that no man wist where it became. And then King Evelake was baptised, and for the most part all the
people of that city. So, soon after Joseph would depart, and King Evelake would go with him whether he
would or nold. And so by fortune they came into this land, that at that time was called Great Britain; and there
they found a great felon paynim, that put Joseph into prison. And so by fortune tidings came unto a worthy
man that hight Mondrames, and he assembled all his people for the great renown he had heard of Joseph; and
so he came into the land of Great Britain and disinherited this felon paynim and consumed him; and therewith
delivered Joseph out of prison. And after that all the people were turned to the Christian faith.
CHAPTER XI
HOW JOSEPH MADE A CROSS ON THE WHITE SHIELD WITH HIS BLOOD, AND HOW GALAHAD
WAS BY A MONK BROUGHT TO A TOMB
Not long after that Joseph was laid in his deadly bed. And when King Evelake saw that he made much sorrow,
and said: For thy love I have left my country, and sith ye shall depart out of this world, leave me some token
of yours that I may think on you. Joseph said: That will I do full gladly; now bring me your shield that I took
you when ye went into battle against King Tolleme. Then Joseph bled sore at the nose, so that he might not by
no mean be staunched. And there upon that shield he made a cross of his own blood. Now may ye see a
remembrance that I love you, for ye shall never see this shield but ye shall think on me, and it shall be always
as fresh as it is now. And never shall man bear this shield about his neck but he shall repent it, unto the time
that Galahad, the good knight, bare it; and the last of my lineage shall have it about his neck, that shall do
many marvellous deeds. Now, said King Evelake, where shall I put this shield, that this worthy knight may
have it? Ye shall leave it there as Nacien, the hermit, shall be put after his death; for thither shall that good
knight come the fifteenth day after that he shall receive the order of knighthood: and so that day that they set
is this time that he have his shield, and in the same abbey lieth Nacien, the hermit. And then the white knight
vanished away. Anon as the squire had heard these words, he alit off his hackney and kneeled down at
Galahad's feet, and prayed him that he might go with him till he had made him knight. If I would not refuse
you? Then will ye make me a knight? said the squire, and that order, by the grace of God, shall be well set in
me. So Sir Galahad granted him, and turned again unto the abbey where they came from; and there men made
great joy of Sir Galahad. And anon as he was alit there was a monk brought him unto a tomb in a churchyard,
where there was such a noise that who that heard it should verily nigh be mad or lose his strength: and Sir,
they said, we deem it is a fiend.
CHAPTER XII
OF THE MARVEL THAT SIR GALAHAD SAW AND HEARD IN THE TOMB; AND HOW HE MADE
MELIAS KNIGHT
Now lead me thither, said Galahad. And so they did, all armed save his helm. Now, said the good man, go to
the tomb and lift it up. So he did, and heard a great noise; and piteously it said, that all men might hear it: Sir
Galahad, the servant of Jesu Christ, come thou not nigh me, for thou shalt make me go again there where I
have been so long. But Galahad was nothing afraid, but lifted up the stone; and there came out so foul a
smoke, and after he saw the foulest figure leap thereout that ever he saw in the likeness of a man; and then he
blessed him and wist well it was a fiend. Then heard he a voice say: Galahad, I see there environ about thee so
many angels that my power may not dare thee. Right so Sir Galahad saw a body all armed lie in that tomb,
and beside him a sword. Now, fair brother, said Galahad, let us remove this body, for it is not worthy to lie in
this churchyard, for he was a false Christian man. And therewith they all departed and went to the abbey. And
anon as he was unarmed a good man came and set him down by him and said: Sir, I shall tell you what
betokeneth all that ye saw in the tomb; for that covered body betokeneth the duresse of the world, and the
great sin that our Lord found in the world. For there was such wretchedness that the father loved not the son,
nor the son loved not the father; and that was one of the causes that our Lord took flesh and blood of a clene
maiden, for our sins were so great at that time that wellnigh all was wickedness. Truly, said Galahad, I believe
you right well. So Sir Galahad rested him there that night; and upon the morn he made the squire knight, and
asked him his name, and of what kindred he was come. Sir, said he, men calleth me Melias de Lile, and I am
the son of the king of Denmark. Now, fair sir, said Galahad, sith that ye be come of kings and queens, now
look that knighthood be well set in you, for ye ought to be a mirror unto all chivalry. Sir, said Sir Melias, ye
say sooth. But, sir, sithen ye have made me a knight ye must of right grant me my first desire that is
reasonable. Ye say sooth, said Galahad. Melias said: Then that ye will suffer me to ride with you in this quest
of the Sangreal, till that some adventure depart us. I grant you, sir. Then men brought Sir Melias his armour
and his spear and his horse, and so Sir Galahad and he rode forth all that week or they found any adventure.
And then upon a Monday in the morning, as they were departed from an abbey, they came to a cross which
departed two ways, and in that cross were letters written that said thus: Now, ye knights errant, the which
goeth to seek knights adventurous, see here two ways; that one way defendeth thee that thou ne go that way,
for he shall not go out of the way again but if he be a good man and a worthy knight; and if thou go on the left
hand, thou shalt not lightly there win prowess, for thou shalt in this way be soon essayed. Sir, said Melias to
Galahad, if it like you to suffer me to take the way on the left hand, tell me, for there I shall well prove my
strength. It were better, said Galahad, ye rode not that way, for I deem I should better escape in that way than
ye. Nay, my lord, I pray you let me have that adventure. Take it in God's name, said Galahad.
CHAPTER XIII
OF THE ADVENTURE THAT MELIAS HAD, AND HOW GALAHAD REVENGED HIM, AND HOW
MELIAS WAS CARRIED INTO AN ABBEY
And then rode Melias into an old forest, and therein he rode two days and more. And then he came into a fair
meadow, and there was a fair lodge of boughs. And then he espied in that lodge a chair, wherein was a crown
of gold, subtily wrought. Also there were cloths covered upon the earth, and many delicious meats set thereon.
Sir Melias beheld this adventure, and thought it marvellous, but he had no hunger, but of the crown of gold he
took much keep; and therewith he stooped down and took it up, and rode his way with it. And anon he saw a
knight came riding after him that said: Knight, set down that crown which is not yours, and therefore defend
you. Then Sir Melias blessed him and said: Fair lord of heaven, help and save thy new-made knight. And then
they let their horses run as fast as they might, so that the other knight smote Sir Melias through hauberk and
through the left side, that he fell to the earth nigh dead. And then he took the crown and went his way; and Sir
Melias lay still and had no power to stir. In the meanwhile by fortune there came Sir Galahad and found him
there in peril of death. And then he said: Ah, Melias, who hath wounded you? therefore it had been better to
have ridden the other way. And when Sir Melias heard him speak: Sir, he said, for God's love let me not die in
this forest, but bear me unto the abbey here beside, that I may be confessed and have my rights. It shall be
done, said Galahad, but where is he that hath wounded you? With that Sir Galahad heard in the leaves cry on
high: Knight, keep thee from me. Ah sir, said Melias, beware, for that is he that hath slain me. Sir Galahad
answered: Sir knight, come on your peril. Then either dressed to other, and came together as fast as their
horses might run, and Galahad smote him so that his spear went through his shoulder, and smote him down
off his horse, and in the falling Galahad's spear brake. With that came out another knight out of the leaves, and
brake a spear upon Galahad or ever he might turn him. Then Galahad drew out his sword and smote off the
left arm of him, so that it fell to the earth. And then he fled, and Sir Galahad pursued fast after him. And then
he turned again unto Sir Melias, and there he alit and dressed him softly on his horse tofore him, for the
truncheon of his spear was in his body; and Sir Galahad start up behind him, and held him in his arms, and so
brought him to the abbey, and there unarmed him and brought him to his chamber. And then he asked his
Saviour. And when he had received Him he said unto Sir Galahad: Sir, let death come when it pleaseth him.
And therewith he drew out the truncheon of the spear out of his body: and then he swooned. Then came there
an old monk which sometime had been a knight, and beheld Sir Melias. And anon he ransacked him; and then
he said unto Sir Galahad: I shall heal him of his wound, by the grace of God, within the term of seven weeks.
Then was Sir Galahad glad, and unarmed him, and said he would abide there three days. And then he asked
Sir Melias how it stood with him. Then he said he was turned unto helping, God be thanked.
CHAPTER XIV
HOW SIR GALAHAD DEPARTED, AND HOW HE WAS COMMANDED TO GO TO THE CASTLE OF
MAIDENS TO DESTROY THE WICKED CUSTOM
Now will I depart, said Galahad, for I have much on hand, for many good knights be full busy about it, and
this knight and I were in the same quest of the Sangreal. Sir, said the good man, for his sin he was thus
wounded; and I marvel, said the good man, how ye durst take upon you so rich a thing as the high order of
knighthood without clene confession, and that was the cause ye were bitterly wounded. For the way on the
right hand betokeneth the highway of our Lord Jesu Christ, and the way of a good true good liver. And the
other way betokeneth the way of sinners and of misbelievers. And when the devil saw your pride and
presumption, for to take you in the quest of the Sangreal, that made you to be overthrown, for it may not be
achieved but by virtuous living. Also, the writing on the cross was a signification of heavenly deeds, and of
knightly deeds in God's works, and no knightly deeds in worldly works. And pride is head of all deadly sins,
that caused this knight to depart from Galahad. And where thou tookest the crown of gold thou sinnest in
covetise and in theft: all this were no knightly deeds. And this Galahad, the holy knight, the which fought with
the two knights, the two knights signify the two deadly sins which were wholly in this knight Melias; and they
might not withstand you, for ye are without deadly sin. Now departed Galahad from thence, and betaught
them all unto God. Sir Melias said: My lord Galahad, as soon as I may ride I shall seek you. God send you
health, said Galahad, and so took his horse and departed, and rode many journeys forward and backward, as
adventure would lead him. And at the last it happened him to depart from a place or a castle the which was
named Abblasoure; and he had heard no mass, the which he was wont ever to hear or ever he departed out of
any castle or place, and kept that for a custom. Then Sir Galahad came unto a mountain where he found an old
chapel, and found there nobody, for all, all was desolate; and there he kneeled tofore the altar, and besought
God of wholesome counsel. So as he prayed he heard a voice that said: Go thou now, thou adventurous
knight, to the Castle of Maidens, and there do thou away the wicked customs.
CHAPTER XV
HOW SIR GALAHAD FOUGHT WITH THE KNIGHTS OF THE CASTLE, AND DESTROYED THE
WICKED CUSTOM
When Sir Galahad heard this he thanked God, and took his horse; and he had not ridden but half a mile, he
saw in a valley afore him a strong castle with deep ditches, and there ran beside it a fair river that hight
Severn; and there he met with a man of great age, and either saluted other, and Galahad asked him the castle's
name. Fair sir, said he, it is the Castle of Maidens. That is a cursed castle, said Galahad, and all they that be
conversant therein, for all pity is out thereof, and all hardiness and mischief is therein. Therefore, I counsel
you, sir knight, to turn again. Sir, said Galahad, wit you well I shall not turn again. Then looked Sir Galahad
on his arms that nothing failed him, and then he put his shield afore him; and anon there met him seven fair
maidens, the which said unto him: Sir knight, ye ride here in a great folly, for ye have the water to pass over.
Why should I not pass the water? said Galahad. So rode he away from them and met with a squire that said:
Knight, those knights in the castle defy you, and defenden you ye go no further till that they wit what ye
would. Fair sir, said Galahad, I come for to destroy the wicked custom of this castle. Sir, an ye will abide by
that ye shall have enough to do. Go you now, said Galahad, and haste my needs. Then the squire entered into
the castle. And anon after there came out of the castle seven knights, and all were brethren. And when they
saw Galahad they cried: Knight, keep thee, for we assure thee nothing but death. Why, said Galahad; will ye
all have ado with me at once? Yea, said they, thereto mayest thou trust. Then Galahad put forth his spear and
smote the foremost to the earth, that near he brake his neck. And therewithal the other smote him on his shield
great strokes, so that their spears brake. Then Sir Galahad drew out his sword, and set upon them so hard that
it was marvel to see it, and so through great force he made them to forsake the field; and Galahad chased them
till they entered into the castle, and so passed through the castle at another gate. And there met Sir Galahad an
old man clothed in religious clothing, and said; Sir, have here the keys of this castle. Then Sir Galahad opened
the gates, and saw so much people in the streets that he might not number them, and all said: Sir, ye be
welcome, for long have we abiden here our deliverance. Then came to him a gentlewoman and said: These
knights be fled, but they will come again this night, and here to begin again their evil custom. What will ye
that I shall do? said Galahad. Sir, said the gentlewoman, that ye send after all the knights hither that hold their
lands of this castle, and make them to swear for to use the customs that were used heretofore of old time. I
will well, said Galahad. And there she brought him an horn of ivory, bounden with gold richly, and said: Sir,
blow this horn which will be heard two mile about this castle. When Sir Galahad had blown the horn he set
him down upon a bed. Then came a priest to Galahad, and said: Sir, it is past a seven year agone that these
seven brethren came into this castle, and harboured with the lord of this castle, that hight the Duke Lianour,
and he was lord of all this country. And when they espied the duke's daughter, that was a full fair woman, then
by their false covin they made debate betwixt themself, and the duke of his goodness would have departed
them, and there they slew him and his eldest son. And then they took the maiden and the treasure of the castle.
And then by great force they held all the knights of this castle against their will under their obeisance, and in
great service and truage, robbing and pillaging the poor common people of all that they had. So it happened
on a day the duke's daughter said: Ye have done unto me great wrong to slay mine own father, and my
brother, and thus to hold our lands: not for then, she said, ye shall not hold this castle for many years, for by
one knight ye shall be overcome. Thus she prophesied seven years agone. Well, said the seven knights, sithen
ye say so, there shall never lady nor knight pass this castle but they shall abide maugre their heads, or die
therefor, till that knight be come by whom we shall lose this castle. And therefore is it called the Maidens'
Castle, for they have devoured many maidens. Now, said Galahad, is she here for whom this castle was lost?
Nay sir, said the priest, she was dead within these three nights after that she was thus enforced; and sithen
have they kept her younger sister, which endureth great pains with more other ladies. By this were the knights
of the country come, and then he made them do homage and fealty to the king's daughter, and set them in
great ease of heart. And in the morn there came one to Galahad and told him how that Gawaine, Gareth, and
Uwaine, had slain the seven brethren. I suppose well, said Sir Galahad, and took his armour and his horse, and
commended them unto God.
CHAPTER XVI
HOW SIR GAWAINE CAME TO THE ABBEY FOR TO FOLLOW GALAHAD, AND HOW HE WAS
SHRIVEN TO A HERMIT
Now, saith the tale, after Sir Gawaine departed, he rode many journeys, both toward and froward. And at the
last he came to the abbey where Sir Galahad had the white shield, and there Sir Gawaine learned the way to
sewe after Sir Galahad; and so he rode to the abbey where Melias lay sick, and there Sir Melias told Sir
Gawaine of the marvellous adventures that Sir Galahad did. Certes, said Sir Gawaine, I am not happy that I
took not the way that he went, for an I may meet with him I will not depart from him lightly, for all
marvellous adventures that Sir Galahad achieveth. Sir, said one of the monks, he will not of your fellowship.
Why? said Sir Gawaine. Sir, said he, for ye be wicked and sinful, and he is full blessed. Right as they thus
stood talking there came in riding Sir Gareth. And then they made joy either of other. And on the morn they
heard mass, and so departed. And by the way they met with Sir Uwaine les Avoutres, and there Sir Uwaine
told Sir Gawaine how he had met with none adventure sith he departed from the court. Nor we, said Sir
Gawaine. And either promised other of the three knights not to depart while they were in that quest, but if
fortune caused it. So they departed and rode by fortune till that they came by the Castle of Maidens; and there
the seven brethren espied the three knights, and said: Sithen, we be flemyd by one knight from this castle, we
shall destroy all the knights of King Arthur's that we may overcome, for the love of Sir Galahad. And
therewith the seven knights set upon the three knights, and by fortune Sir Gawaine slew one of the brethren,
and each one of his fellows slew another, and so slew the remnant. And then they took the way under the
castle, and there they lost the way that Sir Galahad rode, and there every each of them departed from other;
and Sir Gawaine rode till he came to an hermitage, and there he found the good man saying his evensong of
Our Lady; and there Sir Gawaine asked harbour for charity, and the good man granted it him gladly. Then the
good man asked him what he was. Sir, he said, I am a knight of King Arthur's that am in the quest of the
Sangreal, and my name is Sir Gawaine. Sir, said the good man, I would wit how it standeth betwixt God and
you. Sir, said Sir Gawaine, I will with a good will shew you my life if it please you; and there he told the
hermit How a monk of an abbey called me wicked knight. He might well say it, said the hermit, for when ye
were first made knight you should have taken you to knightly deeds and virtuous living, and ye have done the
contrary, for ye have lived mischievously many winters; and Sir Galahad is a maid and sinner never, and that
is the cause he shall achieve where he goeth that ye nor none such shall not attain, nor none in your
fellowship, for ye have used the most untruest life that ever I heard knight live. For certes had ye not been so
wicked as ye are, never had the seven brethren been slain by you and your two fellows. For Sir Galahad
himself alone beat them all seven the day tofore, but his living is such he shall slay no man lightly. Also I may
say you the Castle of Maidens betokeneth the good souls that were in prison afore the Incarnation of Jesu
Christ. And the seven knights betoken the seven deadly sins that reigned that time in the world; and I may
liken the good Galahad unto the son of the High Father, that light within a maid, and bought all the souls out
of thrall: so did Sir Galahad deliver all the maidens out of the woful castle. Now, Sir Gawaine, said the good
man, thou must do penance for thy sin. Sir, what penance shall I do? Such as I will give, said the good man.
Nay, said Sir Gawaine, I may do no penance; for we knights adventurous oft suffer great woe and pain. Well,
said the good man, and then he held his peace. And on the morn Sir Gawaine departed from the hermit, and
betaught him unto God. And by adventure he met with Sir Aglovale and Sir Griflet, two knights of the Table
Round. And they two rode four days without finding of any adventure, and at the fifth day they departed. And
every each held as befel them by adventure. Here leaveth the tale o£ Sir Gawaine and his fellows, and speak
we of Sir Galahad.
CHAPTER XVII
HOW SIR GALAHAD MET WITH SIR LAUNCELOT AND SIR PERCIVALE, AND SMOTE THEM
DOWN, AND DEPARTED FROM THEM
So when Sir Galahad was departed from the Castle o£ Maidens he rode till he came to a waste forest, and
there he met with Sir Launcelot and Sir Percivale, but they knew him not, for he was new disguised. Right so
Sir Launcelot, his father, dressed his spear and brake it upon Sir Galahad, and Galahad smote him so again
that he smote down horse and man. And then he drew his sword, and dressed him unto Sir Percivale, and
smote him so on the helm, that it rove to the coif of steel; and had not the sword swerved Sir Percivale had
been slain, and with the stroke he fell out of his saddle. This jousts was done tofore the hermitage where a
recluse dwelled. And when she saw Sir Galahad ride, she said: God be with thee, best knight of the world. Ah
certes, said she, all aloud that Launcelot and Percivale might hear it: An yonder two knights had known thee
as well as I do they would not have encountered with thee. When Sir Galahad heard her say so he was adread
to be known: therewith he smote his horse with his spurs and rode a great pace froward them. Then perceived
they both that he was Galahad; and up they gat on their horses, and rode fast after him, but in a while he was
out of their sight. And then they turned again with heavy cheer. Let us spere some tidings, said Percivale, at
yonder recluse. Do as ye list, said Sir Launcelot. When Sir Percivale came to the recluse she knew him well
enough, and Sir Launcelot both. But Sir Launcelot rode overthwart and endlong in a wild forest, and held no
path but as wild adventure led him. And at the last he came to a stony cross which departed two ways in waste
land; and by the cross was a stone that was of marble, but it was so dark that Sir Launcelot might not wit what
it was. Then Sir Launcelot looked by him, and saw an old chapel, and there he weened to have found people;
and Sir Launcelot tied his horse till a tree, and there he did off his shield and hung it upon a tree. And then he
went to the chapel door, and found it waste and broken. And within he found a fair altar, full richly arrayed
with cloth of clene silk, and there stood a fair clean candlestick, which bare six great candles, and the
candlestick was of silver. And when Sir Launcelot saw this light he had great will for to enter into the chapel,
but he could find no place where he might enter; then was he passing heavy and dismayed. Then he returned
and came to his horse and did off his saddle and bridle, and let him pasture, and unlaced his helm, and ungirt
his sword, and laid him down to sleep upon his shield tofore the cross.
CHAPTER XVIII
HOW SIR LAUNCELOT, HALF SLEEPING AND HALF WAKING, SAW A SICK MAN BORNE IN A
LITTER, AND HOW HE WAS HEALED WITH THE SANGREAL
And so he fell on sleep; and half waking and sleeping he saw come by him two palfreys all fair and white, the
which bare a litter, therein lying a sick knight. And when he was nigh the cross he there abode still. All this
Sir Launcelot saw and beheld, for he slept not verily; and he heard him say: O sweet Lord, when shall this
sorrow leave me? and when shall the holy vessel come by me, wherethrough I shall be blessed? For I have
endured thus long, for little trespass. A full great while complained the knight thus, and always Sir Launcelot
heard it. With that Sir Launcelot saw the candlestick with the six tapers come before the cross, and he saw
nobody that brought it. Also there came a table of silver, and the holy vessel of the Sangreal, which Launcelot
had seen aforetime in King Pescheour's house. And therewith the sick knight set him up, and held up both his
hands, and said: Fair sweet Lord, which is here within this holy vessel; take heed unto me that I may be whole
of this malady. And therewith on his hands and on his knees he went so nigh that he touched the holy vessel
and kissed it, and anon he was whole; and then he said: Lord God, I thank thee, for I am healed of this
sickness. So when the holy vessel had been there a great while it went unto the chapel with the chandelier and
the light, so that Launcelot wist not where it was become; for he was overtaken with sin that he had no power
to rise ageyne the holy vessel; wherefore after that many men said of him shame, but he took repentance after
that. Then the sick knight dressed him up and kissed the cross; anon his squire brought him his arms, and
asked his lord how he did. Certes, said he, I thank God right well, through the holy vessel I am healed. But I
have marvel of this sleeping knight that had no power to awake when this holy vessel was brought hither. I
dare right well say, said the squire, that he dwelleth in some deadly sin whereof he was never confessed. By
my faith, said the knight, whatsomever he be he is unhappy, for as I deem he is of the fellowship of the Round
Table, the which is entered into the quest of the Sangreal. Sir, said the squire, here I have brought you all your
arms save your helm and your sword, and therefore by mine assent now may ye take this knight's helm and his
sword: and so he did. And when he was clene armed he took Sir Launcelot's horse, for he was better than his;
and so departed they from the Cross.
CHAPTER XIX
HOW A VOICE SPAKE TO SIR LAUNCELOT, AND HOW HE FOUND HIS HORSE AND HIS HELM
BORNE AWAY, AND AFTER WENT AFOOT
Then anon Sir Launcelot waked, and set him up, and bethought him what he had seen there, and whether it
were dreams or not. Right so heard he a voice that said: Sir Launcelot, more harder than is the stone, and more
bitter than is the wood, and more naked and barer than is the leaf of the fig tree; therefore go thou from hence,
and withdraw thee from this holy place. And when Sir Launcelot heard this he was passing heavy and wist not
what to do, and so departed sore weeping, and cursed the time that he was born. For then he deemed never to
have had worship more. For those words went to his heart, till that he knew wherefore he was called so. Then
Sir Launcelot went to the cross and found his helm, his sword, and his horse taken away. And then he called
himself a very wretch, and most unhappy of all knights; and there he said: My sin and my wickedness have
brought me unto great dishonour. For when I sought worldly adventures for worldly desires, I ever achieved
them and had the better in every place, and never was I discomfit in no quarrel, were it right or wrong. And
now I take upon me the adventures of holy things, and now I see and understand that mine old sin hindereth
me and shameth me, so that I had no power to stir nor speak when the holy blood appeared afore me. So thus
lie sorrowed till it was day, and heard the fowls sing: then somewhat he was comforted. But when Sir
Launcelot missed his horse and his harness then he wist well God was displeased with him. Then he departed
from the cross on foot into a forest; and so by prime he came to an high hill, and found an hermitage and a
hermit therein which was going unto mass. And then Launcelot kneeled down and cried on Our Lord mercy
for his wicked works. So when mass was done Launcelot called him, and prayed him for charity for to hear
his life. With a good will, said the good man. Sir, said he, be ye of King Arthur's court and of the fellowship
of the Round Table? Yea forsooth, and my name is Sir Launcelot du Lake that hath been right well said of,
and now my good fortune is changed, for I am the most wretch of the world. The hermit beheld him and had
marvel how he was so abashed. Sir, said the hermit, ye ought to thank God more than any knight living, for
He hath caused you to have more worldly worship than any knight that now liveth. And for your presumption
to take upon you in deadly sin for to be in His presence, where His flesh and His blood was, that caused you
ye might not see it with worldly eyes; for He will not appear where such sinners be, but if it be unto their great
hurt and unto their great shame; and there is no knight living now that ought to give God so great thank as ye,
for He hath given you beauty, seemliness, and great strength above all other knights; and therefore ye are the
more beholding unto God than any other man, to love Him and dread Him, for your strength and manhood
will little avail you an God be against you.
CHAPTER XX
HOW SIR LAUNCELOT WAS SHRIVEN, AND WHAT SORROW HE MADE, AND OF THE GOOD
ENSAMPLES WHICH WERE SHEWED HIM
Then Sir Launcelot wept with heavy cheer, and said: Now I know well ye say me sooth. Sir, said the good
man, hide none old sin from me. Truly, said Sir Launcelot, that were me full loth to discover. For this fourteen
year I never discovered one thing that I have used, and that may I now wyte my shame and my misadventure.
And then he told there that good man all his life. And how he had loved a queen immeasurably and out of
measure long. And all my great deeds of arms that I have done, I did for the most part for the queen's sake,
and for her sake would I do battle were it right or wrong; and never did I battle all only for God's sake, but for
to win worship and to cause me to be the better beloved, and little or nought I thanked God of it. Then Sir
Launcelot said: I pray you counsel me. I will counsel you, said the hermit, if ye will ensure me that ye will
never come in that queen's fellowship as much as ye may forbear. And then Sir Launcelot promised him he
nold, by the faith of his body. Look that your heart and your mouth accord, said the good man, and I shall
ensure you ye shall have more worship than ever ye had. Holy father, said Sir Launcelot, I marvel of the voice
that said to me marvellous words, as ye have heard toforehand. Have ye no marvel, said the good man,
thereof, for it seemeth well God loveth you; for men may understand a stone is hard of kind, and namely one
more than another; and that is to understand by thee, Sir Launcelot, for thou wilt not leave thy sin for no
goodness that God hath sent thee; therefore thou art more than any stone, and never wouldst thou be made
neysshe nor by water nor by fire, and that is the hete of the Holy Ghost may not enter in thee, Now take heed,
in all the world men shall not find one knight to whom Our Lord hath given so much of grace as He hath
given you, for He hath given you fairness with seemliness, He hath given thee wit, discretion to know good
from evil. He hath given thee prowess and hardiness, and given thee to work so largely that thou hast had at
all days the better wheresomever thou came; and now Our Lord will suffer thee no longer, but that thou shalt
know Him whether thou wilt or nylt. And why the voice called thee bitterer than wood, for where overmuch
sin dwelleth, there may be but little sweetness, wherefore thou art likened to an old rotten tree. Now have I
shewed thee why thou art harder than the stone and bitterer than the tree. Now shall I shew thee why thou art
more naked and barer than the fig tree. It befel that Our Lord on Palm Sunday preached in Jerusalem, and
there He found in the people that all hardness was harboured in them, and there He found in all the town not
one that would harbour him. And then He went without the town, and found in the middes of the way a fig
tree, the which was right fair and well garnished of leaves, but fruit had it none. Then Our Lord cursed the tree
that bare no fruit; that betokeneth the fig tree unto Jerusalem, that had leaves and no fruit. So thou, Sir
Launcelot, when the Holy Grail was brought afore thee, He found in thee no fruit, nor good thought nor good
will, and defouled with lechery. Certes, said Sir Launcelot, all that you have said is true, and from
henceforward I cast me, by the grace of God, never to be so wicked as I have been, but as to follow
knighthood and to do feats of arms. Then the good man enjoined Sir Launcelot such penance as he might do
and to pursue knighthood, and so assoiled him, and prayed Sir Launcelot to abide with him all that day. I will
well, said Sir Launcelot, for I have neither helm, nor horse, nor sword. As for that, said the good man, I shall
help you or tomorn at even of an horse, and all that longed unto you. And then Sir Launcelot repented him
greatly.
Here leaveth of the history of syr launcelot. And here followeth of sir Percyvale de galys which is the xiiii
book.
THE FOURTEENTH BOOK
CHAPTER I
HOW SIR PERCIVALE CAME TO A RECLUSE AND ASKED COUNSEL, AND HOW SHE TOLD HIM
THAT SHE WAS HIS AUNT
Now saith the tale, that when Sir Launcelot was ridden after Sir Galahad, the which had all these adventures
above said, Sir Percivale turned again unto the recluse, where he deemed to have tidings of that knight that
Launcelot followed. And so he kneeled at her window, and the recluse opened it and asked Sir Percivale what
he would. Madam, he said, I am a knight of King Arthur's court, and my name is Sir Percivale de Galis. When
the recluse heard his name she had great joy of him, for mickle she had loved him tofore any other knight, for
she ought to do so, for she was his aunt. And then she commanded the gates to be opened, and there he had all
the cheer that she might make him, and all that was in her power was at his commandment. So on the morn
Sir Percivale went to the recluse and asked her if she knew that knight with the white shield. Sir, said she, why
would ye wit? Truly, madam, said Sir Percivale, I shall never be well at ease till that I know of that knight's
fellowship, and that I may fight with him, for I may not leave him so lightly, for I have the shame yet. Ah,
Percivale, said she, would ye fight with him? I see well ye have great will to be slain as your father was
through outrageousness. Madam, said Sir Percivale, it seemeth by your words that ye know me. Yea, said she,
I well ought to know you, for I am your aunt, although I be in a priory place. For some called me sometime
the queen of the Waste Lands, and I was called the queen of most riches in the world; and it pleased me never
my riches so much as doth my poverty. Then Sir Percivale wept for very pity when that he knew it was his
aunt. Ah, fair nephew, said she, when heard ye tidings of your mother? Truly, said he, I heard none of her, but
I dream of her much in my sleep; and therefore I wot not whether she be dead or on live. Certes, fair nephew,
said she, your mother is dead, for after your departing from her she took such a sorrow that anon, after she
was confessed, she died. Now, God have mercy on her soul, said Sir Percivale, it sore forthinketh me; but all
we must change the life. Now, fair aunt, tell me what is the knight? I deem it be he that bare the red arms on
Whitsunday. Wit you well, said she, that this is he, for otherwise ought he not to do, but to go in red arms; and
that same knight hath no peer, for he worketh all by miracle, and he shall never be overcome of none earthly
man's hand.
CHAPTER II
HOW MERLIN LIKENED THE ROUND TABLE TO THE WORLD, AND HOW THE KNIGHTS THAT
SHOULD ACHIEVE THE SANGREAL SHOULD BE KNOWN
Also Merlin made the Round Table in tokening of roundness of the world, for by the Round Table is the
world signified by right, for all the world, Christian and heathen, repair unto the Round Table; and when they
are chosen to be of the fellowship of the Round Table they think them more blessed and more in worship than
if they had gotten half the world; and ye have seen that they have lost their fathers and their mothers, and all
their kin, and their wives and their children, for to be of your fellowship. It is well seen by you; for since ye
have departed from your mother ye would never see her, ye found such fellowship at the Round Table. When
Merlin had ordained the Round Table he said, by them which should be fellows of the Round Table the truth
of the Sangreal should be well known. And men asked him how men might know them that should best do
and to achieve the Sangreal? Then he said there should be three white bulls that should achieve it, and the two
should be maidens, and the third should be chaste. And that one of the three should pass his father as much as
the lion passeth the leopard, both of strength and hardiness. They that heard Merlin say so said thus unto
Merlin: Sithen there shall be such a knight, thou shouldest ordain by thy crafts a siege, that no man should sit
in it but he all only that shall pass all other knights. Then Merlin answered that he would do so. And then he
made the Siege Perilous, in the which Galahad sat in at his meat on Whitsunday last past. Now, madam, said
Sir Percivale, so much have I heard of you that by my good will I will never have ado with Sir Galahad but by
way of kindness; and for God's love, fair aunt, can ye teach me some way where I may find him? for much
would I love the fellowship of him. Fair nephew, said she, ye must ride unto a castle the which is called
Goothe, where he hath a cousin-germain, and there may ye be lodged this night. And as he teacheth you,
pursue after as fast as ye can; and if he can tell you no tidings of him, ride straight unto the Castle of
Carbonek, where the maimed king is there lying, for there shall ye hear true tidings of him.
CHAPTER III
HOW SIR PERCIVALE CAME INTO A MONASTERY, WHERE HE FOUND KING EVELAKE, WHICH
WAS AN OLD MAN
Then departed Sir Percivale from his aunt, either making great sorrow. And so he rode till evensong time. And
then he heard a clock smite; and then he was ware of an house closed well with walls and deep ditches, and
there he knocked at the gate and was let in, and he alit and was led unto a chamber, and soon he was unarmed.
And there he had right good cheer all that night; and on the morn he heard his mass, and in the monastery he
found a priest ready at the altar. And on the right side he saw a pew closed with iron, and behind the altar he
saw a rich bed and a fair, as of cloth of silk and gold. Then Sir Percivale espied that therein was a man or a
woman, for the visage was covered; then he left off his looking and heard his service. And when it came to the
sacring, he that lay within that percloos dressed him up, and uncovered his head; and then him beseemed a
passing old man, and he had a crown of gold upon his head, and his shoulders were naked and unhilled unto
his navel. And then Sir Percivale espied his body was full of great wounds, both on the shoulders, arms, and
visage. And ever he held up his hands against our Lord's body, and cried: Fair, sweet Father, Jesu Christ,
forget not me. And so he lay down, but always he was in his prayers and orisons; and him seemed to be of the
age of three hundred winter. And when the mass was done the priest took Our Lord's body and bare it to the
sick king. And when he had used it he did off his crown, and commanded the crown to be set on the altar.
Then Sir Percivale asked one of the brethren what he was. Sir, said the good man, ye have heard much of
Joseph of Aramathie, how he was sent by Jesu Christ into this land for to teach and preach the holy Christian
faith; and therefore he suffered many persecutions the which the enemies of Christ did unto him, and in the
city of Sarras he converted a king whose name was Evelake. And so this king came with Joseph into this land,
and ever he was busy to be thereas the Sangreal was; and on a time be nighed it so nigh that Our Lord was
displeased with him, but ever he followed it more and more, till God struck him almost blind. Then this king
cried mercy, and said: Fair Lord, let me never die till the good knight of my blood of the ninth degree be
come, that I may see him openly that he shall achieve the Sangreal, that I may kiss him.
CHAPTER IV
HOW SIR PERCIVALE SAW MANY MEN OF ARMS BEARING A DEAD KNIGHT, AND HOW HE
FOUGHT AGAINST THEM
When the king thus had made his prayers he heard a voice that said: Heard be thy prayers, for thou shalt not
die till he have kissed thee. And when that knight shall come the clearness of your eyes shall come again, and
thou shalt see openly, and thy wounds shall be healed, and erst shall they never close. And this befel of King
Evelake, and this same king hath lived this three hundred winter this holy life, and men say the knight is in the
court that shall heal him. Sir, said the good man, I pray you tell me what knight that ye be, and if ye be of
King Arthur's court and of the Table Round. Yea, forsooth, said he, and my name is Sir Percivale de Galis.
And when the good man understood his name he made great joy of him. And then Sir Percivale departed and
rode till the hour of noon. And he met in a valley about a twenty men of arms, which bare in a bier a knight
deadly slain. And when they saw Sir Percivale they asked him of whence he was. And he answered: Of the
court of King Arthur. Then they cried all at once: Slay him. Then Sir Percivale smote the first to the earth and
his horse upon him. And then seven of the knights smote upon his shield all at once, and the remnant slew his
horse so that he fell to the earth. So had they slain him or taken him had not the good knight, Sir Galahad,
with the red arms come there by adventure into those parts. And when he saw all those knights upon one
knight he cried: Save me that knight's life. And then he dressed him toward the twenty men of arms as fast as
his horse might drive, with his spear in the rest, and smote the foremost horse and man to the earth. And when
his spear was broken he set his hand to his sword, and smote on the right hand and on the left hand that it was
marvel to see, and at every stroke he smote one down or put him to a rebuke, so that they would fight no more
but fled to a thick forest, and Sir Galahad followed them. And when Sir Percivale saw him chase them so, he
made great sorrow that his horse was away. And then he wist well it was Sir Galahad. And then he cried
aloud: Ah, fair knight, abide and suffer me to do thankings unto thee, for much have ye done for me. But ever
Sir Galahad rode so fast that at the last he passed out of his sight. And as fast as Sir Percivale might he went
after him on foot, crying. And then he met with a yeoman riding upon an hackney, the which led in his hand a
great steed blacker than any bear. Ah, fair friend, said Sir Percivale, as ever I may do for you, and to be your
true knight in the first place ye will require me, that ye will lend me that black steed, that I might overtake a
knight the which rideth afore me. Sir knight, said the yeoman, I pray you hold me excused of that, for that I
may not do. For wit ye well, the horse is such a man's horse, that an I lent it you or any man, that he would
slay me. Alas, said Sir Percivale, I had never so great sorrow as I have had for losing of yonder knight. Sir,
said the yeoman, I am right heavy for you, for a good horse would beseem you well; but I dare not deliver you
this horse but if ye would take him from me. That will I not do, said Sir Percivale. And so they departed; and
Sir Percivale set him down under a tree, and made sorrow out of measure. And as he was there, there came a
knight riding on the horse that the yeoman led, and he was clene armed.
CHAPTER V
HOW A YEOMAN DESIRED HIM TO GET AGAIN AN HORSE AND HOW SIR PERCIVALE'S
HACKNEY WAS SLAIN, AND HOW HE GAT AN HORSE
And anon the yeoman came pricking after as fast as ever he might, and asked Sir Percivale if he saw any
knight riding on his black steed. Yea, sir forsooth, said he; why, sir, ask ye me that? Ah, sir, that steed he hath
benome me with strength; wherefor my lord will slay me in what place he findeth me. Well, said Sir
Percivale, what wouldst thou that I did? Thou seest well that I am on foot, but an I had a good horse I should
bring him soon again. Sir, said the yeoman, take mine hackney and do the best ye can, and I shall serve you on
foot to wit how that ye shall speed. Then Sir Percivale alit upon that hackney, and rode as fast as he might,
and at the last he saw that knight And then he cried: Knight, turn again; and he turned and set his spear again
Sir Percivale, and he smote the hackney in the middes of the breast that he fell down dead to the earth, and
there he had a great fall, and the other rode his way. And then Sir Percivale was wood worth, and cried:
Abide, wicked knight; coward and false-hearted knight, turn again and fight with me on foot. But he answered
not, but passed on his way. When Sir Percivale saw he would not turn he cast away his helm and sword, and
said: Now am I a very wretch, cursed and most unhappy above all other knights. So in this sorrow he abode
all that day till it was night; and then he was faint, and laid him down and slept till it was midnight; and then
he awakened and saw afore him a woman which said unto him right fiercely: Sir Percivale, what dost thou
here? He answered, I do neither good nor great ill. If thou wilt ensure me, said she, that thou wilt fulfil my
will when I summon thee, I shall lend thee mine own horse which shall bear thee whither thou wilt. Sir
Percivale was glad of her proffer, and ensured her to fulfil all her desire. Then abide me here, and I shall go
and fetch you an horse. And so she came soon again and brought an horse with her that was inly black. When
Percivale beheld that horse he marvelled that it was so great and so well apparelled; and not for then he was so
hardy, and he leapt upon him, and took none heed of himself. And so anon as he was upon him he thrust to
him with his spurs, and so he rode by a forest, and the moon shone clear. And within an hour and less he bare
him four days' journey thence, until he came to a rough water the which roared, and his horse would have
borne him into it.
CHAPTER VI
OF THE GREAT DANGER THAT SIR PERCIVALE WAS IN BY HIS HORSE, AND HOW HE SAW A
SERPENT AND A LION FIGHT
And when Sir Percivale came nigh the brim, and saw the water so boistous, he doubted to overpass it. And
then he made a sign of the cross on his forehead. When the fiend felt him so charged he shook off Sir
Percivale, and he went into the water crying and roaring, making great sorrow, and it seemed unto him that the
water brent. Then Sir Percivale perceived it was a fiend, the which would have brought him unto his perdition.
Then he commended himself unto God, and prayed Our Lord to keep him from all such temptations; and so he
prayed all that night till on the morn that it was day; then he saw that he was in a wild mountain the which
was closed with the sea nigh all about, that he might see no land about him which might relieve him, but wild
beasts. And then he went into a valley, and there he saw a young serpent bring a young lion by the neck, and
so he came by Sir Percivale. With that came a great lion crying and roaring after the serpent. And as fast as Sir
Percivale saw this he marvelled, and hied him thither, but anon the lion had overtaken the serpent and began
battle with him. And then Sir Percivale thought to help the lion for he was the more natural beast of the two;
and therewith he drew his sword, and set his shield afore him, and there he gave the serpent such a buffet that
he had a deadly wound. When the lion saw that, he made no resemblant to fight with him, but made him all
the cheer that a beast might make a man. Then Percivale perceived that, and cast down his shield which was
broken; and then he did off his helm for to gather wind, for he was greatly enchafed with the serpent: and the
lion went alway about him fawning as a spaniel. And then he stroked him on the neck and on the shoulders.
And then he thanked God of the fellowship of that beast. And about noon the lion took his little whelp and
trussed him and bare him there he came from. Then was Sir Percivale alone. And as the tale telleth, he was
one of the men of the world at that time which most believed in our Lord Jesu Christ, for in those days there
were but few folks that believed in God perfectly. For in those days the son spared not the father no more than
a stranger. And so Sir Percivale comforted himself in our Lord Jesu, and besought God no temptation should
bring him out of God's service, but to endure as his true champion. Thus when Sir Percivale had prayed he
saw the lion come toward him, and then he couched down at his feet. And so all that night the lion and he
slept together; and when Sir Percivale slept he dreamed a marvellous dream, that there two ladies met with
him, and that one sat upon a lion, and that other sat upon a serpent, and that one of them was young, and the
other was old; and the youngest him thought said: Sir Percivale, my lord saluteth thee, and sendeth thee word
that thou array thee and make thee ready, for tomorn thou must fight with the strongest champion of the
world. And if thou be overcome thou shalt not be quit for losing of any of thy members, but thou shalt be
shamed for ever to the world's end. And then he asked her what was her lord. And she said the greatest lord of
all the world: and so she departed suddenly that he wist not where.
CHAPTER VII
OF THE VISION THAT SIR PERCIVALE SAW, AND HOW HIS VISION WAS EXPOUNDED, AND OF
HIS LION
Then came forth the other lady that rode upon the serpent, and she said: Sir Percivale, I complain me of you
that ye have done unto me, and have not offended unto you. Certes, madam, he said, unto you nor no lady I
never offended. Yes, said she, I shall tell you why. I have nourished in this place a great while a serpent,
which served me a great while, and yesterday ye slew him as he gat his prey. Say me for what cause ye slew
him, for the lion was not yours. Madam, said Sir Percivale, I know well the lion was not mine, but I did it for
the lion is of more gentler nature than the serpent, and therefore I slew him; meseemeth I did not amiss against
you. Madam, said he, what would ye that I did? I would, said she, for the amends of my beast that ye become
my man. And then he answered: That will I not grant you. No, said she, truly ye were never but my servant
syn ye received the homage of Our Lord Jesu Christ. Therefore, I ensure you in what place I may find you
without keeping I shall take you as he that sometime was my man. And so she departed from Sir Percivale and
left him sleeping, the which was sore travailed of his advision. And on the morn he arose and blessed him, and
he was passing feeble. Then was Sir Percivale ware in the sea, and saw a ship come sailing toward him; and
Sir Percivale went unto the ship and found it covered within and without with white samite. And at the board
stood an old man clothed in a surplice, in likeness of a priest. Sir, said Sir Percivale, ye be welcome. God keep
you, said the good man. Sir, said the old man, of whence be ye? Sir, said Sir Percivale, I am of King Arthur's
court, and a knight of the Table Round, the which am in the quest of the Sangreal; and here am I in great
duresse, and never like to escape out of this wilderness. Doubt not, said the good man, an ye be so true a
knight as the order of chivalry requireth, and of heart as ye ought to be, ye should not doubt that none enemy
should slay you. What are ye? said Sir Percivale. Sir, said the old man, I am of a strange country, and hither I
come to comfort you. Sir, said Sir Percivale, what signifieth my dream that I dreamed this night? And there he
told him altogether: She which rode upon the lion betokeneth the new law of holy church, that is to
understand, faith, good hope, belief, and baptism. For she seemed younger than the other it is great reason, for
she was born in the resurrection and the passion of our Lord Jesu Christ. And for great love she came to thee
to warn thee of thy great battle that shall befall thee. With whom, said Sir Percivale, shall I fight? With the
most champion of the world, said the old man; for as the lady said, but if thou quit thee well thou shalt not be
quit by losing of one member, but thou shalt be shamed to the world's end. And she that rode on the serpent
signifieth the old law, and that serpent betokeneth a fiend. And why she blamed thee that thou slewest her
servant, it betokeneth nothing; the serpent that thou slewest betokeneth the devil that thou rodest upon to the
rock. And when thou madest a sign of the cross, there thou slewest him, and put away his power. And when
she asked thee amends and to become her man, and thou saidst thou wouldst not, that was to make thee to
believe on her and leave thy baptism. So he commanded Sir Percivale to depart, and so he leapt over the board
and the ship, and all went away he wist not whither. Then he went up unto the rock and found the lion which
always kept him fellowship, and he stroked him upon the back and had great joy of him.
CHAPTER VIII
HOW SIR PERCIVALE SAW A SHIP COMING TO HIM-WARD, AND HOW THE LADY OF THE SHIP
TOLD HIM OF HER DISHERITANCE
By that Sir Percivale had abiden there till mid-day he saw a ship came rowing in the sea as all the wind of the
world had driven it. And so it drove under that rock. And when Sir Percivale saw this he hied him thither, and
found the ship covered with silk more blacker than any bear, and therein was a gentlewoman of great beauty,
and she was clothed richly that none might be better. And when she saw Sir Percivale she said: Who brought
you in this wilderness where ye be never like to pass hence, for ye shall die here for hunger and mischief?
Damosel, said Sir Percivale, I serve the best man of the world, and in his service he will not suffer me to die,
for who that knocketh shall enter, and who that asketh shall have, and who that seeketh him he hideth him not.
But then she said: Sir Percivale, wot ye what I am? Yea, said he. Now who taught you my name? said she.
Now, said Sir Percivale, I know you better than ye ween. And I came out of the waste forest where I found the
red knight with the white shield, said the damosel. Ah, damosel, said he, with that knight would I meet
passing fain. Sir knight, said she, an ye will ensure me by the faith that ye owe unto knighthood that ye shall
do my will what time I summon you, and I shall bring you unto that knight. Yea, said he, I shall promise you
to fulfil your desire. Well, said she, now shall I tell you. I saw him in the forest chasing two knights unto a
water, the which is called Mortaise; and they drove him into that water for dread of death, and the two knights
passed over, and the red knight passed after, and there his horse was drenched, and he, through great strength,
escaped unto the land: thus she told him, and Sir Percivale was passing glad thereof. Then she asked him if he
had ate any meat late. Nay, madam, truly I ate no meat nigh this three days, but late here I spake with a good
man that fed me with his good words and holy, and refreshed me greatly. Ah, sir knight, said she, that same
man is an enchanter and a multiplier of words. For an ye believe him ye shall plainly be shamed, and die in
this rock for pure hunger, and be eaten with wild beasts; and ye be a young man and a goodly knight, and I
shall help you an ye will. What are ye, said Sir Percivale, that proffered me thus great kindness? I am, said
she, a gentlewoman that am disherited, which was sometime the richest woman of the world. Damosel, said
Sir Percivale, who hath disherited you? for I have great pity of you. Sir, said she, I dwelled with the greatest
man of the world, and he made me so fair and clear that there was none like me; and of that great beauty I had
a little pride more than I ought to have had. Also I said a word that pleased him not. And then he would not
suffer me to be any longer in his company, and so drove me from mine heritage, and so disherited me, and he
had never pity of me nor of none of my council, nor of my court. And sithen, sir knight, it hath befallen me so,
and through me and mine I have benome him many of his men, and made them to become my men. For they
ask never nothing of me but I give it them, that and much more. Thus I and all my servants were against him
night and day. Therefore I know now no good knight, nor no good man, but I get them on my side an I may.
And for that I know that thou art a good knight, I beseech you to help me; and for ye be a fellow of the Round
Table, wherefore ye ought not to fail no gentlewoman which is disherited, an she besought you of help.
CHAPTER IX
HOW SIR PERCIVALE PROMISED HER HELP, AND HOW HE REQUIRED HER OF LOVE, AND
HOW HE WAS SAVED FROM THE FIEND
Then Sir Percivale promised her all the help that he might; and then she thanked him. And at that time the
weather was hot. Then she called unto her a gentlewoman and bad her bring forth a pavilion; and so she did,
and pyght it upon the gravel. Sir, said she, now may ye rest you in this heat of the day. Then he thanked her,
and she put off his helm and his shield, and there he slept a great while. And then he awoke and asked her if
she had any meat, and she said: Yea, also ye shall have enough. And so there was set enough upon the table,
and thereon so much that he had marvel, for there was all manner of meats that he could think on. Also he
drank there the strongest wine that ever he drank, him thought, and therewith he was a little chafed more than
he ought to be; with that he beheld the gentlewoman, and him thought she was the fairest creature that ever he
saw. And then Sir Percivale proffered her love, and prayed her that she would be his. Then she refused him, in
a manner, when he required her, for the cause he should be the more ardent on her, and ever he ceased not to
pray her of love. And when she saw him well enchafed, then she said: Sir Percivale, wit you well I shall not
fulfil your will but if ye swear from henceforth ye shall be my true servant, and to do nothing but that I shall
command you. Will ye ensure me this as ye be a true knight? Yea, said he, fair lady, by the faith of my body.
Well, said she, now shall ye do with me what so it please you; and now wit ye well ye are the knight in the
world that I have most desire for. And then two squires were commanded to make a bed in middes of the
pavilion. And anon she was unclothed and laid therein. And then Sir Percivale laid him down by her naked;
and by adventure and grace he saw his sword lie on the ground naked, in whose pommel was a red cross and
the sign of the crucifix therein, and bethought him on his knighthood and his promise made toforehand unto
the good man; then he made a sign of the cross in his forehead, and therewith the pavilion turned up so down,
and then it changed unto a smoke, and a black cloud, and then he was adread and cried aloud:
CHAPTER X
HOW SIR PERCIVALE FOR PENANCE ROVE HIMSELF THROUGH THE THIGH; AND HOW SHE
WAS KNOWN FOR THE DEVIL
Fair sweet father, Jesu Christ, ne let me not be shamed, the which was nigh lost had not thy good grace been.
And then he looked into a ship, and saw her enter therein, which said: Sir Percivale, ye have betrayed me. And
so she went with the wind roaring and yelling, that it seemed all the water brent after her. Then Sir Percivale
made great sorrow, and drew his sword unto him, saying: Sithen my flesh will be my master I shall punish it;
and therewith he rove himself through the thigh that the blood start about him, and said: O good Lord, take
this in recompensation of that I have done against thee, my Lord. So then he clothed him and armed him, and
called himself a wretch, saying: How nigh was I lost, and to have lost that I should never have gotten again,
that was my virginity, for that may never be recovered after it is once lost. And then he stopped his bleeding
wound with a piece of his shirt. Thus as he made his moan he saw the same ship come from Orient that the
good man was in the day afore, and the noble knight was ashamed with himself, and therewith he fell in a
swoon. And when he awoke he went unto him weakly, and there he saluted this good man. And then he asked
Sir Percivale: How hast thou done sith I departed? Sir, said he, here was a gentlewoman and led me into
deadly sin. And there he told him altogether. Knew ye not the maid? said the good man. Sir, said he, nay, but
well I wot the fiend sent her hither to shame me. O good knight, said he, thou art a fool, for that gentlewoman
was the master fiend of hell, the which hath power above all devils, and that was the old lady that thou sawest
in thine advision riding on the serpent. Then he told Sir Percivale how our Lord Jesu Christ beat him out of
heaven for his sin, the which was the most brightest angel of heaven, and therefore he lost his heritage: And
that was the champion that thou foughtest withal, the which had overcome thee had not the grace of God been.
Now beware Sir Percivale, and taken this for an ensample. And then the good man vanished away. Then Sir
Percivale took his arms, and entered into the ship, and so departed from thence.
Here endeth the fourtenthe booke, whiche is of syr Percyval. And here followeth of syre Launcelot, whiche is
the fyftenth book.
THE FIFTEENTH BOOK
CHAPTER I
HOW SIR LAUNCELOT CAME TO A CHAPEL, WHERE HE FOUND DEAD, IN A WHITE SHIRT, A
MAN OF RELIGION, OF AN HUNDRED WINTER OLD
When the hermit had kept Sir Launcelot three days, the hermit gat him a horse, an helm, and a sword. And
then he departed about the hour of noon. And then he saw a little house. And when he came near he saw a
chapel, and there beside he saw an old man that was clothed all in white full richly; and then Sir Launcelot
said: God save you. God keep you, said the good man, and make you a good knight. Then Sir Launcelot alit
and entered into the chapel and there he saw an old man dead, in a white shirt of passing fine cloth. Sir, said
the good man, this man that is dead ought not to be in such clothing as ye see him in, for in that he brake the
oath of his order, for he hath been more than an hundred winter a man of a religion. And then the good man
and Sir Launcelot went into the chapel; and the good man took a stole about his neck, and a book, and then he
conjured on that book; and with that they saw in an hideous figure and horrible, that there was no man so
hard-hearted nor so hard but he should have been afeard. Then said the fiend: Thou hast travailed me greatly;
now tell me what thou wilt with me. I will, said the good man, that thou tell me how my fellow became dead,
and whether he be saved or damned. Then he said with an horrible voice: He is not lost but saved. How may
that be? said the good man; it seemed to me that he lived not well, for he brake his order for to wear a shirt
where he ought to wear none, and who that trespasseth against our order doth not well. Not so, said the fiend,
this man that lieth here dead was come of a great lineage. And there was a lord that hight the Earl de Vale,
that held great war against this man's nephew, the which hight Aguarus. And so this Aguarus saw the earl was
bigger than he. Then he went for to take counsel of his uncle, the which lieth here dead as ye may see. And
then he asked leave, and went out of his hermitage for to maintain his nephew against the mighty earl; and so
it happed that this man that lieth here dead did so much by his wisdom and hardiness that the earl was taken,
and three of his lords, by force of this dead man.
CHAPTER II
OF A DEAD MAN, HOW MEN WOULD HAVE HEWN HIM, AND IT WOULD NOT BE, AND HOW
SIR LAUNCELOT TOOK THE HAIR OF THE DEAD MAN
Then was there peace betwixt the earl and this Aguarus, and great surety that the earl should never war against
him. Then this dead man that here lieth came to this hermitage again; and then the earl made two of his
nephews for to be avenged upon this man. So they came on a day, and found this dead man at the sacring of
his mass, and they abode him till he had said mass. And then they set upon him and drew out swords to have
slain him; but there would no sword bite on him more than upon a gad of steel, for the high Lord which he
served he him preserved. Then made they a great fire, and did off all his clothes, and the hair off his back.
And then this dead man hermit said unto them: Ween you to burn me? It shall not lie in your power nor to
perish me as much as a thread an there were any on my body. No, said one of them, it shall be essayed. And
then they despoiled him, and put upon him this shirt, and cast him in a fire, and there he lay all that night till it
was day in that fire, and was not dead, and so in the morn I came and found him dead; but I found neither
thread nor skin tamyd, and so took him out of the fire with great fear, and led him here as ye may see. And
now may ye suffer me to go my way, for I have said you the sooth. And then he departed with a great tempest.
Then was the good man and Sir Launcelot more gladder than they were tofore. And then Sir Launcelot
dwelled with that good man that night. Sir, said the good man, be ye not Sir Launcelot du Lake? Yea, sir, said
he. What seek ye in this country? Sir, said Sir Launcelot, I go to seek the adventures of the Sangreal. Well,
said he, seek it ye may well, but though it were here ye shall have no power to see it no more than a blind man
should see a bright sword, and that is long on your sin, and else ye were more abler than any man living. And
then Sir Launcelot began to weep. Then said the good man: Were ye confessed sith ye entered into the quest
of the Sangreal? Yea, sir, said Sir Launcelot. Then upon the morn when the good man had sung his mass, then
they buried the dead man. Then Sir Launcelot said: Father, what shall I do? Now, said the good man, I require
you take this hair that was this holy man's and put it next thy skin, and it shall prevail thee greatly. Sir, and I
will do it, said Sir Launcelot. Also I charge you that ye eat no flesh as long as ye be in the quest of the
Sangreal, nor ye shall drink no wine, and that ye hear mass daily an ye may do it. So he took the hair and put
it upon him, and so departed at evensong-time. And so rode he into a forest, and there he met with a
gentlewoman riding upon a white palfrey, and then she asked him: Sir knight, whither ride ye? Certes,
damosel, said Launcelot, I wot not whither I ride but as fortune leadeth me. Ah, Sir Launcelot, said she, I wot
what adventure ye seek, for ye were afore time nearer than ye be now, and yet shall ye see it more openly than
ever ye did, and that shall ye understand in short time. Then Sir Launcelot asked her where he might be
harboured that night. Ye shall not find this day nor night, but tomorn ye shall find harbour good, and ease of
that ye be in doubt of. And then he commended her unto God. Then he rode till that he came to a Cross, and
took that for his host as for that night.
CHAPTER III
OF A VISION THAT SIR LAUNCELOT HAD, AND HOW HE TOLD IT TO AN HERMIT, AND
DESIRED COUNSEL OF HIM
And so he put his horse to pasture, and did off his helm and his shield, and made his prayers unto the Cross
that he never fall in deadly sin again. And so he laid him down to sleep. And anon as he was on sleep it befell
him there an advision, that there came a man afore him all by compass of stars, and that man had a crown of
gold on his head, and that man led in his fellowship seven kings and two knights. And all these worshipped
the Cross, kneeling upon their knees, holding up their hands toward the heaven. And all they said: Fair sweet
Father of heaven, come and visit us, and yield unto us every each as we have deserved. Then looked
Launcelot up to the heaven, and him seemed the clouds did open, and an old man came down, with a company
of angels, and alit among them, and gave unto every each his blessing, and called them his servants, and good
and true knights. And when this old man had said thus he came to one of those knights, and said: I have lost
all that I have set in thee, for thou hast ruled thee against me as a warrior, and used wrong wars with vain
glory, more for the pleasure of the world than to please me, therefore thou shalt be confounded without thou
yield me my treasure. All this advision saw Sir Launcelot at the Cross. And on the morn he took his horse and
rode till midday; and there by adventure he met with the same knight that took his horse, helm, and his sword,
when he slept when the Sangreal appeared afore the Cross. When Sir Launcelot saw him he saluted him not
fair, but cried on high: Knight, keep thee, for thou hast done to me great unkindness. And then they put afore
them their spears, and Sir Launcelot came so fiercely upon him that he smote him and his horse down to the
earth, that he had nigh broken his neck. Then Sir Launcelot took the knight's horse that was his own
aforehand, and descended from the horse he sat upon, and mounted upon his own horse, and tied the knight's
own horse to a tree that he might find that horse when that he was arisen. Then Sir Launcelot rode till night
and by adventure he met an hermit, and each of them saluted other; and there he rested with that good man all
night, and gave his horse such as he might get. Then said the good man unto Launcelot: Of whence be ye? Sir,
said he, I am of Arthur's court, and my name is Sir Launcelot du Lake that am in the quest of the Sangreal,
and therefore I pray you to counsel me of a vision the which I had at the Cross. And so he told him all.
CHAPTER IV
HOW THE HERMIT EXPOUNDED TO SIR LAUNCELOT HIS VISION, AND TOLD HIM THAT SIR
GALAHAD WAS HIS SON
Lo, Sir Launcelot, said the good man, there thou mightest understand the high lineage that thou art come of,
and thine advision betokeneth. After the passion of Jesu Christ forty year, Joseph of Aramathie preached the
victory of King Evelake, that he had in the battles the better of his enemies. And of the seven kings and the
two knights: the first of them is called Nappus, an holy man; and the second hight Nacien, in remembrance of
his grandsire, and in him dwelled our lord Jesu Christ; and the third was called Helias le Grose; and the fourth
hight Lisais; and the fifth hight Jonas, he departed out of his country and went into Wales, and took there the
daughter of Manuel, whereby he had the land of Gaul, and he came to dwell in this country. And of him came
King Launcelot thy grandsire, the which there wedded the king's daughter of Ireland, and he was as worthy a
man as thou art, and of him came King Ban, thy father, the which was the last of the seven kings. And by thee,
Sir Launcelot, it signifieth that the angels said thou were none of the seven fellowships. And the last was the
ninth knight, he was signified to a lion, for he should pass all manner of earthly knights that is Sir Galahad,
the which thou gat on King Pelles' daughter; and thou ought to thank God more than any other man living, for
of a sinner earthly thou hast no peer as in knighthood, nor never shall be. But little thank hast thou given to
God for all the great virtues that God hath lent thee. Sir, said Launcelot, ye say that that good knight is my
son. That oughtest thou to know and no man better, said the good man, for thou knewest the daughter of King
Pelles fleshly, and on her thou begattest Galahad, and that was he that at the feast of Pentecost sat in the Siege
Perilous; and therefore make thou it known openly that he is one of thy begetting on King Pelles' daughter, for
that will be your worship and honour, and to all thy kindred. And I counsel you in no place press not upon
him to have ado with him. Well, said Launcelot, meseemeth that good knight should pray for me unto the
High Father, that I fall not to sin again. Trust thou well, said the good man, thou farest mickle the better for
his prayer; but the son shall not bear the wickedness of the father, nor the father shall not bear the wickedness
of the son, but every each shall bear his own burden. And therefore beseek thou only God, and he will help
thee in all thy needs. And then Sir Launcelot and he went to supper, and so laid him to rest, and the hair
pricked so Sir Launcelot's skin which grieved him full sore, but he took it meekly, and suffered the pain. And
so on the morn he heard his mass and took his arms, and so took his leave.
CHAPTER V
HOW SIR LAUNCELOT JOUSTED WITH MANY KNIGHTS, AND HOW HE WAS TAKEN
And then mounted upon his horse, and rode into a forest, and held no highway. And as he looked afore him he
saw a fair plain, and beside that a fair castle, and afore the castle were many pavilions of silk and of diverse
hue. And him seemed that he saw there five hundred knights riding on horseback; and there were two parties:
they that were of the castle were all on black horses and their trappours black, and they that were without were
all on white horses and trappours, and every each hurtled to other that it marvelled Sir Launcelot. And at the
last him thought they of the castle were put to the worse. Then thought Sir Launcelot for to help there the
weaker party in increasing of his chivalry. And so Sir Launcelot thrust in among the party of the castle, and
smote down a knight, horse and man, to the earth. And then he rushed here and there, and did marvellous
deeds of arms. And then he drew out his sword, and struck many knights to the earth, so that all those that saw
him marvelled that ever one knight might do so great deeds of arms. But always the white knights held them
nigh about Sir Launcelot, for to tire him and wind him. But at the last, as a man may not ever endure, Sir
Launcelot waxed so faint of fighting and travailing, and was so weary of his great deeds, but he might not lift
up his arms for to give one stroke, so that he weened never to have borne arms; and then they all took and led
him away into a forest, and there made him to alight and to rest him. And then all the fellowship of the castle
were overcome for the default of him. Then they said all unto Sir Launcelot: Blessed be God that ye be now of
our fellowship, for we shall hold you in our prison; and so they left him with few words. And then Sir
Launcelot made great sorrow, For never or now was I never at tournament nor jousts but I had the best, and
now I am shamed; and then he said: Now I am sure that I am more sinfuller than ever I was. Thus he rode
sorrowing, and half a day he was out of despair, till that he came into a deep valley. And when Sir Launcelot
saw he might not ride up into the mountain, he there alit under an apple tree, and there he left his helm and his
shield, and put his horse unto pasture. And then he laid him down to sleep. And then him thought there came
an old man afore him, the which said: Ah, Launcelot of evil faith and poor belief, wherefore is thy will turned
so lightly toward thy deadly sin? And when he had said thus he vanished away, and Launcelot wist not where
he was become. Then he took his horse, and armed him; and as he rode by the way he saw a chapel where was
a recluse, which had a window that she might see up to the altar. And all aloud she called Launcelot, for that
he seemed a knight errant. And then he came, and she asked him what he was, and of what place, and where
about he went to seek.
CHAPTER VI
HOW SIR LAUNCELOT TOLD HIS VISION UNTO A WOMAN, AND HOW SHE EXPOUNDED IT
UNTO HIM
And then he told her all together word by word, and the truth how it befell him at the tournament. And after
told her his advision that he had had that night in his sleep, and prayed her to tell him what it might mean, for
he was not well content with it. Ah, Launcelot, said she, as long as ye were knight of earthly knighthood ye
were the most marvellous man of the world, and most adventurous. Now, said the lady, sithen ye be set
among the knights of heavenly adventures, if adventure fell thee contrary at that tournament have thou no
marvel, for that tournament yesterday was but a tokening of Our Lord. And not for then there was none
enchantment, for they at the tournament were earthly knights. The tournament was a token to see who should
have most knights, either Eliazar, the son of King Pelles, or Argustus, the son of King Harlon. But Eliazar was
all clothed in white, and Argustus was covered in black, the which were come. All what this betokeneth I shall
tell you. The day of Pentecost, when King Arthur held his court, it befell that earthly kings and knights took a
tournament together, that is to say the quest of the Sangreal. The earthly knights were they the which were
clothed all in black, and the covering betokeneth the sins whereof they be not confessed. And they with the
covering of white betokeneth virginity, and they that chose chastity. And thus was the quest begun in them.
Then thou beheld the sinners and the good men, and when thou sawest the sinners overcome, thou inclinest to
that party for bobaunce and pride of the world, and all that must be left in that quest, for in this quest thou
shalt have many fellows and thy betters. For thou art so feeble of evil trust and good belief, this made it when
thou were there where they took thee and led thee into the forest. And anon there appeared the Sangreal unto
the white knights, but thou was so feeble of good belief and faith that thou mightest not abide it for all the
teaching of the good man, but anon thou turnest to the sinners, and that caused thy misadventure that thou
should'st know good from evil and vain glory of the world, the which is not worth a pear. And for great pride
thou madest great sorrow that thou haddest not overcome all the white knights with the covering of white by
whom was betokened virginity and chastity; and therefore God was wroth with you, for God loveth no such
deeds in this quest. And this advision signifieth that thou were of evil faith and of poor belief, the which will
make thee to fall into the deep pit of hell if thou keep thee not. Now have I warned thee of thy vain glory and
of thy pride, that thou hast many times erred against thy Maker. Beware of everlasting pain, for of all earthly
knights I have most pity of thee, for I know well thou hast not thy peer of any earthly sinful man. And so she
commended Sir Launcelot to dinner. And after dinner he took his horse and commended her to God, and so
rode into a deep valley, and there he saw a river and an high mountain. And through the water he must needs
pass, the which was hideous; and then in the name of God he took it with good heart. And when he came over
he saw an armed knight, horse and man black as any bear; without any word he smote Sir Launcelot's horse to
the earth; and so he passed on, he wist not where he was become. And then he took his helm and his shield,
and thanked God of his adventure.
Here leveth of the story of syr launcelot. And speke we of sir gawayne, the whiche is the xvi. book.
THE SIXTEENTH BOOK
CHAPTER I
HOW SIR GAWAINE WAS NIGH WEARY OF THE QUEST OF THE SANGREAL, AND OF HIS
MARVELLOUS DREAM
When Sir Gawaine was departed from his fellowship he rode long without any adventure. For he found not
the tenth part of adventure as he was wont to do. For Sir Gawaine rode from Whitsuntide until Michaelmas
and found none adventure that pleased him. So on a day it befell Gawaine met with Sir Ector de Maris, and
either made great joy of other that it were marvel to tell. And so they told every each other, and complained
them greatly that they could find none adventure. Truly, said Sir Gawaine unto Sir Ector, I am nigh weary of
this quest, and loth I am to follow further in strange countries. One thing marvelled me, said Sir Ector, I have
met with twenty knights, fellows of mine, and all they complain as I do. I have marvel, said Sir Gawaine,
where that Sir Launcelot, your brother, is. Truly, said Sir Ector, I cannot hear of him, nor of Sir Galahad,
Percivale, nor Sir Bors. Let them be, said Sir Gawaine, for they four have no peers. And if one thing were not
in Sir Launcelot he had no fellow of none earthly man; but he is as we be, but if he took more pain upon him.
But an these four be met together they will be loth that any man meet with them; for an they fail of the
Sangreal it is in waste of all the remnant to recover it. Thus as Ector and Gawaine rode more than eight days.
And on a Saturday they found an old chapel, the which was wasted that there seemed no man thither repaired;
and there they alit, and set their spears at the door, and in they entered into the chapel, and there made their
orisons a great while, and set them down in the sieges of the chapel. And as they spake of one thing and other,
for heaviness they fell on sleep, and there befel them both marvellous adventures. Sir Gawaine him seemed he
came into a meadow full of herbs and flowers, and there he saw a rack of bulls, an hundred and fifty, that
were proud and black, save three of them were all white, and one had a black spot, and the other two were so
fair and so white that they might be no whiter. And these three bulls which were so fair were tied with two
strong cords. And the remnant of the bulls said among them: Go we hence to seek better pasture. And so some
went, and some came again, but they were so lean that they might not stand upright; and of the bulls that were
so white, that one came again and no more. But when this white bull was come again among these other there
rose up a great cry for lack of wind that failed them; and so they departed one here and another there; this
advision befell Gawaine that night.
CHAPTER II
OF THE VISION OF SIR ECTOR, AND HOW HE JOUSTED WITH SIR UWAINE LES AVOUTRES, HIS
SWORN BROTHER
But to Ector de Maris befell another vision the contrary. For it seemed him that his brother, Sir Launcelot, and
he alit out of a chair and leapt upon two horses, and the one said to the other: Go we seek that we shall not
find. And him thought that a man beat Sir Launcelot, and despoiled him, and clothed him in another array, the
which was all full of knots, and set him upon an ass, and so he rode till he came to the fairest well that ever he
saw; and Sir Launcelot alit and would have drunk of that well. And when he stooped to drink of the water the
water sank from him. And when Sir Launcelot saw that, he turned and went thither as the head came from.
And in the meanwhile he trowed that himself and Sir Ector rode till that they came to a rich man's house
where there was a wedding. And there he saw a king the which said: Sir knight, here is no place for you. And
then he turned again unto the chair that he came from. Thus within a while both Gawaine and Ector awaked,
and either told other of their advision, the which marvelled them greatly. Truly, said Ector, I shall never be
merry till I hear tidings of my brother Launcelot. Now as they sat thus talking they saw an hand showing unto
the elbow, and was covered with red samite, and upon that hung a bridle not right rich, and held within the fist
a great candle which burned right clear, and so passed afore them, and entered into the chapel, and then
vanished away and they wist not where. And anon came down a voice which said: Knights of full evil faith
and of poor belief, these two things have failed you, and therefore ye may not come to the adventures of the
Sangreal. Then first spake Gawaine and said: Ector, have ye heard these words? Yea truly, said Sir Ector, I
heard all. Now go we, said Sir Ector, unto some hermit that will tell us of our advision, for it seemeth me we
labour all in vain. And so they departed and rode into a valley, and there met with a squire which rode on an
hackney, and they saluted him fair. Sir, said Gawaine, can thou teach us to any hermit? Here is one in a little
mountain, but it is so rough there may no horse go thither, and therefore ye must go upon foot; there shall ye
find a poor house, and there is Nacien the hermit, which is the holiest man in this country. And so they
departed either from other. And then in a valley they met with a knight all armed, which proffered them to
joust as far as he saw them. In the name of God, said Sir Gawaine, sith I departed from Camelot there was
none proffered me to joust but once. And now, sir, said Ector, let me joust with him. Nay, said Gawaine, ye
shall not but if I be beat; it shall not forethink me then if ye go after me. And then either embraced other to
joust and came together as fast as their horses might run, and brast their shields and the mails, and the one
more than the other; and Gawaine was wounded in the left side, but the other knight was smitten through the
breast, and the spear came out on the other side, and so they fell both out of their saddles, and in the falling
they brake both their spears. Anon Gawaine arose and set his hand to his sword, and cast his shield afore him.
But all for naught was it, for the knight had no power to rise against him. Then said Gawaine: Ye must yield
you as an overcome man, or else I may slay you. Ah, sir knight, said he, I am but dead, for God's sake and of
your gentleness lead me here unto an abbey that I may receive my Creator. Sir, said Gawaine, I know no
house of religion hereby. Sir, said the knight, set me on an horse tofore you, and I shall teach you. Gawaine
set him up in the saddle, and he leapt up behind him for to sustain him, and so came to an abbey where they
were well received; and anon he was unarmed, and received his Creator. Then he prayed Gawaine to draw out
the truncheon of the spear out of his body. Then Gawaine asked him what he was that knew him not. I am,
said he, of King Arthur's court, and was a fellow of the Round Table, and we were brethren sworn together;
and now Sir Gawaine, thou hast slain me, and my name is Uwaine les Avoutres, that sometime was son unto
King Uriens, and was in the quest of the Sangreal; and now forgive it thee God, for it shall ever be said that
the one sworn brother hath slain the other.
CHAPTER III
HOW SIR GAWAINE AND SIR ECTOR CAME TO AN HERMITAGE TO BE CONFESSED, AND HOW
THEY TOLD TO THE HERMIT THEIR VISIONS
Alas, said Gawaine, that ever this misadventure is befallen me. No force, said Uwaine, sith I shall die this
death, of a much more worshipfuller man's hand might I not die; but when ye come to the court recommend
me unto my lord, King Arthur, and all those that be left on live, and for old brotherhood think on me. Then
began Gawaine to weep, and Ector also. And then Uwaine himself and Sir Gawaine drew out the truncheon of
the spear, and anon departed the soul from the body. Then Sir Gawaine and Sir Ector buried him as men ought
to bury a king's son, and made write upon his name, and by whom he was slain. Then departed Gawaine and
Ector as heavy as they might for their misadventure, and so rode till that they came to the rough mountain, and
there they tied their horses and went on foot to the hermitage. And when they were come up they saw a poor
house, and beside the chapel a little courtelage, where Nacien the hermit gathered worts, as he which had
tasted none other meat of a great while. And when he saw the errant knights he came toward them and saluted
them, and they him again. Fair lords, said he, what adventure brought you hither? Sir, said Gawaine, to speak
with you for to be confessed. Sir, said the hermit, I am ready. Then they told him so much that he wist well
what they were. And then he thought to counsel them if he might. Then began Gawaine first and told him of
his advision that he had had in the chapel, and Ector told him all as it is afore rehearsed. Sir, said the hermit
unto Sir Gawaine, the fair meadow and the rack therein ought to be understood the Round Table, and by the
meadow ought to be understood humility and patience, those be the things which be always green and quick;
for men may no time overcome humility and patience, therefore was the Round Table founded; and the
chivalry hath been at all times so by the fraternity which was there that she might not be overcome; for men
said she was founded in patience and in humility. At the rack ate an hundred and fifty bulls; but they ate not in
the meadow, for their hearts should be set in humility and patience, and the bulls were proud and black save
only three. By the bulls is to understand the fellowship of the Round Table, which for their sin and their
wickedness be black. Blackness is to say without good or virtuous works. And the three bulls which were
white save only one that was spotted: the two white betoken Sir Galahad and Sir Percivale, for they be
maidens clene and without spot; and the third that had a spot signifieth Sir Bors de Ganis, which trespassed
but once in his virginity, but sithen he kept himself so well in chastity that all is forgiven him and his
misdeeds. And why those three were tied by the necks, they be three knights in virginity and chastity, and
there is no pride smitten in them. And the black bulls which said: Go we hence, they were those which at
Pentecost at the high feast took upon them to go in the quest of the Sangreal without confession: they might
not enter in the meadow of humility and patience. And therefore they returned into waste countries, that
signifieth death, for there shall die many of them: every each of them shall slay other for sin, and they that
shall escape shall be so lean that it shall be marvel to see them. And of the three bulls without spot, the one
shall come again, and the other two never.
CHAPTER IV
HOW THE HERMIT EXPOUNDED THEIR VISION
Then spake Nacien unto Ector: Sooth it is that Launcelot and ye come down off one chair: the chair
betokeneth mastership and lordship which ye came down from. But ye two knights, said the hermit, ye go to
seek that ye shall never find, that is the Sangreal; for it is the secret thing of our Lord Jesu Christ. What is to
mean that Sir Launcelot fell down off his horse: he hath left pride and taken him to humility, for he had cried
mercy loud for his sin, and sore repented him, and our Lord hath clothed him in his clothing which is full of
knots, that is the hair that he weareth daily. And the ass that he rode upon is a beast of humility, for God
would not ride upon no steed, nor upon no palfrey; so in ensample that an ass betokeneth meekness, that thou
sawest Sir Launcelot ride on in thy sleep. And the well whereas the water sank from him when he should have
taken thereof, and when he saw he might not have it, he returned thither from whence he came, for the well
betokeneth the high grace of God, the more men desire it to take it, the more shall be their desire. So when he
came nigh the Sangreal, he meeked him that he held him not a man worthy to be so nigh the holy vessel, for
he had been so befouled in deadly sin by the space of many years; yet when he kneeled to drink of the well,
there he saw great providence o£ the Sangreal. And for he had served so long the devil, he shall have
vengeance four and twenty days long, for that he hath been the devil's servant four and twenty years. And then
soon after he shall return unto Camelot out of this country, and he shall say a part of such things as he hath
found. Now will I tell you what betokeneth the hand with the candle and the bridle: that is to understand the
holy ghost where charity is ever, and the bridle signifieth abstinence. For when she is bridled in Christian
man's heart she holdeth him so short that he falleth not in deadly sin. And the candle which sheweth clearness
and sight signifieth the right way of Jesu Christ. And when he went and said: Knights of poor faith and of
wicked belief, these three things failed, charity, abstinence, and truth; therefore ye may not attain that high
adventure of the Sangreal.
CHAPTER V
OF THE GOOD COUNSEL THAT THE HERMIT GAVE TO HIM
Certes, said Gawaine, soothly have ye said, that I see it openly. Now, I pray you, good man and holy father,
tell me why we met not with so many adventures as we were wont to do, and commonly have the better. I
shall tell you gladly, said the good man; the adventure of the Sangreal which ye and many other have
undertaken the quest of it and find it not, the cause is for it appeareth not to sinners. Wherefore marvel not
though ye fail thereof, and many other. For ye be an untrue knight, and a great murderer, and to good men
signifieth other things than murder. For I dare say as sinful as Sir Launcelot hath been, sith that he went into
the quest of the Sangreal he slew never man, nor nought shall, till that he come unto Camelot again, for he
hath taken upon him for to forsake sin. And nere that he nys not stable, but by his thought he is likely to turn
again, he should be next to achieve it save Galahad, his son. But God knoweth his thought and his
unstableness, and yet shall he die right an holy man, and no doubt he hath no fellow of no earthly sinful man.
Sir, said Gawaine, it seemeth me by your words that for our sins it will not avail us to travel in this quest.
Truly, said the good man, there be an hundred such as ye be that never shall prevail, but to have shame. And
when they had heard these voices they commended him unto God. Then the good man called Gawaine, and
said: It is long time passed sith that ye were made knight, and never sithen thou servedst thy Maker, and now
thou art so old a tree that in thee is neither life nor fruit; wherefore bethink thee that thou yield to Our Lord the
bare rind, sith the fiend hath the leaves and the fruit. Sir, said Gawaine, an I had leisure I would speak with
you, but my fellow here, Sir Ector, is gone, and abideth me yonder beneath the hill. Well, said the good man,
thou were better to be counselled. Then departed Gawaine and came to Ector, and so took their horses and
rode till they came to a forester's house, which harboured them right well. And on the morn they departed
from their host, and rode long or they could find any adventure.
CHAPTER VI
HOW SIR BORS MET WITH AN HERMIT, AND HOW HE WAS CONFESSED TO HIM, AND OF HIS
PENANCE ENJOINED TO HIM
When Bors was departed from Camelot he met with a religious man riding on an ass, and Sir Bors saluted
him. Anon the good man knew him that he was one of the knights errant that was in the quest of the Sangreal.
What are ye? said the good man. Sir, said he, I am a knight that fain would be counselled in the quest of the
Sangreal, for he shall have much earthly worship that may bring it to an end. Certes, said the good man, that is
sooth, for he shall be the best knight of the world, and the fairest of all the fellowship. But wit you well there
shall none attain it but by cleanness, that is pure confession. So rode they together till that they came to an
hermitage. And there he prayed Bors to dwell all that night with him. And so he alit and put away his armour,
and prayed him that he might be confessed; and so they went into the chapel, and there he was clean
confessed, and they ate bread and drank water together. Now, said the good man, I pray thee that thou eat
none other till that thou sit at the table where the Sangreal shall be. Sir, said he, I agree me thereto, but how
wit ye that I shall sit there. Yes, said the good man, that know I, but there shall be but few of your fellows
with you. All is welcome, said Sir Bors, that God sendeth me. Also, said the good man, instead of a shirt, and
in sign of chastisement, ye shall wear a garment; therefore I pray you do off all your clothes and your shirt:
and so he did. And then he took him a scarlet coat, so that should be instead of his shirt till he had fulfilled the
quest of the Sangreal; and the good man found in him so marvellous a life and so stable, that he marvelled and
felt that he was never corrupt in fleshly lusts, but in one time that he begat Elian le Blank. Then he armed him,
and took his leave, and so departed. And so a little from thence he looked up into a tree, and there he saw a
passing great bird upon an old tree, and it was passing dry, without leaves; and the bird sat above, and had
birds, the which were dead for hunger. So smote he himself with his beak, the which was great and sharp. And
so the great bird bled till that he died among his birds. And the young birds took the life by the blood of the
great bird. When Bors saw this he wist well it was a great tokening; for when he saw the great bird arose not,
then he took his horse and yede his way. So by evensong, by adventure he came to a strong tower and an high,
and there was he lodged gladly.
CHAPTER VII
HOW SIR BORS WAS LODGED WITH A LADY, AND HOW HE TOOK UPON HIM FOR TO FIGHT
AGAINST A CHAMPION FOR HER LAND
And when he was unarmed they led him into an high tower where was a lady, young, lusty, and fair. And she
received him with great joy, and made him to sit down by her, and so was he set to sup with flesh and many
dainties. And when Sir Bors saw that, he bethought him on his penance, and bad a squire to bring him water.
And so he brought him, and he made sops therein and ate them. Ah, said the lady, I trow ye like not my meat.
Yes, truly, said Sir Bors, God thank you, madam, but I may eat none other meat this day. Then she spake no
more as at that time, for she was loth to displease him. Then after supper they spake of one thing and other.
With that came a squire and said: Madam, ye must purvey you tomorn for a champion, for else your sister will
have this castle and also your lands, except ye can find a knight that will fight tomorn in your quarrel against
Pridam le Noire. Then she made sorrow and said: Ah, Lord God, wherefore granted ye to hold my land,
whereof I should now be disherited without reason and right? And when Sir Bors had heard her say thus, he
said, I shall comfort you. Sir, said she, I shall tell you there was here a king that hight Aniause, which held all
this land in his keeping. So it mishapped he loved a gentlewoman a great deal elder than I. So took he her all
this land to her keeping, and all his men to govern; and she brought up many evil customs whereby she put to
death a great part of his kinsmen. And when he saw that, he let chase her out of this land, and betook it me,
and all this land in my demesnes. But anon as that worthy king was dead, this other lady began to war upon
me, and hath destroyed many of my men, and turned them against me, that I have wellnigh no man left me;
and I have nought else but this high tower that she left me. And yet she hath promised me to have this tower,
without I can find a knight to fight with her champion. Now tell me, said Sir Bors, what is that Pridam le
Noire? Sir, said she, he is the most doubted man of this land. Now may ye send her word that ye have found a
knight that shall fight with that Pridam le Noire in God's quarrel and yours. Then that lady was not a little
glad, and sent word that she was purveyed, and that night Bors had good cheer; but in no bed he would come,
but laid him on the floor, nor never would do otherwise till that he had met with the quest of the Sangreal.
CHAPTER VIII
OF A VISION WHICH SIR BORS HAD THAT NIGHT, AND HOW HE FOUGHT AND OVERCAME HIS
ADVERSARY
And anon as he was asleep him befel a vision, that there came to him two birds, the one as white as a swan,
and the other was marvellous black; but it was not so great as the other, but in the likeness of a Raven. Then
the white bird came to him, and said: An thou wouldst give me meat and serve me I should give thee all the
riches of the world, and I shall make thee as fair and as white as I am. So the white bird departed, and there
came the black bird to him, and said: An thou wolt, serve me to-morrow and have me in no despite though I
be black, for wit thou well that more availeth my blackness than the other's whiteness. And then he departed.
And he had another vision: him thought that he came to a great place which seemed a chapel, and there he
found a chair set on the left side, which was wormeaten and feeble. And on the right hand were two flowers
like a lily, and the one would have benome the other's whiteness but a good man departed them that the one
touched not the other; and then out of every flower came out many flowers, and fruit great plenty. Then him
thought the good man said: Should not he do great folly that would let these two flowers perish for to succour
the rotten tree, that it fell not to the earth? Sir, said he, it seemeth me that this wood might not avail. Now keep
thee, said the good man, that thou never see such adventure befall thee. Then he awaked and made a sign of
the cross in middes of the forehead, and so rose and clothed him. And there came the lady of the place, and
she saluted him, and he her again, and so went to a chapel and heard their service. And there came a company
of knights, that the lady had sent for, to lead Sir Bors unto battle. Then asked he his arms. And when he was
armed she prayed him to take a little morsel to dine. Nay, madam, said he, that shall I not do till I have done
my battle, by the grace of God. And so he lept upon his horse, and departed all the knights and men with him.
And as soon as these two ladies met together, she which Bors should fight for complained her, and said:
Madam, ye have done me wrong to bereave me of my lands that King Aniause gave me, and full loth I am
there should be any battle. Ye shall not choose, said the other lady, or else your knight withdraw him. Then
there was the cry made, which party had the better of the two knights, that his lady should rejoice all the land.
Now departed the one knight here, and the other there. Then they came together with such a raundon that they
pierced their shields and their hauberks, and the spears flew in pieces, and they wounded either other sore.
Then hurtled they together, so that they fell both to the earth, and their horses betwixt their legs; and anon they
arose, and set hands to their swords, and smote each one other upon the heads, that they made great wounds
and deep, that the blood went out of their bodies. For there found Sir Bors greater defence in that knight more
than he weened. For that Pridam was a passing good knight, and he wounded Sir Bors full evil, and he him
again; but ever this Pridam held the stour in like hard. That perceived Sir Bors, and suffered him till he was
nigh attaint. And then he ran upon him more and more, and the other went back for dread of death. So in his
withdrawing he fell upright, and Sir Bors drew his helm so strongly that he rent it from his head, and gave him
great strokes with the flat of his sword upon the visage, and bad him yield him or he should slay him. Then he
cried him mercy and said: Fair knight, for God's love slay me not, and I shall ensure thee never to war against
thy lady, but be alway toward her. Then Bors let him be; then the old lady fled with all her knights.
CHAPTER IX
HOW THE LADY WAS RETURNED TO HER LANDS BY THE BATTLE OF SIR BORS, AND OF HIS
DEPARTING, AND HOW HE MET SIR LIONEL TAKEN AND BEATEN WITH THORNS, AND ALSO
OF A MAID WHICH SHOULD HAVE BEEN DISHONOURED
So then came Bors to all those that held lands of his lady, and said he should destroy them but if they did such
service unto her as longed to their lands. So they did their homage, and they that would not were chased out of
their lands. Then befel that young lady to come to her estate again, by the mighty prowess of Sir Bors de
Ganis. So when all the country was well set in peace, then Sir Bors took his leave and departed; and she
thanked him greatly, and would have given him great riches, but he refused it. Then he rode all that day till
night, and came to an harbour to a lady which knew him well enough, and made of him great joy. Upon the
morn, as soon as the day appeared, Bors departed from thence, and so rode into a forest unto the hour of
midday, and there befel him a marvellous adventure. So he met at the departing of the two ways two knights
that led Lionel, his brother, all naked, bounden upon a strong hackney, and his hands bounden tofore his
breast. And every each of them held in his hands thorns wherewith they went beating him so sore that the
blood trailed down more than in an hundred places of his body, so that he was all blood tofore and behind, but
he said never a word; as he which was great of heart he suffered all that ever they did to him as though he had
felt none anguish. Anon Sir Bors dressed him to rescue him that was his brother; and so he looked upon the
other side of him, and saw a knight which brought a fair gentlewoman, and would have set her in the thickest
place of the forest for to have been the more surer out of the way from them that sought him. And she which
was nothing assured cried with an high voice: Saint Mary succour your maid. And anon she espied where Sir
Bors came riding. And when she came nigh him she deemed him a knight of the Round Table, whereof she
hoped to have some comfort; and then she conjured him: By the faith that he ought unto him in whose service
thou art entered in, and for the faith ye owe unto the high order of knighthood, and for the noble King Arthur's
sake, that I suppose that made thee knight, that thou help me, and suffer me not to be shamed of this knight.
When Bors heard her say thus he had so much sorrow there he nyst not what to do. For if I let my brother be
in adventure he must be slain, and that would I not for all the earth. And if I help not the maid she is shamed
for ever, and also she shall lose her virginity the which she shall never get again. Then lift he up his eyes and
said weeping: Fair sweet Lord Jesu Christ, whose liege man I am, keep Lionel, my brother, that these knights
slay him not, and for pity of you, and for Mary's sake, I shall succour this maid.
CHAPTER X
HOW SIR BORS LEFT TO RESCUE HIS BROTHER, AND RESCUED THE DAMOSEL; AND HOW IT
WAS TOLD HIM THAT LIONEL WAS DEAD
Then dressed he him unto the knight the which had the gentlewoman, and then he cried: Sir knight, let your
hand off that maiden, or ye be but dead. And then he set down the maiden, and was armed at all pieces save he
lacked his spear. Then he dressed his shield, and drew out his sword, and Bors smote him so hard that it went
through his shield and habergeon on the left shoulder. And through great strength he beat him down to the
earth, and at the pulling out of Bors' spear there he swooned. Then came Bors to the maid and said: How
seemeth it you? of this knight ye be delivered at this time. Now sir, said she, I pray you lead me there as this
knight had me. So shall I do gladly: and took the horse of the wounded knight, and set the gentlewoman upon
him, and so brought her as she desired. Sir knight, said she, ye have better sped than ye weened, for an I had
lost my maidenhead, five hundred men should have died for it. What knight was he that had you in the forest?
By my faith, said she, he is my cousin. So wot I never with what engyn the fiend enchafed him, for yesterday
he took me from my father privily; for I nor none of my father's men mistrusted him not, and if he had had my
maidenhead he should have died for the sin, and his body shamed and dishonoured for ever. Thus as she stood
talking with him there came twelve knights seeking after her, and anon she told them all how Bors had
delivered her; then they made great joy, and besought him to come to her father, a great lord, and he should be
right welcome. Truly, said Bors, that may not be at this time, for I have a great adventure to do in this country.
So he commended them unto God and departed. Then Sir Bors rode after Lionel, his brother, by the trace of
their horses, thus he rode seeking a great while. Then he overtook a man clothed in a religious clothing, and
rode on a strong black horse blacker than a bear, and said: Sir knight, what seek you? Sir, said he, I seek my
brother that I saw within a while beaten with two knights. Ah, Bors, discomfort you not, nor fall into no
wanhope, for I shall tell you tidings such as they be, for truly he is dead. Then showed he him a new slain
body lying in a bush, and it seemed him well that it was the body of Lionel; and then he made such a sorrow
that he fell to the earth all in a swoon, and lay a great while there. And when he came to himself he said: Fair
brother, sith the company of you and me is departed shall I never have joy in my heart, and now he which I
have taken unto my master, He be my help. And when he had said thus he took his body lightly in his arms,
and put it upon the arson of his saddle. And then he said to the man: Canst thou tell me unto some chapel
where that I may bury this body? Come on, said he, here is one fast by; and so long they rode till they saw a
fair tower, and afore it there seemed an old feeble chapel. And then they alit both, and put him into a tomb of
marble.
CHAPTER XI
HOW SIR BORS TOLD HIS DREAM TO A PRIEST, WHICH HE HAD DREAMED, AND OF THE
COUNSEL THAT THE PRIEST GAVE TO HIM
Now leave we him here, said the good man, and go we to our harbour till to-morrow; we will come here again
to do him service. Sir, said Bors, be ye a priest? Yea forsooth, said he. Then I pray you tell me a dream that
befell to me the last night. Say on, said he. Then he began so much to tell him of the great bird in the forest,
and after told him of his birds, one white, another black, and of the rotten tree, and of the white flowers. Sir, I
shall tell you a part now, and the other dele to-morrow. The white fowl betokeneth a gentlewoman, fair and
rich, which loved thee paramours, and hath loved thee long; and if thou warne her love she shall go die anon,
if thou have no pity on her. That signifieth the great bird, the which shall make thee to warne her. Now for no
fear that thou hast, nor for no dread that thou hast of God, thou shalt not warne her, but thou wouldst not do it
for to be holden chaste, for to conquer the loos of the vain glory of the world; for that shall befall thee now an
thou warne her, that Launcelot, the good knight, thy cousin, shall die. And therefore men shall now say that
thou art a manslayer, both of thy brother, Sir Lionel, and of thy cousin, Sir Launcelot du Lake, the which thou
mightest have saved and rescued easily, but thou weenest to rescue a maid which pertaineth nothing to thee.
Now look thou whether it had been greater harm of thy brother's death, or else to have suffered her to have
lost her maidenhood. Then asked he him: Hast thou heard the tokens o£ thy dream the which I have told to
you? Yea forsooth, said Sir Bors, all your exposition and declaring of my dream I have well understood and
heard. Then said the man in this black clothing: Then is it in thy default if Sir Launcelot, thy cousin, die. Sir,
said Bors, that were me loth, for wit ye well there is nothing in the world but I had lever do it than to see my
lord Sir Launcelot du Lake, to die in my default. Choose ye now the one or the other, said the good man. And
then he led Sir Bors into an high tower, and there he found knights and ladies: those ladies said he was
welcome, and so they unarmed him. And when he was in his doublet men brought him a mantle furred with
ermine, and put it about him; and then they made him such cheer that he had forgotten all his sorrow and
anguish, and only set his heart in these delights and dainties, and took no thought more for his brother, Sir
Lionel, neither of Sir Launcelot du Lake, his cousin. And anon came out of a chamber to him the fairest lady
that ever he saw, and more richer bysene than ever he saw Queen Guenever or any other estate. Lo, said they,
Sir Bors, here is the lady unto whom we owe all our service, and I trow she be the richest lady and the fairest
of all the world, and the which loveth you best above all other knights, for she will have no knight but you.
And when he understood that language he was abashed. Not for then she saluted him, and he her; and then
they sat down together and spake of many things, in so much that she besought him to be her love, for she had
loved him above all earthly men, and she should make him richer than ever was man of his age. When Bors
understood her words he was right evil at ease, which in no manner would not break chasity, so wist not he
how to answer her.
CHAPTER XII
HOW A DEVIL IN WOMAN'S LIKENESS WOULD HAVE TEMPTED SIR BORS, AND HOW BY
GOD'S GRACE HE ESCAPED
Alas, said she, Bors, shall ye not do my will? Madam, said Bors, there is no lady in the world whose will I
will fulfill as of this thing, for my brother lieth dead which was slain right late. Ah Bors, said she, I have loved
you long for the great beauty I have seen in you, and the great hardiness that I have heard of you, that needs
ye must lie by me this night, and therefore I pray you grant it me. Truly, said he, I shall not do it in no manner
wise. Then she made him such sorrow as though she would have died. Well Bors, said she, unto this have ye
brought me, nigh to mine end. And therewith she took him by the hand, and bad him behold her. And ye shall
see how I shall die for your love. Ah, said then he, that shall I never see. Then she departed and went up into
an high battlement, and led with her twelve gentlewomen; and when they were above, one of the
gentlewomen cried, and said: Ah, Sir Bors, gentle knight have mercy on us all, and suffer my lady to have her
will, and if ye do not we must suffer death with our lady, for to fall down off this high tower, and if ye suffer
us thus to die for so little a thing all ladies and gentlewomen will say of you dishonour. Then looked he
upward, they seemed all ladies of great estate, and richly and well bisene. Then had he of them great pity; not
for that he was uncounselled in himself that lever he had they all had lost their souls than he his, and with that
they fell adown all at once unto the earth. And when he saw that, he was all abashed, and had thereof great
marvel. With that he blessed his body and his visage. And anon he heard a great noise and a great cry, as
though all the fiends of hell had been about him; and therewith he saw neither tower nor lady, nor
gentlewoman, nor no chapel where he brought his brother to. Then held he up both his hands to the heaven,
and said: Fair Father God, I am grievously escaped; and then he took his arms and his horse and rode on his
way. Then he heard a clock smite on his right hand; and thither he came to an Abbey on his right hand, closed
with high walls, and there was let in. Then they supposed that he was one of the quest of the Sangreal, so they
led him into a chamber and unarmed him. Sirs, said Sir Bors, if there be any holy man in this house I pray you
let me speak with him. Then one of them led him unto the Abbot, which was in a Chapel. And then Sir Bors
saluted him, and he him again. Sir, said Bors, I am a knight errant; and told him all the adventure which he
had seen. Sir Knight, said the Abbot, I wot not what ye be, for I weened never that a knight of your age might
have been so strong in the grace of our Lord Jesu Christ. Not for then ye shall go unto your rest, for I will not
counsel you this day, it is too late, and to-morrow I shall counsel you as I can.
CHAPTER XIII
OF THE HOLY COMMUNICATION OF AN ABBOT TO SIR BORS, AND HOW THE ABBOT
COUNSELLED HIM
And that night was Sir Bors served richly; and on the morn early he heard mass, and the Abbot came to him,
and bad him good morrow, and Bors to him again. And then he told him he was a fellow of the quest of the
Sangreal, and how he had charge of the holy man to eat bread and water. Then said the Abbot: Our Lord Jesu
Christ showed him unto you in the likeness of a soul that suffered great anguish for us, syne He was put upon
the cross, and bled His heart blood for mankind: there was the token and the likeness of the Sangreal that
appeared afore you, for the blood that the great fowl bled revived the chickens from death to life. And by the
bare tree is betokened the world which is naked and without fruit but if it come to Our Lord. Also the lady for
whom ye fought for, and King Aniause which was lord there tofore, betokeneth Jesu Christ which is the King
of the world. And that ye fought with the champion for the lady, this it betokeneth: for when ye took the battle
for the lady, by her shall ye understand the new law of Jesu Christ and Holy Church; and by the other lady ye
shall understand the old law and the fiend, which all day warreth against Holy Church, therefore ye did your
battle with right. For ye be Jesu Christ's knights, therefore ye ought to be defenders of Holy Church. And by
the black bird might ye understand Holy Church, which sayeth I am black, but he is fair. And by the white
bird might men understand the fiend, and I shall tell you how the swan is white without forth, and black
within: it is hypocrisy which is without yellow or pale, and seemeth without forth the servants of Jesu Christ,
but they be within so horrible of filth and sin, and beguile the world evil. Also when the fiend appeared to thee
in likeness of a man of religion, and blamed thee that thou left thy brother for a lady, so led thee where thou
seemed thy brother was slain, but he is yet on live; and all was for to put thee in error, and bring thee unto
wanhope and lechery, for he knew thou were tender hearted, and all was for thou shouldst not find the blessed
adventure of the Sangreal. And the third fowl betokeneth the strong battle against the fair ladies which were
all devils. Also the dry tree and the white lily: the dry tree betokeneth thy brother Lionel, which is dry without
virtue, and therefore many men ought to call him the rotten tree, and the wormeaten tree, for he is a murderer
and doth contrary to the order of knighthood. And the two white flowers signify two maidens, the one is a
knight which was wounded the other day, and the other is the gentlewoman which ye rescued; and why the
other flower drew nigh the other, that was the knight which would have befouled her and himself both. And
Sir Bors, ye had been a great fool and in great peril for to have seen those two flowers perish for to succour
the rotten tree, for and they had sinned together they had been damned; and for that ye rescued them both,
men might call you a very knight and servant of Jesu Christ.
CHAPTER XIV
HOW SIR BORS MET WITH HIS BROTHER SIR LIONEL, AND HOW SIR LIONEL WOULD HAVE
SLAIN SIR BORS
Then went Sir Bors from thence and commended the abbot unto God. And then he rode all that day, and
harboured with an old lady. And on the morn he rode to a castle in a valley, and there he met with a yeoman
going a great pace toward a forest. Say me, said Sir Bors, canst thou tell me of any adventure? Sir, said he,
here shall be under this castle a great and a marvellous tournament. Of what folks shall it be? said Sir Bors.
The Earl of Plains shall be in the one party, and the lady's nephew of Hervin on the other party. Then Bors
thought to be there if he might meet with his brother Sir Lionel, or any other of his fellowship, which were in
the quest of the Sangreal. And then he turned to an hermitage that was in the entry of the forest. And when he
was come thither he found there Sir Lionel, his brother, which sat all armed at the entry of the chapel door for
to abide there harbour till on the morn that the tournament shall be. And when Sir Bors saw him he had great
joy of him, that it were marvel to tell of his joy. And then he alit off his horse, and said: Fair sweet brother,
when came ye hither? Anon as Lionel saw him he said: Ah Bors, ye may not make none avaunt, but as for you
I might have been slain; when ye saw two knights leading me away beating me, ye left me for to succour a
gentlewoman, and suffered me in peril of death; for never erst me did no brother to another so great an
untruth. And for that misdeed now I ensure you but death, for well have ye deserved it; therefore keep thee
from henceforward, and that shall ye find as soon as I am armed. When Sir Bors understood his brother's
wrath he kneeled down to the earth and cried him mercy, holding up both his hands, and prayed him to forgive
him his evil will. Nay, said Lionel, that shall never be an I may have the higher hand, that I make mine avow
to God, thou shalt have death for it, for it were pity ye lived any longer. Right so he went in and took his
harness, and mounted upon his horse, and came tofore him and said: Bors, keep thee from me, for I shall do to
thee as I would to a felon or a traitor, for ye be the untruest knight that ever came out of so worthy an house as
was King Bors' de Ganis which was our father, therefore start upon thy horse, and so shall ye be most at your
advantage. And but if ye will I will run upon you there as ye stand upon foot, and so the shame shall be mine
and the harm yours, but of that shame ne reck I nought. When Sir Bors saw that he must fight with his brother
or else to die, he nist what to do; then his heart counselled him not thereto, inasmuch as Lionel was born or he,
wherefore he ought to bear him reverence; yet kneeled he down afore Lionel's horse's feet, and said: Fair
sweet brother, have mercy upon me and slay me not, and have in remembrance the great love which ought to
be between us twain. What Sir Bors said to Lionel he recked not, for the fiend had brought him in such a will
that he should slay him. Then when Lionel saw he would none other, and that he would not have risen to give
him battle, he rushed over him so that he smote Bors with his horse, feet upward to the earth, and hurt him so
sore that he swooned of distress, the which he felt in himself to have died without confession. So when Lionel
saw this, he alit off his horse to have smitten off his head. And so he took him by the helm, and would have
rent it from his head. Then came the hermit running unto him, which was a good man and of great age, and
well had heard all the words that were between them, and so fell down upon Sir Bors.
CHAPTER XV
HOW SIR COLGREVANCE FOUGHT AGAINST SIR LIONEL FOR TO SAVE SIR BORS, AND HOW
THE HERMIT WAS SLAIN
Then he said to Lionel: Ah gentle knight, have mercy upon me and on thy brother, for if thou slay him thou
shalt be dead of sin, and that were sorrowful, for he is one of the worthiest knights of the world, and of the
best conditions. So God help me, said Lionel, sir priest, but if ye flee from him I shall slay you, and he shall
never the sooner be quit. Certes, said the good man, I have lever ye slay me than him, for my death shall not
be great harm, not half so much as of his. Well, said Lionel, I am agreed; and set his hand to his sword and
smote him so hard that his head yede backward. Not for that he restrained him of his evil will, but took his
brother by the helm, and unlaced it to have stricken off his head, and had slain him without fail. But so it
happed, Colgrevance, a fellow of the Round Table, came at that time thither as Our Lord's will was. And
when he saw the good man slain he marvelled much what it might be. And then he beheld Lionel would have
slain his brother, and knew Sir Bors which he loved right well. Then start he down and took Lionel by the
shoulders, and drew him strongly aback from Bors, and said: Lionel, will ye slay your brother, the worthiest
knight of the world one? and that should no good man suffer. Why, said Lionel, will ye let me? therefore if ye
intermit you in this I shall slay you, and him after. Why, said Colgrevance, is this sooth that ye will slay him?
Slay him will I, said he, whoso say the contrary, for he hath done so much against me that he hath well
deserved it. And so ran upon him, and would have smitten him through the head, and Sir Colgrevance ran
betwixt them, and said: An ye be so hardy to do so more, we two shall meddle together. When Lionel
understood his words he took his shield afore him, and asked him what that he was. And he told him,
Colgrevance, one of his fellows. Then Lionel defied him, and gave him a great stroke through the helm. Then
he drew his sword, for he was a passing good knight, and defended him right manfully. So long dured the
battle that Bors rose up all anguishly, and beheld Colgrevance, the good knight, fought with his brother for his
quarrel; then was he full sorry and heavy, and thought if Colgrevance slay him that was his brother he should
never have joy; and if his brother slew Colgrevance the shame should ever be mine. Then would he have risen
to have departed them, but he had not so much might to stand on foot; so he abode him so long till
Colgrevance had the worse, for Lionel was of great chivalry and right hardy, for he had pierced the hauberk
and the helm, that he abode but death, for he had lost much of his blood that it was marvel that he might stand
upright. Then beheld he Sir Bors which sat dressing him upward and said: Ah, Bors, why come ye not to cast
me out of peril of death, wherein I have put me to succour you which were right now nigh the death? Certes,
said Lionel, that shall not avail you, for none of you shall bear others warrant, but that ye shall die both of my
hand. When Bors heard that, he did so much, he rose and put on his helm. Then perceived he first the hermit
priest which was slain, then made he a marvellous sorrow upon him.
CHAPTER XVI
HOW SIR LIONEL SLEW SIR COLGREVANCE, AND HOW AFTER HE WOULD HAVE SLAIN SIR
BORS
Then often Colgrevance cried upon Sir Bors: Why will ye let me die here for your sake? if it please you that I
die for you the death, it will please me the better for to save a worthy man. With that word Sir Lionel smote
off the helm from his head. Then Colgrevance saw that he might not escape; then he said: Fair sweet Jesu, that
I have misdone have mercy upon my soul, for such sorrow that my heart suffereth for goodness, and for alms
deed that I would have done here, be to me alygement of penance unto my soul's health. At these words
Lionel smote him so sore that he bare him to the earth. So he had slain Colgrevance he ran upon his brother as
a fiendly man, and gave him such a stroke that he made him stoop. And he that was full of humility prayed
him for God's love to leave this battle: For an it befel, fair brother, that I slew you or ye me, we should be
dead of that sin. Never God me help but if I have on you mercy, and I may have the better hand. Then drew
Bors his sword, all weeping, and said: Fair brother, God knoweth mine intent. Ah, fair brother, ye have done
full evil this day to slay such an holy priest the which never trespassed. Also ye have slain a gentle knight, and
one of our fellows. And well wot ye that I am not afeared of you greatly, but I dread the wrath of God, and
this is an unkindly war, therefore God show miracle upon us both. Now God have mercy upon me though I
defend my life against my brother; with that Bors lift up his hand and would have smitten his brother.
CHAPTER XVII
HOW THERE CAME A VOICE WHICH CHARGED SIR BORS TO TOUCH HIM NOT, AND OF A
CLOUD THAT CAME BETWEEN THEM
And then he heard a voice that said: Flee Bors, and touch him not, or else thou shall slay him. Right so alit a
cloud betwixt them in likeness of a fire and a marvellous flame, that both their two shields burnt. Then were
they sore afraid, that they fell both to the earth, and lay there a great while in a swoon. And when they came to
themself, Bors saw that his brother had no harm; then he held up both his hands, for he dread God had taken
vengeance upon him. With that he heard a voice say: Bors, go hence, and bear thy brother no longer
fellowship, but take thy way anon right to the sea, for Sir Percivale abideth thee there. Then he said to his
brother: Fair sweet brother, forgive me for God's love all that I have trespassed unto you. Then he answered:
God forgive it thee and I do gladly. So Sir Bors departed from him and rode the next way to the sea. And at
the last by fortune he came to an Abbey which was nigh the sea. That night Bors rested him there; and in his
sleep there came a voice to him and bad him go to the sea. Then he start up and made a sign of the Cross in
the middes of his forehead, and took his harness, and made ready his horse, and mounted upon him; and at a
broken wall he rode out, and rode so long till that he came to the sea. And on the strand he found a ship
covered all with white samite, and he alit, and betook him to Jesu Christ. And as soon as he entered into the
ship, the ship departed into the sea, and went so fast that him seemed the ship went flying, but it was soon
dark so that he might know no man, and so he slept till it was day. Then he awaked, and saw in middes of the
ship a knight lie all armed save his helm. Then knew he that it was Sir Percivale of Wales, and then he made
of him right great joy; but Sir Percivale was abashed of him, and he asked him what he was. Ah, fair sir, said
Bors, know ye me not? Certes, said he, I marvel how ye came hither, but if Our Lord brought ye hither
Himself. Then Sir Bors smiled and did off his helm. Then Percivale knew him, and either made great joy of
other, that it was marvel to hear. Then Bors told him how he came into the ship, and by whose admonishment;
and either told other of their temptations, as ye have heard toforehand. So went they downward in the sea, one
while backward, another while forward, and every each comforted other, and oft were in their prayers. Then
said Sir Percivale: We lack nothing but Galahad, the good knight.
And thus endeth the syxteenth book, whiche is of syre Gawayne, Ector de marys, and syre Bors de ganys, and
sir Percyval.
And here followeth the sevententh book, whiche is of the noble Knyghte syre Galahad.
THE SEVENTEENTH BOOK
CHAPTER I
HOW SIR GALAHAD FOUGHT AT A TOURNAMENT, AND HOW HE WAS KNOWN OF SIR
GAWAINE AND SIR ECTOR DE MARIS
Now saith this story, when Galahad had rescued Percivale from the twenty knights, he yede then into a waste
forest wherein he rode many journeys; and he found many adventures the which he brought to an end,
whereof the story maketh here no mention. Then he took his way to the sea on a day, and it befel as he passed
by a castle where was a wonder tournament, but they without had done so much that they within were put to
the worse, yet were they within good knights enough. When Galahad saw that those within were at so great a
mischief that men slew them at the entry of the castle, then he thought to help them, and put a spear forth and
smote the first that he fell to the earth, and the spear brake to pieces. Then he drew his sword and smote there
as they were thickest, and so he did wonderful deeds of arms that all they marvelled. Then it happed that
Gawaine and Sir Ector de Maris were with the knights without. But when they espied the white shield with
the red cross the one said to the other: Yonder is the good knight, Sir Galahad, the haut prince: now he should
be a great fool which should meet with him to fight. So by adventure he came by Sir Gawaine, and he smote
him so hard that he clave his helm and the coiffe of iron unto his head, so that Gawaine fell to the earth; but
the stroke was so great that it slanted down to the earth and carved the horse's shoulder in two. When Ector
saw Gawaine down he drew him aside, and thought it no wisdom for to abide him, and also for natural love,
that he was his uncle. Thus through his great hardiness he beat aback all the knights without. And then they
within came out and chased them all about. But when Galahad saw there would none turn again he stole away
privily so that none wist where he was become. Now by my head, said Gawaine to Ector, now are the wonders
true that were said of Launcelot du Lake, that the sword which stuck in the stone should give me such a buffet
that I would not have it for the best castle in this world; and soothly now it is proved true, for never ere had I
such a stroke of man's hand. Sir, said Ector, meseemeth your quest is done. And yours is not done, said
Gawaine, but mine is done, I shall seek no further. Then Gawaine was borne into a castle and unarmed him,
and laid him in a rich bed, and a leech found that he might live, and to be whole within a month. Thus
Gawaine and Ector abode together, for Sir Ector would not away till Gawaine were whole. And the good
knight, Galahad, rode so long till he came that night to the Castle of Carboneck; and it befel him thus that he
was benighted in an hermitage. So the good man was fain when he saw he was a knight errant. Then when
they were at rest there came a gentlewoman knocking at the door, and called Galahad, and so the good man
came to the door to wit what she would. Then she called the hermit: Sir Ulfin, I am a gentlewoman that would
speak with the knight which is with you. Then the good man awaked Galahad, and bad him: Arise, and speak
with a gentlewoman that seemeth hath great need of you. Then Galahad went to her and asked her what she
would. Galahad, said she, I will that ye arm you, and mount upon your horse and follow me, for I shall show
you within these three days the highest adventure that ever any knight saw. Anon Galahad armed him, and
took his horse, and commended him to God, and bad the gentlewoman go, and he would follow there as she
liked.
CHAPTER II
HOW SIR GALAHAD RODE WITH A DAMOSEL, AND CAME TO THE SHIP WHEREAS SIR BORS
AND SIR PERCIVALE WERE IN
So she rode as fast as her palfrey might bear her, till that she came to the sea, the which was called Collibe.
And at the night they came unto a castle in a valley, closed with a running water, and with strong walls and
high; and so she entered into the castle with Galahad, and there had he great cheer, for the lady of that castle
was the damosel's lady. So when he was unarmed, then said the damosel: Madam, shall we abide here all this
day? Nay, said she, but till he hath dined and till he hath slept a little. So he ate and slept a while till that the
maid called him, and armed him by torchlight. And when the maid was horsed and he both, the lady took
Galahad a fair child and rich; and so they departed from the castle till they came to the seaside; and there they
found the ship where Bors and Percivale were in, the which cried on the ship's board: Sir Galahad, ye be
welcome, we have abiden you long. And when he heard them he asked them what they were. Sir, said she,
leave your horse here, and I shall leave mine; and took their saddles and their bridles with them, and made a
cross on them, and so entered into the ship. And the two knights received them both with great joy, and every
each knew other; and so the wind arose, and drove them through the sea in a marvellous place. And within a
while it dawned. Then did Galahad off his helm and his sword, and asked of his fellows from whence came
that fair ship. Truly, said they, ye wot as well as we but of God's grace; and then they told every each to other
of all their hard adventures, and of their great temptations. Truly, said Galahad, ye are much bounden to God,
for ye have escaped great adventures; and had not the gentlewoman been I had not come here, for as for you I
weened never to have found you in these strange countries. Ah Galahad, said Bors, if Launcelot, your father,
were here then were we well at ease, for then meseemed we failed nothing. That may not be, said Galahad, but
if it pleased Our Lord. By then the ship went from the land of Logris, and by adventure it arrived up betwixt
two rocks passing great and marvellous; but there they might not land, for there was a swallow of the sea, save
there was another ship, and upon it they might go without danger. Go we thither, said the gentlewoman, and
there shall we see adventures, for so is Our Lord's will. And when they came thither they found the ship rich
enough, but they found neither man nor woman therein. But they found in the end of the ship two fair letters
written, which said a dreadful word and a marvellous: Thou man, which shall enter into this ship, beware thou
be in steadfast belief, for I am Faith, and therefore beware how thou enterest, for an thou fail I shall not help
thee. Then said the gentlewoman: Percivale, wot ye what I am? Certes, said he, nay, to my witing. Wit ye
well, said she, that I am thy sister, which am daughter of King Pellinore, and therefore wit ye well ye are the
man in the world that I most love; and if ye be not in perfect belief of Jesu Christ enter not in no manner of
wise, for then should ye perish the ship, for he is so perfect he will suffer no sinner in him. When Percivale
understood that she was his very sister he was inwardly glad, and said: Fair sister, I shall enter therein, for if I
be a miscreature or an untrue knight there shall I perish.
CHAPTER III
HOW SIR GALAHAD ENTERED INTO THE SHIP, AND OF A FAIR BED THEREIN, WITH OTHER
MARVELLOUS THINGS, AND OF A SWORD
In the meanwhile Galahad blessed him, and entered therein; and then next the gentlewoman, and then Sir Bors
and Sir Percivale. And when they were in, it was so marvellous fair and rich that they marvelled; and in
middes of the ship was a fair bed, and Galahad went thereto, and found there a crown of silk. And at the feet
was a sword, rich and fair, and it was drawn out of the sheath half a foot and more; and the sword was of
divers fashions, and the pommel was of stone, and there was in him all manner of colours that any man might
find, and every each of the colours had divers virtues; and the scales of the haft were of two ribs of divers
beasts, the one beast was a serpent which was conversant in Calidone, and is called the serpent of the fiend;
and the bone of him is of such a virtue that there is no hand that handleth him shall never be weary nor hurt.
And the other beast is a fish which is not right great, and haunteth the flood of Euphrates; and that fish is
called Ertanax, and his bones be of such a manner of kind that who that handleth them shall have so much will
that he shall never be weary, and he shall not think on joy nor sorrow that he hath had, but only that thing that
he beholdeth before him. And as for this sword there shall never man begrip him at the handles but one, but he
shall pass all other. In the name of God, said Percivale, I shall essay to handle it. So he set his hand to the
sword, but he might not begrip it. By my faith, said he, now have I failed. Bors set his hand thereto and failed.
Then Galahad beheld the sword and saw letters like blood that said: Let see who shall essay to draw me out of
my sheath, but if he be more hardier than any other; and who that draweth me, wit ye well he shall never fail
of shame of his body, or to be wounded to the death. By my faith, said Galahad, I would draw this sword out
of the sheath, but the offending is so great that I shall not set my hand thereto. Now sirs, said the
gentlewoman, wit ye well that the drawing of this sword is warned to all men save all only to you. Also this
ship arrived in the realm of Logris; and that time was deadly war between King Labor, which was father unto
the maimed king, and King Hurlame, which was a Saracen. But then was he newly christened, so that men
held him afterward one of the wyttyest men of the world. And so upon a day it befel that King Labor and King
Hurlame had assembled their folk upon the sea where this ship was arrived; and there King Hurlame was
discomfit, and his men slain; and he was afeard to be dead, and fled to his ship, and there found this sword
and drew it, and came out and found King Labor, the man in the world of all Christendom in whom was then
the greatest faith. And when King Hurlame saw King Labor he dressed this sword, and smote him upon the
helm so hard that he clave him and his horse to the earth with the first stroke of his sword. And it was in the
realm of Logris; and so befel great pestilence and great harm to both realms. For sithen increased neither corn,
nor grass, nor well-nigh no fruit, nor in the water was no fish; wherefore men call it the lands of the two
marches, the waste land, for that dolorous stroke. And when King Hurlame saw this sword so carving, he
turned again to fetch the scabbard, and so came into this ship and entered, and put up the sword in the sheath.
And as soon as he had done it he fell down dead afore the bed. Thus was the sword proved, that none ne drew
it but he were dead or maimed. So lay he there till a maiden came into the ship and cast him out, for there was
no man so hardy of the world to enter into that ship for the defence.
CHAPTER IV
OF THE MARVELS OF THE SWORD AND OF THE SCABBARD
And then beheld they the scabbard, it seemed to be of a serpent's skin, and thereon were letters of gold and
silver. And the girdle was but poorly to come to, and not able to sustain such a rich sword. And the letters
said: He which shall wield me ought to be more harder than any other, if he bear me as truly as me ought to be
borne. For the body of him which I ought to hang by, he shall not be shamed in no place while he is girt with
this girdle, nor never none be so hardy to do away this girdle; for it ought not to be done away but by the
hands of a maid, and that she be a king's daughter and queen's, and she must be a maid all the days of her life,
both in will and in deed. And if she break her virginity she shall die the most villainous death that ever died
any woman. Sir, said Percivale, turn this sword that we may see what is on the other side. And it was red as
blood, with black letters as any coal, which said: He that shall praise me most, most shall he find me to blame
at a great need; and to whom I should be most debonair shall I be most felon, and that shall be at one time.
Fair brother, said she to Percivale, it befell after a forty year after the passion of Jesu Christ that Nacien, the
brother-in-law of King Mordrains, was borne into a town more than fourteen days' journey from his country,
by the commandment of Our Lord, into an isle, into the parts of the West, that men clepyd the isle of
Turnance. So befell it that he found this ship at the entry of a rock, and he found the bed and this sword as we
have heard now. Not for then he had not so much hardiness to draw it; and there he dwelled an eight days, and
at the ninth day there fell a great wind which departed him out of the isle, and brought him to another isle by a
rock, and there he found the greatest giant that ever man might see. Therewith came that horrible giant to slay
him; and then he looked about him and might not flee, and he had nothing to defend him with. So he ran to his
sword, and when he saw it naked he praised it much, and then he shook it, and therewith he brake it in the
middes. Ah, said Nacien, the thing that I most praised ought I now most to blame, and therewith he threw the
pieces of his sword over his bed. And after he leapt over the board to fight with the giant, and slew him. And
anon he entered into the ship again, and the wind arose, and drove him through the sea, that by adventure he
came to another ship where King Mordrains was, which had been tempted full evil with a fiend in the port of
perilous rock. And when that one saw the other they made great joy of other, and either told other of their
adventure, and how the sword failed him at his most need. When Mordrains saw the sword he praised it much:
But the breaking was not to do but by wickedness of thy self ward, for thou art in some sin. And there he took
the sword, and set the pieces together, and they soldered as fair as ever they were tofore; and there put he the
sword in the sheath, and laid it down on the bed. Then heard they a voice that said: Go out of this ship a little
while, and enter into the other, for dread ye fall in deadly sin, for and ye be found in deadly sin ye may not
escape but perish: and so they went into the other ship. And as Nacien went over the board he was smitten
with a sword on the right foot, that he fell down noseling to the ship's board; and therewith he said: O God,
how am I hurt. And then there came a voice and said: Take thou that for thy forfeit that thou didst in drawing
of this sword, therefore thou receivest a wound, for thou were never worthy to handle it, as the writing maketh
mention. In the name of God, said Galahad, ye are right wise of these works.
CHAPTER V
HOW KING PELLES WAS SMITTEN THROUGH BOTH THIGHS BECAUSE HE DREW THE SWORD,
AND OTHER MARVELLOUS HISTORIES
Sir, said she, there was a king that hight Pelles, the maimed king. And while he might ride he supported much
Christendom and Holy Church. So upon a day he hunted in a wood of his which lasted unto the sea; and at the
last he lost his hounds and his knights save only one: and there he and his knight went till that they came
toward Ireland, and there he found the ship. And when he saw the letters and understood them, yet he entered,
for he was right perfect of his life, but his knight had none hardiness to enter; and there found he this sword,
and he drew it out as much as ye may see. So therewith entered a spear wherewith he was smitten him through
both the thighs, and never sith might he be healed, nor nought shall tofore we come to him. Thus, said she,
was not King Pelles, your grandsire, maimed for his hardiness? In the name of God, damosel, said Galahad.
So they went toward the bed to behold all about it, and above the head there hung two swords. Also there
were two spindles which were as white as any snow, and other that were as red as blood, and other above
green as any emerald: of these three colours were the spindles, and of natural colour within, and without any
painting. These spindles, said the damosel, were when sinful Eve came to gather fruit, for which Adam and
she were put out of paradise, she took with her the bough on which the apple hung on. Then perceived she that
the branch was fair and green, and she remembered her the loss which came from the tree. Then she thought
to keep the branch as long as she might. And for she had no coffer to keep it in, she put it in the earth. So by
the will of Our Lord the branch grew to a great tree within a little while, and was as white as any snow,
branches, boughs, and leaves: that was a token a maiden planted it. But after God came to Adam, and bad him
know his wife fleshly as nature required. So lay Adam with his wife under the same tree; and anon the tree
which was white was full green as any grass, and all that came out of it; and in the same time that they medled
together there was Abel begotten: thus was the tree long of green colour. And so it befell many days after,
under the same tree Cain slew Abel, whereof befel great marvel. For anon as Abel had received the death
under the green tree, it lost the green colour and became red; and that was in tokening of the blood. And anon
all the plants died thereof, but the tree grew and waxed marvellously fair, and it was the fairest tree and the
most delectable that any man might behold and see; and so died the plants that grew out of it tofore that Abel
was slain under it. So long dured the tree till that Solomon, King David's son, reigned, and held the land after
his father. This Solomon was wise, and knew all the virtues of stones and trees, and so he knew the course of
the stars, and many other divers things. This Solomon had an evil wife, wherethrough he weened that there
had been no good women, and so he despised them in his books. So answered a voice him once: Solomon, if
heaviness come to a man by a woman, ne reck thou never; for yet shall there come a woman whereof there
shall come greater joy to man an hundred times more than this heaviness giveth sorrow; and that woman shall
be born of thy lineage. Then when Solomon heard these words he held himself but a fool, and the truth he
perceived by old books. Also the Holy Ghost showed him the coming of the glorious Virgin Mary. Then
asked he of the voice, if it should be in the yerde of his lineage. Nay, said the voice, but there shall come a
man which shall be a maid, and the last of your blood, and he shall be as good a knight as Duke Josua, thy
brother-in-law.
CHAPTER VI
HOW SOLOMON TOOK DAVID'S SWORD BY THE COUNSEL OF HIS WIFE, AND OF OTHER
MATTERS MARVELLOUS
Now have I certified thee of that thou stoodest in doubt. Then was Solomon glad that there should come any
such of his lineage; but ever he marvelled and studied who that should be, and what his name might be. His
wife perceived that he studied, and thought she would know it at some season; and so she waited her time, and
asked of him the cause of his studying, and there he told her all together how the voice told him. Well, said
she, I shall let make a ship of the best wood and most durable that men may find. So Solomon sent for all the
carpenters of the land, and the best. And when they had made the ship the lady said to Solomon:
Sir, said she, syne it is so that this knight ought to pass all knights of chivalry which have been tofore him and
shall come after him, moreover I shall tell you, said she, ye shall go into Our Lord's temple, where is King
David's sword, your father, the which is the marvelloust and the sharpest that ever was taken in any knight's
hand. Therefore take that, and take off the pommel, and thereto make ye a pommel of precious stones, that it
be so subtilely made that no man perceive it but that they be all one; and after make there an hilt so
marvellously and wonderly that no man may know it; and after make a marvellous sheath. And when ye have
made all this I shall let make a girdle thereto such as shall please me. All this King Solomon did let make as
she devised, both the ship and all the remnant. And when the ship was ready in the sea to sail, the lady let
make a great bed and marvellous rich, and set her upon the bed's head, covered with silk, and laid the sword at
the feet, and the girdles were of hemp, and therewith the king was angry. Sir, wit ye well, said she, that I have
none so high a thing which were worthy to sustain so high a sword, and a maid shall bring other knights
thereto, but I wot not when it shall be, nor what time. And there she let make a covering to the ship, of cloth of
silk that should never rot for no manner of weather. Yet went that lady and made a carpenter to come to the
tree which Abel was slain under. Now, said she, carve me out of this tree as much wood as will make me a
spindle. Ah madam, said he, this is the tree the which our first mother planted. Do it, said she, or else I shall
destroy thee. Anon as he began to work there came out drops of blood: and then would he have left, but she
would not suffer him, and so he took away as much wood as might make a spindle: and so she made him to
take as much of the green tree and of the white tree. And when these three spindles were shapen she made
them to be fastened upon the selar of the bed. When Solomon saw this, he said to his wife: Ye have done
marvellously, for though all the world were here right now, he could not devise wherefore all this was made,
but Our Lord Himself; and thou that hast done it wotest not what it shall betoken. Now let it be, said she, for
ye shall hear tidings sooner than ye ween. Now shall ye hear a wonderful tale of King Solomon and his wife.
CHAPTER VII
A WONDERFUL TALE OF KING SOLOMON AND HIS WIFE
That night lay Solomon before the ship with little fellowship. And when he was on sleep him thought there
come from heaven a great company of angels, and alit into the ship, and took water which was brought by an
angel, in a vessel of silver, and sprente all the ship. And after he came to the sword, and drew letters on the
hilt. And after went to the ship's board, and wrote there other letters which said: Thou man that wilt enter
within me, beware that thou be full within the faith, for I ne am but Faith and Belief. When Solomon espied
these letters he was abashed, so that he durst not enter, and so drew him aback; and the ship was anon shoven
in the sea, and he went so fast that he lost sight of him within a little while. And then a little voice said:
Solomon, the last knight of thy lineage shall rest in this bed. Then went Solomon and awaked his wife, and
told her of the adventures of the ship. Now saith the history that a great while the three fellows beheld the bed
and the three spindles. Then they were at certain that they were of natural colours without painting. Then they
lift up a cloth which was above the ground, and there found a rich purse by seeming. And Percivale took it,
and found therein a writ and so he read it, and devised the manner of the spindles and of the ship, whence it
came, and by whom it was made. Now, said Galahad, where shall we find the gentlewoman that shall make
new girdles to the sword? Fair sir, said Percivale's sister, dismay you not, for by the leave of God I shall let
make a girdle to the sword, such one as shall long thereto. And then she opened a box, and took out girdles
which were seemly wrought with golden threads, and upon that were set full precious stones, and a rich
buckle of gold. Lo, lords, said she, here is a girdle that ought to be set about the sword. And wit ye well the
greatest part of this girdle was made of my hair, which I loved well while that I was a woman of the world.
But as soon as I wist that this adventure was ordained me I clipped off my hair, and made this girdle in the
name of God. Ye be well found, said Sir Bors, for certes ye have put us out of great pain, wherein we should
have entered ne had your tidings been. Then went the gentlewoman and set it on the girdle of the sword. Now,
said the fellowship, what is the name of the sword, and what shall we call it? Truly, said she, the name of the
sword is the Sword with the strange girdles; and the sheath, mover of blood; for no man that hath blood in him
ne shall never see the one part of the sheath which was made of the tree of life. Then they said to Galahad: In
the name of Jesu Christ, and pray you that ye gird you with this sword which hath been desired so much in the
realm of Logris. Now let me begin, said Galahad, to grip this sword for to give you courage; but wit ye well it
longeth no more to me than it doth to you. And then he gripped about it with his fingers a great deal; and then
she girt him about the middle with the sword. Now reck I not though I die, for now I hold me one of the
blessed maidens of the world, which hath made the worthiest knight of the world. Damosel, said Galahad, ye
have done so much that I shall be your knight all the days of my life. Then they went from that ship, and went
to the other. And anon the wind drove them into the sea a great pace, but they had no victuals: but it befell that
they came on the morn to a castle that men call Carteloise, that was in the marches of Scotland. And when
they had passed the port, the gentlewoman said: Lords, here be men arriven that, an they wist that ye were of
King Arthur's court, ye should be assailed anon. Damosel, said Galahad, He that cast us out of the rock shall
deliver us from them.
CHAPTER VIII
HOW GALAHAD AND HIS FELLOWS CAME TO A CASTLE, AND HOW THEY WERE FOUGHT
WITHAL, AND HOW THEY SLEW THEIR ADVERSARIES, AND OTHER MATTERS
So it befell as they spoke thus there came a squire by them, and asked what they were; and they said they were
of King Arthur's house. Is that sooth? said he. Now by my head, said he, ye be ill arrayed; and then turned he
again unto the cliff fortress. And within a while they heard an horn blow. Then a gentlewoman came to them,
and asked them of whence they were; and they told her. Fair lords, said she, for God's love turn again if ye
may, for ye be come unto your death. Nay, they said, we will not turn again, for He shall help us in whose
service we be entered in. Then as they stood talking there came knights well armed, and bad them yield them
or else die. That yielding, said they, shall be noyous to you. And therewith they let their horses run, and Sir
Percivale smote the foremost to the earth, and took his horse, and mounted thereupon, and the same did
Galahad. Also Bors served another so, for they had no horses in that country, for they left their horses when
they took their ship in other countries. And so when they were horsed then began they to set upon them; and
they of the castle fled into the strong fortress, and the three knights after them into the castle, and so alit on
foot, and with their swords slew them down, and gat into the hall. Then when they beheld the great multitude
of people that they had slain, they held themself great sinners. Certes, said Bors, I ween an God had loved
them that we should not have had power to have slain them thus. But they have done so much against Our
Lord that He would not suffer them to reign no longer. Say ye not so, said Galahad, for if they misdid against
God, the vengeance is not ours, but to Him which hath power thereof. So came there out of a chamber a good
man which was a priest, and bare God's body in a cup. And when he saw them which lay dead in the hall he
was all abashed; and Galahad did off his helm and kneeled down, and so did his two fellows. Sir, said they,
have ye no dread of us, for we be of King Arthur's court. Then asked the good man how they were slain so
suddenly, and they told it him. Truly, said the good man, an ye might live as long as the world might endure,
ne might ye have done so great an alms deed at this. Sir, said Galahad, I repent me much, inasmuch as they
were christened. Nay, repent you not, said he, for they were not christened, and I shall tell you how that I wot
of this castle. Here was Lord Earl Hernox not but one year, and he had three sons, good knights of arms, and a
daughter, the fairest gentlewoman that men knew. So those three knights loved their sister so sore that they
brent in love, and so they lay by her, maugre her head. And for she cried to her father they slew her, and took
their father and put him in prison, and wounded him nigh to death, but a cousin of hers rescued him. And then
did they great untruth: they slew clerks and priests, and made beat down chapels, that Our Lord's service
might not be served nor said. And this same day her father sent to me for to be confessed and houseld; but
such shame had never man as I had this day with the three brethren, but the earl had me suffer, for he said
they should not long endure, for three servants of Our Lord should destroy them, and now it is brought to an
end. And by this may ye wit that Our Lord is not displeased with your deeds. Certes, said Galahad, an it had
not pleased Our Lord, never should we have slain so many men in so little a while. And then they brought the
Earl Hernox out of prison into the middes of the hall, that knew Galahad anon, and yet he saw him never afore
but by revelation of Our Lord.
CHAPTER IX
HOW THE THREE KNIGHTS, WITH PERCIVALE'S SISTER, CAME UNTO THE SAME FOREST, AND
OF AN HART AND FOUR LIONS, AND OTHER THINGS
Then began he to weep right tenderly, and said: Long have I abiden your coming, but for God's love hold me
in your arms, that my soul may depart out of my body in so good a man's arms as ye be. Gladly, said Galahad.
And then one said on high, that all heard: Galahad, well hast thou avenged me on God's enemies. Now
behoveth thee to go to the maimed king as soon as thou mayest, for he shall receive by thee health which he
hath abiden so long. And therewith the soul departed from the body, and Galahad made him to be buried as
him ought to be. Right so departed the three knights, and Percivale's sister with them. And so they came into a
waste forest, and there they saw afore them a white hart which four lions led. Then they took them to assent
for to follow after for to know whither they repaired; and so they rode after a great pace till that they came to a
valley, and thereby was an hermitage where a good man dwelled, and the hart and the lions entered also. So
when they saw all this they turned to the chapel, and saw the good man in a religious weed and in the armour
of Our Lord, for he would sing mass of the Holy Ghost; and so they entered in and heard mass. And at the
secrets of the mass they three saw the hart become a man, the which marvelled them, and set him upon the
altar in a rich siege; and saw the four lions were changed, the one to the form of a man, the other to the form
of a lion, and the third to an eagle, and the fourth was changed unto an ox. Then took they their siege where
the hart sat, and went out through a glass window, and there was nothing perished nor broken; and they heard
a voice say: In such a manner entered the Son of God in the womb of a maid Mary whose virginity ne was
perished ne hurt. And when they heard these words they fell down to the earth and were astonied; and
therewith was a great clereness. And when they were come to theirself again they went to the good man and
prayed him that he would say them truth. What thing have ye seen? said he. And they told him all that they
had seen. Ah lords, said he, ye be welcome; now wot I well ye be the good knights the which shall bring the
Sangreal to an end; for ye be they unto whom Our Lord shall shew great secrets. And well ought Our Lord be
signified to an hart, for the hart when he is old he waxeth young again in his white skin. Right so cometh
again Our Lord from death to life, for He lost earthly flesh that was the deadly flesh, which He had taken in
the womb of the blessed Virgin Mary; and for that cause appeared Our Lord as a white hart without spot. And
the four that were with Him is to understand the four evangelists which set in writing a part of Jesu Christ's
deeds that He did sometime when He was among you an earthly man; for wit ye well never erst ne might no
knight know the truth, for ofttimes or this Our Lord showed Him unto good men and unto good knights, in
likeness of an hart, but I suppose from henceforth ye shall see no more. And then they joyed much, and
dwelled there all that day. And upon the morrow when they had heard mass they departed and commended the
good man to God: and so they came to a castle and passed by. So there came a knight armed after them and
said: Lords, hark what I shall say to you.
CHAPTER X
HOW THEY WERE DESIRED OF A STRANGE CUSTOM, THE WHICH THEY WOULD NOT OBEY;
AND HOW THEY FOUGHT AND SLEW MANY KNIGHTS
This gentlewoman that ye lead with you is a maid? Sir, said she, a maid I am. Then he took her by the bridle
and said: By the Holy Cross, ye shall not escape me tofore ye have yolden the custom of this castle. Let her
go, said Percivale, ye be not wise, for a maid in what place she cometh is free. So in the meanwhile there
came out a ten or twelve knights armed, out of the castle, and with them came gentlewomen which held a dish
of silver. And then they said: This gentlewoman must yield us the custom of this castle. Sir, said a knight,
what maid passeth hereby shall give this dish full of blood of her right arm. Blame have ye, said Galahad, that
brought up such customs, and so God me save, I ensure you of this gentlewoman ye shall fail while that I live.
So God me help, said Percivale, I had lever be slain. And I also, said Sir Bors. By my troth, said the knight,
then shall ye die, for ye may not endure against us though ye were the best knights of the world. Then let them
run each to other, and the three fellows beat the ten knights, and then set their hands to their swords and beat
them down and slew them. Then there came out of the castle a three score knights armed. Fair lords, said the
three fellows, have mercy on yourself and have not ado with us. Nay, fair lords, said the knights of the castle,
we counsel you to withdraw you, for ye be the best knights of the world, and therefore do no more, for ye
have done enough. We will let you go with this harm, but we must needs have the custom. Certes, said
Galahad, for nought speak ye. Well, said they, will ye die? We be not yet come thereto, said Galahad. Then
began they to meddle together, and Galahad, with the strange girdles, drew his sword, and smote on the right
hand and on the left hand, and slew what that ever abode him, and did such marvels that there was none that
saw him but weened he had been none earthly man, but a monster. And his two fellows halp him passing well,
and so they held the journey every each in like hard till it was night; then must they needs depart. So came in a
good knight, and said to the three fellows: If ye will come in to-night and take such harbour as here is ye shall
be right welcome, and we shall ensure you by the faith of our bodies, and as we be true knights, to leave you
in such estate to-morrow as we find you, without any falsehood. And as soon as ye know of the custom we
dare say ye will accord. Therefore for God's love, said the gentlewoman, go thither and spare not for me. Go
we, said Galahad; and so they entered into the chapel. And when they were alit they made great joy of them.
So within a while the three knights asked the custom of the castle and wherefore it was. What it is, said they,
we will say you sooth.
CHAPTER XI
HOW SIR PERCIVALE'S SISTER BLED A DISH FULL OF BLOOD FOR TO HEAL A LADY,
WHEREFORE SHE DIED; AND HOW THAT THE BODY WAS PUT IN A SHIP
There is in this castle a gentlewoman which we and this castle is hers, and many other. So it befell many years
agone there fell upon her a malady; and when she had lain a great while she fell unto a measle, and of no leech
she could have no remedy. But at the last an old man said an she might have a dish full of blood of a maid and
a clene virgin in will and in work, and a king's daughter, that blood should be her health, and for to anoint her
withal; and for this thing was this custom made. Now, said Percivale's sister, fair knights, I see well that this
gentlewoman is but dead. Certes, said Galahad, an ye bleed so much ye may die. Truly, said she, an I die for
to heal her I shall get me great worship and soul's health, and worship to my lineage, and better is one harm
than twain. And therefore there shall be no more battle, but tomorn I shall yield you your custom of this
castle. And then there was great joy more than there was tofore, for else had there been mortal war upon the
morn; notwithstanding she would none other, whether they would or nold. That night were the three fellows
eased with the best; and on the morn they heard mass, and Sir Percivale's sister bad bring forth the sick lady.
So she was, the which was evil at ease. Then said she: Who shall let me blood? So one came forth and let her
blood, and she bled so much that the dish was full. Then she lift up her hand and blessed her; and then she
said to the lady: Madam, I am come to the death for to make you whole, for God's love pray for me. With that
she fell in a swoon. Then Galahad and his two fellows start up to her, and lift her up and staunched her, but
she had bled so much that she might not live. Then she said when she was awaked: Fair brother Percivale, I
die for the healing of this lady, so I require you that ye bury me not in this country, but as soon as I am dead
put me in a boat at the next haven, and let me go as adventure will lead me; and as soon as ye three come to
the City of Sarras, there to achieve the Holy Grail, ye shall find me under a tower arrived, and there bury me
in the spiritual place; for I say you so much, there Galahad shall be buried, and ye also, in the same place.
Then Percivale understood these words, and granted it her weeping. And then said a voice: Lords and fellows,
to-morrow at the hour of prime ye three shall depart every each from other, till the adventure bring you to the
maimed king. Then asked she her Saviour; and as soon as she had received it the soul departed from the body.
So the same day was the lady healed, when she was anointed withal. Then Sir Percivale made a letter of all
that she had holpen them as in strange adventures, and put it in her right hand, and so laid her in a barge, and
covered it with black silk; and so the wind arose, and drove the barge from the land, and all knights beheld it
till it was out of their sight. Then they drew all to the castle, and so forthwith there fell a sudden tempest and a
thunder, lightning, and rain, as all the earth would have broken. So half the castle turned up so down. So it
passed evensong or the tempest was ceased. Then they saw afore them a knight armed and wounded hard in
the body and in the head, that said: O God, succour me for now it is need. After this knight came another
knight and a dwarf, which cried to them afar: Stand, ye may not escape. Then the wounded knight held up his
hands to God that he should not die in such tribulation. Truly, said Galahad, I shall succour him for His sake
that he calleth upon. Sir, said Bors, I shall do it, for it is not for you, for he is but one knight. Sir, said he, I
grant. So Sir Bors took his horse, and commended him to God, and rode after, to rescue the wounded knight.
Now turn we to the two fellows.
CHAPTER XII
HOW GALAHAD AND PERCIVALE FOUND IN A CASTLE MANY TOMBS OF MAIDENS THAT
HAD BLED TO DEATH
Now saith the story that all night Galahad and Percivale were in a chapel in their prayers, for to save Sir Bors.
So on the morrow they dressed them in their harness toward the castle, to wit what was fallen of them therein.
And when they came there they found neither man nor woman that he ne was dead by the vengeance of Our
Lord. With that they heard a voice that said: This vengeance is for blood shedding of maidens. Also they
found at the end of the chapel a churchyard and therein might they see a three score fair tombs, and that place
was so fair and so delectable that it seemed them there had been none tempest, for there lay the bodies of all
the good maidens which were martyred for the sick lady's sake. Also they found the names of every each, and
of what blood they were come, and all were of kings' blood, and twelve of them were kings' daughters. Then
they departed and went into a forest. Now, said Percivale unto Galahad, we must depart, so pray we Our Lord
that we may meet together in short time: then they did off their helms and kissed together, and wept at their
departing.
CHAPTER XIII
HOW SIR LAUNCELOT ENTERED INTO THE SHIP WHERE SIR PERCIVALE'S SISTER LAY DEAD,
AND HOW HE MET WITH SIR GALAHAD, HIS SON
Now saith the history, that when Launcelot was come to the water of Mortoise, as it is rehearsed before, he
was in great peril, and so he laid him down and slept, and took the adventure that God would send him. So
when he was asleep there came a vision unto him and said: Launcelot, arise up and take thine armour, and
enter into the first ship that thou shalt find. And when he heard these words he start up and saw great clereness
about him. And then he lift up his hand and blessed him, and so took his arms and made him ready; and so by
adventure he came by a strand, and found a ship the which was without sail or oar. And as soon as he was
within the ship there he felt the most sweetness that ever he felt, and he was fulfilled with all thing that he
thought on or desired. Then he said: Fair sweet Father, Jesu Christ, I wot not in what joy I am, for this joy
passeth all earthly joys that ever I was in. And so in this joy he laid him down to the ship's board, and slept till
day. And when he awoke he found there a fair bed, and therein lying a gentlewoman dead, the which was Sir
Percivale's sister. And as Launcelot devised her, he espied in her right hand a writ, the which he read, the
which told him all the adventures that ye have heard tofore, and of what lineage she was come. So with this
gentlewoman Sir Launcelot was a month and more. If ye would ask how he lived, He that fed the people of
Israel with manna in the desert, so was he fed; for every day when he had said his prayers he was sustained
with the grace of the Holy Ghost. So on a night he went to play him by the water side, for he was somewhat
weary of the ship. And then he listened and heard an horse come, and one riding upon him. And when he
came nigh he seemed a knight. And so he let him pass, and went thereas the ship was; and there he alit, and
took the saddle and the bridle and put the horse from him, and went into the ship. And then Launcelot dressed
unto him, and said: Ye be welcome. And he answered and saluted him again, and asked him: What is your
name? for much my heart giveth unto you. Truly, said he, my name is Launcelot du Lake. Sir, said he, then be
ye welcome, for ye were the beginning of me in this world. Ah, said he, are ye Galahad? Yea, forsooth, said
he; and so he kneeled down and asked him his blessing, and after took off his helm and kissed him. And there
was great joy between them, for there is no tongue can tell the joy that they made either of other, and many a
friendly word spoken between, as kin would, the which is no need here to be rehearsed. And there every each
told other of their adventures and marvels that were befallen to them in many journeys sith that they departed
from the court. Anon, as Galahad saw the gentlewoman dead in the bed, he knew her well enough, and told
great worship of her, that she was the best maid living, and it was great pity of her death. But when Launcelot
heard how the marvellous sword was gotten, and who made it, and all the marvels rehearsed afore, then he
prayed Galahad, his son, that he would show him the sword, and so he did; and anon he kissed the pommel,
and the hilt, and the scabbard. Truly, said Launcelot, never erst knew I of so high adventures done, and so
marvellous and strange. So dwelt Launcelot and Galahad within that ship half a year, and served God daily
and nightly with all their power; and often they arrived in isles far from folk, where there repaired none but
wild beasts, and there they found many strange adventures and perillous, which they brought to an end; but for
those adventures were with wild beasts, and not in the quest of the Sangreal, therefore the tale maketh here no
mention thereof, for it would be too long to tell of all those adventures that befell them.
CHAPTER XIV
HOW A KNIGHT BROUGHT UNTO SIR GALAHAD A HORSE, AND BAD HIM COME FROM HIS
FATHER, SIR LAUNCELOT
So after, on a Monday, it befell that they arrived in the edge of a forest tofore a cross; and then saw they a
knight armed all in white, and was richly horsed, and led in his right hand a white horse; and so he came to the
ship, and saluted the two knights on the High Lord's behalf, and said: Galahad, sir, ye have been long enough
with your father, come out of the ship, and start upon this horse, and go where the adventures shall lead thee
in the quest of the Sangreal. Then he went to his father and kissed him sweetly, and said: Fair sweet father, I
wot not when I shall see you more till I see the body of Jesu Christ. I pray you, said Launcelot, pray ye to the
High Father that He hold me in His service. And so he took his horse, and there they heard a voice that said:
Think for to do well, for the one shall never see the other before the dreadful day of doom. Now, son Galahad,
said Launcelot, syne we shall depart, and never see other, I pray to the High Father to conserve me and you
both. Sir, said Galahad, no prayer availeth so much as yours. And therewith Galahad entered into the forest.
And the wind arose, and drove Launcelot more than a month throughout the sea, where he slept but little, but
prayed to God that he might see some tidings of the Sangreal. So it befell on a night, at midnight, he arrived
afore a castle, on the back side, which was rich and fair, and there was a postern opened toward the sea, and
was open without any keeping, save two lions kept the entry; and the moon shone clear. Anon Sir Launcelot
heard a voice that said: Launcelot, go out of this ship and enter into the castle, where thou shalt see a great
part of thy desire. Then he ran to his arms, and so armed him, and so went to the gate and saw the lions. Then
set he hand to his sword and drew it. Then there came a dwarf suddenly, and smote him on the arm so sore
that the sword fell out of his hand. Then heard he a voice say: O man of evil faith and poor belief, wherefore
trowest thou more on thy harness than in thy Maker, for He might more avail thee than thine armour, in whose
service that thou art set. Then said Launcelot: Fair Father Jesu Christ, I thank thee of Thy great mercy that
Thou reprovest me of my misdeed; now see I well that ye hold me for your servant. Then took he again his
sword and put it up in his sheath, and made a cross in his forehead, and came to the lions, and they made
semblant to do him harm. Notwithstanding he passed by them without hurt, and entered into the castle to the
chief fortress, and there were they all at rest. Then Launcelot entered in so armed, for he found no gate nor
door but it was open. And at the last he found a chamber whereof the door was shut, and he set his hand
thereto to have opened it, but he might not.
CHAPTER XV
HOW SIR LAUNCELOT WAS AFORE THE DOOR OF THE CHAMBER WHEREIN THE HOLY
SANGREAL WAS
Then he enforced him mickle to undo the door. Then he listened and heard a voice which sang so sweetly that
it seemed none earthly thing; and him thought the voice said: Joy and honour be to the Father of Heaven.
Then Launcelot kneeled down tofore the chamber, for well wist he that there was the Sangreal within that
chamber. Then said he: Fair sweet Father, Jesu Christ, if ever I did thing that pleased Thee, Lord for Thy pity
never have me not in despite for my sins done aforetime, and that Thou show me something of that I seek.
And with that he saw the chamber door open, and there came out a great clereness, that the house was as
bright as all the torches of the world had been there. So came he to the chamber door, and would have entered.
And anon a voice said to him, Flee, Launcelot, and enter not, for thou oughtest not to do it; and if thou enter
thou shalt forethink it. Then he withdrew him aback right heavy. Then looked he up in the middes of the
chamber, and saw a table of silver, and the holy vessel, covered with red samite, and many angels about it,
whereof one held a candle of wax burning, and the other held a cross, and the ornaments of an altar. And
before the holy vessel he saw a good man clothed as a priest. And it seemed that he was at the sacring of the
mass. And it seemed to Launcelot that above the priest's hands were three men, whereof the two put the
youngest by likeness between the priest's hands; and so he lift it up right high, and it seemed to show so to the
people. And then Launcelot marvelled not a little, for him thought the priest was so greatly charged of the
figure that him seemed that he should fall to the earth. And when he saw none about him that would help him,
then came he to the door a great pace, and said: Fair Father Jesu Christ, ne take it for no sin though I help the
good man which hath great need of help. Right so entered he into the chamber, and came toward the table of
silver; and when he came nigh he felt a breath, that him thought it was intermeddled with fire, which smote
him so sore in the visage that him thought it brent his visage; and therewith he fell to the earth, and had no
power to arise, as he that was so araged, that had lost the power of his body, and his hearing, and his seeing.
Then felt he many hands about him, which took him up and bare him out of the chamber door, without any
amending of his swoon, and left him there, seeming dead to all people. So upon the morrow when it was fair
day they within were arisen, and found Launcelot lying afore the chamber door. All they marvelled how that
he came in, and so they looked upon him, and felt his pulse to wit whether there were any life in him; and so
they found life in him, but he might not stand nor stir no member that he had. And so they took him by every
part of the body, and bare him into a chamber, and laid him in a rich bed, far from all folk; and so he lay four
days. Then the one said he was on live, and the other said, Nay. In the name of God, said an old man, for I do
you verily to wit he is not dead, but he is so full of life as the mightiest of you all; and therefore I counsel you
that he be well kept till God send him life again.
CHAPTER XVI
HOW SIR LAUNCELOT HAD LAIN FOUR AND TWENTY DAYS AND AS MANY NIGHTS AS A
DEAD MAN, AND OTHER DIVERS MATTERS
In such manner they kept Launcelot four and twenty days and all so many nights, that ever he lay still as a
dead man; and at the twenty-fifth day befell him after midday that he opened his eyes. And when he saw folk
he made great sorrow, and said: Why have ye awaked me, for I was more at ease than I am now. O Jesu
Christ, who might be so blessed that might see openly thy great marvels of secretness there where no sinner
may be! What have ye seen? said they about him. I have seen, said he, so great marvels that no tongue may
tell, and more than any heart can think, and had not my son been here afore me I had seen much more. Then
they told him how he had lain there four and twenty days and nights. Then him thought it was punishment for
the four and twenty years that he had been a sinner, wherefore Our Lord put him in penance four and twenty
days and nights. Then looked Sir Launcelot afore him, and saw the hair which he had borne nigh a year, for
that he forethought him right much that he had broken his promise unto the hermit, which he had avowed to
do. Then they asked how it stood with him. For sooth, said he, I am whole of body, thanked be Our Lord;
therefore, sirs, for God's love tell me where I am. Then said they all that he was in the castle of Carbonek.
Therewith came a gentlewoman and brought him a shirt of small linen cloth, but he changed not there, but
took the hair to him again. Sir, said they, the quest of the Sangreal is achieved now right in you, that never
shall ye see of the Sangreal no more than ye have seen. Now I thank God, said Launcelot, of His great mercy
of that I have seen, for it sufficeth me; for as I suppose no man in this world hath lived better than I have done
to achieve that I have done. And therewith he took the hair and clothed him in it, and above that he put a linen
shirt, and after a robe of scarlet, fresh and new. And when he was so arrayed they marvelled all, for they knew
him that he was Launcelot, the good knight. And then they said all: O my lord Sir Launcelot, be that ye? And
he said: Truly I am he. Then came word to King Pelles that the knight that had lain so long dead was Sir
Launcelot. Then was the king right glad, and went to see him. And when Launcelot saw him come he dressed
him against him, and there made the king great joy of him. And there the king told him tidings that his fair
daughter was dead. Then Launcelot was right heavy of it, and said: Sir, me forthinketh the death of your
daughter, for she was a full fair lady, fresh and young. And well I wot she bare the best knight that is now on
the earth, or that ever was sith God was born. So the king held him there four days, and on the morrow he took
his leave at King Pelles and at all the fellowship, and thanked them of their great labour. Right so as they sat
at their dinner in the chief hall, then was it so that the Sangreal had fulfilled the table with all manner of meats
that any heart might think. So as they sat they saw all the doors and the windows of the place were shut
without man's hand, whereof they were all abashed, and none wist what to do. And then it happened suddenly
that a knight came to the chief door and knocked, and cried: Undo the door. But they would not. And ever he
cried: Undo; but they would not. And at last it annoyed him so much that the king himself arose and came to a
window where the knight called. Then he said: Sir knight, ye shall not enter at this time while the Sangreal is
here, and therefore go into another; for certes ye be none of the knights of the quest, but one of them which
hath served the fiend, and hast left the service of Our Lord: and he was passing wroth at the king's words. Sir
knight, said the king, sith ye would so fain enter, say me of what country ye be. Sir, said he, I am of the realm
of Logris, and my name is Ector de Maris, and brother unto my lord, Sir Launcelot. In the name of God, said
the king, me forthinketh of what I have said, for your brother is here within. And when Ector de Maris
understood that his brother was there, for he was the man in the world that he most dread and loved, and then
he said: Ah God, now doubleth my sorrow and shame. Full truly said the good man of the hill unto Gawaine
and to me of our dreams. Then went he out of the court as fast as his horse might, and so throughout the
castle.
CHAPTER XVII
HOW SIR LAUNCELOT RETURNED TOWARDS LOGRIS, AND OF OTHER ADVENTURES WHICH
HE SAW IN THE WAY
Then King Pelles came to Sir Launcelot and told him tidings of his brother, whereof he was sorry, that he wist
not what to do. So Sir Launcelot departed, and took his arms, and said he would go see the realm of Logris,
which I have not seen these twelve months. And therewith he commended the king to God, and so rode
through many realms. And at the last he came to a white abbey, and there they made him that night great
cheer; and on the morn he rose and heard mass. And afore an altar he found a rich tomb, the which was newly
made; and then he took heed, and saw the sides written with gold which said: Here lieth King Bagdemagus of
Gore, which King Arthur's nephew slew; and named him, Sir Gawaine. Then was he not a little sorry, for
Launcelot loved him much more than any other, and had it been any other than Gawaine he should not have
escaped from death to life; and said to himself: Ah Lord God, this is a great hurt unto King Arthur's court, the
loss of such a man. And then he departed and came to the abbey where Galahad did the adventure of the
tombs, and won the white shield with the red cross; and there had he great cheer all that night. And on the
morn he turned unto Camelot, where he found King Arthur and the queen. But many of the knights of the
Round Table were slain and destroyed, more than half. And so three were come home again, that were Sir
Gawaine, Sir Ector, and Sir Lionel, and many other that need not to be rehearsed. Then all the court was
passing glad of Sir Launcelot, and the king asked him many tidings of his son Galahad. And there Launcelot
told the king of his adventures that had befallen him syne he departed. And also he told him of the adventures
of Galahad, Percivale, and Bors, which that he knew by the letter of the dead damosel, and as Galahad had
told him. Now God would, said the king, that they were all three here. That shall never be, said Launcelot, for
two of them shall ye never see, but one of them shall come again.
CHAPTER XVIII
HOW GALAHAD CAME TO KING MORDRAINS, AND OF OTHER MATTERS AND ADVENTURES
Now saith the story that Galahad rode many journeys in vain. And at the last he came to the Abbey where
King Mordrains was, and when he heard that, he thought he would abide to see him. And upon the morn,
when he had heard mass, Galahad came unto King Mordrains, and anon the king saw him, which had lain
blind a long time. And then he dressed him against him, and said: Galahad, the servant of Jesu Christ, whose
coming I have abiden so long, now embrace me and let me rest on thy breast, so that I may rest between thine
arms, for thou art a clene virgin above all knights, as the flower of the lily in whom virginity is signified, and
thou art the rose the which is the flower of all good virtues, and in colour of fire. For the fire of the Holy
Ghost is taken so in thee that my flesh which was of dead oldness is become young again. When Galahad
heard his words, then he embraced him and all his body. Then said he: Fair Lord Jesu Christ, now I have my
will. Now I require thee, in this point that I am in, thou come and visit me. And anon Our Lord heard his
prayer: therewith the soul departed from the body. And then Galahad put him in the earth as a king ought to
be, and so departed and came into a perilous forest where he found the well the which boileth with great
waves, as the tale telleth tofore. And as soon as Galahad set his hand thereto it ceased, so that it burnt no
more, and the heat departed. For that it brent it was a sign of lechery, the which was that time much used. But
that heat might not abide his pure virginity. And this was taken in the country for a miracle. And so ever after
was it called Galahad's well. Then by adventure he came into the country of Gore, and into the Abbey where
Launcelot had been toforehand, and found the tomb of King Bagdemagus, but Joseph of Aramathie's son was
founder thereof; and the tomb of Simeon where Launcelot had failed. Then he looked into a croft under the
minster, and there he saw a tomb which burnt full marvellously. Then asked he the brethren what it was. Sir,
said they, a marvellous adventure that may not be brought unto none end but by him that passeth of bounty
and of knighthood all the knights of the Round Table. I would, said Galahad, that ye would lead me thereto.
Gladly, said they. And so they led him unto a cave. And he went down upon gretys, and came nigh the tomb.
And then the flaming failed, and the fire stanched, the which many a day had been great. Then came there a
voice that said: much are ye beholden to thank Our Lord, the which hath given you a good hour, that ye may
draw out the souls of earthly pain, and to put them into the joys of paradise. I am of your kindred, the which
hath dwelled in this heat this three hundred four and fifty winter to be purged of the sin that I did against
Joseph of Aramathie. Then Galahad took the body in his arms and bare it into the minster. And that night lay
Galahad in the abbey; and on the morn he gave him service, and put him in the earth afore the high altar.
CHAPTER XIX
HOW SIR PERCIVALE AND SIR BORS MET WITH SIR GALAHAD, AND HOW THEY CAME TO
THE CASTLE OF CARBONEK, AND OTHER MATTERS
So departed he from thence, and commended the brethren to God; and so he rode five days till that he came to
the maimed king. And ever followed Percivale the five days, asking where he had been; and so one told him
how the adventures of Logris were achieved. So on a day it befell that they came out of a great forest, and
there they met at traverse with Sir Bors, the which rode alone. It is none need to tell if they were glad; and
them he saluted, and they yielded him honour and good adventure, and every each told other. Then said Bors:
It is more than a year and an half that I ne lay ten times where men dwelled, but in wild forests and in
mountains, but God was ever my comfort. Then rode they a great while till that they came to the castle of
Carbonek. And when they were entered within the castle King Pelles knew them; then there was great joy, for
they wist well by their coming that they had fulfilled the quest of the Sangreal. Then Eliazar, King Pelles' son,
brought tofore them the broken sword wherewith Joseph was stricken through the thigh. Then Bors set his
hand thereto, if that he might have soldered it again; but it would not be. Then he took it to Percivale, but he
had no more power thereto than he. Now have ye it again, said Percivale to Galahad, for an it be ever achieved
by any bodily man ye must do it. And then he took the pieces and set them together, and they seemed that
they had never been broken, and as well as it had been first forged. And when they within espied that the
adventure of the sword was achieved, then they gave the sword to Bors, for it might not be better set; for he

was a good knight and a worthy man. And a little afore even the sword arose great and marvellous, and was
full of great heat that many men fell for dread. And anon alit a voice among them, and said: They that ought
not to sit at the table of Jesu Christ arise, for now shall very knights be fed. So they went thence, all save King
Pelles and Eliazar, his son, the which were holy men, and a maid which was his niece; and so these three
fellows and they three were there, no more. Anon they saw knights all armed come in at the hall door, and did
off their helms and their arms, and said unto Galahad: Sir, we have hied right much for to be with you at this
table where the holy meat shall be departed. Then said he: Ye be welcome, but of whence be ye? So three of
them said they were of Gaul, and other three said they were of Ireland, and the other three said they were of
Denmark. So as they sat thus there came out a bed of tree, of a chamber, the which four gentlewomen
brought; and in the bed lay a good man sick, and a crown of gold upon his head; and there in the middes of the
place they set him down, and went again their way. Then he lift up his head, and said: Galahad, Knight, ye be
welcome, for much have I desired your coming, for in such anguish I have been long. But now I trust to God
the term is come that my pain shall be allayed, that I shall pass out of this world so as it was promised me long
ago. Therewith a voice said: There be two among you that be not in the quest of the Sangreal, and therefore
depart ye.
CHAPTER XX
HOW GALAHAD AND HIS FELLOWS WERE FED OF THE HOLY SANGREAL, AND HOW OUR
LORD APPEARED TO THEM, AND OTHER THINGS
Then King Pelles and his son departed. And therewithal beseemed them that there came a man, and four
angels from heaven, clothed in likeness of a bishop, and had a cross in his hand; and there four angels bare
him in a chair, and set him down before the table of silver whereupon the Sangreal was; and it seemed that he
had in middes of his forehead letters the which said: See ye here Joseph, the first bishop of Christendom, the
same which Our Lord succoured in the city of Sarras in the spiritual place. Then the knights marvelled, for
that bishop was dead more than three hundred years tofore. O knights, said he, marvel not, for I was sometime
an earthly man. With that they heard the chamber door open, and there they saw angels; and two bare candles
of wax, and the third a towel, and the fourth a spear which bled marvellously, that three drops fell within a
box which he held with his other hand. And they set the candles upon the table, and the third the towel upon
the vessel, and the fourth the holy spear even upright upon the vessel. And then the bishop made semblant as
though he would have gone to the sacring of the mass. And then he took an ubblye which was made in
likeness of bread. And at the lifting up there came a figure in likeness of a child, and the visage was as red and
as bright as any fire, and smote himself into the bread, so that they all saw it that the bread was formed of a
fleshly man; and then he put it into the holy vessel again, and then he did that longed to a priest to do to a
mass. And then he went to Galahad and kissed him, and bad him go and kiss his fellows: and so he did anon.
Now, said he, servants of Jesu Christ, ye shall be fed afore this table with sweetmeats that never knights
tasted. And when he had said, he vanished away. And they set them at the table in great dread and made their
prayers. Then looked they and saw a man come out of the holy vessel, that had all the signs of the passion of
Jesu Christ, bleeding all openly, and said: My knights, and my servants, and my true children, which be come
out of deadly life into spiritual life, I will now no longer hide me from you, but ye shall see now a part of my
secrets and of my hidden things: now hold and receive the high meat which ye have so much desired. Then
took he himself the holy vessel and came to Galahad; and he kneeled down, and there he received his Saviour,
and after him so received all his fellows; and they thought it so sweet that it was marvellous to tell. Then said
he to Galahad: Son, wotest thou what I hold betwixt my hands? Nay, said he, but if ye will tell me. This is,
said he, the holy dish wherein I ate the lamb on Sher-Thursday. And now hast thou seen that thou most
desired to see, but yet hast thou not seen it so openly as thou shalt see it in the city of Sarras in the spiritual
place. Therefore thou must go hence and bear with thee this holy vessel; for this night it shall depart from the
realm of Logris, that it shall never be seen more here. And wotest thou wherefore? For he is not served nor

worshipped to his right by them of this land, for they be turned to evil living; therefore I shall disherit them of
the honour which I have done them. And therefore go ye three to-morrow unto the sea, where ye shall find
your ship ready and with you take the sword with the strange girdles, and no more with you but Sir Percivale
and Sir Bors. Also I will that ye take with you of the blood of this spear for to anoint the maimed king, both
his legs and all his body, and he shall have his health. Sir, said Galahad, why shall not these other fellows go
with us? For this cause: for right as I departed my apostles one here and another there, so I will that ye depart;
and two of you shall die in my service, but one of you shall come again and tell tidings. Then gave he them
his blessing and vanished away.
CHAPTER XXI
HOW GALAHAD ANOINTED WITH THE BLOOD OF THE SPEAR THE MAIMED KING, AND
OTHER ADVENTURES
And Galahad went anon to the spear which lay upon the table, and touched the blood with his fingers, and
came after to the maimed king and anointed his legs. And therewith he clothed him anon, and start upon his
feet out of his bed as an whole man, and thanked Our Lord that He had healed him. And that was not to the
world ward, for anon he yielded him to a place of religion of white monks, and was a full holy man. That
same night about midnight came a voice among them which said: My sons and not my chief sons, my friends
and not my warriors, go ye hence where ye hope best to do and as I bad you. Ah, thanked be Thou, Lord, that
Thou wilt vouchsafe to call us, Thy sinners. Now may we well prove that we have not lost our pains. And
anon in all haste they took their harness and departed. But the three knights of Gaul, one of them hight
Claudine, King Claudas' son, and the other two were great gentlemen. Then prayed Galahad to every each of
them, that if they come to King Arthur's court that they should salute my lord, Sir Launcelot, my father, and of
them of the Round Table; and prayed them if that they came on that part that they should not forget it. Right
so departed Galahad, Percivale and Bors with him; and so they rode three days, and then they came to a
rivage, and found the ship whereof the tale speaketh of tofore. And when they came to the board they found in
the middes the table of silver which they had left with the maimed king, and the Sangreal which was covered
with red samite. Then were they glad to have such things in their fellowship; and so they entered and made
great reverence thereto; and Galahad fell in his prayer long time to Our Lord, that at what time he asked, that
he should pass out of this world. So much he prayed till a voice said to him: Galahad, thou shalt have thy
request; and when thou askest the death of thy body thou shalt have it, and then shalt thou find the life of the
soul. Percivale heard this, and prayed him, of fellowship that was between them, to tell him wherefore he
asked such things. That shall I tell you, said Galahad; the other day when we saw a part of the adventures of
the Sangreal I was in such a joy of heart, that I trow never man was that was earthly. And therefore I wot well,
when my body is dead my soul shall be in great joy to see the blessed Trinity every day, and the Majesty of
Our Lord, Jesu Christ. So long were they in the ship that they said to Galahad: Sir, in this bed ought ye to lie,
for so saith the scripture. And so he laid him down and slept a great while; and when he awaked he looked
afore him and saw the city of Sarras. And as they would have landed they saw the ship wherein Percivale had
put his sister in. Truly, said Percivale, in the name of God, well hath my sister holden us covenant. Then took
they out of the ship the table of silver, and he took it to Percivale and to Bors, to go tofore, and Galahad came
behind. And right so they went to the city, and at the gate of the city they saw an old man crooked. Then
Galahad called him and bad him help to bear this heavy thing. Truly, said the old man, it is ten year ago that I
might not go but with crutches. Care thou not, said Galahad, and arise up and shew thy good will. And so he
essayed, and found himself as whole as ever he was. Then ran he to the table, and took one part against
Galahad, And anon arose there great noise in the city, that a cripple was made whole by knights marvellous
that entered into the city. Then anon after, the three knights went to the water, and brought up into the palace
Percivale's sister, and buried her as richly as a king's daughter ought to be. And when the king of the city,
which was cleped Estorause, saw the fellowship, he asked them of whence they were, and what thing it was

that they had brought upon the table of silver. And they told him the truth of the Sangreal, and the power
which that God had set there. Then the king was a tyrant, and was come of the line of paynims, and took them
and put them in prison in a deep hole.
CHAPTER XXII
HOW THEY WERE FED WITH THE SANGREAL WHILE THEY WERE IN PRISON, AND HOW
GALAHAD WAS MADE KING
But as soon as they were there Our Lord sent them the Sangreal, through whose grace they were alway
fulfilled while that they were in prison. So at the year's end it befel that this King Estorause lay sick, and felt
that he should die. Then he sent for the three knights, and they came afore him; and he cried them mercy of
that he had done to them, and they forgave it him goodly; and he died anon. When the king was dead all the
city was dismayed, and wist not who might be their king. Right so as they were in counsel there came a voice
among them, and bad them choose the youngest knight of them three to be their king: For he shall well
maintain you and all yours. So they made Galahad king by all the assent of the holy city, and else they would
have slain him. And when he was come to behold the land, he let make above the table of silver a chest of
gold and of precious stones, that hylled the holy vessel. And every day early the three fellows would come
afore it, and make their prayers. Now at the year's end, and the self day after Galahad had borne the crown of
gold, he arose up early and his fellows, and came to the palace, and saw tofore them the holy vessel, and a
man kneeling on his knees in likeness of a bishop, that had about him a great fellowship of angels as it had
been Jesu Christ himself; and then he arose and began a mass of Our Lady. And when he came to the
sacrament of the mass, and had done, anon he called Galahad, and said to him: Come forth the servant of Jesu
Christ, and thou shalt see that thou hast much desired to see. And then he began to tremble right hard when
the deadly flesh began to behold the spiritual things. Then he held up his hands toward heaven and said: Lord,
I thank thee, for now I see that that hath been my desire many a day. Now, blessed Lord, would I not longer
live, if it might please thee, Lord. And therewith the good man took Our Lord's body betwixt his hands, and
proffered it to Galahad, and he received it right gladly and meekly. Now wotest thou what I am? said the good
man. Nay, said Galahad. I am Joseph of Aramathie, the which Our Lord hath sent here to thee to bear thee
fellowship; and wotest thou wherefore that he hath sent me more than any other? For thou hast resembled me
in two things; in that thou hast seen the marvels of the Sangreal, in that thou hast been a clene maiden, as I
have been and am. And when he had said these words Galahad went to Percivale and kissed him, and
commended him to God; and so he went to Sir Bors and kissed him, and commended him to God, and said:
Fair lord, salute me to my lord, Sir Launcelot, my father, and as soon as ye see him, bid him remember of this
unstable world. And therewith he kneeled down tofore the table and made his prayers, and then suddenly his
soul departed to Jesu Christ, and a great multitude of angels bare his soul up to heaven, that the two fellows
might well behold it. Also the two fellows saw come from heaven an hand, but they saw not the body. And
then it came right to the Vessel, and took it and the spear, and so bare it up to heaven. Sithen was there never
man so hardy to say that he had seen the Sangreal.
CHAPTER XXIII
OF THE SORROW THAT PERCIVALE AND BORS MADE WHEN GALAHAD WAS DEAD: AND OF
PERCIVALE HOW HE DIED, AND OTHER MATTERS
When Percivale and Bors saw Galahad dead they made as much sorrow as ever did two men. And if they had
not been good men they might lightly have fallen in despair. And the people of the country and of the city

were right heavy. And then he was buried; and as soon as he was buried Sir Percivale yielded him to an
hermitage out of the city, and took a religious clothing. And Bors was alway with him, but never changed he
his secular clothing, for that he purposed him to go again into the realm of Logris. Thus a year and two
months lived Sir Percivale in the hermitage a full holy life, and then passed out of this world; and Bors let
bury him by his sister and by Galahad in the spiritualities. When Bors saw that he was in so far countries as in
the parts of Babylon he departed from Sarras, and armed him and came to the sea, and entered into a ship; and
so it befell him in good adventure he came into the realm of Logris; and he rode so fast till he came to
Camelot where the king was. And then was there great joy made of him in the court, for they weened all he
had been dead, forasmuch as he had been so long out of the country. And when they had eaten, the king made
great clerks to come afore him, that they should chronicle of the high adventures of the good knights. When
Bors had told him of the adventures of the Sangreal, such as had befallen him and his three fellows, that was
Launcelot, Percivale, Galahad, and himself, there Launcelot told the adventures of the Sangreal that he had
seen. All this was made in great books, and put up in almeryes at Salisbury. And anon Sir Bors said to Sir
Launcelot: Galahad, your own son, saluted you by me, and after you King Arthur and all the Court, and so did
Sir Percivale, for I buried them with mine own hands in the city of Sarras. Also, Sir Launcelot, Galahad
prayed you to remember of this unsyker world as ye behight him when ye were together more than half a year.
This is true, said Launcelot; now I trust to God his prayer shall avail me. Then Launcelot took Sir Bors in his
arms, and said: Gentle cousin, ye are right welcome to me, and all that ever I may do for you and for yours ye
shall find my poor body ready at all times, while the spirit is in it, and that I promise you faithfully, and never
to fail. And wit ye well, gentle cousin, Sir Bors, that ye and I will never depart in sunder whilst our lives may
last. Sir, said he, I will as ye will.
Thus endeth thistory of the Sancgreal, that was breuely drawen oute of Frensshe in to Englysshe, the whiche
is a story cronycled for one of the truest and the holyest that is in thys world, the which is the xvii. book.
Written by
William Harrison
For
HOLINSHED CHRONICLES
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
Near the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, Reginald Wolfe, the Queen's Printer, with the splendid audacity
characteristic of that age, planned to publish a "universal Cosmography of the whole world, and therewith
also certain particular histories of every known nation." Raphael Holinshed had charge of the histories of
England, Scotland, and Ireland, the only part of the work ever published; and these were issued in 1577, and
have since been known as "Holinshed's Chronicles." From them Shakespeare drew most of the material for
his historical plays.
Among Holinshed's collaborators was one William Harrison, chaplain to Lord Cobham, and later Rector of

Radwinter in Essex and Canon of Windsor. To him was allotted the task of writing the "Descriptions of
Britain and England" from which the following chapters are drawn. He gathered his facts from books, letters,
maps, conversations, and, most important of all, his own observation and experience; and he put them loosely
together into what he calls "this foul frizzled treatise." Yet, with all his modesty, he claims to "have had an
especial eye to the truth of things"; and as a result we have in his pages the most vivid and detailed picture in
existence of the England into which Shakespeare was born.
In 1876 Dr. Furnivall condensed Harrison's chapters for the New Shakspere Society, and these have since
been reprinted by Mr. Lothrop Withington in the modern dress in which the most interesting of them appear
here. No apology is needed for thus selecting and rearranging, since in their original form they were without
unity, and formed part of a vast compilation.
Harrison's merit does not lie in the rich interest of his matter alone. He wrote a racy style with a strong
individual as well as Elizabethan flavor; and his personal comment upon the manners of his time serves as a
piquant sauce to the solid meat of his historical information.
CHAPTER I
OF DEGREES OF PEOPLE IN THE COMMONWEALTH OF ELIZABETHAN ENGLAND
[1577, Book III., Chapter 4; 1587, Book II., Chapter 5.][87]
We in England, divide our people commonly into four sorts, as gentlemen, citizens or burgesses, yeomen, and
artificers or labourers. Of gentlemen the first and chief (next the king) be the prince, dukes, marquesses, earls,
viscounts, and barons; and these are called gentlemen of the greater sort, or (as our common usage of speech
is) lords and noblemen: and next unto them be knights, esquires, and, last of all, they that are simply called
gentlemen. So that in effect our gentlemen are divided into their conditions, whereof in this chapter I will
make particular rehearsal.
The title of prince doth peculiarly belong with us to the king's eldest son, who is called Prince of Wales, and is
the heir-apparent to the crown; as in France the king's eldest son hath the title of Dauphin, and is named
peculiarly Monsieur. So that the prince is so termed of the Latin word Princeps, since he is (as I may call him)
the chief or principal next the king. The king's younger sons be but gentlemen by birth (till they have received
creation or donation from their father of higher estate, as to be either viscounts, earls, or dukes) and called
after their names, as Lord Henry, or Lord Edward, with the addition of the word Grace, properly assigned to
the king and prince, and now also by custom conveyed to dukes, archbishops, and (as some say) to
marquesses and their wives.[88]…
Unto this place I also refer our bishops, who are accounted honourable, called lords, and hold the same room
in the Parliament house with the barons, albeit for honour sake the right hand of the prince is given unto them,
and whose countenances in time past were much more glorious than at this present it is, because those lusty
prelates sought after earthly estimation and authority with far more diligence than after the lost sheep of
Christ, of which they had small regard, as men being otherwise occupied and void of leisure to attend upon
the same. Howbeit in these days their estate remaineth no less reverend than before, and the more virtuous
they are that be of this calling the better are they esteemed with high and low. They retain also the ancient

name ("lord") still, although it be not a little impugned by such as love either to hear of change of all things or
can abide no superiors. For notwithstanding it be true that in respect of function the office of the eldership[89]
is equally distributed between the bishop and the minister, yet for civil government's sake the first have more
authority given unto them by kings and princes, to the end that the rest may thereby be with more ease
retained within a limited compass of uniformity than otherwise they would be if each one were suffered to
walk in his own course. This also is more to be marvelled at, that very many call for an alteration of their
estate, crying to have the word "lord" abolished, their civil authority taken from them, and the present
condition of the church in other things reformed; whereas, to say truly, few of them do agree upon form of
discipline and government of the church succeedent, wherein they resemble the Capuans (of whom Livy doth
speak) in the slaughter of their senate. Neither is it possible to frame a whole monarchy after the pattern of
one town or city, or to stir up such an exquisite face of the church as we imagine or desire, sith our corruption
is such that it will never yield to so great perfection; for that which is not able to be performed in a private
house will be much less be brought to pass in a commonwealth and kingdom, before such a prince be found as
Xenophon describeth, or such an orator as Tully hath devised.[90]…
Dukes, marquesses, earls, viscounts, and barons either be created of the prince or come to that honour by
being the eldest sons or highest in succession to their parents. For the eldest son of a duke during his father's
life is an earl, the eldest son of an earl is a baron, or sometimes a viscount, according as the creation is. The
creation I call the original donation and condition of the honour given by the prince for good service done by
the first ancestor, with some advancement, which, with the title of that honour, is always given to him and his
heirs males only. The rest of the sons of the nobility by the rigour of the law be but esquires; yet in common
speech all dukes' and marquesses' sons and earls' eldest sons be called lords, the which name commonly doth
agree to none of lower degree than barons, yet by law and use these be not esteemed barons.
The barony or degree of lords doth answer to the degree of senators of Rome (as I said) and the title of
nobility (as we used to call it in England) to the Roman Patricii. Also in England no man is commonly created
baron except he may dispend of yearly revenues a thousand pounds, or so much as may fully maintain and
bear out his countenance and port. But viscounts, earls, marquesses, and dukes exceed them according to the
proportion of their degree and honour. But though by chance he or his son have less, yet he keepeth this
degree: but if the decay be excessive, and not able to maintain the honour (as Senatores Romani were amoti à
senatu), so sometimes they are not admitted to the upper house in the parliament, although they keep the name
of "lord" still, which cannot be taken from them upon any such occasion.
The most of these names have descended from the French invention, in whose histories we shall read of them
eight hundred years past.[91]…
Knights be not born, neither is any man a knight by succession, no, not the king or prince: but they are made
either before the battle, to encourage them the more to adventure and try their manhood; or after the battle
ended, as an advancement for their courage and prowess already shewed, and then are they called Milites; or
out of the wars for some great service done, or for the singular virtues which do appear in them, and then are
they named Equites Aurati, as common custom intendeth. They are made either by the king himself, or by his
commission and royal authority given for the same purpose, or by his lieutenant in the wars.[92]…
Sometime diverse ancient gentlemen, burgesses, and lawyers are called unto knighthood by the prince, and
nevertheless refuse to take that state upon them, for which they are of custom punished by a fine, that
redoundeth unto his coffers, and (to say truth) is oftentimes more profitable unto him than otherwise their
service should be, if they did yield unto knighthood. And this also is a cause wherefore there be many in
England able to dispend a knight's living, which never come unto that countenance, and by their own
consents. The number of the knights in Rome was also uncertain: and so is it of knights likewise, with us, as
at the pleasure of the prince. And whereas the Equites Romani had Equum Publicum of custom bestowed upon
them, the knights of England have not so, but bear their own charges in that also, as in other kind of furniture,

as armour meet for their defence and service. This nevertheless is certain, that whoso may dispend forty
pounds by the year of free land, either at the coronation of the king, or marriage of his daughter, or time of his
dubbing, may be informed unto the taking of that degree, or otherwise pay the revenues of his land for one
year, which is only forty pounds by an old proportion, and so for a time be acquitted of that title.[93]…
At the coronation of a king or queen, there be other knights made with longer and more curious ceremonies,
called "knights of the bath." But howsoever one be dubbed or made knight, his wife is by-and-by called
"Madam," or "Lady," so well as the baron's wife: he himself having added to his name in common appellation
this syllable "Sir," which is the title whereby we call our knights in England. His wife also of courtesy so long
as she liveth is called "my lady," although she happen to marry with a gentleman or man of mean calling,
albeit that by the common law she hath no such prerogative. If her first husband also be of better birth than her
second, though this latter likewise be a knight, yet in that she pretendeth a privilege to lose no honour through
courtesy yielded to her sex, she will be named after the most honourable or worshipful of both, which is not
seen elsewhere.
The other order of knighthood in England, and the most honourable, is that of the garter, instituted by King
Edward the Third, who, after he had gained many notable victories, taken King John of France, and King
James of Scotland (and kept them both prisoners in the Tower o£ London at one time), expelled King Henry
of Castille, the bastard, out of his realm, and restored Don Pedro unto it (by the help of the Prince of Wales
and Duke of Aquitaine, his eldest son, called the Black Prince), he then invented this society of honour, and
made a choice out of his own realm and dominions, and throughout all Christendom of the best, most
excellent, and renowned persons in all virtues and honour, and adorned them with that title to be knights of his
order, giving them a garter garnished with gold and precious stones, to wear daily on the left leg only; also a
kirtle, gown, cloak, chaperon, collar, and other solemn and magnificent apparel, both of stuff and fashion
exquisite and heroical to wear at high feasts, and as to so high and princely an order appertaineth....
The order of the garter therefore was devised in the time of King Edward the Third, and (as some write) upon
this occasion. The queen's majesty then living, being departed from his presence the next way toward her
lodging, he following soon after happened to find her garter, which slacked by chance and so fell from her leg,
unespied in the throng by such as attended upon her. His grooms and gentlemen also passed by it, as
disdaining to stoop and take up such a trifle: but he, knowing the owner, commanded one of them to stay and
reach it up to him. "Why, and like your grace," saith a gentleman, "it is but some woman's garter that hath
fallen from her as she followed the queen's majesty." "Whatsoever it be," quoth the king, "take it up and give
it me." So when he had received the garter, he said to such as stood about him: "You, my masters, do make
small account of this bule garter here," and therewith held it out, "but, if God lend me life for a few months, I
will make the proudest of you all to reverence the like." And even upon this slender occasion he gave himself
to the devising of this order. Certes, I have not read of anything that having had so simple a beginning hath
grown in the end to so great honour and estimation.[94]…
There is yet another order of knights In England called knights bannerets, who are made in the field with the
ceremony of cutting away the point of his pennant of arms, and making it as it were a banner, so that, being
before but a bachelor knight, he is now of an higher degree, and allowed to display his arms in a banner, as
barons do. Howbeit these knights are never made but in the wars, the king's standard being unfolded.[95]…
Moreover, as the king doth dub knights, and createth the barons and higher degrees, so gentlemen whose
ancestors are not known to come in with William Duke of Normandy (for of the Saxon races yet remaining
we now make none accounted, much less of the British issue) do take their beginning in England, after this
manner in our times.
Whosoever studieth the laws of the realm, whoso abideth in the university (giving his mind to his book), or
professeth physic and the liberal sciences, or beside his service in the room of a captain in the wars, or good

counsel given at home, whereby his commonwealth is benefited, can live without manual labour, and thereto
is able and will bear the port, charge, and countenance of a gentleman, he shall for money have a coat and
arms bestowed upon him by heralds (who in the charter of the same do of custom pretend antiquity and
service, and many gay things), and thereunto, being made so good cheap, be called master (which is the title
that men give to esquires and gentlemen), and reputed for a gentleman ever after, which is so much less to be
disallowed of for that the prince doth lose nothing by it, the gentleman being so much subject to taxes and
public payments as is the yeoman or husbandman, which he likewise doth bear the gladlier for the saving of
his reputation. Being called also to the wars (for with the government of the commonwealth he meddleth
little), whatsoever it cost him, he will both array and arm himself accordingly, and shew the more manly
courage, and all the tokens of the person which he represented. No man hath hurt by it but himself, who
peradventure will go in wider buskins than his legs will bear, or, as our proverb saith, "now and then bear a
bigger sail than his boat is able to sustain."
Certes the making of new gentlemen bred great strife sometimes amongst the Romans, I mean when those
which were Novi homines were more allowed of for their virtues newly seen and shewed than the old smell of
ancient race, lately defaced by the cowardice and evil life of their nephews and descendants, could make the
other to be. But as envy hath no affinity with justice and equity, so it forceth not what language the malicious
do give out, against such as are exalted for their wisdoms. This nevertheless is generally to be reprehended in
all estates of gentility, and which in short time will turn to the great ruin of our country, and that is, the usual
sending of noblemen's and mean gentlemen's sons into Italy, from whence they bring home nothing but mere
atheism, infidelity, vicious conversation, and ambitious and proud behaviour, whereby it cometh to pass that
they return far worse men than they went out. A gentleman at this present is newly come out of Italy, who
went thither an earnest Protestant; but coming home he could say after this manner; "Faith and truth is to be
kept where no loss or hindrance of a future purpose is sustained by holding of the same; and forgiveness only
to be shewed when full revenge is made." Another no less forward than he, at his return from thence, could
add thus much: "He is a fool that maketh account of any religion, but more fool that will lose any part of his
wealth or will come in trouble for constant leaning to any; but if he yield to lose his life for his possession, he
is stark mad, and worthy to be taken for most fool of all the rest." This gay booty got these gentlemen by
going Into Italy; and hereby a man may see what fruit is afterward to be looked for where such blossoms do
appear. "I care not," saith a third, "what you talk to me of God, so as I may have the prince and the laws of the
realm on my side." Such men as this last are easily known; for they have learned in Italy to go up and down
also in England with pages at their heels finely apparelled, whose face and countenance shall be such as
sheweth the master not to be blind in his choice. But lest I should offend too much, I pass over to say any
more of these Italianates and their demeanour, which, alas! is too open and manifest to the world, and yet not
called into question.
Citizens and burgesses have next place to gentlemen, who be those that are free within the cities, and are of
some likely substance to bear office in the same. But these citizens or burgesses are to serve the
commonwealth in their cities and boroughs, or in corporate towns where they dwell, and in the common
assembly of the realm wherein our laws are made (for in the counties they bear but little sway), which
assembly is called the High Court of Parliament: the ancient cities appoint four and the borough two burgesses
to have voices in it, and give their consent or dissent unto such things as pass, to stay there in the name of the
city or borough for which they are appointed.
In this place also are our merchants to be installed as amongst the citizens (although they often change estate
with gentlemen, as gentlemen do with them, by a mutual conversion of the one into the other), whose number
is so increased in these our days that their only maintenance is the cause of the exceeding prices of foreign
wares, which otherwise, when every nation was permitted to bring in her own commodities, were far better,
cheaper, and more plentifully to be had. Of the want of our commodities here at home, by their great
transportation of them into other countries, I speak not, sith the matter will easily betray itself. Certes among
the Lacedæmonians it was found out that great numbers of merchants were nothing to the furtherance of the

state of the commonwealth: wherefore it is to be wished that the huge heap of them were somewhat restrained,
as also of our lawyers, so should the rest live more easily upon their own, and few honest chapmen be brought
to decay by breaking of the bankrupt. I do not deny but that the navy of the land is in part maintained by their
traffic, and so are the high prices of wares kept up, now they have gotten the only sale of things upon pretence
of better furtherance of the commonwealth into their own hands: whereas in times past, when the strange
bottoms were suffered to come in, we had sugar for fourpence the pound, that now at the writing of this
Treatise is well worth half-a-crown; raisins or currants for a penny that now are holden at sixpence, and
sometimes at eightpence and tenpence the pound; nutmegs at twopence halfpenny the ounce, ginger at a
penny an ounce, prunes at halfpenny farthing, great raisins three pounds for a penny, cinnamon at fourpence
the ounce, cloves at twopence, and pepper at twelve and sixteen pence the pound. Whereby we may see the
sequel of things not always, but very seldom, to be such as is pretended in the beginning. The wares that they
carry out of the realm are for the most part broad clothes and carsies[96] of all colours, likewise cottons,
friezes, rugs, tin, wool, our best beer, baize, bustian, mockadoes (tufted and plain), rash, lead, fells, etc.:
which, being shipped at sundry ports of our coasts, are borne from thence into all quarters of the world, and
there either exchanged for other wares or ready money, to the great gain and commodity of our merchants.
And whereas in times past their chief trade was into Spain, Portugal, France, Flanders, Danske (Denmark),
Norway, Scotland, and Ireland only, now in these days, as men not contented with these journeys, they have
sought out the East and West Indies, and made now and then suspicious voyages, not only unto the Canaries
and New Spain, but likewise into Cathay, Muscovy, and Tartaria, and the regions thereabout, from whence (as
they say) they bring home great commodities. But alas! I see not by all their travel that the prices of things are
any whit abated. Certes this enormity (for so I do account of it) was sufficiently provided for (Ann. 9 Edward
III.) by a noble statute made in that behalf, but upon what occasion the general execution thereof is stayed or
not called on, in good sooth, I cannot tell. This only I know, that every function and several vocation striveth
with other, which of them should have all the water of commodity run into her own cistern.
Yeomen are those which by our law are called Legales homines, free men born English, and may dispend of
their own free land in yearly revenue to the sum of forty shillings sterling, or six pounds as money goeth in
our times. Some are of the opinion, by Cap. 2 Rich. 2 Ann. 20, that they are the same which the Frenchmen
call varlets, but, as that phrase is used in my time, it is very unlikely to be so. The truth is that the word is
derived from the Saxon term, Zeoman, or Geoman, which signifieth (as I have read) a settled or staid man,
such I mean as, being married and of some years, betaketh himself to stay in the place of his abode for the
better maintenance of himself and his family, whereof the single sort have no regard, but are likely to be still
fleeting now hither now thither, which argueth want of stability in determination and resolution of judgment,
for the execution of things of any importance. This sort of people have a certain pre-eminence, and more
estimation than labourers and the common sort of artificers, and these commonly live wealthily, keep good
houses, and travel to get riches. They are also for the most part farmers to gentlemen (in old time called
Pagani, et opponuntur militibus, and therefore Persius calleth himself Semipaganus), or at the leastwise
artificers, and with grazing, frequenting of markets, and keeping of servants (not idle servants, as the
gentlemen do, but such as get both their own and part of their masters' living), do come to great wealth,
insomuch that many of them are able and do buy the lands of unthrifty gentlemen, and often setting their sons
to the schools, to the universities, and to the Inns of the Court, or, otherwise leaving them sufficient lands
whereupon they may live without labour, do make them by those means to become gentlemen. These were
they that in times past made all France afraid. And albeit they be not called "Master," as gentlemen are, or
"Sir," as to knights appertaineth, but only "John" and "Thomas," etc., yet have they been found to have done
very good service.
The kings of England in foughten battles were wont to remain among them (who were their footmen) as the
French kings did amongst their horsemen, the prince thereby shewing where his chief strength did consist.
The fourth and last sort of people in England are day-labourers, poor husbandmen, and some retailers (which
have no free land) copyholders, and all artificers, as tailors, shoemakers, carpenters, brickmakers, masons,

etc.[97]
As for slaves and bondmen, we have none; nay, such is the privilege of our country by the especial grace of
God and bounty of our princes, that if any come hither from other realms, so soon as they set foot on land they
become so free of condition as their masters, whereby all note of servile bondage is utterly removed from
them, wherein we resemble (not the Germans, who had slaves also, though such as in respect of the slaves of
other countries might well be reputed free, but) the old Indians and the Taprobanes,[98] who supposed it a
great injury to Nature to make or suffer them to be bond, whom she in her wonted course doth product and
bring forth free. This fourth and last sort of people therefore have neither voice nor authority in the
commonwealth, but are to be ruled and not to rule other: yet they are not altogether neglected, for in cities and
corporate towns, for default of yeomen, they are fain to make up their inquests of such manner of people. And
in villages they are commonly made churchwardens, sidesmen, aleconners, now and then constables, and
many times enjoy the name of head boroughs. Unto this sort also may our great swarms of idle serving-men
be referred, of whom there runneth a proverb, "Young servingmen, old beggars," because service is none
heritage. These men are profitable to none; for, if their condition be well perused, they are enemies to their
masters; to their friends, and to themselves: for by them oftentimes their masters are encouraged unto
unlawful exactions of their tenants, their friends brought unto poverty by their rents enhanced, and they
themselves brought to confusion by their own prodigality and errors, as men that, having not wherewith of
their own to maintain their excesses, do search in highways, budgets, coffers, mails, and stables, which way to
supply their wants. How divers of them also, coveting to bear an high sail, do insinuate themselves with
young gentlemen and noblemen newly come to their lands, the case is too much apparent, whereby the good
natures of the parties are not only a little impaired, but also their livelihoods and revenues so wasted and
consumed that, if at all, yet not in many years, they shall be able to recover themselves. It were very good
therefore that the superfluous heaps of them were in part diminished. And since necessity enforceth to have
some, yet let wisdom moderate their numbers, so shall their masters be rid of unnecessary charge, and the
commonwealth of many thieves. No nation cherisheth such store of them as we do here in England, in hope of
which maintenance many give themselves to idleness that otherwise would be brought to labour, and live in
order like subjects. Of their whoredoms I will not speak anything at all, more than of their swearing; yet is it
found that some of them do make the first a chief pillar of their building, consuming not only the goods but
also the health and welfare of many honest gentlemen, citizens, wealthy yeomen, etc., by such unlawful
dealings. But how far have I waded in this point, or how far may I sail in such a large sea? I will therefore
now stay to speak any more of those kind of men. In returning therefore to my matter, this furthermore among
other things I have to say of our husbandmen and artificers, that they were never so excellent in their trades as
at this present. But as the workmanship of the latter sort was newer, more fine, and curious to the eye, so was
it never less strong and substantial for continuance and benefit of the buyers. Neither is there anything that
hurteth the common sort of our artificers more than haste, and a barbarous or slavish desire to turn the penny,
and, by ridding their work, to make speedy utterance of their wares: which enforceth them to bungle up and
despatch many things they care not how so they be out of their hands, whereby the buyer is often sore
defrauded, and findeth to his cost that haste maketh waste, according to the proverb.
Oh, how many trades and handicrafts are now in England whereof the commonwealth hath no need! How
many needful commodities have we which are perfected with great cost, etc., and yet may with far more ease
and less cost be provided from other countries if we could use the means! I will not speak of iron, glass, and
such like, which spoil much wood, and yet are brought from other countries better cheap than we can make
them here at home; I could exemplify also in many other. But to leave these things and proceed with our
purpose, and herein (as occasion serveth) generally, by way of conclusion, to speak of the commonwealth of
England, I find that it is governed and maintained by three sorts of persons—
1. The prince, monarch, and head governor, which is called the king, or (if the crown fall to a woman) the
queen: in whose name and by whose authority all things are administered.

2. The gentlemen which be divided into two sorts, as the barony or estate of lords (which containeth barons
and all above that degree), and also those that be no lords, as knights, esquires, and simple gentlemen, as I
have noted already. Out of these also are the great deputies and high presidents chosen, of which one serveth
in Ireland, as another did some time in Calais, and the captain now at Berwick, as one lord president doth
govern in Wales, and the other the north parts of this island, which later, with certain counsellors and judges,
were erected by King Henry the Eighth. But, for so much as I have touched their conditions elsewhere, it shall
be enough to have remembered them at this time.
3. The third and last sort is named the yeomanry, of whom and their sequel, the labourers and artificers, I have
said somewhat even now. Whereto I add that they may not be called masters and gentlemen, but goodmen, as
Goodman Smith, Goodman Coot, Goodman Cornell, Goodman Mascall, Goodman Cockswet, etc., and in
matters of law these and the like are called thus, Giles Jewd, yeoman; Edward Mountford, yeoman; James
Cocke, yeoman; Harry Butcher, yeoman, etc.; by which addition they are exempt from the vulgar and
common sorts. Cato calleth them "Aratores et optimos cives rei publicæ," of whom also you may read more in
the book of commonwealth which Sir Thomas Smith some time penned of this land.
CHAPTER II
OF CITIES AND TOWNS IN ENGLAND
[1577, Book II., Chapter 7, 1587, Book II., Chapter 13.]
As in old time we read that there were eight-and-twenty flamines and archflamines in the south part of this
isle, and so many great cities under their jurisdiction, so in these our days there is but one or two fewer, and
each of them also under the ecclesiastical regiment of some one bishop or archbishop, who in spiritual cases
have the charge and oversight of the same. So many cities therefore are there in England and Wales as there
be bishoprics and archbishoprics.[99] For, notwithstanding that Lichfield and Coventry and Bath and Wells do
seem to extend the aforesaid number unto nine-and-twenty, yet neither of these couples are to be accounted
but as one entire city and see of the bishop, sith one bishopric can have relation but unto one see, and the said
see be situate but in one place, after which the bishop doth take his name.[100]…
Certes I would gladly set down, with the names and number of the cities, all the towns and villages in England
and Wales with their true longitudes and latitudes, but as yet I cannot come by them in such order as I would;
howbeit the tale of our cities is soon found by the bishoprics, sith every see hath such prerogative given unto it
as to bear the name of a city and to use Regaleius within her own limits. Which privilege also is granted to
sundry ancient towns in England, especially northward, where more plenty of them is to be found by a great
deal than in the south, The names therefore of our cities are these: London, York, Canterbury, Winchester,
Carlisle, Durham, Ely, Norwich, Lincoln, Worcester, Gloucester, Hereford, Salisbury, Exeter, Bath, Lichfield,
Bristol, Rochester, Chester, Chichester, Oxford, Peterborough, Llandaff, St. Davids, Bangor, St. Asaph,
whose particular plots and models, with their descriptions, shall ensue, if it may be brought to pass that the
cutters can make despatch of them before this history be published.
Of towns and villages likewise thus much will I say, that there were greater store in old time (I mean within
three or four hundred years passed) than at this present. And this I note out of divers records, charters, and
donations (made in times past unto sundry religious houses, as Glastonbury, Abingdon, Ramsey, Ely, and
such like), and whereof in these days I find not so much as the ruins. Leland, in sundry places, complaineth
likewise of the decay of parishes in great cities and towns, missing in some six or eight or twelve churches

and more, of all which he giveth particular notice. For albeit that the Saxons builded many towns and villages,
and the Normans well more at their first coming, yet since the first two hundred years after the latter conquest,
they have gone so fast again to decay that the ancient number of them is very much abated. Ranulph, the
monk of Chester, telleth of general survey made in the fourth, sixteenth, and nineteenth of the reign of
William Conqueror, surnamed the Bastard, wherein it was found that (notwithstanding the Danes had
overthrown a great many) there were to the number of 52,000 towns, 45,002 parish churches, and 75,000
knights' fees, whereof the clergy held 28,015. He addeth moreover that there were divers other builded since
that time, within the space of a hundred years after the coming of the Bastard, as it were in lieu or recompense
of those that William Rufus pulled down for the erection of his New Forest. For by an old book which I have,
and some time written as it seemeth by an under-sheriff of Nottingham, I find even in the time of Edward IV.
45,120 parish churches, and but 60,216 knights' fees, whereof the clergy held as before 28,015, or at the least
28,000; for so small is the difference which he doth seem to use. Howbeit, if the assertions of such as write in
our time concerning this matter either are or ought to be of any credit in this behalf, you shall not find above
17,000 towns and villages, and 9210 in the whole, which is little more than a fourth part of the aforesaid
number, if it be thoroughly scanned.[101]…
In time past in Lincoln (as the same goeth) there have been two-and-fifty parish churches, and good record
appeareth for eight-and-thirty, but now, if there be four-and-twenty, it is all. This inconvenience hath grown
altogether to the church by appropriations made unto monasteries and religious houses—a terrible canker and
enemy to religion.
But to leave this lamentable discourse of so notable and grievous an inconvenience, growing as I said by
encroaching and joining of house to house and laying land to land, whereby the inhabitants of many places of
our country are devoured and eaten up, and their houses either altogether pulled down or suffered to decay
little by little, although some time a poor man per adventure doth dwell in one of them, who, not being able to
repair it, suffereth it to fall down—and thereto thinketh himself very friendly dealt withal, if he may have an
acre of ground assigned unto him, wherein to keep a cow, or wherein to set cabbages, radishes, parsnips,
carrots, melons, pompons,[102] or such like stuff, by which he and his poor household liveth as by their
principal food, sith they can do no better. And as for wheaten bread, they eat it when they can reach unto the
price of it, contenting themselves in the meantime with bread made of oats or barley: a poor estate, God wot!
Howbeit, what care our great encroachers? But in divers places where rich men dwelled some time in good
tenements, there be now no houses at all, but hop-yards, and sheds for poles, or peradventure gardens, as we
may see in Castle Hedingham, and divers other places. But to proceed.
It is so that, our soil being divided into champaign ground and woodland, the houses of the first lie uniformly
builded in every town together, with streets and lanes; whereas in the woodland countries (except here and
there in great market towns) they stand scattered abroad, each one dwelling in the midst of his own occupying.
And as in many and most great market towns, there are commonly three hundred or four hundred families or
mansions, and two thousand communicants (or peradventure more), so in the other, whether they be woodland
or champaign, we find not often above forty, fifty, or three score households, and two or three hundred
communicants, whereof the greatest part nevertheless are very poor folks, oftentimes without all manner of
occupying, sith the ground of the parish is gotten up into a few men's hands, yea sometimes into the tenure of
one or two or three, whereby the rest are compelled either to be hired servants unto the other or else to beg
their bread in misery from door to door.
There are some (saith Leland) which are not so favourable, when they have gotten such lands, as to let the
houses remain upon them to the use of the poor; but they will compound with the lord of the soil to pull them
down for altogether, saying that "if they did let them stand, they should but toll beggars to the town, thereby to
surcharge the rest of the parish, and lay more burden upon them." But alas! these pitiful men see not that they
themselves hereby do lay the greatest log upon their neighbours' necks. For, sith the prince doth commonly
loose nothing of his duties accustomable to be paid, the rest of the parishioners that remain must answer and

bear them out: for they plead more charge other ways, saying: "I am charged already with a light horse; I am
to answer in this sort, and after that matter." And it is not yet altogether out of knowledge that, where the king
had seven pounds thirteen shillings at a task gathered of fifty wealthy householders of a parish in England,
now, a gentleman having three parts of the town in his own hands, four households do bear all the aforesaid
payment, or else Leland is deceived in his Commentaries, lib. 13, lately come to my hands, which thing he
especially noted in his travel over this isle. A common plague and enormity, both in the heart of the land and
likewise upon the coasts. Certes a great number complain of the increase of poverty, laying the cause upon
God, as though he were in fault for sending such increase of people, or want of wars that should consume
them, affirming that the land was never so full, etc.; but few men do see the very root from whence it doth
proceed. Yet the Romans found it out, when they flourished, and therefore prescribed limits to every man's
tenure and occupying. Homer commendeth Achilles for overthrowing of five-and-twenty cities: but in mine
opinion Ganges is much better preferred by Suidas for building of three score in India, where he did plant
himself. I could (if need required) set down in this place the number of religious houses and monasteries, with
the names of their founders, that have been in this island: but, sith it is a thing of small importance, I pass it
over as impertinent to my purpose. Yet herein I will commend sundry of the monastical votaries, especially
monks, for that they were authors of many goodly borowes and endwares,[103] near unto their dwellings
although otherwise they pretended to be men separated from the world. But alas! their covetous minds, one
way in enlarging their revenues, and carnal intent another, appeared herein too, too much. For, being bold
from time to time to visit their tenants, they wrought oft great wickedness, and made those endwares little
better than brothel-houses, especially where nunneries were far off, or else no safe access unto them. But what
do I spend my time in the rehearsal of these filthinesses? Would to God the memory of them might perish
with the malefactors! My purpose was also at the end of this chapter to have set down a table of the parish
churches and market towns throughout all England and Wales; but, sith I cannot perform the same as I would,
I am forced to give over my purpose; yet by these few that ensue you shall easily see what I would have used
according to the shires, if I might have brought it to pass.
Shires. Market Towns. Parishes.

Middlesex 3 73
London within the walls and without 120
Surrey 6 140
Sussex 18 312
Kent 17 398
Cambridge 4 163
Bedford 9 13
Huntingdon 5 78
Rutland 2 47
Berkshire 11 150
Northampton 10 326
Buckingham 11 196
Oxford 10 216
Southampton 18 248

Dorset 19 279
Norfolk 26 625
Suffolk 25 575
Essex 18 415
And these I had of a friend of mine, by whose travel and his master's excessive charges I doubt not but my
countrymen ere long shall see all England set forth in several shires after the same manner that Ortelius hath
dealt with other countries of the main, to the great benefit of our nation and everlasting fame of the aforesaid
parties.
CHAPTER III
OF GARDENS AND ORCHARDS
[1587, Book II., Chapter 20.]
After such time as Calais was won from the French, and that our countrymen had learned to trade into divers
countries (whereby they grew rich), they began to wax idle also, and thereupon not only left off their former
painfulness and frugality, but in like sort gave themselves to live in excess and vanity, whereby many goodly
commodities failed, and in short time were not to be had amongst us. Such strangers also as dwelled here with
us, perceiving our sluggishness, and espying that this idleness of ours might redound to their great profit,
forthwith employed their endeavors to bring in the supply of such things as we lacked continually from
foreign countries, which yet more augmented our idleness. For, having all things at reasonable prices (as we
supposed) by such means from them, we thought it mere madness to spend either time or cost about the same
here at home. And thus we became enemies to our own welfare, as men that in those days reposed our felicity
in following the wars, wherewith we were often exercised both at home and other places. Besides this, the
natural desire that mankind hath to esteem of things far sought, because they be rare and costly, and the
irksome contempt of things near hand, for that they are common and plentiful, hath borne no small sway also
in this behalf amongst us. For hereby we have neglected our own good gifts of God, growing here at home, as
vile and of no value, and had every trifle and toy in admiration that is brought hither from far countries,
ascribing I wot not what great forces and solemn estimation unto them, until they also have waxen old, after
which they have been so little regarded, if not more despised, amongst us than our own. Examples hereof I
could set down many and in many things; but, sith my purpose is to deal at this time with gardens and
orchards, it shall suffice that I touch them only, and show our inconstancy in the same, so far as shall seem
and be convenient for my turn. I comprehend therefore under the word "garden" all such grounds as are
wrought with the spade by man's hand, for so the case requireth.
Of wine I have written already elsewhere sufficiently, which commodity (as I have learned further since the
penning of that book) hath been very plentiful in this island, not only in the time of the Romans, but also since
the Conquest, as I have seen by record; yet at this present have we none at all (or else very little to speak of)
growing in this island, which I impute not unto the soil, but the negligence of my countrymen. Such herbs,
fruits, and roots also as grow yearly out of the ground, of seed, have been very plentiful in this land, in the
time of the first Edward, and after his days; but in process of time they grew also to be neglected, so that from
Henry the Fourth till the latter end of Henry the Seventh and beginning of Henry the Eighth, there was little or

no use of them in England, but they remained either unknown or supposed as food more meet for hogs and
savage beasts to feed upon than mankind. Whereas in my time their use is not only resumed among the poor
commons. I mean of melons, pompons, gourds, cucumbers, radishes, skirets,[104] parsnips, carrots, cabbages,
navews,[105] turnips, and all kinds of salad herbs—but also fed upon as dainty dishes at the tables of delicate
merchants, gentlemen, and the nobility, who make their provision yearly for new seeds out of strange
countries, from whence they have them abundantly. Neither do they now stay with such of these fruits as are
wholesome in their kinds, but adventure further upon such as are very dangerous and hurtful, as the
verangenes, mushrooms, etc., as if nature had ordained all for the belly, or that all things were to be eaten for
whose mischievous operation the Lord in some measure hath given and provided a remedy.
Hops in time past were plentiful in this land. Afterwards also their maintenance did cease. And now, being
revived, where are any better to be found? Where any greater commodity to be raised by them? Only poles are
accounted to be their greatest charge. But, sith men have learned of late to sow ashen kexes in ashyards by
themselves, that inconvenience in short time will be redressed.
Madder hath grown abundantly in this island, but of long time neglected, and now a little revived, and offereth
itself to prove no small benefit unto our country, as many other things else, which are now fetched from us: as
we before time, when we gave ourselves to idleness, were glad to have them other.
If you look into our gardens annexed to our houses, how wonderfully is their beauty increased, not only with
flowers, which Columella calleth Terrena sydera[106] saying,
"Pingit et in varios terrestria sydera flores,"[107]
and variety of curious and costly workmanship, but also with rare and medicinable herbs sought up in the land
within these forty years: so that, in comparison of this present, the ancient gardens were but dunghills and
laistowes,[108] to such as did possess them. How art also helpeth nature in the daily colouring, doubling, and
enlarging the proportion of our flowers, it is incredible to report: for so curious and cunning are our gardeners
now in these days that they presume to do in manner what they list with nature, and moderate her course in
things as if they were her superiors. It is a world also to see how many strange herbs, plants, and annual fruits
are daily brought unto us from the Indies, Americans, Taprobane, Canary Isles, and all parts of the world: the
which, albeit that in respect of the constitutions of our bodies they do not grow for us (because that God hath
bestowed sufficient commodities upon every country for her own necessity), yet, for delectation sake unto the
eye and their odoriferous savours unto the nose, they are to be cherished, and God to be glorified also in them,
because they are his good gifts, and created to do man help and service. There is not almost one nobleman,
gentleman, or merchant that hath not great store of these flowers, which now also do begin to wax so well
acquainted with our soils that we may almost account of them as parcel of our own commodities. They have
no less regard in like sort to cherish medicinable herbs fetched out of other regions nearer hand, insomuch that
I have seen in some one garden to the number of three hundred or four hundred of them, if not more, of the
half of whose names within forty years past we had no manner of knowledge. But herein I find some cause of
just complaint, for that we extol their uses so far that we fall into contempt of our own, which are in truth
more beneficial and apt for us than such as grow elsewhere, sith (as I said before) every region hath
abundantly within her own limits whatsoever is needful and most convenient for them that dwell therein. How
do men extol the use of tobacco in my time, whereas in truth (whether the cause be in the repugnancy of our
constitution unto the operation thereof, or that the ground doth alter her force, I cannot tell) it is not found of
so great efficacy as they write. And beside this, our common germander or thistle benet is found and known to
be so wholesome and of so great power in medicine as any other herb, if they be used accordingly. I could
exemplify after the like manner in sundry other, as the Salsa parilla, Mochoacan, etc., but I forbear so to do,
because I covet to be brief. And truly, the estimation and credit that we yield and give unto compound
medicines made with foreign drugs is one great cause wherefore the full knowledge and use of our own
simples hath been so long raked up in the embers. And as this may be verified so to be one sound conclusion,

for, the greater number of simples that go unto any compound medicine, the greater confusion is found
therein, because the qualities and operations of very few of the particulars are thoroughly known. And even so
our continual desire of strange drugs, whereby the physician and apothecary only hath the benefit, is no small
cause that the use of our simples here at home doth go to loss, and that we tread those herbs under our feet,
whose forces if we knew, and could apply them to our necessities, we would honour and have in reverence as
to their case behoveth. Alas! what have we to do with such Arabian and Grecian stuff as is daily brought from
those parties which lie in another clime? And therefore the bodies of such as dwell there are of another
constitution than ours are here at home. Certes they grow not for us, but for the Arabians and Grecians. And
albeit that they may by skill be applied unto our benefit, yet to be more skilful in them than in our own is
folly; and to use foreign wares, when our own may serve the turn, is more folly; but to despise our own, and
magnify above measure the use of them that are sought and brought from far, is most folly of all: for it
savoureth of ignorance, or at the leastwise of negligence, and therefore worthy of reproach.
Among the Indians, who have the most present cures for every disease of their own nation, there is small
regard of compound medicines, and less of foreign drugs, because they neither know them nor can use them,
but work wonders even with their own simples. With them also the difference of the clime doth show her full
effect. For, whereas they will heal one another in short time with application of one simple, etc., if a Spaniard
or Englishman stand in need of their help, they are driven to have a longer space in their cures, and now and
then also to use some addition of two or three simples at the most, whose forces unto them are thoroughly
known, because their exercise is only in their own, as men that never sought or heard what virtue was in those
that came from other countries. And even so did Marcus Cato, the learned Roman, endeavour to deal in his
cures of sundry diseases, wherein he not only used such simples as were to be had in his own country, but also
examined and learned the forces of each of them, wherewith he dealt so diligently that in all his lifetime he
could attain to the exact knowledge but of a few, and thereto wrote of those most learnedly, as would easily be
seen if those his books were extant. For the space also of six hundred years the colewort only was a medicine
in Rome for all diseases, so that his virtues were thoroughly known in those parts. ∗ ∗ ∗
For my part, I doubt not if the use of outlandish drugs had not blinded our physicians of England in times past,
but that the virtues of our simples here at home would have been far better known, and so well unto us as
those of India are to the practitioners of those parts, and thereunto be found more profitable for us than the
foreign either are or may be. This also will I add, that even those which are most common by reason of their
plenty, and most vile because of their abundance, are not without some universal and special efficacy, if it
were known, for our benefit: sith God in nature hath so disposed his creatures that the most needful are the
most plentiful and serving for such general diseases as our constitution most commonly is affected withal.
Great thanks therefore be given unto the physicians of our age and country, who not only endeavour to search
out the use of such simples as our soil doth yield and bring forth, but also to procure such as grow elsewhere,
upon purpose so to acquaint them with our clime that they in time, through some alteration received from the
nature of the earth, may likewise turn to our benefit and commodity and be used as our own.
The chief workman (or, as I may call him, the founder of this device) is Carolus Clusius, the noble herbarist
whose industry hath wonderfully stirred them up into this good act. For albeit that Matthiolus, Rembert,
Lobell, and others have travelled very far in this behalf, yet none hath come near to Clusius, much less gone
further in the finding and true descriptions of such herbs as of late are brought to light. I doubt not but, if this
man were in England but one seven years, he would reveal a number of herbs growing with us whereof
neither our physicians nor apothecaries as yet have any knowledge. And even like thanks be given unto our
nobility, gentlemen, and others, for their continual nutriture and cherishing of such homeborne and foreign
simples in their gardens: for hereby they shall not only be had at hand and preserved, but also their forms
made more familiar to be discerned and their forces better known than hitherto they have been.
And even as it fareth with our gardens, so doth it with our orchards, which were never furnished with so good
fruit nor with such variety as at this present. For, beside that we have most delicate apples, plums, pears,

walnuts, filberts, etc., and those of sundry sorts, planted within forty years past, in comparison of which most
of the old trees are nothing worth, so have we no less store of strange fruit, as apricots, almonds, peaches, figs,
corn-trees[109] in noblemen's orchards. I have seen capers, oranges, and lemons, and heard of wild olives
growing here, beside other strange trees, brought from far, whose names I know not. So that England for these
commodities was never better furnished, neither any nation under their clime more plentifully endued with
these and other blessings from the most high God, who grant us grace withal to use the same to his honour
and glory! And not as instruments and provocations into further excess and vanity, wherewith his displeasure
may be kindled, lest these his benefits do turn unto thorns and briers unto us for our annoyance and
punishment, which he hath bestowed upon us for our consolation and comfort.
We have in like sort such workmen as are not only excellent in grafting the natural fruits, but their artificial
mixtures, whereby one tree bringeth forth sundry fruits, and one and the same fruit of divers colours and
tastes, dallying as it were with nature and her course, as if her whole trade were perfectly known unto them: of
hard fruits they will make tender, of sour sweet, of sweet yet more delicate, bereaving also some of their
kernels, other of their cores, and finally enduing them with the savour of musk, amber, or sweet spices, at their
pleasures. Divers also have written at large of these several practices, and some of them how to convert the
kernels of peaches into almonds, of small fruit to make far greater, and to remove or add superfluous or
necessary moisture to the trees, with other things belonging to their preservation, and with no less diligence
than our physicians do commonly show upon our own diseased bodies, which to me doth seem right strange.
And even so do our gardeners with their herbs, whereby they are strengthened against noisome blasts, and
preserved from putrefaction and hindrance: whereby some such as were annual are now made perpetual, being
yearly taken up, and either reserved in the house, or, having the ross pulled from their roots, laid again into the
earth, where they remain in safety. With choice they make also in their waters, and wherewith some of them
do now and then keep them moist, it is a world to see, insomuch that the apothecaries' shops may seem to be
needful also to our gardens and orchards, and that in sundry wise: nay, the kitchen itself is so far from being
able to be missed among them that even the very dish-water is not without some use amongst our finest
plants. Whereby, and sundry other circumstances not here to be remembered, I am persuaded that, albeit the
gardens of the Hesperides were in times past so greatly accounted of, because of their delicacy, yet, if it were
possible to have such an equal judge as by certain knowledge of both were able to pronounce upon them, I
doubt not but he would give the prize unto the gardens of our days, and generally over all Europe, in
comparison of those times wherein the old exceeded. Pliny and others speak of a rose that had three score
leaves growing upon one button: but if I should tell of one which bare a triple number unto that proportion, I
know I shall not be believed, and no great matter though I were not; howbeit such a one was to be seen in
Antwerp, 1585, as I have heard, and I know who might have had a slip or stallon thereof, if he would have
ventured ten pounds upon the growth of the same, which should have been but a tickle hazard, and therefore
better undone, as I did always imagine. For mine own part, good reader, let me boast a little of my garden,
which is but small, and the whole area thereof little above 300 foot of ground, and yet, such hath been my
good luck in purchase of the variety of simples, that, notwithstanding my small ability, there are very near
three hundred of one sort and other contained therein, no one of them being common or usually to be had. If
therefore my little plot, void of all cost in keeping, be so well furnished, what shall we think of those of
Hampton Court, Nonsuch, Tibaults, Cobham Garden, and sundry others appertaining to divers citizens of
London, whom I could particularly name, if I should not seem to offend them by such my demeanour and
dealing.
CHAPTER IV
OF FAIRS AND MARKETS

[1577, Book II., Chapter 11; 1587, Book II., Chapter 18.]
There are (as I take it) few great towns in England that have not their weekly markets, one or more granted
from the prince, in which all manner of provision for household is to be bought and sold, for ease and benefit
of the country round about. Whereby, as it cometh to pass that no buyer shall make any great journey in the
purveyance of his necessities, so no occupier shall have occasion to travel far off with his commodities,
except it be to seek for the highest prices, which commonly are near unto great cities, where round[110] and
speediest utterance[111] is always to be had. And, as these have been in times past erected for the benefit of
the realm, so are they in many places too, too much abused: for the relief and ease of the buyer is not so much
intended in them as the benefit of the seller. Neither are the magistrates for the most part (as men loath to
displease their neighbours for their one year's dignity) so careful in their offices as of right and duty they
should be. For, in most of these markets, neither assizes of bread nor orders for goodness and sweetness of
grain and other commodities that are brought thither to be sold are any whit looked unto, but each one
suffered to sell or set up what and how himself listeth: and this is one evident cause of dearth and scarcity in
time of great abundance.
I could (if I would) exemplify in many, but I will touch no one particularly, sith it is rare to see in any country
town (as I said) the assize of bread well kept according to the statute; and yet, if any country baker happen to
come in among them on the market day with bread of better quantity, they find fault by-and-by with one thing
or other in his stuff, whereby the honest poor man (whom the law of nations do commend, for that he
endeavoureth to live by any lawful means) is driven away, and no more to come there, upon some round
penalty, by virtue of their privileges. Howbeit, though they are so nice in the proportion of their bread, yet, in
lieu of the same, there is such heady ale and beer in most of them as for the mightiness thereof among such as
seek it out is commonly called "huffcap," "the mad dog," "Father Whoreson," "angels' food," "dragon's milk,"
"go-by-the-wall," "stride wide," and "lift leg," etc. And this is more to be noted, that when one of late fell by
God's providence into a troubled conscience, after he had considered well of his reachless life and dangerous
estate, another, thinking belike to change his colour and not his mind, carried him straight away to the
strongest ale, as to the next physician. It is incredible to say how our malt-bugs lug at this liquor, even as pigs
should lie in a row lugging at their dame's teats, till they lie still again and be not able to wag. Neither did
Romulus and Remus suck their she-wolf or shepherd's wife Lupa with such eager and sharp devotion as these
men hale at "huffcap," till they be red as cocks and little wiser than their combs. But how am I fallen from the
market into the ale-house? In returning therefore unto my purpose, I find that in corn great abuse is daily
suffered, to the great prejudice of the town and country, especially the poor artificer and householder, which
tilleth no land, but, labouring all the week to buy a bushel or two of grain on the market day, can there have
none for his money: because bodgers, loaders, and common carriers of corn do not only buy up all, but give
above the price, to be served of great quantities. Shall I go any further? Well, I will say yet a little more, and
somewhat by mine own experience.
At Michaelmas time poor men must make money of their grain, that they may pay their rents. So long then as
the poor man hath to sell, rich men bring out none, but rather buy up that which the poor bring, under pretence
of seed corn or alteration of grain, although they bring none of their own, because one wheat often sown
without change of seed will soon decay and be converted into darnel. For this cause therefore they must needs
buy in the markets, though they be twenty miles off, and where they be not known, promising there, if they
happen to be espied (which, God wot, is very seldom), to send so much to their next market, to be performed I
wot not when.
If this shift serve not (neither doth the fox use always one track for fear of a snare), they will compound with
some one of the town where the market is holden, who for a pot of "huffcap" or "merry-go-down," will not let
to buy it for them, and that in his own name. Or else they wage one poor man or other to become a bodger,
and thereto get him a licence upon some forged surmise, which being done, they will feed him with money to
buy for them till he hath filled their lofts, and then, if he can do any good for himself, so it is; if not, they will

give him somewhat for his pains at this time, and reserve him for another year. How many of the like
providers stumble upon blind creeks at the sea coast, I wot not well; but that some have so done and yet do
under other men's wings, the case is too, too plain. But who dare find fault with them, when they have once a
licence? yes, though it be but to serve a mean gentleman's house with corn, who hath cast up all his tillage,
because he boasteth how he can buy his grain in the market better cheap than he can sow his land, as the rich
grazier often doth also upon the like device, because grazing requireth a smaller household and less
attendance and charge. If any man come to buy a bushel or two for his expenses unto the market cross, answer
is made: "Forsooth, here was one even now that bade me money for it, and I hope he will have it." And to say
the truth, these bodgers are fair chapmen; for there are no more words with them, but "Let me see it! What
shall I give you? Knit it up! I will have it—go carry it to such a chamber, and if you bring in twenty seme[112]
more in the weekday to such an inn or sollar[113] where I lay my corn, I will have it, and give you ( ) pence or
more in every bushel for six weeks' day of payment than another will." Thus the bodgers bear away all, so that
the poor artificer and labourer cannot make his provision in the markets, sith they will hardly nowadays sell
by the bushel, nor break their measure; and so much the rather for that the buyer will look (as they say) for so
much over measure in the bushel as the bodger will do in a quarter. Nay, the poor man cannot oft get any of
the farmer at home, because he provideth altogether to serve the bodger, or hath an hope, grounded upon a
greedy and insatiable desire of gain, that the sale will be better in the market, so that he must give twopence or
a groat more in the bushel at his house than the last market craved, or else go without it, and sleep with a
hungry belly. Of the common carriage of corn over unto the parts beyond the seas I speak not; or at the
leastwise, if I should, I could not touch it alone, but needs must join other provision withal, whereby not only
our friends abroad, but also many of our adversaries and countrymen, the papists, are abundantly relieved (as
the report goeth); but sith I see it not, I will not so trust mine ears as to write it for a truth. But to return to our
markets again.
By this time the poor occupier hath sold all his crop for need of money, being ready peradventure to buy again
ere long. And now is the whole sale of corn in the great occupiers' hands, who hitherto have threshed little or
none of their own, but bought up of other men as much as they could come by. Henceforth also they begin to
sell, not by the quarter or load at the first (for marring the market) but by the bushel or two, or a horseload at
the most, thereby to be seen to keep the cross, either for a show, or to make men eager to buy, and so, as they
may have it for money, not to regard what they pay. And thus corn waxeth dear; but it will be dearer the next
market day. It is possible also that they mislike the price in the beginning for the whole year ensuing, as men
supposing that corn will be little worth for this and of better price the next year. For they have certain
superstitious observations whereby they will give a guess at the sale of corn for the year following. And our
countrymen do use commonly for barley, where I dwell, to judge after the price at Baldock upon St.
Matthew's day; and for wheat, as it is sold in seed time. They take in like sort experiment by sight of the first
flocks of cranes that flee southward in winter, the age of the moon in the beginning of January, and such other
apish toys as by laying twelve corns upon the hot hearth for the twelve months, etc., whereby they shew
themselves to be scant good Christians; but what care they, so that they come by money? Hereupon also will
they thresh out three parts of the old corn, towards the latter end of the summer, when new cometh apace to
hand, and cast the same in the fourth unthreshed, where it shall lie until the next spring, or peradventure till it
must and putrify. Certes it is not dainty to see musty corn in many of our great markets of England which
these great occupiers bring forth when they can keep it no longer. But as they are enforced oftentimes upon
this one occasion somewhat to abate the price, so a plague is not seldom engendered thereby among the
poorer sort that of necessity must buy the same, whereby many thousands of all degrees are consumed, of
whose death (in mine opinion) these farmers are not unguilty. But to proceed. If they lay not up their grain or
wheat in this manner, they have yet another policy, whereby they will seem to have but small store left in their
barns: for else they will gird their sheaves by the band, and stack it up anew in less room, to the end it may not
only seem less in quantity, but also give place to the corn that is yet to come into the barn or growing in the
field. If there happen to be such plenty in the market on any market day that they cannot sell at their own
price, then will they set it up in some friend's house, against another on the third day, and not bring it forth till
they like of the sale. If they sell any at home, beside harder measure, it shall be dearer to the poor man that

buyeth it by twopence or a groat in a bushel than they may sell it in the market. But, as these things are worthy
redress, so I wish that God would once open their eyes that deal thus to see their own errors: for as yet some
of them little care how many poor men suffer extremity, so that they fill their purses and carry away the gain.
It is a world also to see how most places of the realm are pestered with purveyors, who take up eggs, butter,
cheese, pigs, capons, hens, chickens, hogs, bacon, etc., in one market under pretence of their commissions,
and suffer their wives to sell the same in another, or to poulterers of London. If these chapmen be absent but
two or three market days then we may perfectly see these wares to be more reasonably sold, and thereunto the
crosses sufficiently furnished of all things. In like sort, since the number of buttermen have so much
increased, and since they travel in such wise that they come to men's houses for their butter faster than they
can make it, it is almost incredible to see how the price of butter is augmented: whereas when the owners were
enforced to bring it to the market towns, and fewer of these butter buyers were stirring, our butter was
scarcely worth eighteen pence the gallon that now is worth three shillings fourpence and perhaps five
shillings. Whereby also I gather that the maintenance of a superfluous number of dealers in most trades,
tillage always excepted, is one of the greatest causes why the prices of things became excessive: for one of
them do commonly use to outbid another. And whilst our country commodities are commonly bought and
sold at our private houses, I never look to see this enormity redressed or the markets well furnished.
I could say more, but this is even enough, and more peradventure than I shall be well thanked for: yet true it
is, though some think it no trespass. This moreover is to be lamented, that one general measure is not in use
throughout all England, but every market town hath in manner a several bushel; and the lesser it be, the more
sellers it draweth to resort unto the same. Such also is the covetousness of many clerks of the market, that in
taking a view of measures they will always so provide that one and the same bushel shall be either too big or
too little at their next coming, and yet not depart without a fee at the first so that what by their mending at one
time, and impairing the same at another, the country is greatly charged, and few just measures to be had in any
steed. It is oft found likewise that divers unconscionable dealers have one measure to sell by and another to
buy withal; the like is also in weights, and yet all sealed and branded. Wherefore it were very good that these
two were reduced unto one standard, that is, one bushel, one pound, one quarter, one hundred, one tale, one
number: so should things in time fall into better order and fewer causes of contention be moved in this land.
Of the complaint of such poor tenants as pay rent corn unto their landlords, I speak not, who are often dealt
withal very hardly. For, beside that in measuring of ten quarters for the most part they lose one through the
iniquity of the bushel (such is the greediness of the appointed receivers thereof), fault is found also with the
goodness and cleanness of the grain. Whereby some piece of money must needs pass unto their purses to stop
their mouths withal, or else "My lord will not like of the corn," "Thou art worthy to lose thy lease," etc. Or, if
it be cheaper in the market than the rate allowed for it is in their rents, then must they pay money and no corn,
which is no small extremity. And thereby we may see how each one of us endeavoureth to fleece and eat up
another.
Another thing there is in our markets worthy to be looked into, and that is the recarriage of grain from the
same into lofts and cellars, of which before I gave some intimation; wherefore if it were ordered that every
seller should make his market by an hour, or else the bailey or clerk of the said market to make sale thereof,
according to his discretion, without liberty to the farmers to set up their corn in houses and chambers, I am
persuaded that the prices of our grain would soon be abated. Again, if it were enacted that each one should
keep his next market with his grain (and not to run six, eight, ten, fourteen, or twenty miles from home to sell
his corn where he doth find the highest price, and thereby leaveth his neighbours unfurnished), I do not think
but that our markets would be far better served than at this present they are. Finally, if men's barns might be
indifferently viewed immediately after harvest, and a note gathered by an estimate, and kept by some
appointed and trusty person for that purpose, we should have much more plenty of corn in our town crosses
than as yet is commonly seen: because each one hideth and hoardeth what he may, upon purpose either that it
will be dearer, or that he shall have some privy vein by bodgers, who do accustomably so deal that the sea
doth load away no small part thereof into other countries and our enemies, to the great hindrance of our

commonwealth at home, and more likely yet to be, except some remedy be found. But what do I talk of these
things, or desire the suppression of bodgers, being a minister? Certes I may speak of them right well as feeling
the harm in that I am a buyer, nevertheless I speak generally in each of them.
To conclude therefore, in our markets all things are to be sold necessary for man's use; and there is our
provision made commonly for all the week ensuing. Therefore, as there are no great towns without one
weekly market at least, so there are very few of them that have not one or two fairs or more within the
compass of the year, assigned unto them by the prince And albeit that some of them are not much better than
Louse fair,[114] or the common kirkemesses,[115] beyond the sea, yet there are divers not inferior to the
greatest marts in Europe, as Stourbridge fair near to Cambridge, Bristow fair, Bartholomew fair at London,
Lynn mart, Cold fair at Newport pond for cattle, and divers other, all which, or at leastwise the greatest part of
them (to the end I may with the more ease to the reader and less travel to myself fulfil my task in their recital),
I have set down according to the names of the months wherein they are holden at the end of this book, where
you shall find them at large as I borrowed the same from J. Stow and the reports of others.
CHAPTER V
OF THE ANCIENT AND PRESENT ESTATE OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND
[1577, Book II., Chapter 5, 1585, Book II., Chapter 1.]
There are now two provinces only in England, of which the first and greatest is subject to the see of
Canterbury, comprehending a part of Lhoegres, whole Cambria, and also Ireland, which in time past were
several, and brought into one by the archbishop of the said see, and assistance of the pope, who, in respect of
meed, did yield unto the ambitious desires of sundry archbishops of Canterbury, as I have elsewhere declared.
The second province is under the see of York. And, of these, each hath her archbishop resident commonly
within her own limits, who hath not only the chief dealing in matters appertaining to the hierarchy and
jurisdiction of the church, but also great authority in civil affairs touching the government of the
commonwealth, so far forth as their commissions and several circuits do extend.
In old time there were three archbishops, and so many provinces in this isle, of which one kept at London,
another at York, and the third at Caerleon upon Usk. But as that of London was translated to Canterbury by
Augustine, and that of York remaineth (notwithstanding that the greatest part of his jurisdiction is now bereft
him and given to the Scottish archbishop), so that of Caerleon is utterly extinguished, and the government of
the country united to that of Canterbury in spiritual cases, after it was once before removed to St. David's in
Wales, by David, successor to Dubritius, and uncle to King Arthur, in the 519 of Grace, to the end that he and
his clerks might be further off from the cruelty of the Saxons, where it remained till the time of the Bastard,
and for a season after, before it was annexed to the see of Canterbury.
The Archbishop of Canterbury is commonly called the Primate of all England; and in the coronations of the
kings of this land, and all other times wherein it shall please the prince to wear and put on his crown, his
office is to set it upon their heads. They bear also the name of their high chaplains continually, although not a
few of them have presumed (in time past) to be their equals, and void of subjection unto them. That this is
true, it may easily appear by their own acts yet kept in record, beside their epistles and answers written or in
print, wherein they have sought not only to match but also to mate[116] them with great rigour and more than
open tyranny. Our adversaries will peradventure deny this absolutely, as they do many other things apparent,
though not without shameless impudence, or at the leastwise defend it as just and not swerving from common

equity, because they imagine every archbishop to be the king's equal in his own province. But how well their
doing herein agreeth with the saying of Peter and examples of the primitive church it may easily appear. Some
examples also of their demeanour—I mean in the time of popery—I will not let to remember, lest they should
say I speak of malice, and without all ground of likelihood.
Of their practices with mean persons I speak not, neither will I begin at Dunstan, the author of all their pride
and presumption here in England....
Wherefore I refer you to those reports of Anselm and Becket sufficiently penned by other, the which Anselm
also making a shew as if he had been very unwilling to be placed in the see of Canterbury, gave this answer to
the letters of such his friends as did make request unto him to take the charge upon him—
"Secularia negotia, nescio, quia scire nolo, eorum námque occupationes horreo, liberum affectans animum.
Voluntati sacrarum intendo scripturarum, vos dissonantiam facitis, verendumque est né aratrum sancta
ecclesia, quod in Anglia duo boves validi et pari fortitudine, ad bonum certantes, id est, rex et archepiscopus,
debeant trahere nunc ove verula cum tauro indomito jugata, distorqueatur a recto. Ego ovis verula, qui si
quietus essem, verbi Dei lacte, et operinento lanæ, aliquibus possèm fortassis non ingratus esse, sed si me
cum hoc tauro coniungitis, videbitis pro disparilitate trahentium, aratrum non rectè procedere," etc.
Which is in English thus—
"Of secular affairs I have no skill, because I will not know them; for I even abhor the troubles that rise about
them, as one that desireth to have his mind at liberty. I apply my whole endeavour to the rule of the
Scriptures; you lead me to the contrary; and it is to be feared lest the plough of holy church, which two strong
oxen of equal force, and both like earnest to contend unto that which is good (that is, the king and the
archbishop), ought to draw, should thereby now swerve from the right furrow, by matching of an old sheep
with a wild, untamed bull. I am that old sheep, who, if I might be quiet, could peradventure shew myself not
altogether ungrateful to some, by feeding them with the milk of the Word of God, and covering them with
wool: but if you match me with this bull, you shall see that, through want of equality in draught, the plough
will not go to right," etc.
As followeth in the process of his letters. The said Thomas Becket was so proud that he wrote to King Henry
the Second, as to his lord, to his king, and to his son, offering him his counsel, his reverence, and due
correction, etc. Others in like sort have protested that they owed nothing to the kings of this land, but their
council only, reserving all obedience unto the see of Rome, whereby we may easily see the pride and ambition
of the clergy in the blind time of ignorance.
And as the old cock of Canterbury did crow in this behalf, so the young cockerels of other sees did imitate his
demeanour, as may be seen by this one example also in King Stephen's time, worthy to be remembered; unto
whom the Bishop of London would not so much as swear to be true subject: wherein also he was maintained
by the pope....
Thus we see that kings were to rule no further than it pleased the pope to like of; neither to challenge more
obedience of their subjects than stood also with their good will and pleasure. He wrote in like sort unto Queen
Maud about the same matter, making her "Samson's calf"[117] (the better to bring his purpose to pass)....
Is it not strange that a peevish order of religion (devised by man) should break the express law of God, who
commandeth all men to honour and obey their kings and princes, in whom some part of the power of God is
manifest and laid open unto us? And even unto this end the cardinal of Hostia also wrote to the canons of
Paul's after this manner, covertly encouraging them to stand to their election of the said Robert, who was no
more willing to give over his new bishopric than they careful to offend the king, but rather imagined which

way to keep it still, maugre his displeasure, and yet not to swear obedience unto him for all that he should be
able to do or perform unto the contrary....
Hereby you see how King Stephen was dealt withal. And albeit the Archbishop of Canterbury is not openly to
be touched herewith, yet it is not to be doubted but he was a doer in it, so far as might tend to the maintenance
of the right and prerogative of holy church. And even no less unquietness had another of our princes with
Thomas of Arundel, who fled to Rome for fear of his head, and caused the pope to write an ambitious and
contumelious letter unto his sovereign about his restitution. But when (by the king's letters yet extant, and
beginning thus: "Thomas proditionis non expers nostræ regiæ majestati insidias fabricavit"[118]) the pope
understood the bottom of the matter, he was contented that Thomas should be deprived, and another
archbishop chosen in his stead.
Neither did this pride stay at archbishops and bishops, but descended lower, even to the rake-hells of the
clergy and puddles of all ungodliness. For, beside the injury received of their superiors, how was King John
dealt withal by the vile Cistertians at Lincoln in the second of his reign? Certes when he had (upon just
occasion) conceived some grudge against them for their ambitious demeanour, and upon denial to pay such
sums of money as were allotted unto them, he had caused seizure to be made of such horses, swine, neat, and
other things of theirs as were maintained in his forests, they denounced him as fast amongst themselves with
bell, book, and candle, to be accursed and excommunicated. Thereunto they so handled the matter with the
pope and their friends that the king was fain to yield to their good graces, insomuch that a meeting for
pacification was appointed between them at Lincoln, by means of the present Archbishop of Canterbury, who
went off between him and the Cistertian commissioners before the matter could be finished. In the end the
king himself came also unto the said commissioners as they sat in their chapterhouse, and there with tears fell
down at their feet, craving pardon for his trespasses against them, and heartily requiring that they would (from
henceforth) commend him and his realm in their prayers unto the protection of the Almighty, and receive him
into their fraternity, promising moreover full satisfaction of their damages sustained, and to build an house of
their order in whatsoever place of England it should please them to assign. And this he confirmed by charter
bearing date the seven-and-twentieth of November, after the Scottish king was returned into Scotland, and
departed from the king. Whereby (and by other the like, as between John Stratford and Edward the Third, etc.)
a man may easily conceive how proud the clergymen have been in former times, as wholly presuming upon
the primacy of their pope. More matter could I allege of these and the like broils, not to be found among our
common historiographers. Howbeit, reserving the same unto places more convenient, I will cease to speak of
them at this time, and go forward with such other things as my purpose is to speak of. At the first, therefore,
there was like and equal authority in both our archbishops, but as he of Canterbury hath long since obtained
the prerogative above York (although I say not without great trouble, suit, some bloodshed, and contention),
so the Archbishop of York is nevertheless written Primate of England, as one contenting himself with a piece
of a title at the least, when all could not be gotten. And as he of Canterbury crowneth the king, so this of York
doth the like to the queen, whose perpetual chaplain he is, and hath been from time to time, since the
determination of this controversy, as writers do report. The first also hath under his jurisdiction to the number
of one-and-twenty inferior bishops; the other hath only four, by reason that the churches of Scotland are now
removed from his obedience unto an archbishop of their own, whereby the greatness and circuit of the
jurisdiction of York is not a little diminished. In like sort, each of these seven-and-twenty sees have their
cathedral churches, wherein the deans (a calling not known in England before the Conquest) do bear the chief
rule, being men especially chosen to that vocation, both for their learning and godliness, so near as can be
possible. These cathedral churches have in like manner other dignities and canonries still remaining unto
them, as heretofore under the popish regiment. Howbeit those that are chosen to the same are no idle and
unprofitable persons (as in times past they have been when most of these livings were either furnished with
strangers, especially out of Italy, boys, or such idiots as had least skill of all in discharging of those functions
whereunto they were called by virtue of these stipends), but such as by preaching and teaching can and do
learnedly set forth the glory of God, and further the overthrow of anti-Christ to the uttermost of their powers.

These churches are called cathedral, because the bishops dwell or lie near unto the same, as bound to keep
continual residence within their jurisdictions for the better oversight and governance of the same, the word
being derived a cathedra—that is to say, a chair or seat where he resteth, and for the most part abideth. At the
first there was but one church in every jurisdiction, whereinto no man entered to pray but with some oblation
or other toward the maintenance of the pastor. For as it was reputed an infamy to pass by any of them without
visitation, so it was no less reproach to appear empty before the Lord. And for this occasion also they were
builded very huge and great; for otherwise they were not capable to such multitude as came daily unto them to
hear the Word and receive the sacraments.
But as the number of Christians increased, so first monasteries, then finally parish churches, were builded in
every jurisdiction: from whence I take our deanery churches to have their original (now called "mother
churches," and their incumbents, archpriests), the rest being added since the Conquest, either by the lords of
every town, or zealous men, loth to travel far, and willing to have some ease by building them near hand. Unto
these deanery churches also the clergy in old time of the same deanery were appointed to repair at sundry
seasons, there to receive wholesome ordinances, and to consult upon the necessary affairs of the whole
jurisdiction if necessity so required; and some image hereof is yet to be seen in the north parts. But as the
number of churches increased, so the repair of the faithful unto the cathedrals did diminish; whereby they now
become, especially in their nether parts, rather markets and shops for merchandise than solemn places of
prayer, whereunto they were first erected. Moreover, in the said cathedral churches upon Sundays and festival
days the canons do make certain ordinary sermons by course, whereunto great numbers of all estates do
orderly resort; and upon the working days, thrice in the week, one of the said canons (or some other in his
stead) doth read and expound some piece of holy Scripture, whereunto the people do very reverently repair.
The bishops themselves in like sort are not idle in their callings; for, being now exempt from court and
council, which is one (and a no small) piece of their felicity (although Richard Archbishop of Canterbury
thought otherwise, as yet appeareth by his letters to Pope Alexander, Epistola 44, Petri Blesensis, where he
saith, because the clergy of his time were somewhat narrowly looked unto, "Supra dorsum ecclesiæ fabricant
peccatores," etc.),[119] they so apply their minds to the setting forth of the Word that there are very few of
them which do not every Sunday or oftener resort to some place or other within their jurisdictions where they
expound the Scriptures with much gravity and skill, and yet not without the great misliking and contempt of
such as hate the Word. Of their manifold translations from one see to another I will say nothing, which is not
now done for the benefit of the flock as the preferment of the party favoured and advantage unto the prince, a
matter in time past much doubted of—to wit, whether a bishop or pastor might be translated from one see to
another, and left undecided till prescription by royal authority made it good. For, among princes, a thing once
done is well done, and to be done oftentimes, though no warrant be to be found therefore.
They have under them also their archdeacons, some one, divers two, and many four or more, as their circuits
are in quantity, which archdeacons are termed in law the bishops' eyes; and these (beside their ordinary courts,
which are holden within so many or more of their several deaneries by themselves or their officials once in a
month at the least) do keep yearly two visitations or synods (as the bishop doth in every third year, wherein he
confirmeth some children, though most care but a little for that ceremony), in which they make diligent
inquisition and search, as well for the doctrine and behaviour of the ministers as the orderly dealing of the
parishioners in resorting to their parish churches and conformity unto religion. They punish also with great
severity all such trespassers, either in person or by the purse (where permutation of penance is thought more
grievous to the offender), as are presented unto them; or, if the cause be of the more weight, as in cases of
heresy, pertinacy, contempt, and such like, they refer them either to the bishop of the diocese, or his
chancellor, or else to sundry grave persons set in authority, by virtue of an high commission directed unto
them from the prince to that end, who in very courteous manner do see the offenders gently reformed or else
severely punished if necessity so enforce.
Beside this, in many of our archdeaconries, we have an exercise lately begun which for the most part is called
a prophecy or conference, and erected only for the examination or trial of the diligence of the clergy in their

study of holy Scriptures. Howbeit, such is the thirsty desire of the people in these days to hear the Word of
God that they also have as it were with zealous violence intruded themselves among them (but as hearers
only) to come by more knowledge through their presence at the same. Herein also (for the most part) two of
the younger sort of ministers do expound each after other some piece of the Scriptures ordinarily appointed
unto them in their courses (wherein they orderly go through with some one of the Evangelists, or of the
Epistles, as it pleaseth the whole assembly to choose at the first in every of these conferences); and when they
have spent an hour or a little more between them, then cometh one of the better learned sort, who, being a
graduate for the most part, or known to be a preacher sufficiently authorised and of a sound judgment,
supplieth the room of a moderator, making first a brief rehearsal of their discourses, and then adding what him
thinketh good of his own knowledge, whereby two hours are thus commonly spent at this most profitable
meeting. When all is done, if the first speakers have shewed any piece of diligence, they are commended for
their travel, and encouraged to go forward. If they have been found to be slack, or not sound in delivery of
their doctrine, their negligence and error is openly reproved before all their brethren, who go aside of purpose
from the laity after the exercise ended to judge of these matters, and consult of the next speakers and quantity
of the text to be handled in that place. The laity never speak, of course (except some vain and busy head will
now and then intrude themselves with offence), but are only hearers; and, as it is used in some places weekly,
in other once in fourteen days, in divers monthly, and elsewhere twice in a year, so is it a notable spur unto all
the ministers thereby to apply their books, which otherwise (as in times past) would give themselves to
hawking, hunting, tables, cards, dice, tippling at the alehouse, shooting of matches, and other like vanities,
nothing commendable in such as should be godly and zealous stewards of the good gifts of God, faithful
distributors of his Word unto the people, and diligent pastors according to their calling.
But alas! as Sathan, the author of all mischief, hath in sundry manners heretofore hindered the erection and
maintenance of many good things, so in this he hath stirred up adversaries of late unto this most profitable
exercise, who, not regarding the commodity that riseth thereby so well to the hearers as speakers, but either
stumbling (I cannot tell how) at words and terms, or at the leastwise not liking to hear of the reprehension of
vice, or peradventure taking a misliking at the slender demeanours of such negligent ministers as now and
then in their course do occupy the rooms, have either by their own practice, their sinister information, or
suggestions made upon surmises unto other, procured the suppression of these conferences, condemning them
as hurtful, pernicious, and daily breeders of no small hurt and inconvenience. But hereof let God be judge,
unto the cause belongeth.
Our elders or ministers and deacons (for subdeacons and the other inferior orders sometime used in popish
church we have not) are made according to a certain form of consecration concluded upon in the time of King
Edward the Sixth by the clergy of England, and soon after confirmed by the three estates of the realm in the
high court of parliament. And out of the first sort—that is to say, of such as are called to the ministry (without
respect whether they be married or not)—are bishops, deans, archdeacons, and such as have the higher places
in the hierarchy of the church elected; and these also, as all the rest, at the first coming unto any spiritual
promotion do yield unto the prince the entire tax of that their living for one whole year, if it amount in value
unto ten pounds and upwards, and this under the name and title of first fruits.
With us also it is permitted that a sufficient man may (by dispensation from the prince) hold two livings, not
distant either from other above thirty miles; whereby it cometh to pass that, as her Majesty doth reap some
commodity by the faculty, so that the unition of two in one man doth bring oftentimes more benefit to one of
them in a month (I mean for doctrine) than they have had before peradventure in many years.
Many exclaim against such faculties, as if there were more good preachers that want maintenance than livings
to maintain them. Indeed when a living is void there are so many suitors for it that a man would think the
report to be true, and most certain; but when it cometh to the trial (who are sufficient and who not, who are
staid men in conversation, judgment, and learning), of that great number you shall hardly find one or two such
as they ought to be, and yet none more earnest to make suit, to promise largely, bear a better shew, or find

fault with the stage of things than they. Nevertheless I do not think that their exclamations, if they were wisely
handled, are altogether grounded upon rumours or ambitious minds, if you respect the state of the thing itself,
and not the necessity growing through want of able men to furnish out all the cures in England, which both
our universities are never able to perform. For if you observe what numbers of preachers Cambridge and
Oxford do yearly send forth, and how many new compositions are made in the Court of First Fruits by the
deaths of the last incumbents, you shall soon see a difference. Wherefore, if in country towns and cities, yea
even in London itself, four or five of the little churches were brought into one, the inconvenience would in
great part be redressed and amended.
And, to say truth, one most commonly of those small livings is of so little value that it is not able to maintain a
mean scholar, much less a learned man, as not being above ten, twelve, sixteen, seventeen, twenty, or thirty
pounds at the most, toward their charges, which now (more than before time) do go out of the same. I say
more than before, because every small trifle, nobleman's request, or courtesy craved by the bishop, doth
impose and command a twentieth part, a three score part, or twopence in the pound, etc., out of the livings,
which hitherto hath not been usually granted, but by the consent of a synod, wherein things were decided
according to equity, and the poorer sort considered of, which now are equally burdened.
We pay also the tenths of our livings to the prince yearly, according to such valuation of each of them as hath
been lately made: which nevertheless in time past were not annual, but voluntary, and paid at request of king
or pope.[120]…
But to return to our tenths, a payment first as devised by the pope, and afterward taken up as by the
prescription of the king, whereunto we may join also our first fruits, which is one whole year's commodity of
our living, due at our entrance into the same, the tenths abated unto the prince's coffers, and paid commonly in
two years. For the receipt also of these two payments an especial office or court is erected, which beareth
name of First Fruits and Tenths, whereunto, if the party to be preferred do not make his dutiful repair by an
appointed time after possession taken, there to compound for the payment of his said fruits, he incurreth the
danger of a great penalty, limited by a certain statute provided in that behalf against such as do intrude into the
ecclesiastical function and refuse to pay the accustomed duties belonging to the same.
They pay likewise subsidies with the temporalty, but in such sort that if these pay after four shillings for land,
the clergy contribute commonly after six shillings of the pound, so that of a benefice of twenty pounds by the
year the incumbent thinketh himself well acquitted if, all ordinary payments being discharged, he may reserve
thirteen pounds six shillings eightpence towards his own sustentation or maintenance of his family. Seldom
also are they without the compass of a subsidy; for if they be one year clear from this payment (a thing not
often seen of late years), they are like in the next to hear of another grant: so that I say again they are seldom
without the limit of a subsidy. Herein also they somewhat find themselves grieved that the laity may at every
taxation help themselves, and so they do, through consideration had of their decay and hindrance, and yet their
impoverishment cannot but touch also the parson or vicar, unto whom such liberty is denied, as is daily to be
seen in their accounts and tithings.
Some of them also, after the marriages of their children, will have their proportions qualified, or by friendship
get themselves quite out of the book. But what stand I upon these things, who have rather to complain of the
injury offered by some of our neighbours of the laity, which daily endeavour to bring us also within the
compass of their fifteens or taxes for their own ease, whereas the tax of the whole realm, which is commonly
greater in the champagne than woodland soil, amounteth only to 37,930 pounds ninepence halfpenny, is a
burden easy enough to be borne upon so many shoulders, without the help of the clergy, whose tenths and
subsidies make up commonly a double, if not treble sum unto their aforesaid payments? Sometimes also we
are threatened with a Melius inquirendum, as if our livings were not racked high enough already. But if a man
should seek out where all those church lands which in time past did contribute unto the old sum required or to
be made up, no doubt no small number of the laity of all states should be contributors also with us, the prince

not defrauded of her expectation and right. We are also charged with armour and munitions from thirty
pounds upwards, a thing more needful than divers other charges imposed upon us are convenient, by which
and other burdens our ease groweth to be more heavy by a great deal (notwithstanding our immunity from
temporal services) than that of the laity, and, for aught that I see, not likely to be diminished, as if the church
were now become the ass whereon every market man is to ride and cast his wallet.
The other payments due unto the archbishop and bishop at their several visitations (of which the first is double
to the latter), and such also as the archdeacon receive that his synods, etc., remain still as they did without any
alteration. Only this I think he added within memory of man, that at the coming of every prince his appointed
officers do commonly visit the whole realm under the form of an ecclesiastical inquisition, in which the clergy
do usually pay double fees, as unto the archbishop.
Hereby then, and by those already remembered, it is found that the Church of England is no less commodious
to the prince's coffers than the state of the laity, if it do not far exceed the same, since their payments are
certain, continual, and seldom abated, howsoever they gather up their own duties with grudging, murmuring,
suit, and slanderous speeches of the payers, or have their livings otherwise hardly valued unto the uttermost
farthing, or shrewdly cancelled by the covetousness of the patrons, of whom some do bestow advowsons of
benefices upon their bakers, butlers, cooks, good archers, falconers, and horsekeepers, instead of other
recompense, for their long and faithful service, which they employ afterward unto the most advantage.
Certes here they resemble the pope very much; for, as he sendeth out his idols, so do they their parasites,
pages, chamberlains, stewards, grooms, and lackeys; and yet these be the men that first exclaim of the
insufficiency of the ministers, as hoping thereby in due time to get also their glebes and grounds into their
hands. In times past bishoprics went almost after the same manner under the lay princes, and then under the
pope, so that he which helped a clerk unto a see was sure to have a present or purse fine, if not an annual
pension, besides that which went to the pope's coffers, and was thought to be very good merchandise.
To proceed therefore with the rest, I think it good also to remember that the names usually given unto such as
feed the flock remain in like sort as in times past, so that these words, parson, vicar, curate, and such, are not
yet abolished more than the canon law itself, which is daily pleaded, as I have said elsewhere, although the
statutes of the realm have greatly infringed the large scope and brought the exercise of the same into some
narrower limits. There is nothing read in our churches but the canonical Scriptures, whereby it cometh to pass
that the Psalter is said over once in thirty days, the New Testament four times, and the Old Testament once in
the year. And hereunto, if the curate be adjudged by the bishop or his deputies sufficiently instructed in the
holy Scriptures, and therewithal able to teach, he permitteth him to make some exposition or exhortation in his
parish unto amendment of life. And for so much as our churches and universities have been so spoiled in time
of error, as there cannot yet be had such number of able pastors as may suffice for every parish to have one,
there are (beside four sermons appointed by public order in the year) certain sermons or homilies (devised by
sundry learned men, confirmed for sound doctrine by consent of the divines, and public authority of the
prince), and those appointed to be read by the curates of mean understanding (which homilies do comprehend
the principal parts of Christian doctrine, as of original sin, of justification by faith, of charity, and such like)
upon the Sabbath days unto the congregation. And, after a certain number of psalms read, which are limited
according to the dates of the month, for morning and evening prayer we have two lessons, whereof the first is
taken out of the Old Testament, the second out of the New; and of these latter, that in the morning is out of the
Gospels, the other in the afternoon out of some one of the Epistles. After morning prayer also, we have the
Litany and suffrages, an invocation in mine opinion not devised without the great assistance of the Spirit of
God, although many curious mind-sick persons utterly condemn it as superstitious, and savouring of
conjuration and sorcery.
This being done, we proceed unto the communion, if any communicants be to receive the Eucharist; if not, we
read the Decalogue, Epistle, and Gospel, with the Nicene Creed (of some in derision called the "dry

communion"), and then proceed unto an homily or sermon, which hath a psalm before and after it, and finally
unto the baptism of such infants as on every Sabbath day (if occasion so require) are brought unto the
churches; and thus is the forenoon bestowed. In the afternoon likewise we meet again, and, after the psalms
and lessons ended, we have commonly a sermon, or at the leastwise our youth catechised by the space of an
hour. And thus do we spend the Sabbath day in good and godly exercises, all done in our vulgar tongue, that
each one present may hear and understand the same, which also in cathedral and collegiate churches is so
ordered that the psalms only are sung by note, the rest being read (as in common parish churches) by the
minister with a loud voice, saving that in the administration of the communion the choir singeth the answers,
the creed, and sundry other things appointed, but in so plain, I say, and distinct manner that each one present
may understand what they sing, every word having but one note, though the whole Harmony consist of many
parts, and those very cunningly set by the skilful in that science.
Certes this translation of the service of the church into the vulgar tongue hath not a little offended the pope
almost in every age, as a thing very often attempted by divers princes, but never generally obtained, for fear
lest the consenting thereunto might breed the overthrow (as it would indeed) of all his religion and hierarchy;
nevertheless, in some places where the kings and princes dwelled not under his nose, it was performed maugre
his resistance. Wratislaus, Duke of Bohemia, would long since have done the like also in his kingdom; but,
not daring to venture so far without the consent of the pope, he wrote unto him thereof, and received his
answer inhibitory unto all his proceeding in the same....
I would set down two or three more of the like instruments passed from that see unto the like end, but this
shall suffice, being less common than the other, which are to be had more plentifully.
As for our churches themselves, bells and times of morning and evening prayer remain as in times past, saving
that all images, shrines, tabernacles, rood-lofts, and monuments of idolatry are removed, taken down, and
defaced, only the stories in glass windows excepted, which, for want of sufficient store of new stuff, and by
reason of extreme charge that should grow by the alteration of the same into white panes throughout the
realm, are not altogether abolished in most places at once, but by little and little suffered to decay, that white
glass may be provided and set up in their rooms. Finally, whereas there was wont to be a great partition
between the choir and the body of the church, now it is either very small or none at all, and (to say the truth)
altogether needless, sith the minister saith his service commonly in the body of the church, with his face
toward the people, in a little tabernacle of wainscot provided for the purpose, by which means the ignorant do
not only learn divers of the psalms and usual prayers by heart, but also such as can read do pray together with
him, so that the whole congregation at one instant pour out their petitions unto the living God for the whole
estate of His church in most earnest and fervent manner. Our holy and festival days are very well reduced also
unto a less number; for whereas (not long since) we had under the pope four score and fifteen, called festival,
and thirty profesti, beside the Sundays, they are all brought unto seven and twenty, and, with them, the
superfluous numbers of idle wakes, guilds, fraternities, church-ales, help-ales, and soul-ales, called also
dirge-ales, with the heathenish rioting at bride-ales, are well diminished and laid aside. And no great matter
were it if the feasts of all our apostles, evangelists, and martyrs, with that of all saints, were brought to the
holy days that follow upon Christmas, Easter, and Whitsuntide, and those of the Virgin Mary, with the rest,
utterly removed from the calendars, as neither necessary nor commendable in a reformed church.
The apparel in like sort of our clergymen is comely, and, in truth, more decent than ever it was in the popish
church, before the universities bound their graduates unto a stable attire, afterward usurped also even by the
blind Sir Johns. For, if you peruse well my Chronology ensuing, you shall find that they went either in divers
colours like players, or in garments of light hue, as yellow, red, green, etc., with their shoes piked, their hair
crisped, their girdles armed with silver, their shoes, spurs, bridles, etc., buckled with like metal, their apparel
(for the most part) of silk, and richly furred, their caps laced and buttoned with gold, so that to meet a priest in
those days was to behold a peacock that spreadeth his tail when he danceth before the hen, which now (I say)
is well reformed. Touching hospitality, there was never any greater used in England, sith by reason that

marriage is permitted to him that will choose that kind of life, their meat and drink is more orderly and
frugally dressed, their furniture of household more convenient and better looked unto, and the poor oftener fed
generally than heretofore they have been, when only a few bishops and double or treble beneficed men did
make good cheer at Christmas only, or otherwise kept great houses for the entertainment of the rich, which did
often see and visit them. It is thought much peradventure that some bishops, etc., in our time do come short of
the ancient gluttony and prodigality of their predecessors; but to such as do consider of the curtailing of their
livings, or excessive prices whereunto things are grown, and how their course is limited by law, and estate
looked into on every side, the cause of their so doing is well enough perceived. This also offended many, that
they should, after their deaths, leave their substances to their wives and children, whereas they consider not
that in old time such as had no lemans nor bastards (very few were there, God wot, of this sort) did leave their
goods and possessions to their brethren and kinsfolks, whereby (as I can shew by good record) many houses
of gentility have grown and been erected. If in any age some one of them did found a college, almshouse, or
school, if you look unto these our times, you shall see no fewer deeds of charity done, nor better grounded
upon the right stub of piety than before. If you say that their wives be fond, after the decease of their
husbands, and bestow themselves not so advisedly as their calling requireth (which, God knoweth, these
curious surveyors make small account of truth, further than thereby to gather matter of reprehension), I
beseech you then to look into all states of the laity, and tell me whether some duchesses, countesses, barons'
or knights' wives, do not fully so often offend in the like as they? For Eve will be Eve, though Adam would
say nay. Not a few also find fault with our threadbare gowns, as if not our patrons but our wives were causes
of our woe. But if it were known to all that I know to have been performed of late in Essex, where a minister
taking a benefice (of less than twenty pounds in the Queen's books, so far as I remember) was enforced to pay
to his patron twenty quarters of oats, ten quarters of wheat, and sixteen yearly of barley (which he called
hawks' meat), and another let the like in farm to his patron for ten pounds by the year which is well worth
forty at the least, the cause of our threadbare gowns would easily appear: for such patrons do scrape the wool
from our cloaks. Wherefore I may well say that such a threadbare minister is either an ill man or hath an ill
patron, or both; and when such cooks and cobbling shifters shall be removed and weeded out of the ministry, I
doubt not but our patrons will prove better men, and be reformed whether they will or not, or else the
single-minded bishops shall see the living bestowed upon such as do deserve it. When the Pragmatic Sanction
took place first in France, it was supposed that these enormities should utterly have ceased; but when the
elections of bishops came once into the hands of the canons and spiritual men, it grew to be far worse. For
they also, within a while waxing covetous, by their own experience learned aforehand, raised the markets, and
sought after new gains by the gifts of the greatest livings in that country, wherein (as Machiavelli writeth) are
eighteen archbishoprics, one hundred forty and five bishoprics, 740 abbeys, eleven universities, 1,000,700
steeples (if his report be sound). Some are of the opinion that, if sufficient men in every town might be sent
for from the universities, this mischief would soon be remedied; but I am clean of another mind. For, when I
consider whereunto the gifts of fellowships in some places are grown, the profit that ariseth at sundry
elections of scholars out of grammar schools to the posers, schoolmasters, and preferers of them to our
universities, the gifts of a great number of almshouses builded for the maimed and impotent soldiers by
princes and good men heretofore moved with a pitiful consideration of the poor distressed, how rewards,
pensions, and annuities also do reign in other cases whereby the giver is brought sometimes into extreme
misery, and that not so much as the room of a common soldier is not obtained oftentimes without a "What will
you give me?" I am brought into such a mistrust of the sequel of this device that I dare pronounce (almost for
certain) that, if Homer were now alive, it should be said to him:
"Tuque licet venias musis comitatus Homere,

Si nihil attuleris, ibis Homere foras!"
More I could say, and more I would say, of these and other things, were it not that in mine own judgment I
have said enough already for the advertisement of such as be wise. Nevertheless, before I finish this chapter, I
will add a word or two (so briefly as I can) of the old estate of cathedral churches, which I have collected
together here and there among the writers, and whereby it shall easily be seen what they were, and how near

the government of ours do in these days approach unto them; for that there is an irreconcilable odds between
them and those of the Papists. I hope there is no learned man indeed but will acknowledge and yield unto it.
We find therefore in the time of the primitive church that there was in every see or jurisdiction one school at
the least, whereunto such as were catechists in Christian religion did resort. And hereof, as we may find great
testimony for Alexandria, Antioch, Rome, and Jerusalem, so no small notice is left of the like in the inferior
sort, if the names of such as taught in them be called to mind, and the histories well read which make report of
the same. These schools were under the jurisdiction of the bishops, and from thence did they and the rest of
the elders choose out such as were the ripest scholars, and willing to serve in the ministry, whom they placed
also in their cathedral churches, there not only to be further instructed in the knowledge of the world, but also
to inure them to the delivery of the same unto the people in sound manner, to minister the sacraments, to visit
the sick and brethren imprisoned, and to perform such other duties as then belonged to their charges. The
bishop himself and elders of the church were also hearers and examiners of their doctrine; and, being in
process of time found meet workmen for the Lord's harvest, they were forthwith sent abroad (after imposition
of hands and prayer generally made for their good proceeding) to some place or other then destitute of her
pastor, and other taken from the school also placed in their rooms. What number of such clerks belonged now
and then to some one see, the Chronology following shall easily declare; and, in like sort, what officers,
widows, and other persons were daily maintained in those seasons by the offerings and oblations of the
faithful it is incredible to be reported, if we compare the same with the decays and oblations seen and
practised at this present. But what is that in all the world which avarice and negligence will not corrupt and
impair? And, as this is a pattern of the estate of the cathedral churches in those times, so I wish that the like
order of government might once again be restored unto the same, which may be done with ease, sith the
schools are already builded in every diocese, the universities, places of their preferment unto further
knowledge, and the cathedral churches great enough to receive so many as shall come from thence to be
instructed unto doctrine. But one hindrance of this is already and more and more to be looked for (beside the
plucking and snatching commonly seen from such houses and the church), and that is, the general contempt of
the ministry, and small consideration of their former pains taken, whereby less and less hope of competent
maintenance by preaching the word is likely to ensue. Wherefore the greatest part of the more excellent wits
choose rather to employ their studies unto physic and the laws, utterly giving over the study of the Scriptures,
for fear lest they should in time not get their bread by the same. By this means also the stalls in their choirs
would be better filled, which now (for the most part) are empty, and prebends should be prebends indeed,
there to live till they were preferred to some ecclesiastical function, and then other men chosen to succeed
them in their rooms, whereas now prebends are but superfluous additiments unto former excesses, and
perpetual commodities unto the owners, which before time were but temporal (as I have said before). But as I
have good leisure to wish for these things, so it shall be a longer time before it will be brought to pass.
Nevertheless, as I will pray for a reformation in this behold, so will I here conclude my discourse on the estate
of our churches.
CHAPTER VI
OF THE FOOD AND DIET OF THE ENGLISH
[1577, Book III., Chapter 1; 1587, Book II., Chapter 6.]
The situation of our region, lying near unto the north, doth cause the heat of our stomachs to be of somewhat
greater force: therefore our bodies do crave a little more ample nourishment than the inhabitants of the hotter
regions are accustomed withal, whose digestive force is not altogether so vehement, because their internal

heat is not so strong as ours, which is kept in by the coldness of the air that from time to time (especially in
winter) doth environ our bodies.
It is no marvel therefore that our tables are oftentimes more plentifully garnished than those of other nations,
and this trade hath continued with us even since the very beginning. For, before the Romans found out and
knew the way unto our country, our predecessors fed largely upon flesh and milk, whereof there was great
abundance in this isle, because they applied their chief studies unto pasturage and feeding. After this manner
also did our Welsh Britons order themselves in their diet so long as they lived of themselves, but after they
became to be united and made equal with the English they framed their appetites to live after our manner, so
that at this day there is very little difference between us in our diets.
In Scotland likewise they have given themselves (of late years to speak of) unto very ample and large diet,
wherein as for some respect nature doth make them equal with us, so otherwise they far exceed us in over
much and distemperate gormandise, and so ingross their bodies that divers of them do oft become unapt to
any other purpose than to spend their times in large tabling and belly cheer. Against this pampering of their
carcasses doth Hector Boethius in his description of the country very sharply inveigh in the first chapter of
that treatise. Henry Wardlaw also, bishop of St. Andrews, noting their vehement alteration from competent
frugality into excessive gluttony to be brought out of England with James the First (who had been long time
prisoner there under the fourth and fifth Henries, and at his return carried divers English gentlemen into his
country with him, whom he very honourably preferred there), doth vehemently exclaim against the same in
open Parliament holden at Perth, 1433, before the three estates, and so bringeth his purpose to pass in the end,
by force of his learned persuasions, that a law was presently made there for the restraint of superfluous diet;
amongst other things, baked meats (dishes never before this man's days seen in Scotland) were generally so
provided for by virtue of this Act that it was not lawful for any to eat of the same under the degree of a
gentleman, and those only but on high and festival days. But, alas, it was soon forgotten!
In old time these north Britons did give themselves universally to great abstinence, and in time of wars their
soldiers would often feed but once or twice at the most in two or three days (especially if they held themselves
in secret, or could have no issue out of their bogs and marshes, through the presence of the enemy), and in this
distress they used to eat a certain kind of confection, whereof so much as a bean would qualify their hunger
above common expectation. In woods moreover they lived with herbs and roots, or, if these shifts served not
through want of such provision at hand, then used they to creep into the water or said moorish plots up unto
the chins, and there remain a long time, only to qualify the heats of their stomachs by violence, which
otherwise would have wrought and been ready to oppress them for hunger and want of sustenance. In those
days likewise it was taken for a great offence over all to eat either goose, hare, or hen, because of a certain
superstitious opinion which they had conceived of those three creatures; howbeit after that the Romans, I say,
had once found an entrance into this island it was not long ere open shipwreck was made of this religious
observation, so that in process of time so well the north and south Britons as the Romans gave over to make
such difference in meats as they had done before.
From thenceforth also unto our days, and even in this season wherein we live, there is no restraint of any meat
either for religious sake or public order in England, but it is lawful for every man to feed upon whatsoever he
is able to purchase, except it be upon those days whereon eating of flesh is especially forbidden by the laws of
the realm, which order is taken only to the end our numbers of cattle may be the better increased and that
abundance of fish which the sea yieldeth more generally received. Besides this, there is great consideration
had in making this law for the preservation of the navy and maintenance of convenient numbers of seafaring
men, both which would otherwise greatly decay if some means were not found whereby they might be
increased. But, howsoever this case standeth, white meats, milk, butter, and cheese (which were never so dear
as in my time, and wont to be accounted of as one of the chief stays throughout the island) are now reputed as
food appertinent only to the inferior sort, whilst such as are more wealthy do feed upon the flesh of all kinds
of cattle accustomed to be eaten, all sorts of fish taken upon our coasts and in our fresh rivers, and such

diversity of wild and tame fowls as are either bred in our island or brought over unto us from other countries
of the main.
In number of dishes and change of meat the nobility of England (whose cooks are for the most part
musical-headed Frenchmen and strangers) do most exceed, sith there is no day in manner that passeth over
their heads wherein they have not only beef, mutton, veal, lamb, kid, pork, cony, capon, pig, or so many of
these as the season yieldeth, but also some portion of the red or fallow deer, beside great variety of fish and
wild fowl, and thereto sundry other delicates wherein the sweet hand of the seafaring Portugal is not wanting:
so that for a man to dine with one of them, and to taste of every dish that standeth before him (which few used
to do, but each one feedeth upon that meat him best liketh for the time, the beginning of every dish
notwithstanding being reserved unto the greatest personage that sitteth at the table, to whom it is drawn up
still by the waiters as order requireth, and from whom it descendeth again even to the lower end, whereby
each one may taste thereof), is rather to yield unto a conspiracy with a great deal of meat for the speedy
suppression of natural health than the use of a necessary mean to satisfy himself with a competent repast to
sustain his body withal. But, as this large feeding is not seen in their guests, no more is it in their own persons;
for, sith they have daily much resort unto their tables (and many times unlooked for), and thereto retain great
numbers of servants, it is very requisite and expedient for them to be somewhat plentiful in this behalf.
The chief part likewise of their daily provision is brought in before them (commonly in silver vessels, if they
be of the degree of barons, bishops, and upwards) and placed on their tables, whereof, when they have taken
what it pleaseth them, the rest is reserved, and afterwards sent down to their serving men and waiters, who
feed thereon in like sort with convenient moderation, their reversion also being bestowed upon the poor which
lie ready at their gates in great numbers to receive the same. This is spoken of the principal tables whereat the
nobleman, his lady, and guests are accustomed to sit; besides which they have a certain ordinary allowance
daily appointed for their halls, where the chief officers and household servants (for all are not permitted by
custom to wait upon their master), and with them such inferior guests do feed as are not of calling to associate
the nobleman himself; so that, besides those afore-mentioned, which are called to the principal table, there are
commonly forty or three score persons fed in those halls, to the great relief of such poor suitors and strangers
also as oft be partakers thereof and otherwise like to dine hardly. As for drink, it is usually filled in pots,
goblets, jugs, bowls of silver, in noblemen's houses; also in fine Venice glasses of all forms; and, for want of
these elsewhere, in pots of earth of sundry colours and moulds, whereof many are garnished with silver, or at
the leastwise in pewter, all which notwithstanding are seldom set on the table, but each one, as necessity
urgeth, calleth for a cup of such drink as him listeth to have, so that, when he has tasted of it, he delivered the
cup again to some one of the standers by, who, making it clean by pouring out the drink that remaineth,
restoreth it to the cupboard from whence he fetched the same. By this device (a thing brought up at the first by
Mnesitheus of Athens, in conservation of the honour of Orestes, who had not yet made expiation for the death
of his adulterous parents, Aegisthus and Clytemnestra) much idle tippling is furthermore cut off; for, if the full
pots should continually stand at the elbow or near the trencher, divers would always be dealing with them,
whereas now they drink seldom, and only when necessity urgeth, and so avoid the note of great drinking, or
often troubling of the servitors with filling of their bowls. Nevertheless in the noblemen's halls this order is
not used, neither is any man's house commonly under the degree of a knight or esquire of great revenues. It is
a world to see in these our days, wherein gold and silver most aboundeth, how that our gentility, as loathing
those metals (because of the plenty) do now generally choose rather the Venice glasses, both for our wine and
beer, than any of those metals or stone wherein before time we have been accustomed to drink; but such is the
nature of man generally that it most coveteth things difficult to be attained; and such is the estimation of this
stuff that many become rich only with their new trade unto Murana (a town near to Venice, situate on the
Adriatic Sea), from whence the very best are daily to be had, and such as for beauty do well near match the
crystal or the ancient murrhina vasa whereof now no man hath knowledge. And as this is seen in the gentility,
so in the wealthy communalty the like desire of glass is not neglected, whereby the gain gotten by their
purchase is yet much more increased to the benefit of the merchant. The poorest also will have glass if they
may; but, sith the Venetian is somewhat too dear for them, they content themselves with such as are made at

home of fern and burned stone; but in fine all go one way—that is, to shards at the last, so that our great
expenses in glasses (beside that they breed much strife toward such as have the charge of them) are worst of
all bestowed in mine opinion, because their pieces do turn unto no profit. If the philosopher's stone were once
found, and one part hereof mixed with forty of molten glass, it would induce such a metallical toughness
thereunto that a fall should nothing hurt it in such manner; yet it might peradventure bunch or batter it;
nevertheless that inconvenience were quickly to be redressed by the hammer. But whither am I slipped?
The gentlemen and merchants keep much about one rate, and each of them contenteth himself with four, five,
or six dishes, when they have but small resort, or peradventure with one, or two, or three at the most, when
they have no strangers to accompany them at their tables. And yet their servants have their ordinary diet
assigned, beside such as is left at their master's boards, and not appointed to be brought thither the second
time, which nevertheless is often seen, generally in venison, lamb, or some especial dish, whereon the
merchantman himself liketh to feed when it is cold, or peradventure for sundry causes incident to the feeder is
better so than if it were warm or hot. To be short, at such times as the merchants do make their ordinary or
voluntary feasts, it is a world to see what great provision is made of all manner of delicate meats, from every
quarter of the country, wherein, beside that they are often comparable herein to the nobility of the land, they
will seldom regard anything that the butcher usually killeth, but reject the same as not worthy to come in
place. In such cases also jellies of all colours, mixed with a variety in the representation of sundry flowers,
herbs, trees, forms of beasts, fish, fowls, and fruits, and thereunto marchpane wrought with no small curiosity,
tarts of divers hues, and sundry denominations, conserves of old fruits, foreign and home-bred, suckets,
codinacs, marmalades, marchpane, sugar-bread, gingerbread, florentines, wild fowls, venison of all sorts, and
sundry outlandish confections, altogether seasoned with sugar (which Pliny calleth mel ex arundinibus, a
device not common nor greatly used in old time at the table, but only in medicine, although it grew in Arabia,
India, and Sicilia), do generally bear the sway, besides infinite devices of our own not possible for me to
remember. Of the potato, and such venerous roots as are brought out of Spain, Portugal, and the Indies to
furnish up our banquets, I speak not, wherein our mures[121] of no less force, and to be had about
Crosby-Ravenswath, do now begin to have place.
But among all these, the kind of meat which is obtained with most difficulty and costs, is commonly taken for
the most delicate, and thereupon each guest will soonest desire to feed. And as all estates do exceed herein, I
mean for strangeness and number of costly dishes, so these forget not to use the like excess in wine, insomuch
as there is no kind to be had, neither anywhere more store of all sorts than in England, although we have none
growing with us but yearly to the proportion of 20,000 of 30,000 tun and upwards, notwithstanding the daily
restraints of the same brought over unto us, whereof at great meetings there is not some store to be had.
Neither do I mean this of small wines only, as claret, white, red, French, etc., which amount to about fifty-six
sorts, according to the number of regions from whence they came, but also of the thirty kinds of Italian,
Grecian, Spanish, Canarian, etc., whereof vernage, catepument, raspis, muscadell, romnie, bastard lire, osy
caprie, clary, and malmesey, are not least of all accompted of, because of their strength and valour. For, as I
have said in meat, so, the stronger the wine is, the more it is desired, by means whereof, in old time, the best
was called theologicum, because it was had from the clergy and religious men, unto whose houses many of the
laity would often send for bottles filled with the same, being sure they would neither drink nor be served of
the worst, or such as was any ways mingled or brewed by the vinterer: nay, the merchant would have thought
that his soul should have gone straightway to the devil if he should have served them with other than the best.
Furthermore, when these have had their course which nature yieldeth, sundry sorts of artificial stuff as ypocras
and wormwood wine must in like manner succeed in their turns, beside stale ale and strong beer, which
nevertheless bear the greatest brunt in drinking, and are of so many sorts and ages as it pleaseth the brewer to
make them.
The beer that is used at noblemen's tables in their fixed and standing houses is commonly a year old, or
peradventure of two years' tunning or more; but this is not general. It is also brewed in March, and therefore
called March beer; but, for the household, it is usually not under a month's age, each one coveting to have the

same stale as he may, so that it be not sour, and his bread new as is possible, so that it be not hot.
The artificer and husbandman makes greatest account of such meat as they may soonest come by, and have it
quickliest ready, except it be in London when the companies of every trade do meet on their quarter days, at
which time they be nothing inferior to the nobility. Their food also consisteth principally in beef, and such
meat as the butcher selleth—that is to say, mutton, veal, lamb, pork, etc., whereof he findeth great store
in the markets adjoining, beside sows, brawn, bacon, fruit, pies of fruit, fowls of sundry sorts, cheese, butter,
eggs, etc., as the other wanteth it not at home, by his own provision which is at the best hand, and commonly
least charge. In feasting also, this latter sort, I mean the husbandmen, do exceed after their manner, especially
at bridals, purifications of women, and such odd meetings, where it is incredible to tell what meat is consumed
and spent, each one bringing such a dish, or so many with him, as his wife and he do consult upon, but always
with this consideration, that the lesser friend shall have the better provision. This also is commonly seen at
these banquets, that the good man of the house is not charged with anything saving bread, drink, sauce,
house-room, and fire. But the artificers in cities and good towns do deal far otherwise; for, albeit that some of
them do suffer their jaws to go oft before their claws, and divers of them, by making good cheer, do hinder
themselves and other men, yet the wiser sort can handle the matter well enough in these junketings, and
therefore their frugality deserveth commendation. To conclude, both the artificer and the husbandman are
sufficiently liberal, and very friendly at their tables; and, when they meet, they are so merry without malice,
and plain without inward Italian or French craft and subtlety, that it would do a man good to be in company
among them. Herein only are the inferior sort somewhat to be blamed, that, being thus assembled, their talk is
now and then such as savoureth of scurrility and ribaldry, a thing naturally incident to carters and clowns, who
think themselves not to be merry and welcome if their foolish veins in this behalf be never so little restrained.
This is moreover to be added in these meetings, that if they happen to stumble upon a piece of venison and a
cup of wine or very strong beer or ale (which latter they commonly provide against their appointed days), they
think their cheer so great, and themselves to have fared so well, as the Lord Mayor of London, with whom,
when their bellies be full, they will not often stick to make comparison, because that of a subject there is no
public officer of any city in Europe that may compare in port and countenance with him during the time of his
office.
I might here talk somewhat of the great silence that is used at the tables of the honourable and wiser sort
generally over all the realm (albeit that too much deserveth no commendation, for it belongeth to guests
neither to be muti nor loquaces[122]), likewise of the moderate eating and drinking that is daily seen, and
finally of the regard that each one hath to keep himself from the note of surfeiting and drunkenness (for which
cause salt meat, except beef, bacon, and pork, are not any whit esteemed, and yet these three may not be much
powdered); but, as in rehearsal thereof I should commend the nobleman, merchant, and frugal artificer, so I
could not clear the meaner sort of husbandmen and country inhabitants of very much babbling (except it be
here and there some odd yeoman), with whom he is thought to be the merriest that talketh of most ribaldry or
the wisest man that speaketh fastest among them, and now and then surfeiting and drunkenness which they
rather fall into for want of heed taking than wilfully following or delighting in those errors of set mind and
purpose. It may be that divers of them living at home, with hard and pinching diet, small drink, and some of
them having scarce enough of that, are soonest overtaken when they come into such banquets, howbeit they
take it generally as no small disgrace if they happen to be cupshotten, so that it is a grief unto them, though
now sans remedy, sith the thing is done and past. If the friends also of the wealthier sort come to their houses
from far, they are commonly so welcome till they depart as upon the first day of their coming; whereas in
good towns and cities, as London, etc., men oftentimes complain of little room, and, in reward of a fat capon
or plenty of beef and mutton largely bestowed upon them in the country, a cup of wine or beer with a napkin
to wipe their lips and an "You are heartily welcome!" is thought to be a great entertainment; and therefore the
old country clerks have framed this saying in that behalf, I mean upon the entertainment of townsmen and
Londoners after the days of their abode, in this manner:

"Primus jucundus, tollerabilis estque secundus,
Tertius est vanus, sed fetet quatriduanus."
The bread throughout the land is made of such grain as the soil yieldeth; nevertheless the gentility commonly
provide themselves sufficiently of wheat for their own tables, whilst their household and poor neighbours in
some shires are forced to content themselves with rye, or barley, yea, and in time of dearth, many with bread
made either of beans, peas, of oats, or of altogether and some acorns among, of which scourge the poorest do
soonest taste, sith they are least able to provide themselves of better. I will not say that this extremity is oft so
well to be seen in time of plenty as of dearth, but, if I should, I could easily bring my trial. For, albeit that
there be much more ground eared now almost in every place than hath been of late years, yet such a price of
corn continueth in each town and market without any just cause (except it be that landlords do get licences to
carry corn out of the land only to keep up the prices for their own private gains and ruin of the
commonwealth), that the artificer and poor labouring man is not able to reach unto it, but is driven to content
himself with horse corn—I mean beans, peas, oats, tares, and lentils: and therefore it is a true proverb,
and never so well verified as now, that "Hunger setteth his first foot into the horse-manger."[123] If the world
last awhile after this rate, wheat and rye will be no grain for poor men to feed on; and some caterpillars there
are that can say so much already.
Of bread made of wheat we have sundry sorts daily brought to the table, whereof the first and most excellent
is the manchet, which we commonly call white bread, in Latin primarius panis, whereof Budeus also
speaketh, in his first book De asse; and our good workmen deliver commonly such proportion that of the flour
of one bushel with another they make forty cast of manchet, of which every loaf weigheth eight ounces into
the oven, and six ounces out, as I have been informed. The second is the cheat or wheaten bread, so named
because the colour thereof resembleth the grey or yellowish wheat, being clean and well dressed, and out of
this is the coarsest of the bran (usually called gurgeons or pollard) taken. The ravelled is a kind of cheat bread
also, but it retaineth more of the gross, and less of the pure substance of the wheat; and this, being more
slightly wrought up, is used in the halls of the nobility and gentry only, whereas the other either is or should
be baked in cities and good towns of an appointed size (according to such price as the corn doth bear), and by
a statute provided by King John in that behalf.[124] The ravelled cheat therefore is generally so made that out
of one bushel of meal, after two and twenty pounds of bran be sifted and taken from it (whereunto they add
the gurgeons that rise from the manchet), they make thirty cast, every loaf weighing eighteen ounces into the
oven, and sixteen ounces out; and, beside this, they so handle the matter that to every bushel of meal they add
only two and twenty, or three and twenty, pound of water, washing also (in some houses) their corn before it
go to the mill, whereby their manchet bread is more excellent in colour, and pleasing to the eye, than
otherwise it would be. The next sort is named brown bread, of the colour of which we have two sorts one
baked up as it cometh from the mill, so that neither the bran nor the flour are any whit diminished; this, Celsus
called autopirus panis, lib. 2, and putteth it in the second place of nourishment. The other hath little or no
flour left therein at all, howbeit he calleth it Panem Cibarium, and it is not only the worst and weakest of all
the other sorts, but also appointed in old time for servants, slaves, and the inferior kind of people to feed upon.
Hereunto likewise, because it is dry and brickle in the working (for it will hardly be made up handsomely into
loaves), some add a portion of rye meal in our time, whereby the rough dryness or dry roughness thereof is
somewhat qualified, and then it is named miscelin, that is, bread made of mingled corn, albeit that divers do
sow or mingle wheat and rye of set purpose at the mill, or before it come there, and sell the same at the
markets under the aforesaid name.
In champaign countries much rye and barley bread is eaten, but especially where wheat is scant and geson. As
for the difference that it is between the summer and winter wheat, most husbandmen know it not, sith they are
neither acquainted with summer wheat nor winter barley; yet here and there I find of both sorts, specially in
the north and about Kendal, where they call it March wheat, and also of summer rye, but in so small quantities
as that I dare not pronounce them to be greatly common among us.

Our drink, whose force and continuance is partly touched already, is made of barley, water, and hops, sodden
and mingled together, by the industry of our brewers in a certain exact proportion. But, before our barley do
come into their hands, it sustaineth great alteration, and is converted into malt, the making whereof I will here
set down in such order as my skill therein may extend unto (for I am scarce a good maltster), chiefly for that
foreign writers have attempted to describe the same, and the making of our beer, wherein they have shot so far
wide, as the quantity of ground was between themselves and their mark. In the meantime bear with me, gentle
reader (I beseech thee), that lead thee from the description of the plentiful diet of our country unto the fond
report of a servile trade, or rather from a table delicately furnished into a musty malt-house; but such is now
thy hap, wherefore I pray thee be contented.
Our malt is made all the year long in some great towns; but in gentlemen's and yeomen's houses, who
commonly make sufficient for their own expenses only, the winter half is thought most meet for that
commodity: howbeit the malt that is made when the willow doth bud is commonly worst of all. Nevertheless
each one endeavoureth to make it of the best barley, which is steeped in a cistern, in greater or less quantity,
by the space of three days and three nights, until it be thoroughly soaked. This being done, the water is
drained from it by little and little, till it be quite gone. Afterward they take it out, and, laying it upon the clean
floor on a round heap, it resteth so until it be ready to shoot at the root end, which maltsters call combing.
When it beginneth therefore to shoot in this manner, they say it is come, and then forthwith they spread it
abroad, first thick, and afterwards thinner and thinner upon the said floor (as it combeth), and there it lieth
(with turning every day four or five times) by the space of one and twenty days at the least, the workmen not
suffering it in any wise to take any heat, whereby the bud end should spire, that bringeth forth the blade, and
by which oversight or hurt of the stuff itself the malt would be spoiled and turn small commodity to the
brewer. When it hath gone, or been turned, so long upon the floor, they carry it to a kiln covered with hair
cloth, where they give it gentle heats (after they have spread it there very thin abroad) till it be dry, and in the
meanwhile they turn it often, that it may be uniformly dried. For the more it be dried (yet must it be done with
soft fire) the sweeter and better the malt is, and the longer it will continue, whereas, if it be not dried down (as
they call it), but slackly handled, it will breed a kind of worm called a weevil, which groweth in the flour of
the corn, and in process of time will so eat out itself that nothing shall remain of the grain but even the very
rind or husk.
The best malt is tried by the hardness and colour; for, if it look fresh with a yellow hue, and thereto will write
like a piece of chalk, after you have bitten a kernel in sunder in the midst, then you may assure yourself that it
is dried down. In some places it is dried at leisure with wood alone or straw alone, in others with wood and
straw together; but, of all, the straw dried is the most excellent. For the wood-dried malt when it is brewed,
beside that the drink is higher of colour, it doth hurt and annoy the head of him that is not used thereto,
because of the smoke. Such also as use both indifferently do bark, cleave, and dry their wood in an oven,
thereby to remove all moisture that should procure the fume; and this malt is in the second place, and, with the
same likewise, that which is made with dried furze, broom, etc.: whereas, if they also be occupied green, they
are in manner so prejudicial to the corn as is the moist wood. And thus much of our malts, in brewing whereof
some grind the same somewhat grossly, and, in seething well the liquor that shall be put into it, they add to
every nine quarters of malt one of headcorn (which consisteth of sundry grain, as wheat and oats ground). But
what have I to do with this matter, or rather so great a quantity, wherewith I am not acquainted? Nevertheless,
sith I have taken occasion to speak of brewing, I will exemplify in such a proportion as I am best skilled in,
because it is the usual rate for mine own family, and once in a month practised by my wife and her
maid-servants, who proceed withal after this manner, as she hath oft informed me.
Having therefore ground eight bushels of good malt upon our quern, where the toll is saved, she addeth unto it
half a bushel of wheat meal, and so much of oats small ground, and so tempereth or mixeth them with the malt
that you cannot easily discern the one from the other; otherwise these latter would clunter, fall into lumps, and
thereby become unprofitable. The first liquor (which is full eighty gallons, according to the proportion of our
furnace) she maketh boiling hot, and then poureth it softly into the malt, where it resteth (but without stirring)

until her second liquor be almost ready to boil. This done, she letteth her mash run till the malt be left without
liquor, or at the leastwise the greatest part of the moisture, which she perceiveth by the stay and soft issue
thereof; and by this time her second liquor in the furnace is ready to seethe, which is put also to the malt, as
the first woort also again into the furnace, whereunto she addeth two pounds of the best English hops, and so
letteth them seethe together by the space of two hours in summer or an hour and a half in winter, whereby it
getteth an excellent colour, and continuance without impeachment or any superfluous tartness. But, before she
putteth her first woort into the furnace, or mingleth it with the hops, she taketh out a vessel full, of eight or
nine gallons, which she shutteth up close, and suffereth no air to come into it till it become yellow, and this
she reserveth by itself unto further use, as shall appear hereafter, calling it brackwoort or charwoort, and, as
she saith, it addeth also to the colour of the drink, whereby it yieldeth not unto amber or fine gold in hue unto
the eye. By this time also her second woort is let run; and, the first being taken out of the furnace, and placed
to cool, she returneth the middle woort unto the furnace, where it is stricken over, or from whence it is taken
again, when it beginneth to boil, and mashed the second time, whilst the third liquor is heat (for there are three
liquors), and this last put into the furnace, when the second is mashed again. When she hath mashed also the
last liquor (and set the second to cool by the first), she letteth it run, and then seetheth it again with a pound
and a half of new hops, or peradventure two pounds, as she seeth cause by the goodness or baseness of the
hops, and, when it hath sodden, in summer two hours, and in winter an hour and a half, she striketh it also,
and reserveth it unto mixture with the rest when time doth serve therefore. Finally, when she setteth her drink
together, she addeth to her brackwoort or charwoort half an ounce of arras, and half a quarter of an ounce of
bayberries, finely powdered, and then, putting the same into her woort, with a handful of wheat flour, she
proceedeth in such usual order as common brewing requireth, Some, instead of arras and bays, add so much
long pepper only, but, in her opinion and my liking, it is not so good as the first, and hereof we make three
hogsheads of good beer, such (I mean) as is meet for poor men as I am to live withal, whoso small
maintenance (for what great thing is forty pounds a year, computatis computandis, able to perform?) may
endure no deeper cut, the charges whereof groweth in this manner. I value my malt at ten shillings, my wood
at four shillings (which I buy), my hops at twenty pence, the spice at twopence, servants' wages two shillings
sixpence, with meat and drink, and the wearing of my vessel at twenty pence, so that for my twenty shillings I
have ten score gallons of beer or more, notwithstanding the loss in seething, which some, being loth to forego,
do not observe the time, and therefore speed thereafter in their success, and worthily. The continuance of the
drink is always determined after the quantity of the hops, so that being well hopt it lasteth longer. For it
feedeth upon the hop, and holdeth out so long as the force of the same continueth, which being extinguished,
the drink must be spent, or else it dieth and becometh of no value.
In this trade also our brewers observe very diligently the nature of the water, which they daily occupy, and
soil through which it passeth, for all waters are not of like goodness, sith the fattest standing water is always
the best; for, although the waters that run by chalk or cledgy soils be good, and next unto the Thames water,
which is the most excellent, yet the water that standeth in either of these is the best for us that dwell in the
country, as whereon the sun lieth longest, and fattest fish is bred. But, of all other, the fenny and marsh is the
worst, and the clearest spring water next unto it. In this business therefore the skilful workman doth redeem
the iniquity of that element, by changing of his proportions, which trouble in ale (sometime our only, but now
taken with many for old and sick men's drink) is never seen nor heard of. Howbeit, as the beer well sodden in
the brewing, and stale, is clear and well coloured as muscadel or malvesey, or rather yellow as the gold noble,
as our pot-knights call it, so our ale, which is not at all or very little sodden, and without hops, is more thick,
fulsome, and of no such continuance, which are three notable things to be considered in that liquor. But what
for that? Certes I know some ale-knights so much addicted thereunto that they will not cease from morrow
until even to visit the same, cleansing house after house, till they defile themselves, and either fall quite under
the board, or else, not daring to stir from their stools, sit still pinking with their narrow eyes, as half sleeping,
till the fume of their adversary be digested that he may go to it afresh. Such slights also have the ale-wives for
the utterance of this drink that they will mix it with rosen and salt; but if you heat a knife red-hot, and quench
it in the ale so near the bottom of the pot as you can put it, you shall see the rosen come forth hanging on the
knife. As for the force of salt, it is well known by the effect, for the more the drinker tippleth, the more he

may, and so doth he carry off a dry drunken noll to bed with him, except his luck be the better. But to my
purpose.
In some places of England there is a kind of drink made of apples which they call cider or pomage, but that of
pears is called perry, and both are ground and pressed in presses made for the nonce. Certes these two are very
common in Sussex, Kent, Worcester, and other steeds where these sorts of fruit do abound, howbeit they are
not their only drink at all times, but referred unto the delicate sorts of drink, as metheglin is in Wales, whereof
the Welshmen make no less account (and not without cause, if it be well handled) than the Greeks did of their
ambrosia or nectar, which for the pleasantness thereof was supposed to be such as the gods themselves did
delight in. There is a kind of swish-swash made also in Essex, and divers other places, with honeycombs and
water, which the homely country wives, putting some pepper and a little other spice among, call mead, very
good in mine opinion for such as love to be loose bodied at large, or a little eased of the cough. Otherwise it
differeth so much from the true metheglin as chalk from cheese. Truly it is nothing else but the washing of the
combs, when the honey is wrung out, and one of the best things that I know belonging thereto is that they
spend but little labour, and less cost, in making of the same, and therefore no great loss if it were never
occupied. Hitherto of the diet of my countrymen, and somewhat more at large peradventure than many men
will like of, wherefore I think good now to finish this tractation, and so will I when I have added a few other
things incident unto that which goeth before, whereby the whole process of the same shall fully be delivered,
and my promise to my friend[125] in this behalf performed.
Heretofore there hath been much more time spent in eating and drinking than commonly is in these days; for
whereas of old we had breakfast in the forenoon, beverages or nunchions[126] after dinner, and thereto rear
suppers generally when it was time to go to rest (a toy brought into England by hardy Canutus, and a custom
whereof Athenaeus also speaketh, lib. 1, albeit Hippocrates speaks but of twice at the most, lib. 2, De rat vict.
in feb ac). Now, these odd repasts—thanked be God!—are very well left, and each one in
manner (except here and there some young, hungry stomach that cannot fast till dinner-time) contenteth
himself with dinner and supper only. The Normans, misliking the gormandise of Canutus, ordained after their
arrival that no table should be covered above once in the day, which Huntingdon imputeth to their avarice; but
in the end, either waxing weary of their own frugality, or suffering the cockle of old custom to overgrow the
good corn of their new constitution, they fell to such liberty that in often-feeding they surmounted Canutus
surnamed the Hardy. For, whereas he covered his table but three or four times in the day, these spread their
cloths five or six times, and in such wise as I before rehearsed. They brought in also the custom of long and
stately sitting at meat, whereby their feasts resembled those ancient pontifical banquets whereof Macrobius
speaketh (lib. 3, cap. 13), and Pliny (lib. 10, cap. 10), and which for sumptuousness of fare, long sitting, and
curiosity shewed in the same, exceeded all other men's feasting; which fondness is not yet left with us,
notwithstanding that it proveth very beneficial for the physicians, who most abound where most excess and
misgovernment of our bodies do appear, although it be a great expense of time, and worthy of reprehension.
For the nobility, gentlemen, and merchantmen, especially at great meetings, do sit commonly till two or three
of the clock at afternoon, so that with many it is a hard matter to rise from the table to go to evening prayer,
and return from thence to come time enough to supper.[127]…
With us the nobility, gentry, and students do ordinarily go to dinner at eleven before noon, and to supper at
five, or between five and six at afternoon. The merchants dine and sup seldom before twelve at noon, and six
at night, especially in London. The husbandmen dine also at high noon as they call it, and sup at seven or
eight; but out of the term in our universities the scholars dine at ten. As for the poorest sort they generally dine
and sup when they may, so that to talk of their order of repast it were but a needless matter. I might here take
occasion also to set down the variety used by antiquity in their beginnings of their diets, wherein almost every
nation had a several fashion, some beginning of custom (as we do in summer time) with salads at supper, and
some ending with lettuce, some making their entry with eggs, and shutting up their tables with mulberries, as
we do with fruit and conceits of all sorts. Divers (as the old Romans) began with a few crops of rue, as the
Venetians did with the fish called gobius; the Belgres with butter, or (as we do yet also) with butter and eggs

upon fish days. But whereas we commonly begin with the most gross food, and end with the most delicate,
the Scot, thinking much to leave the best for his menial servants, maketh his entrance at the best, so that he is
sure thereby to leave the worst. We use also our wines by degrees, so that the hostess cometh last to the table:
but to stand upon such toys would spend much time, and turn to small profit. Wherefore I will deal with other
things more necessary for this turn.
CHAPTER VII
OF OUR APPAREL AND ATTIRE
An Englishman, endeavouring sometime to write of our attire, made sundry platforms for his purpose,
supposing by some of them to find out one steadfast ground whereon to build the sum of his discourse. But in
the end (like an orator long without exercise), when he saw what a difficult piece of work he had taken in
hand, he gave over his travel, and only drew the picture of a naked man[128], unto whom he gave a pair of
shears in the one hand and a piece of cloth in the other, to the end he should shape his apparel after such
fashion as himself liked, sith he could find no kind of garment that could please him any while together; and
this he called an Englishman. Certes this writer (otherwise being a lewd popish hypocrite and ungracious
priest) shewed himself herein not to be altogether void of judgment, sith the phantastical folly of our nation
(even from the courtier to the carter) is such that no form of apparel liketh us longer than the first garment is
in the wearing, if it continue so long, and be not laid aside to receive some other trinket newly devised by the
fickle-headed tailors, who covet to have several tricks in cutting, thereby to draw fond customers to more
expense of money. For my part, I can tell better how to inveigh against this enormity than describe any
certainty of our attire; sithence such is our mutability that to-day there is none to the Spanish guise, to-morrow
the French toys are most fine and delectable, ere long no such apparel as that which is after the high Almaine
fashion, by-and-by the Turkish manner is generally best liked of, otherwise the Morisco gowns, the Barbarian
fleeces, the mandilion worn to Colley-Weston ward, and the short French breeches make such a comely
vesture that, except it were a dog in a doublet, you shall not see any so disguised as are my countrymen of
England. And as these fashions are diverse, so likewise it is a world to see the costliness and the curiosity, the
excess and the vanity, the pomp and the bravery, the change and the variety, and finally the fickleness and the
folly, that is in all degrees, insomuch that nothing is more constant in England than inconstancy of attire. Oh,
how much cost is bestowed nowadays upon our bodies, and how little upon our souls! How many suits of
apparel hath the one, and how little furniture hath the other! How long time is asked in decking up of the first,
and how little space left wherein to feed the latter! How curious, how nice also, are a number of men and
women, and how hardly can the tailor please them in making it fit for their bodies! How many times must it
be sent back again to him that made it! What chafing, what fretting, what reproachful language, doth the poor
workman bear away! And many times when he doth nothing to it at all, yet when it is brought home again it is
very fit and handsome; then must we put it on, then must the long seams of our hose be set by a plumb-line,
then we puff, then we blow, and finally sweat till we drop, that our clothes may stand well upon us. I will say
nothing of our heads, which sometimes are polled, sometimes curled, or suffered to grow at length like
woman's locks, many times cut off, above or under the ears, round as by a wooden dish. Neither will I meddle
with our variety of beards, of which some are shaven from the chin like those of Turks, not a few cut short
like to the beard of Marquess Otto, some made round like a rubbing brush, others with a pique de vant (O!
fine fashion!), or now and then suffered to grow long, the barbers being grown to be so cunning in this behalf
as the tailors. And therefore if a man have a lean and straight face, a Marquess Otton's cut will make it broad
and large; if it be platter-like, a long, slender beard will make it seem the narrower; if he be weasel-becked,

then much hair left on the cheeks will make the owner look big like a bowdled hen, and as grim as a goose, if
Cornells of Chelmersford say true. Many old men do wear no beards at all. Some lusty courtiers also and
gentlemen of courage do wear either rings of gold, stones, or pearl, in their ears, whereby they imagine the
workmanship of God not to be a little amended. But herein they rather disgrace than adorn their persons, as by
their niceness in apparel, for which I say most nations do not unjustly deride us, as also for that we do seem to
imitate all nations round about us, wherein we be like to the polypus or chameleon; and thereunto bestow
most cost upon our arses, and much more than upon all the rest of our bodies, as women do likewise upon
their heads and shoulders. In women also, it is most to be lamented, that they do now far exceed the lightness
of our men (who nevertheless are transformed from the cap even to the very shoe), and such staring attire as in
time past was supposed meet for none but light housewives only is now become a habit for chaste and sober
matrons. What should I say of their doublets with pendant codpieces on the breast full of jags and cuts, and
sleeves of sundry colours? Their galligascons to bear out their bums and make their attire to fit plum round (as
they term it) about them. Their fardingals, and diversely coloured nether stocks of silk, jerdsey, and such like,
whereby their bodies are rather deformed than commended? I have met with some of these trulls in London so
disguised that it hath passed my skill to discern whether they were men or women.
Thus it is now come to pass, that women are become men, and men transformed into monsters; and those
good gifts which Almighty God hath given unto us to relieve our necessities withal (as a nation turning
altogether the grace of God into wantonness, for
"Luxuriant animi rebus plerunque fecundis,")
not otherwise bestowed than in all excess, as if we wist not otherwise how to consume and waste them. I pray
God that in this behalf our sin be not like unto that of Sodom and Gomorrah, whose errors were pride, excess
of diet, and abuse of God's benefits abundantly bestowed upon them, beside want of charity towards the poor,
and certain other points which the prophet shutteth up in silence. Certes the commonwealth cannot be said to
nourish where these abuses reign, but is rather oppressed by unreasonable exactions made upon rich farmers,
and of poor tenants, wherewith to maintain the same. Neither was it ever merrier with England than when an
Englishman was known abroad by his own cloth, and contented himself at home with his fine carsey hosen,
and a mean slop; his coat, gown, and cloak of brown, blue, or puke, with some pretty furniture of velvet or
fur, and a doublet of sad tawny, or black velvet, or other comely silk, without such cuts and garish colours as
are worn in these days, and never brought in but by the consent of the French, who think themselves the
gayest men when they have most diversities of jags and change of colours about them. Certes of all estates our
merchants do least alter their attire, and therefore are most to be commended; for albeit that which they wear
be very fine and costly, yet in form and colour it representeth a great piece of the ancient gravity appertaining
to citizens and burgesses, albeit the younger sort of their wives, both in attire and costly housekeeping, cannot
tell when and how to make an end, as being women indeed in whom all kind of curiosity is to be found and
seen, and in far greater measure than in women of higher calling. I might here name a sort of hues devised for
the nonce, wherewith to please fantastical heads, as goose-turd green, peas-porridge tawny, popingay blue,
lusty gallant, the devil-in-the-head (I should say the hedge), and such like; but I pass them over, thinking it
sufficient to have said thus much of apparel generally, when nothing can particularly be spoken of any
constancy thereof.
CHAPTER VIII
OF THE MANNER OF BUILDING AND FURNITURE OF OUR HOUSES

The greatest part of our building in the cities and good towns of England consisteth only of timber, for as yet
few of the houses of the communalty (except here and there in the West-country towns) are made of stone,
although they may (in my opinion) in divers other places be builded so good cheap of the one as of the other.
In old time the houses of the Britons were slightly set up with a few posts and many raddles, with stable and
all offices under one roof, the like whereof almost is to be seen in the fenny countries and northern parts unto
this day, where for lack of wood they are enforced to continue this ancient manner of building. It is not in
vain, therefore, in speaking of building, to make a distinction between the plain and woody soils; for as in
these, our houses are commonly strong and well-timbered (so that in many places there are not above four,
six, or nine inches between stud and stud), so in the open champaign countries they are forced, for want of
stuff, to use no studs at all, but only frankposts, raisins, beams, prickposts, groundsels, summers (or
dormants), transoms, and such principals, with here and there a girding, whereunto they fasten their splints or
raddles, and then cast it all over with thick clay to keep out the wind, which otherwise would annoy them.
Certes this rude kind of building made the Spaniards in Queen Mary's days to wonder, but chiefly when they
saw what large diet was used in many of these so homely cottages; insomuch that one of no small reputation
amongst them said after this manner—"These English (quoth he) have their houses made of sticks and
dirt, but they fare commonly so well as the king." Whereby it appeareth that he liked better of our good fare in
such coarse cabins than of their own thin diet in their prince-like habitations and palaces. In like sort as every
country house is thus apparelled on the outside, so is it inwardly divided into sundry rooms above and
beneath; and, where plenty of wood is, they cover them with tiles, otherwise with straw, sedge, or reed, except
some quarry of slate be near hand, from whence they have for their money much as may suffice them. The
clay wherewith our houses are impannelled is either white, red, or blue; and of these the first doth participate
very much of the nature of our chalk; the second is called loam; but the third eftsoons changeth colour as soon
as it is wrought, notwithstanding that it looks blue when it is thrown out of the pit. Of chalk also we have our
excellent asbestos or white lime, made in most places, wherewith being quenched, we strike over our clay
works and stone walls, in cities, good towns, rich farmers' and gentlemen's houses: otherwise, instead of chalk
(where it wanteth, for it is so scant that in some places it is sold by the pound), they are compelled to burn a
certain kind of red stone, as in Wales, and elsewhere other stones and shells of oysters and like fish found
upon the sea coast, which, being converted into lime, doth naturally (as the other) abhor and eschew water,
whereby it is dissolved, and nevertheless desire oil, wherewith it is easily mixed, as I have seen by experience.
Within their doors also, such as are of ability do oft make their floors and parget of fine alabaster burned,
which they call plaster of Paris, whereof in some places we have great plenty, and that very profitable against
the rage of fire. In plastering likewise of our fairest houses over our heads, we use to lay first a line or two of
white mortar, tempered with hair, upon laths, which are nailed one by another (or sometimes upon reed of
wickers more dangerous for fire, and make fast here and there saplaths for falling down), and finally cover all
with the aforesaid plaster, which, beside the delectable whiteness of the stuff itself, is laid on so even and
smoothly as nothing in my judgment can be done with more exactness. The walls of our houses on the inner
sides in like sort be either hanged with tapestry, arras work, or painted cloths, wherein either divers histories,
or herbs, beasts, knots, and such like are stained, or else they are ceiled with oak of our own, or wainscot
brought hither out of the east countries, whereby the rooms are not a little commended, made warm, and much
more close than otherwise they would be. As for stoves, we have not hitherto used them greatly, yet do they
now begin to be made in divers houses of the gentry and wealthy citizens, who build them not to work and
feed in, as in Germany and elsewhere, but now and then to sweat in, as occasion and need shall require it.
This also hath been common in England, contrary to the customs of all other nations, and yet to be seen (for
example, in most streets of London), that many of our greatest houses have outwardly been very simple and
plain to sight, which inwardly have been able to receive a duke with his whole train, and lodge them at their
ease. Hereby, moreover, it is come to pass that the fronts of our streets have not been so uniform and orderly
builded as those of foreign cities, where (to say truth) the outer side of their mansions and dwellings have oft
more cost bestowed upon them than all the rest of the house, which are often very simple and uneasy within,

as experience doth confirm. Of old time, our country houses, instead of glass, did use much lattice, and that
made either of wicker or fine rifts of oak in checkerwise. I read also that some of the better sort, in and before
the times of the Saxons (who notwithstanding used some glass also since the time of Benedict Biscop, the
monk that brought the feat of glazing first into this land), did make panels of horn instead of glass, and fix
them in wooden calmes. But as horn in windows is now quite laid down in every place, so our lattices are also
grown into less use, because glass is come to be so plentiful, and within a very little so good cheap, if not
better than the other. I find obscure mention of the specular stone also to have been found and applied to this
use in England, but in such doubtful sort as I dare not affirm it for certain. Nevertheless certain it is that
antiquity used it before glass was known, under the name of selenites. And how glass was first found I care
not greatly to remember, even at this present, although it be directly beside my purposed matter. In Syria
Phenices, which bordereth upon Jewry, and near to the foot of Mount Carmel, there is a moor or marsh
whereout riseth a brook called sometime Belus, and falleth into the sea near to Ptolemais. This river was
fondly ascribed unto Baal, and also honoured under that name by the infidels long time before there was any
king in Israel. It came to pass also, as a certain merchant sailed that way, loaden with nitrum, the passengers
went to land for to repose themselves, and to take in some store of fresh water into their vessel. Being also on
the shore, they kindled a fire and made provision for their dinner, but (because they wanted trevets or stones
whereon to set their kettles on) ran by chance into the ship, and brought great pieces of nitrum with them,
which served their turn for that present. To be short, the said substance being hot, and beginning to melt, it
mixed by chance with the gravel that lay under it, and so brought forth that shining substance which now is
called glass, and about the time of Semiramis. When the company saw this, they made no small accompt of
their success, and forthwith began to practise the like in other mixtures, whereby great variety of the said stuff
did also ensue. Certes for the time this history may well be true, for I read of glass in Job; but, for the rest, I
refer me to the common opinion conceived by writers. Now, to turn again to our windows. Heretofore also the
houses of our princes and noblemen were often glazed with beryl (an example whereof is yet to be seen in
Sudeley Castle) and in divers other places with fine crystal, but this especially in the time of the Romans,
whereof also some fragments have been taken up in old ruins. But now these are not in use, so that only the
clearest glass is most esteemed: for we have divers sorts, some brought out of Burgundy, some out of
Normandy, much out of Flanders, beside that which is made in England, which would be so good as the best
if we were diligent and careful to bestow more cost upon it, and yet as it is each one that may will have it for
his building. Moreover the mansion houses of our country towns and villages (which in champaign ground
stand altogether by streets, and joining one to another, but in woodland soils dispersed here and there, each
one upon the several grounds of their owners) are builded in such sort generally as that they have neither
dairy, stable, nor brew-house annexed unto them under the same roof (as in many places beyond the sea and
some of the north parts of our country), but all separate from the first, and one of them from another. And yet,
for all this, they are not so far distant in sunder but that the goodman lying in his bed may lightly hear what is
done in each of them with ease, and call quickly unto his many if any danger should attack him.
The ancient manors and houses of our gentlemen are yet and for the most part of strong timber, in framing
whereof our carpenters have been and are worthily preferred before those of like science among all other
nations. Howbeit such as be lately builded are commonly either of brick or hard stone, or both, their rooms
large and comely, and houses of office further distant from their lodgings. Those of the nobility are likewise
wrought with brick and hard stone, as provision may best be made, but so magnificent and stately as the
basest house of a baron doth often match in our days with some honours of a princes in old time. So that, if
ever curious building did flourish in England, it is in these our years wherein our workmen excel and are in
manner comparable in skill with old Vitruvius, Leo Baptista, and Serlo. Nevertheless their estimation, more
than their greedy and servile covetousness, joined with a lingering humour, causeth them often to be rejected,
and strangers preferred to greater bargains, who are more reasonable in their takings, and less wasters of time
by a great deal than our own.
The furniture of our houses also exceedeth, and is grown in manner even to passing delicacy: and herein I do
not speak of the nobility and gentry only, but likewise of the lowest sort in most places of our south country

that have anything at all to take to. Certes in noblemen's houses it is not rare to see abundance of arras, rich
hangings of tapestry, silver vessels, and so much other plate as may furnish sundry cupboards to the sum
oftentimes of a thousand or two thousand pounds at the least, whereby the value of this and the rest of their
stuff doth grow to be almost inestimable. Likewise in the houses of knights, gentlemen, merchantmen, and
some other wealthy citizens, it is not geson to behold generally their great provision of tapestry, Turkey work,
pewter, brass, fine linen, and thereto costly cupboards of plate, worth five or six hundred or a thousand pounds
to be deemed by estimation. But, as herein all these sorts do far exceed their elders and predecessors, and in
neatness and curiosity the merchant all other, so in times past the costly furniture stayed there, whereas now it
is descended yet lower even unto the inferior artificers and many farmers, who, by virtue of their old and not
of their new leases, have, for the most part, learned also to garnish their cupboards with plate, their joined
beds with tapestry and silk hangings, and their tables with carpets and fine napery, whereby the wealth of our
country (God be praised therefore, and give us grace to employ it well) doth infinitely appear. Neither do I
speak this in reproach of any man, God is my judge, but to shew that I do rejoice rather to see how God hath
blessed us with his good gifts; and whilst, I behold how (in a time wherein all things are grown to most
excessive prices, and what commodity so ever is to be had is daily plucked from the communalty by such as
look into every trade) we do yet find the means to obtain and achieve such furniture as heretofore hath been
unpossible.
There are old men yet dwelling in the village where I remain which have noted three things to be marvellously
altered in England within their sound remembrance, and other three things too too much increased.
One is the multitude of chimneys lately erected, whereas in their young days there were not above two or
three, if so many, in most uplandish towns of the realm (the religious houses and manor places of their lords
always excepted, and peradventure some great personages), but each one made his fire against a reredos in the
hall, where he dined and dressed his meat.
The second is the great (although not general) amendment of lodging; for, said they, our fathers, yea and we
ourselves also, have lain full oft upon straw pallets, on rough mats covered only with a sheet, under coverlets
made of dagswain or hopharlots (I use their own terms), and a good round log under their heads instead of a
bolster or pillow. If it were so that our fathers—or the good man of the house had within seven years
after his marriage purchased a mattress or flock bed, and thereto a stack of chaff to rest his head upon, he
thought himself to be as well lodged as the lord of the town, that peradventure lay seldom in a bed of down or
whole feathers, so well were they content, and with such base kind of furniture: which also is not very much
amended as yet in some parts of Bedfordshire, and elsewhere, further off from our southern parts. Pillows
(said they) were thought meet only for women in childbed. As for servants, if they had any sheet above them,
it was well, for seldom had they any under their bodies to keep them from the pricking straws that ran oft
through the canvas of the pallet and rased their hardened hides.
The third thing they tell of is the exchange of vessel, as of treen platters into pewter, and wooden spoons into
silver or tin. For so common were all sorts of treen stuff in old time that a man should hardly find four pieces
of pewter (of which one was peradventure a salt) in a good farmer's house, and yet for all this frugality (if it
may so be justly called) they were scarce able to live and pay their rents at their days without selling of a cow,
or a horse or more,[129] although they paid but four pounds at the uttermost by the year. Such also was their
poverty that, if some one odd farmer or husbandman had been at the ale-house, a thing greatly used in those
days, amongst six or seven of his neighbours, and there in a bravery, to shew what store he had, did cast down
his purse, and therein a noble or six shillings in silver, unto them (for few such men then cared for gold,
because it was not so ready payment, and they were oft enforced to give a penny for the exchange of an
angel), it was very likely that all the rest could not lay down so much against it; whereas in my time, although
peradventure four pounds of old rent be improved to forty, fifty, or a hundred pounds, yet will the farmer, as
another palm of date tree, think his gains very small toward the end of his term if he have not six or seven
years' rent lying by him, therewith to purchase a new lease, beside a fair garnish of pewter oft his cupboard,

with so much more in odd vessel going about the house, three or four feather beds, so many coverlids and
carpets of tapestry, a silver salt, a bowl for wine (if not a whole neast), and a dozen of spoons to furnish up the
suit. This also he takes to be his own clear, for what stock of money soever he gathereth and layeth up in all
his years it is often seen that the landlord will take such order with him for the same when he reneweth his
lease, which is commonly eight or six years before the old be expired (sith it is now grown almost to a custom
that if he come not to his lord so long before another shall step in for a reversion, and so defeat him outright),
that it shall never trouble him more than the hair of his beard when the barber hath washed and shaved it from
his chin.
And as they commend these, so (beside the decay of housekeeping whereby the poor have been relieved) they
speak also of three things that are grown to be very grevious unto them—to wit, the enhancing of rents,
lately mentioned; the daily oppression of copyholders, whose lords seek to bring their poor tenants almost into
plain servitude and misery, daily devising new means, and seeking up all the old, how to cut them shorter and
shorter, doubling, trebling, and now and then seven times increasing their fines, driving them also for every
trifle to lose and forfeit their tenures (by whom the greatest part of the realm doth stand and is maintained), to
the end they may fleece them yet more, which is a lamentable hearing. The third thing they talk of is usury, a
trade brought in by the Jews, now perfectly practised almost by every Christian, and so commonly that he is
accompted but for a fool that doth lend his money for nothing. In time past it was sors pro sorte—that
is, the principal only for the principal; but now, beside that which is above the principal properly called
Usura, we challenge Foenus—that is, commodity of soil and fruits of the earth, If not the ground itself.
In time past also one of the hundred was much; from thence it rose unto two, called in Latin Usura, Ex
sextante; three, to wit Ex quadrante; then to four, to wit, Ex triente; then to five, which is Ex quincunce; then
to six, called Ex semisse, etc. As the accompt of the Assis ariseth, and coming at the last unto Usura ex asse, it
amounteth to twelve in the hundred, and therefore the Latins call it Centesima, for that in the hundred month it
doubleth the principal; but more of this elsewhere. See Cicero against Verres, Demosthenes against Aphobus,
and Athenaeus, lib. 13, in fine; and, when thou hast read them well, help I pray thee in lawful manner to hang
up such as take Centum pro cento, for they are no better worthy as I do judge in conscience. Forget not also
such landlords as used to value their leases at a secret estimation given of the wealth and credit of the taker,
whereby they seem (as it were) to eat them up, and deal with bondmen, so that if the lessee be thought to be
worth a hundred pounds he shall pay no less for his new term, or else another to enter with hard and doubtful
covenants. I am sorry to report it, much more grieved to understand of the practice, but most sorrowful of all
to understand that men of great port and countenance are so far from suffering their farmers to have any gain
at all that they themselves become graziers, butchers, tanners, sheepmasters, woodmen, and denique quid non,
thereby to enrich themselves, and bring all the wealth of the country into their own hands, leaving the
communalty weak, or as an idol with broken or feeble arms, which may in a time of peace have a plausible
shew, but when necessity shall enforce have a heavy and bitter sequel.
CHAPTER IX
OF PROVISION MADE FOR THE POOR
There is no commonwealth at this day in Europe wherein there is not great store of poor people, and those
necessarily to be relieved by the wealthier sort, which otherwise would starve and come to utter confusion.
With us the poor is commonly divided into three sorts, so that some are poor by impotence, as the fatherless
child, the aged, blind, and lame, and the diseased person that is judged to be incurable; the second are poor by

casualty, as the wounded soldier, the decayed householder, and the sick person visited with grievous and
painful diseases; the third consisteth of thriftless poor, as the rioter that hath consumed all, the vagabond that
will abide nowhere, but runneth up and down from place to place (as it were seeking work and finding none),
and finally the rogue and the strumpet, which are not possible to be divided in sunder, but run to and fro over
all the realm, chiefly keeping the champaign soils in summer to avoid the scorching heat, and the woodland
grounds in winter to eschew the blustering winds.
For the first two sorts (that is to say, the poor by impotence and poor by casualty, which are the true poor
indeed, and for whom the Word doth bind us to make some daily provision), there is order taken throughout
every parish in the realm that weekly collection shall be made for their help and sustentation—to the
end they shall not scatter abroad, and, by begging here and there, annoy both town and country. Authority also
is given unto the justices in every county (and great penalties appointed for such as make default) to see that
the intent of the statute in this behalf be truly executed according to the purpose and meaning of the same, so
that these two sorts are sufficiently provided for; and such as can live within the limits of their allowance (as
each one will do that is godly and well disposed) may well forbear to roam and range about. But if they refuse
to be supported by this benefit of the law, and will rather endeavour by going to and fro to maintain their idle
trades, then are they adjudged to be parcel of the third sort, and so, instead of courteous refreshing at home,
are often corrected with sharp execution and whip of justice abroad. Many there are which, notwithstanding
the rigour of the laws provided in that behalf, yield rather with this liberty (as they call it) to be daily under the
fear and terror of the whip than, by abiding where they were born or bred, to be provided for by the devotion
of the parishes. I found not long since a note of these latter sort, the effect whereof ensueth. Idle beggars are
such either through other men's occasion or through their own default—by other men's occasion (as one
way for example) when some covetous man (such, I mean, as have the cast or right vein daily to make beggars
enough whereby to pester the land, espying a further commodity in their commons, holds, and tenures) doth
find such means as thereby to wipe many out of their occupyings and turn the same unto his private gains.[130]
Hereupon it followeth that, although the wise and better-minded do either forsake the realm for altogether, and
seek to live in other countries, as France, Germany, Barbary, India, Muscovia, and very Calcutta, complaining
of no room to be left for them at home, do so behave themselves that they are worthily to be accounted among
the second sort, yet the greater part, commonly having nothing to stay upon, are wilful, and thereupon do
either prove idle beggars or else continue stark thieves till the gallows do eat them up, which is a lamentable
case. Certes in some men's judgment these things are but trifles, and not worthy the regarding. Some also do
grudge at the great increase of people in these days, thinking a necessary brood of cattle far better than a
superfluous augmentation of mankind. But I can liken such men best of all unto the pope and the devil, who
practise the hindrance of the furniture of the number of the elect to their uttermost, to the end the authority of
the one upon the earth, the deferring of the locking up of the other in everlasting chains, and the great gains of
the first, may continue and endure the longer. But if it should come to pass that any foreign invasion should be
made—which the Lord God forbid for his mercies' sake!—then should these men find that a wall
of men is far better than stacks of corn and bags of money, and complain of the want when it is too late to
seek remedy. The like occasion caused the Romans to devise their law Agraria: but the rich, not liking of it,
and the covetous, utterly condemning it as rigorous and unprofitable, never ceased to practise disturbance till
it was quite abolished. But to proceed with my purpose.
Such as are idle beggars through their own default are of two sorts, and continue their estates either by casual
or mere voluntary means: those that are such by casual means are in the beginning justly to be referred either
to the first or second sort of poor aforementioned, but, degenerating into the thriftless sort, they do what they
can to continue their misery, and, with such impediments as they have, to stray and wander about, as creatures
abhorring all labour and every honest exercise. Certes I call these casual means, not in the respect of the
original of all poverty, but of the continuance of the same, from whence they will not be delivered, such is
their own ungracious lewdness and froward disposition. The voluntary means proceed from outward causes,
as by making of corrosives, and applying the same to the more fleshy parts of their bodies, and also laying of
ratsbane, spearwort, crowfoot, and such like unto their whole members, thereby to raise pitiful and odious

sores, and move the hearts of the goers-by such places where they lie, to yearn at their misery, and thereupon
bestow large alms upon them. How artificially they beg, what forcible speech, and how they select and choose
out words of vehemence, whereby they do in manner conjure or adjure the goer-by to pity their cases, I pass
over to remember, as judging the name of God and Christ to be more conversant in the mouths of none and
yet the presence of the Heavenly Majesty further off from no men than from this ungracious company. Which
maketh me to think that punishment is far meeter for them than liberality or alms, and sith Christ willeth us
chiefly to have a regard to Himself and his poor members.
Unto this nest is another sort to be referred, more sturdy than the rest, which, having sound and perfect limbs,
do yet notwithstanding sometime counterfeit the possession of all sorts of diseases. Divers times in their
apparel also they will be like serving men or labourers: oftentimes they can play the mariners, and seek for
ships which they never lost. But in fine they are all thieves and caterpillars in the commonwealth, and by the
Word of God not permitted to eat, sith they do but lick the sweat from the true labourers' brows, and bereave
the godly poor of that which is due unto them, to maintain their excess, consuming the charity of
well-disposed people bestowed upon them, after a most wicked and detestable manner.
It is not yet full threescore years since this trade began: but how it hath prospered since that time it is easy to
judge, for they are now supposed, of one sex and another, to amount unto above 10,000 persons, as I have
heard reported. Moreover, in counterfeiting the Egyptian rogues, they have devised a language among
themselves, which they name "Canting," but others, "pedler's French," a speech compact thirty years since, of
English and a great number of odd words of their own devising, without all order or reason, and yet such is it
as none but themselves are able to understand. The first deviser thereof was hanged by the neck—a just
reward, no doubt, for his deserts, and a common end to all of that profession.
A gentleman also of late hath taken great pains to search out the secret practices of this ungracious rabble.
And among other things he setteth down and describeth three and twenty sorts of them, whose names it shall
not be amiss to remember whereby each one may take occasion to read and know as also by his industry what
wicked people they are, and what villainy remaineth in them.
The several disorders and degrees amongst our idle vagabonds.
• 1. Rufflers.
• 2. Uprightmen.
• 3. Hookers or anglers.
• 4. Rogues.
• 5. Wild rogues.
• 6. Priggers or pransers.
• 7. Palliards.
• 8. Fraters.
• 9. Abrams.
• 10. Freshwater mariners or whipjacks.
• 11. Drummerers.
• 12. Drunken tinkers.
• 13. Swadders or pedlers.
• 14. Jarkemen or patricoes.
Of the women kind.
• 1. Demanders for glimmar or fire.

• 2. Bawdy-baskets.
• 3. Mortes.

• 4. Autem mortem.
• 5. Walking mortes.
• 6. Doxies.
• 7. Dells.
• 8. Kinching mortes.
• 9. Kinching cooes.
The punishment that is ordained for this kind of people is very sharp, and yet it cannot restrain them from
their gadding: wherefore the end must needs be martial law,[131] to be exercised upon them, as upon thieves,
robbers, despisers of all laws, and enemies to the commonwealth and welfare of the land. What notable
robberies, pilferies, murders, rapes, and stealings of young children, burning, breaking, and disfiguring their
limbs to make them pitiful in the sight of the people, I need not to rehearse; but for their idle rogueing about
the country, the law ordaineth this manner of correction. The rogue being apprehended, committed to prison,
and tried in the next assizes (whether they be of gaol delivery or sessions of the peace), if he happen to be
convicted for a vagabond, either by inquest of office or the testimony of two honest and credible witnesses
upon their oaths, he is then immediately adjudged to be grievously whipped and burned through the gristle of
the right ear with a hot iron of the compass of an inch about, as a manifestation of his wicked life, and due
punishment received for the same. And this judgment is to be executed upon him except some honest person
worth five pounds in the queen's books in goods, or twenty shillings in land, or some rich householder to be
allowed by the justices, will be bound in recognisance to retain him in his service for one whole year. If he be
taken the second time, and proved to have forsaken his said service, he shall then be whipped again, bored
likewise through the other ear, and set to service: from whence if he depart before a year be expired, and
happen afterwards to be attached again, he is condemned to suffer pains of death as a felon (except before
excepted) without benefit of clergy or sanctuary, as by the statute doth appear. Among rogues and idle
persons, finally, we find to be comprised all proctors that go up and down with counterfeit licences, cozeners,
and such as gad about the country, using unlawful games, practisers of physiogonomy and palmestry, tellers
of fortunes, fencers, players, minstrels, jugglers, pedlers, tinkers, pretended scholars, shipmen, prisoners
gathering for fees, and others so oft as they be taken without sufficient licence. From among which company
our bearwards are not excepted, and just cause: for I have read that they have, either voluntarily or for want of
power to master their savage beasts, been occasion of the death and devouration of many children in sundry
countries by which they have passed, whose parents never knew what was become of them. And for that cause
there is and have been many sharp laws made for bearwards in Germany, whereof you may read in other. But
to our rogues. Each one also that harboureth or aideth them with meat or money is taxed and compelled to fine
with the queen's majesty for every time that he doth succour them as it shall please the justices of peace to
assign, so that the taxation exceed not twenty, as I have been informed. And thus much of the poor and such
provision as is appointed for them within the realm of England.
CHAPTER X
OF THE AIR AND SOIL AND COMMODITIES OF THIS ISLAND
[1577, Book I., Chapter 13; 1587, Book I., Chapter 18.]
The air (for the most part) throughout the island is such as by reason in manner of continual clouds is reputed
to be gross, and nothing so pleasant as that of the main. Howbeit, as they which affirm these things have only
respect to the impediment or hindrance of the sunbeams by the interposition of the clouds and of ingrossed air,
so experience teacheth us that it is no less pure, wholesome, and commodious than is that of other countries,

and (as Caesar himself hereto addeth) much more temperate in summer than that of the Gauls, from whom he
adventured hither. Neither is there any thing found in the air of our region that is not usually seen amongst
other nations lying beyond the seas. Wherefore we must needs confess that the situation of our island (for
benefit of the heavens) is nothing inferior to that of any country of the main, wheresoever it lie under the open
firmament. And this Plutarch knew full well, who affirmeth a part of the Elysian Fields to be found in Britain,
and the isles that are situated about it in the ocean.
The soil of Britain is such as by the testimonies and reports both of the old and new writers, and experience
also of such as now inhabit the same, is very fruitful, and such indeed as bringeth forth many commodities,
whereof other countries have need, and yet itself (if fond niceness were abolished) needless of those that are
daily brought from other places. Nevertheless it is more inclined to feeding and grazing than profitable for
tillage and bearing of corn, by reason whereof the country is wonderfully replenished with neat and all kind of
cattle; and such store is there also of the same in every place that the fourth part of the land is scarcely
manured for the provision and maintenance of grain. Certes this fruitfulness was not unknown unto the
Britons long before Caesar's time, which was the cause wherefore our predecessors living in those days in
manner neglected tillage and lived by feeding and grazing only. The graziers themselves also then dwelled in
movable villages by companies, whose custom was to divide the ground amongst them, and each one not to
depart from the place where his lot lay (a thing much like the Irish Criacht) till, by eating up of the country
about him, he was enforced to remove further and seek for better pasture. And this was the British custom, as
I learn, at first. It hath been commonly reported that the ground of Wales is neither so fruitful as that of
England, neither the soil of Scotland so bountiful as that of Wales, which is true for corn and for the most
part; otherwise there is so good ground in some parts of Wales as is in England, albeit the best of Scotland be
scarcely comparable to the mean of either of both. Howbeit, as the bounty of the Scotch doth fail in some
respect, so doth it surmount in other, God and nature having not appointed all countries to yield forth like
commodities.
But where our ground is not so good as we would wish, we have—if need be—sufficient help to
cherish our ground withal, and to make it more fruitful. For, beside the compest that is carried out of the
husbandmen's yards, ditches, ponds, dung-houses, or cities and great towns, we have with us a kind of white
marl which is of so great force that if it be cast over a piece of land but once in threescore years it shall not
need of any further compesting. Hereof also doth Pliny speak (lib. 17, cap. 6, 7, 8), where he affirmeth that
our marl endureth upon the earth by the space of fourscore years: insomuch that it is laid upon the same but
once in a man's life, whereby the owner shall not need to travel twice in procuring to commend and better his
soil. He calleth it marga, and, making divers kinds thereof, he finally commendeth ours, and that of France,
above all other, which lieth sometime a hundred foot deep, and far better than the scattering of chalk upon the
same, as the Hedui and Pictones did in his time, or as some of our days also do practise: albeit divers do like
better to cast on lime, but it will not so long endure, as I have heard reported.
There are also in this island great plenty of fresh rivers and streams, as you have heard already, and these
thoroughly fraught with all kinds of delicate fish accustomed to be found in rivers. The whole isle likewise is
very full of hills, of which some (though not very many) are of exceeding height, and divers extending
themselves very far from the beginning; as we may see by Shooter's Hill, which, rising east of London and not
far from the Thames, runneth along the south side of the island westward until it come to Cornwall. Like unto
these also are the Crowdon Hills, which, though under divers names (as also the other from the Peak), do run
into the borders of Scotland. What should I speak of the Cheviot Hills, which reach twenty miles in length? of
the Black Mountains in Wales, which go from ([132]) to ([132]) miles at the least in length? of the Clee Hills in
Shropshire, which come within four miles of Ludlow, and are divided from some part of Worcester by the
Leme? of the Crames in Scotland, and of our Chiltern, which are eighteen miles at the least from one end of
them, which reach from Henley in Oxfordshire to Dunstable in Bedfordshire, and are very well replenished
with wood and corn, notwithstanding that the most part yield a sweet short grass, profitable for sheep?
Wherein albeit they of Scotland do somewhat come behind us, yet their outward defect is inwardly

recompensed, not only with plenty of quarries (and those of sundry kinds of marble, hard stone, and fine
alabaster), but also rich mines of metal, as shall be shewed hereafter.
In this island the winds are commonly more strong and fierce than in any other places of the main (which
Cardane also espied): and that is often seen upon the naked hills not guarded with trees to bear and keep it off.
That grievous inconvenience also enforceth our nobility, gentry, and communality to build their houses in the
valleys, leaving the high grounds unto their corn and cattle, lest the cold and stormy blasts of winter should
breed them greater annoyance; whereas in other regions each one desireth to set his house aloft on the hill, not
only to be seen afar off, and cast forth his beams of stately and curious workmanship into every quarter of the
country, but also (in hot habitations) for coldness sake of the air, sith the heat is never so vehement on the
hill-top as in the valley, because the reverberation of the sun's beams either reacheth not so far as the highest,
or else becometh not so strong as when it is reflected upon the lower soil.
But to leave our buildings unto the purposed place (which notwithstanding have very much increased, I mean
for curiosity and cost, in England, Wales, and Scotland, within these few years) and to return to the soil again.
Certainly it is even now in these our days grown to be much more fruitful than it hath been in times past. The
cause is for that our countrymen are grown to be more painful, skilful, and careful through recompense of
gain, than heretofore they have been: insomuch that my synchroni or time fellows can reap at this present
great commodity in a little room; whereas of late years a great compass hath yielded but small profit, and this
only through the idle and negligent occupation of such as daily manured and had the same in occupying. I
might set down examples of these things out of all the parts of this island—that is to say, many of
England, more out of Scotland, but most of all out of Wales; in which two last rehearsed, very other little food
and livelihood was wont to be looked for (beside flesh) more than the soil of itself and the cow gave, the
people in the meantime living idly, dissolutely, and by picking and stealing one from another. All which vices
are now (for the most part) relinquished, so that each nation manureth her own with triple commodity to that it
was before time.
The pasture of this island is according to the nature and bounty of the soil, whereby in most places it is
plentiful, very fine, batable, and such as either fatteth our cattle with speed or yieldeth great abundance of
milk and cream whereof the yellowest butter and finest cheese are made. But where the blue clay aboundeth
(which hardly drinketh up the winter's water in long season) there the grass is speary, rough, and very apt for
bushes: by which occasion it becometh nothing so profitable unto the owner as the other. The best pasture
ground of all England is in Wales, and of all the pasture in Wales that of Cardigan is the chief. I speak of the
same which is to be found in the mountains there, where the hundredth part of the grass growing is not eaten,
but suffered to rot on the ground, whereby the soil becometh matted and divers bogs and quickmoors made
withal in long continuance: because all the cattle in the country are not able to eat it down. If it be accounted
good soil on which a man may lay a wand over night and on the morrow find it hidden and overgrown with
grass, it is not hard to find plenty thereof in many places of this land. Nevertheless such is the fruitfulness of
the aforesaid county that it far surmounteth this proportion, whereby it may be compared for batableness with
Italy, which in my time is called the paradise of the world, although by reason of the wickedness of such as
dwell therein it may be called the sink and drain of hell; so that whereas they were wont to say of us that our
land is good but our people evil, they did but only speak it; whereas we know by experience that the soil of
Italy is a noble soil, but the dwellers therein far off any virtue or goodness.
Our meadows are either bottoms (whereof we have great store, and those very large, because our soil is hilly)
or else such as we call land meads, and borrowed from the best and fattest pasturages. The first of them are
yearly and often overflown by the rising of such streams as pass through the same, or violent falls of
land-waters, that descend from the hills about them. The other are seldom or never overflown, and that is the
cause wherefore their grass is shorter than that of the bottoms, and yet is it far more fine, wholesome, and
batable, sith the hay of our low meadows is not only full of sandy cinder, which breedeth sundry diseases in
our cattle, but also more rowty, foggy, and full of flags, and therefore not so profitable for store and forrage as

the higher meads be. The difference furthermore in their commodities is great; for, whereas in our land
meadows we have not often above one good load of hay, or peradventure a little more in an acre of ground (I
use the word carrucata, or carruca, which is a wain load, and, as I remember, used by Pliny, lib. 33, cap. 2),
in low meadows we have sometimes three, but commonly two or upwards, as experience hath oft confirmed.
Of such as are twice mowed I speak not, sith their later math is not so wholesome for cattle as the first;
although in the mouth more pleasant for the time: for thereby they become oftentimes to be rotten, or to
increase so fast in blood, that the garget and other diseases do consume many of them before the owners can
seek out any remedy, by phlebotomy or otherwise. Some superstitious fools suppose that they which die of the
garget are ridden with the nightmare, and therefore they hang up stones which naturally have holes in them,
and must be found unlooked for; as if such a stone were an apt cockshot for the devil to run through and
solace himself withal, while the cattle go scot-free and are not molested by him! But if I should set down but
half the toys that superstition hath brought into our husbandmen's heads in this and other behalf, it would ask
a greater volume than is convenient for such a purpose, wherefore it shall suffice to have said thus much of
these things.
The yield of our corn-ground is also much after this rate following. Throughout the land (if you please to
make an estimate thereof by the acre) in mean and indifferent years, wherein each acre of rye or wheat, well
tilled and dressed, will yield commonly sixteen or twenty bushels, an acre of barley six-and-thirty bushels, of
oats and such like four or five quarters, which proportion is notwithstanding oft abated toward the north, as it
is oftentimes surmounted in the south. Of mixed corn, as peas and beans, sown together, tares and oats (which
they call bulmong), rye and wheat (named miscelin), here is no place to speak, yet their yield is nevertheless
much after this proportion, as I have often marked. And yet is not this our great foison comparable to that of
hotter countries of the main. But, of all that I ever read, the increase which Eldred Danus writeth of in his De
imperie Judaeorum in Aethiopia surmounteth, where he saith that in the field near to the Sabbatike river,
called in old time Gosan, the ground is so fertile that every grain of barley growing doth yield an hundred
kernels at the least unto the owner.
Of late years also we have found and taken up a great trade in planting of hops, whereof our moory hitherto
and unprofitable grounds do yield such plenty and increase that there are few farmers or occupiers in the
country which have not gardens and hops growing of their own, and those far better than do come from
Flanders unto us. Certes the corruptions used by the Flemings, and forgery daily practised in this kind of ware,
gave us occasion to plant them here at home; so that now we may spare and send many over unto them. And
this I know by experience, that some one man by conversion of his moory grounds into hopyards, whereof
before he had no commodity, doth raise yearly by so little as twelve acres in compass two hundred
marks—all charges borne towards the maintenance of his family. Which industry God continue! though
some secret friends of Flemings let not to exclaim against this commodity, as a spoil of wood, by reason of
the poles, which nevertheless after three years do also come to the fire, and spare their other fuel.
The cattle which we breed are commonly such as for greatness of bone, sweetness of flesh, and other benefits
to be reaped by the same, give place unto none other; as may appear first by our oxen, whose largeness,
height, weight, tallow, hides, and horns are such as none of any other nation do commonly or may easily
exceed them. Our sheep likewise, for good taste of flesh, quantity of limbs, fineness of fleece, caused by their
hardness of pasturage and abundance of increase (for in many places they bring forth two or three at an
caning), give no place unto any, more than do our goats, who in like sort do follow the same order, and our
deer come not behind. As for our conies, I have seen them so fat in some soils, especially about Meall and
Disnege, that the grease of one being weighed hath peised very near six or seven ounces. All which benefits
we first refer to the grace and goodness of God, and next of all unto the bounty of our soil, which he hath
endued with so notable and commodious fruitfulness.

But, as I mean to intreat of these things more largely hereafter, so will I touch in this place one benefit which
our nation wanteth, and that is wine, the fault whereof is not in our soil, but the negligence of our countrymen
(especially of the south parts), who do not inure the same to this commodity, and which by reason of long
discontinuance is now become inapt to bear any grapes almost for pleasure and shadow, much less then the
plain fields or several vineyards for advantage and commodity. Yet of late time some have essayed to deal for
wine (as to your lordship also is right well known). But sith that liquor, when it cometh to the drinking, hath
been found more hard than that which is brought from beyond the sea, and the cost of planting and keeping
thereof so chargeable that they may buy it far better cheap from other countries, they have given over their
enterprises without any consideration that, as in all other things, so neither the ground itself in the beginning,
nor success of their travel, can answer their expectation at the first, until such time as the soil be brought as it
were into acquaintance with this commodity, and that provision may be made for the more easiness of charge
to be employed upon the same.
If it be true that where wine doth last and endure well there it will grow no worse, I muse not a little wherefore
the planting of vines should be neglected in England. That this liquor might have grown in this island
heretofore, first the charter that Probus the Emperor gave equally to us, the Gauls, and Spaniards, is one
sufficient testimony. And that it did grow here (beside the testimony of Beda, lib. 1., cap. 1) the old notes of
tithes for wine that yet remain in the accounts of some parsons and vicars in Kent, elsewhere, besides the
records of sundry suits, commenced in divers ecclesiastical courts, both in Kent, Surrey, etc., also the enclosed
parcels almost in every abbey yet called the vineyards, may be a notable witness, as also the plot which we
now call East Smithfield in London, given by Canutus, sometime king of this land, with other soil thereabout,
unto certain of his knights, with the liberty of a Guild which thereof was called Knighton Guild. The truth is
(saith John Stow, our countryman and diligent traveller in the old estate of this my native city) that it is now
named Portsoken Ward, and given in time past to the religious house within Aldgate. Howbeit first Otwell,
the archovel, Otto, and finally Geffrey Earl of Essex, constables of the of London, withheld that portion from
the said house until the reign of King Stephen, and thereof made a vineyard to their great commodity and
lucre. The Isle of Ely also was in the first times of the Normans called Le Ile des Vignes. And good record
appeareth that the bishop there had yearly three or four tun at the least given him nomine decimæ, beside
whatsoever over-sum of the liquor did accrue to him by leases and other excheats whereof also I have seen
mention. Wherefore our soil is not to be blamed, as though our nights were so exceeding short that in August
and September the moon, which is lady of moisture and chief ripener of this liquor, cannot in any wise shine
long enough upon the same: a very mere toy and fable, right worthy to be suppressed, because experience
convinceth the upholders thereof even in the Rhenish wines.
The time hath been also that woad, wherewith our countrymen dyed their faces (as Cæsar saith), that they
might seem terrible to their enemies in the field (and also women and their daughters-in-law did stain their
bodies and go naked, in that pickle, to the sacrifices of their gods, coveting to resemble therein the Ethiopians,
as Pliny saith, [lib. 22, cap. 1]), and also madder have been (next unto our tin and wools) the chief
commodities and merchandise of this realm, I find also that rape oil hath been made within this land. But now
our soil either will not, or at the leastwise may not, bear either woad or madder. I say not that the ground is not
able so to do, but that we are negligent, afraid of the pilling of our grounds, and careless of our own profits, as
men rather willing to buy the same of others than take any pain to plant them here at home. The like I may say
of flax, which by law ought to be sown in every country town in England, more or less; but I see no success of
that good and wholesome law; sith it is rather contemptuously rejected than otherwise dutifully kept in any
place in England.
Some say that our great number of laws do breed a general negligence and contempt of all good order,
because we have so many that no subject can live without the transgression of some of them, and that the
often alteration of our ordinances doth much harm in this respect, which (after Aristotle) doth seem to carry
some reason withal, for (as Cornelius Gallus hath)—

"Eventus varios res nova semper habet."[133]
But very many let not to affirm that the greedy corruption of the promoters on the one side, facility in
dispensing with good laws and first breach of the same in the lawmakers and superiors and private respects of
their establishment on the other, are the greatest causes why the inferiors regard no good order, being always
so ready to offend without any faculty one way as they are otherwise to presume upon the examples of their
betters when any hold is to be taken. But as in these things I have no skill, so I wish that fewer licences for the
private commodity but of a few were granted (not that thereby I deny the maintenance of the prerogative
royal, but rather would with all my heart that it might be yet more honourably increased), and that every one
which by fee'd friendship (or otherwise) doth attempt to procure ought from the prince that may profit but few
and prove hurtful to many might be at open assizes and sessions denounced enemy to his country and
commonwealth of the land.
Glass also hath been made here in great plenty before, and in the time of the Romans; and the said stuff also,
beside fine scissors, shears, collars of gold and silver for women's necks, cruises and cups of amber, were a
parcel of the tribute which Augustus in his days laid upon this island. In like sort he charged the Britons with
certain implements and vessels of ivory (as Strabo saith); whereby it appeareth that in old time our
countrymen were far more industrious and painful in the use and application of the benefits of their country
than either after the coming of the Saxons or Normans, in which they gave themselves more to idleness and
following of the wars.
If it were requisite that I should speak of the sundry kinds of mould, as the cledgy, or clay, whereof are divers
sorts (red, blue, black, and white), also the red or white sandy, the loamy, roselly, gravelly, chalky, or black, I
could say that there are so many divers veins in Britain as elsewhere in any quarter of like quantity in the
world. Howbeit this I must need confess, that the sand and clay do bear great sway: but clay most of all, as
hath been and yet is always seen and felt through plenty and dearth of corn. For if this latter (I mean the clay)
do yield her full increase (which it doth commonly in dry years for wheat), then is there general plenty:
whereas if it fail, then have we scarcity, according to the old rude verse set down of England, but to be
understood of the whole island, as experience doth confirm—
"When the sand doth serve the clay,
Then may we sing well-away;
But when the clay doth serve the sand,
Then is it merry with England."
I might here intreat of the famous valleys in England, of which one is called the Vale of White Horse, another
of Evesham (commonly taken for the granary of Worcestershire), the third of Aylesbury, that goeth by
Thame, the roots of Chiltern Hills, to Dunstable, Newport Pagnel, Stony Stratford, Buckingham, Birstane
Park, etc. Likewise of the fourth, of Whitehart or Blackmoor in Dorsetshire. The fifth, of Ringdale or
Renidale, corruptly called Kingtaile, that lieth (as mine author saith) upon the edge of Essex and
Cambridgeshire, and also the Marshwood Vale: but, forsomuch as I know not well their several limits, I give
over to go any further in their description. In like sort it should not be amiss to speak of our fens, although our
country be not so full of this kind of soil as the parts beyond the seas (to wit, Narbonne, etc.), and thereto of
other pleasant bottoms, the which are not only endued with excellent rivers and great store of corn and fine
fodder for neat and horses in time of the year (whereby they are exceeding beneficial unto their owners), but
also of no small compass and quantity in ground. For some of our fens are well known to be either of ten,
twelve, sixteen, twenty, or thirty miles in length, that of the Girwies yet passing all the rest, which is full sixty
(as I have often read). Wherein also Ely, the famous isle, standeth, which is seven miles every way, and

whereunto there is no access but by three causies, whose inhabitants in like sort by an old privilege may take
wood, sedge turf, etc., to burn, likewise hay for their cattle and thatch for their houses of custom, and each
occupier in his appointed quantity throughout the isle; albeit that covetousness hath now begun somewhat to
abridge this large benevolence and commodity, as well in the said isle as most other places of this land.
Finally, I might discourse in like order of the large commons, laid out heretofore by the lords of the soil for
the benefit of such poor as inhabit within the compass of their manors. But, as the true intent of the givers is
now in most places defrauded, insomuch that not the poor tenants inhabitating upon the same, but their
landlords, have all the commodity and gain. Wherefore I mean not at this present to deal withal, but reserve
the same wholly unto the due place, whilst I go forward with the rest, setting down nevertheless by the way a
general commendation of the whole island, which I find in an ancient monument, much unto this
effect—
"Illa quidem longè celebris splendore, beata,
Glebis, lacte, favis, supereminet insula cunctis,
Quas regit ille Deus, spumanti cujus ab oro
Proffuit oceanus," etc.
And a little after—
"Testis Lundoniurntibus, Wintonia Baccho,
Herefordia grege, Worcestria frugeredundans,
Batha lacu, Salabyra feris, Cantuarin pisce,
Eboraca sylvis, Excestria clara metallis,
Norwicum Dacis hybernis, Cestria Gallis,
Cicestrum Norwagenis, Dunelmia præpinguia,
Testis Lincolnia gens infinita decore,
Testis Ell formosa situ, Doncastria visu," etc.
CHAPTER XI
OF SUNDRY MINERALS AND METALS
[1577, Book III., Chapters 16 and 18; 1587, Book III., Chapters 10 and 11.]
With how great benefits this island of ours hath been endued from the beginning I hope there is no godly man
but will readily confess, and yield unto the Lord God his due honour for the same. For we are blessed every

way, and there is no temporal commodity necessary to be had or craved by any nation at God's hand that he
hath not in most abundant manner bestowed upon us Englishmen, if we could see to use it, and be thankful for
the same. But alas! (as said in the chapter precedent) we love to enrich them that care not for us, but for our
great commodities: and one trifling toy not worth the carriage, coming (as the proverb saith) in three ships
from beyond the sea, is more worth with us than a right good jewel easy to be had at home. They have also the
cast to teach us to neglect our own things; for, if they see that we begin to make any account of our
commodities (if it be so that they have also the like in their own countries) they will suddenly abase the same
to so low a price that our gain not being worthy our travel, and the same commodity with less cost ready to be
had at home from other countries (though but for a while), it causeth us to give over our endeavours and as it
were by-and-by to forget the matter whereabout we went before, to obtain them at their hands. And this is the
only cause wherefore our commodities are oft so little esteemed of. Some of them can say, without any
teacher, that they will buy the case of a fox of an Englishman for a groat, and make him afterwards give
twelve pence for the tail. Would to God we might once wax wiser, and each one endeavour that the
commonwealth of England may nourish again in her old rate, and that our commodities may be fully wrought
at home (as cloth if you will for an example) and not carried out to be shorn and dressed abroad, while our
clothworkers here do starve and beg their bread, and for lack of daily practice utterly neglect to be skilful in
this science! But to my purpose.
We have in England great plenty of quicksilver, antimony, sulphur, black lead, and orpiment red and yellow.
We have also the finest alum (wherein the diligence of one of the greatest favourers of the commonwealth of
England of a subject[134] hath been of late egregriously abused, and even almost with barbarous incivility) and
of no less force against fire, if it were used in our parietings, than that of Lipari, which only was in use
sometime amongst the Asians and Romans and whereof Sylla had such trial that when he meant to have
burned a tower of wood erected by Archelaus, the lieutenant of Mithridates, he could by no means set it on
fire in a long time, because it was washed over with alum, as were also the gates of the temple of Jerusalem
with like effect, and perceived when Titus commanded fire to be put unto the same. Besides this, we have also
the natural cinnabarum or vermillion, the sulphurous glebe called bitumen in old time, for mortar, and yet
burned in lamps where oil is scant and geson; the chrysocolla, copperas, and mineral stone, whereof petriolum
is made, and that which is most strange, the mineral pearl, which as they are for greatness and colour most
excellent of all other, so are they digged out of the main land and in sundry places far distant from the shore.
Certes the western part of the land hath in times past greatly abounded with these and many other rare and
excellent commodities, but now they are washed away by the violence of the sea, which hath devoured the
greatest part of Cornwall and Devonshire on either side; and it doth appear yet by good record that, whereas
now there is a great distance between the Scilly Isles and the point of the Land's End, there was of late years
to speak of scarcely a brook or drain of one fathom water between them, if so much, as by those evidences
appeareth, and are yet to be seen in the hands of the lord and chief owner of those isles. But to proceed.
Of coal-mines we have such plenty in the north and western parts of our island as may suffice for all the realm
of England; and so must they do hereafter indeed, if wood be not better cherished than it is at this present.
And so say the truth, notwithstanding that very many of them are carried into other countries of the main, yet
their greatest trade beginneth now to grow from the forge into the kitchen and hall, as may appear already in
most cities and towns that lie about the coast, where they have but little other fuel except it be turf and
hassock. I marvel not a little that there is no trade of these into Sussex and Southamptonshire, for want thereof
the smiths do work their iron with charcoal. I think that far carriage be the only cause, which is but a slender
excuse to enforce us to carry them into the main from hence.
Besides our coal-mines, we have pits in like sort of white plaster, and of fat and white and other coloured
marble, wherewith in many places the inhabitors do compest their soil, and which doth benefit their land in
ample manner for many years to come. We have saltpetre for our ordinance and salt soda for our glass, and
thereto in one place a kind of earth (in Southery; as I ween, hard by Codington, and sometime in the tenure of
one Croxton of London) which is so fine to make moulds for goldsmiths and casters of metal, that a load of it

was worth five shillings thirty years ago; none such again they say in England. But whether there be or not, let
us not be unthankful to God, for these and other his benefits bestowed upon us, whereby he sheweth himself a
loving and merciful father unto us, which contrariwise return unto him in lieu of humility and obedience
nothing but wickedness, avarice, mere contempt of his will, pride, excess, atheism, and no less than Jewish
ingratitude.[135]
All metals receive their beginning of quicksilver and sulphur, which are as mother and father to them. And
such is the purpose of nature in their generations that she tendeth always to the procreation of gold;
nevertheless she seldom reacheth unto that her end, because of the unequal mixture and proportion of these
two in the substance engendered, whereby impediment and corruption is induced, which as it is more or less
doth shew itself in the metal that is produced....
And albeit that we have no such abundance of these (as some other countries do yield), yet have my rich
countrymen store enough of both in their purses, where in time past they were wont to have least, because the
garnishing of our churches, tabernacles, images, shrines, and apparel of the priests consumed the greatest part,
as experience hath confirmed.
Of late my countrymen have found out I wot not what voyage into the West Indies, from whence they have
brought some gold, whereby our country is enriched; but of all that ever adventured into those parts, none
have sped better than Sir Francis Drake, whose success (1582) hath far passed even his own expectation. One
John Frobisher in like manner, attempting to seek out a shorter cut by the northerly regions into the peaceable
sea and kingdom of Cathay, happened (1577) upon certain islands by the way, wherein great plenty of much
gold appeared, and so much that some letted not to give out for certainty that Solomon had his gold from
thence, wherewith he builded the temple. This golden shew made him so desirous also of like success that he
left off his former voyage and returned home to bring news of such things as he had seen. But, when after
another voyage it was found to be but dross, he gave over both the enterprises, and now keepeth home without
any desire at all to seek into far countries. In truth, such was the plenty of ore there seen and to be had that, if
it had holden perfect, might have furnished all the world with abundance of that metal; the journey also was
short and performed in four or five months, which was a notable encouragement. But to proceed.
Tin and lead, metals which Strabo noteth in his time to be carried unto Marsilis from hence, as Diodorus also
confirmeth, are very plentiful with us, the one in Cornwall, Devonshire, and elsewhere in the north, the other
in Derbyshire, Weredale, and sundry places of this island; whereby my countrymen do reap no small
commodity, but especially our pewterers, who in times past employed the use of pewter only upon dishes,
pots, and a few other trifles for service here at home, whereas now they are grown unto such exquisite
cunning that they can in manner imitate by infusion any form or fashion of cup, dish, salt bowl, or goblet,
which is made by goldsmiths' craft, though they be never so curious, exquisite, and artificially forged. Such
furniture of household of this metal as we commonly call by the name of vessel is sold usually by the garnish,
which doth contain twelve platters, twelve dishes, twelve saucers, and those are either of silver fashion or else
with broad or narrow brims, and bought by the pound, which is now valued at six or seven pence, or
peradventure at eight pence. Of porringers, pots, and other like, I speak not, albeit that in the making of all
these things there is such exquisite diligence used, I mean for the mixture of the metal and true making of this
commodity (by reason of sharp laws provided in that behalf), as the like is not to be found in any other trade. I
have been also informed that it consisteth of a composition which hath thirty pounds of kettle brass to a
thousand pounds of tin, whereunto they add three or four pounds of tin-glass; but as too much of this doth
make the stuff brickle, so the more the brass be, the better is the pewter, and more profitable unto him that
doth buy and purchase the same. But to proceed.
In some places beyond the sea a garnish of good flat English pewter of an ordinary making (I say flat, because
dishes and platters in my time begin to be made deep like basins, and are indeed more convenient both for
sauce, broth, and keeping the meat warm) is esteemed almost so precious as the like number of vessels that

are made of fine silver, and in manner no less desired amongst the great estates, whose workmen are nothing
so skilful in that trade as ours, neither their metal so good, nor plenty so great, as we have here in England.
The Romans made excellent looking-glasses of our English tin, howbeit our workmen were not then so
exquisite in that feat as the Brundusians, wherefore the wrought metal was carried over unto them by way of
merchandise, and very highly were those glasses esteemed of till silver came generally in place, which in the
end brought the tin into such contempt that in manner every dishwasher refused to look in other than silver
glasses for the attiring of her head. Howbeit the making of silver glasses had been in use before Britain was
known unto the Romans, for I read that one Praxiteles devised them in the young time of Pompey, which was
before the coming of Caesar into this island.
There were mines of lead sometimes also in Wales, which endured so long till the people had consumed all
their wood by melting of the same (as they did also at Comeriswith, six miles from Stradfleur), and I suppose
that in Pliny's time the abundance of lead (whereof he speaketh) was to be found in those parts, in the
seventeenth of his thirty-fourth book; also he affirmeth that it lay in the very sward of the earth, and daily
gotten in such plenty that the Romans made a restraint of the carriage thereof to Rome, limiting how much
should yearly be wrought and transported over the sea.[136]
Iron is found in many places, as in Sussex, Kent, Weredale, Mendip, Walshall, as also in Shropshire, but
chiefly in the woods betwixt Belvos and Willock (or Wicberry) near Manchester, and elsewhere in Wales. Of
which mines divers do bring forth so fine and good stuff as any that cometh from beyond the sea, beside the
infinite gains to the owners, if we would so accept it, or bestow a little more cost in the refining of it. It is also
of such toughness, that it yieldeth to the making of claricord wire in some places of the realm. Nevertheless, it
was better cheap with us when strangers only brought it hither; for it is our quality when we get any
commodity to use it with extremity towards our own nation, after we have once found the means to shut out
foreigners from the bringing in of the like. It breedeth in like manner great expense and waste of wood, as
doth the making of our pots and table vessels of glass, wherein is much loss, sith it is so quickly broken; and
yet (as I think) easy to be made tougher, if our alchemists could once find the true birth or production of the
red man, whose mixture would induce a metallic toughness unto it, whereby it should abide the hammer.
Copper is lately not found, but rather restored again to light. For I have read of copper to have been heretofore
gotten in our island; howbeit as strangers have most commonly the governance of our mines, so they hitherto
make small gains of this in hand in the north parts; for (as I am informed) the profit doth very hardly
countervail the charges, whereat wise men do not a little marvel, considering the abundance which that mine
doth seem to offer, and, as it were, at hand. Leland, our countryman, noteth sundry great likelihoods of natural
copper mines to be eastwards, as between Dudman and Trewardth, in the sea cliffs, beside other places,
whereof divers are noted here and there in sundry places of this book already, and therefore it shall be but in
vain to repeat them here again. As for that which is gotten out of the marchasite, I speak not of it, sith it is not
incident to my purpose. In Dorsetshire also a copper mine lately found is brought to good perfection.
As for our steel, it is not so good for edge-tools as that of Cologne, and yet the one is often sold for the other,
and like talc used in both, that is to say, thirty gads to the sheaf, and twelve sheaves to the burden.
Our alchemy is artificial, and thereof our spoons and some salts are commonly made and preferred before our
pewter with some,[137] albeit in truth it be much subject to corruption, putrefaction, more heavy and foul to
handle than our pewter; yet some ignorant persons affirm it to be a metal more natural, and the very same
which Encelius calleth plumbum cincreum, the Germans wisemute, mithan, and counterfeie, adding that where
it groweth silver cannot be far off. Nevertheless it is known to be a mixture of brass, lead, and tin (of which
this latter occupieth the one-half), but after another proportion than is used in pewter. But alas, I am persuaded
that neither the old Arabians nor new alchemists of our time did ever hear of it, albeit that the name thereof do
seem to come out of their forge. For the common sort indeed do call it alchemy, an unwholesome metal (God
wot) and worthy to be banished and driven out of the land. And thus I conclude with this discourse, as having

no more to say of the metals of my country, except I should talk of brass, bell metal, and such as are brought
over for merchandise from other countries; and yet I cannot but say that there is some brass found also in
England, but so small is the quantity that it is not greatly to be esteemed or accounted for.
CHAPTER XII
OF CATTLE KEPT FOR PROFIT
[1577, Book III., Chapter 8; 1587, Book III., Chapter 1.]
There is no kind of tame cattle usually to be seen in these parts of the world whereof we have not some, and
that great store, in England, as horses, oxen, sheep, goats, swine, and far surmounting the like in other
countries, as may be proved with ease. For where are oxen commonly made more large of bone, horses more
decent and pleasant in pace, kine more commodious for the pail, sheep more profitable for wool, swine more
wholesome of flesh, and goats more gainful to their keepers than here with us in England? But, to speak of
them peculiarly, I suppose that our kine are so abundant in yield of milk, whereof we make our butter and
cheese, as the like any where else, and so apt for the plough in divers places as either our horses or oxen. And,
albeit they now and then twin, yet herein they seem to come short of that commodity which is looked for in
other countries, to wit, in that they bring forth most commonly but one calf at once. The gains also gotten by a
cow (all charges borne) hath been valued at twenty shillings yearly; but now, as land is enhanced, this
proportion of gain is much abated, and likely to decay more and more, if ground arise to be yet
dearer—which God forbid, if it be His will and pleasure. I heard of late of a cow in Warwickshire,
belonging to Thomas Breuer of Studley, which in six years had sixteen calves, that is four at once in three
calvings and twice twins, which unto many may seem a thing incredible. In like manner our oxen are such as
the like are not to be found in any country of Europe, both for greatness of body and sweetness of flesh or else
would not the Roman writers have preferred them before those of Liguria. In most places our graziers are now
grown to be so cunning that if they do but see an ox or bullock, and come to the feeling of him, they will give
a guess at his weight, and how many score or stone of flesh and tallow he beareth, how the butcher may live
by the sale, and what he may have for the skin and tallow, which is a point of skill not commonly practised
heretofore. Some such graziers also are reported to ride with velvet coats and chains of gold about them and in
their absence their wives will not let to supply those turns with no less skill than their husbands: which is a
hard work for the poor butcher, sith he through this means can seldom be rich or wealthy by his trade. In like
sort the flesh of our oxen and kine is sold both by hand and by weight as the buyer will; but in young ware
rather by weight especially for the steer and heifer, sith the finer beef is the lightest, whereas the flesh of bulls
and old kine, etc., is of sadder substance, and therefore much heavier as it lieth in the scale. Their horns also
are known to be more fair and large in England than in any other places, except those which are to be seen
among the Paeones, which quality, albeit that it be given to our breed generally by nature, yet it is now and
then helped also by art. For, when they be very young, many graziers will oftentimes anoint their budding
horns or tender tips with honey, which mollifieth the natural hardness of that substance, and thereby maketh
them to grow unto a notable greatness. Certes it is not strange in England to see oxen whose horns have the
length of a yard or three feet between the tips, and they themselves thereto so tall as the height of a man of
mean and indifferent stature is scarce equal unto them. Nevertheless it is much to be lamented that our general
breed of cattle is not better looked unto; for the greatest occupiers wean least store, because they can buy them
(as they say) far better cheap than to raise and bring them up. In my time a cow hath risen from four nobles to
four marks by this means, which notwithstanding were no great price if they did yearly bring forth more than
one calf a piece, as I hear they do in other countries.

Our horses, moreover, are high, and, although not commonly of such huge greatness as in other places of the
main, yet, if you respect the easiness of their pace, it is hard to say where their like are to be had. Our land
doth yield no asses, and therefore we want the generation also of mules and somers, and therefore the most
part of our carriages is made by these, which, remaining stoned, are either reserved for the cart or appointed to
bear such burdens as are convenient for them. Our cart or plough horses (for we use them indifferently) are
commonly so strong that five or six of them (at the most) will draw three thousand weight of the greatest tale
with ease for a long journey, although it be not a load of common usage, which consisteth only of two
thousand, or fifty foot of timber, forty bushels of white salt, or six-and-thirty of bay, of five quarters of wheat,
experience daily teacheth, and I have elsewhere remembered. Such as are kept also for burden will carry four
hundredweight commonly without any hurt or hindrance. This furthermore is to be noted, that our princes and
the nobility have their carriage commonly made by carts, whereby it cometh to pass that when the queen's
majesty doth remove from any one place to another, there are usually 400 carewares, which amount to the
sum of 2400 horses, appointed out of the countries adjoining, whereby her carriage is conveyed safely unto
the appointed place. Hereby also the ancient use of somers and sumpter horses is in manner utterly
relinquished, which causeth the trains of our princes in their progresses to shew far less than those of the kings
of other nations.
Such as serve for the saddle are commonly gelded, and now grew to be very dear among us, especially if they
be well coloured, justly limbed, and have thereto an easy ambling pace. For our countrymen, seeking their
ease in every corner where it is to be had, delight very much in those qualities, but chiefly in their excellent
paces, which, besides that it is in manner peculiar unto horses of our soil, and not hurtful to the rider or owner
sitting on their backs, it is moreover very pleasant and delectable in his ears, in that the noise of their
well-proportioned pace doth yield comfortable sound as he travelleth by the way. Yet is there no greater deceit
used anywhere than among our horsekeepers, horsecoursers, and hostlers; for such is the subtle knavery of a
great sort of them (without exception of any of them be it spoken which deal for private gain) that an
honest-meaning man shall have very good luck among them if he be not deceived by some false trick or other.
There are certain notable markets wherein great plenty of horses and colts is bought and sold, and whereunto
such as have need resort yearly to buy and make their necessary provision of them, as Ripon, Newport Pond,
Wolfpit, Harboro', and divers others. But, as most drovers are very diligent to bring great store of these unto
those places, so many of them are too too lewd in abusing such as buy them. For they have a custom, to make
them look fair to the eye, when they come within two days' journey of the market to drive them till they sweat,
and for the space of eight or twelve hours, which, being done, they turn them all over the backs into some
water, where they stand for a season, and then go forward with them to the place appointed, where they make
sale of their infected ware, and such as by this means do fall into many diseases and maladies. Of such
outlandish horses as are daily brought over unto us I speak not, as the jennet of Spain, the courser of Naples,
the hobby of Ireland, the Flemish roile and the Scottish nag, because that further speech of them cometh not
within the compass of this treatise, and for whose breed and maintenance (especially of the greatest sort) King
Henry the Eighth erected a noble studdery, and for a time had very good success with them, till the officers,
waxing weary, procured a mixed brood of bastard races, whereby his good purpose came to little effect. Sir
Nicholas Arnold of late hath bred the best horses in England, and written of the manner of their production:
would to God his compass of ground were like to that of Pella in Syria, wherein the king of that nation had
usually a studdery of 30,000 mares and 300 stallions, as Strabo doth remember, lib. 16. But to leave this, let
us see what may be said of sheep.
Our sheep are very excellent, sith for sweetness of flesh they pass all other. And so much are our wools to be
preferred before those of Milesia and other places that if Jason had known the value of them that are bred and
to be had in Britain he would never have gone to Colchis to look for any there. For, as Dionysius
Alexandrinus saith in his De situ Orbis, it may by spinning be made comparable to the spider's web. What
fools then are our countrymen, in that they seek to bereave themselves of this commodity by practising daily
how to transfer the same to other nations, in carrying over their rams and ewes to breed and increase among

them! The first example hereof was given under Edward the Fourth, who, not understanding the bottom of the
suit of sundry traítorous merchants that sought a present gain with the perpetual hindrance of their country
licensed them to carry over certain numbers of them into Spain, who, having licence but for a few, shipped
very many: a thing practised in other commodities also, whereby the prince and his land are not seldom times
defrauded. But such is our nature, and so blind are we indeed, that we see no inconvenience before we feel it;
and for a present gain we regard not what damage may ensue to our posterity. Hereto some other man would
add also the desire that we have to benefit other countries and to impeach our own. And it is, so sure as God
liveth, that every trifle which cometh from beyond the sea, though it be not worth threepence, is more
esteemed than a continual commodity at home with us, which far exceedeth that value. In time past the use of
this commodity consisteth (for the most part) in cloth and woolsteds; but now, by means of strangers
succoured here from domestic persecution, the same hath been employed unto sundry other uses, as
mockados, bays, vellures, grograines, etc., whereby the makers have reaped no small commodity. It is
furthermore to be noted, for the low countries of Belgie know it, and daily experience (notwithstanding the
sharpness of our laws to the contrary) doth yet confirm it, that, although our rams and wethers do go thither
from us never so well headed according to their kind, yet after they have remained there a while they cast
there their heads, and from thenceforth they remain polled without any horns at all. Certes this kind of cattle is
more cherished in England than standeth well with the commodity of the commons or prosperity of divers
towns, whereof some are wholly converted to their feeding; yet such a profitable sweetness is their fleece,
such necessity in their flesh, and so great a benefit in the manuring of barren soil with their dung and piss, that
their superfluous members are the better born withal. And there is never a husbandman (for now I speak not of
our great sheepmasters, of whom some one man hath 20,000) but hath more or less of this cattle feeding on
his fallows and short grounds, which yield the finer fleece.
Nevertheless the sheep of our country are often troubled with the rot (as are our swine with the measles,
though never so generally), and many men are now and then great losers by the same; but, after the calamity is
over, if they can recover and keep their new stock sound for seven years together, the former loss will easily
be recompensed with double commodity. Cardan writeth that our waters are hurtful to our sheep; howbeit this
is but his conjecture, for we know that our sheep are infected by going to the water, and take the same as a
sure and certain token that a rot hath gotten hold of them, their livers and lights being already distempered
through excessive heat, which enforceth them the rather to seek unto the water. Certes there is no parcel of the
main wherein a man shall generally find more fine and wholesome water than in England; and therefore it is
impossible that our sheep should decay by tasting of the same. Wherefore the hindrance by rot is rather to be
ascribed to the unseasonableness and moisture of the weather in summer, also their licking in of mildews,
gossamire, rowtie fogs, and rank grass, full of superfluous juice, but especially (I say) to over moist weather,
whereby the continual rain piercing into their hollow fells soaketh forthwith into their flesh, which bringeth
them to their baines. Being also infected, their first shew of sickness is their desire to drink, so that our waters
are not unto them causa aegritudinis, but signum morbi, whatsoever Cardan do maintain to the contrary.
There are (and peradventure no small babes) which are grown to be such good husbands that they can make
account of every ten kine to be clearly worth twenty pounds in common and indifferent years, if the milk of
five sheep be daily added to the same. But, as I wot not how true this surmise is, because it is no part of my
trade, so I am sure hereof that some housewives can and do add daily a less portion of ewe's milk unto the
cheese of so many kine, whereby their cheese doth the longer abide moist and eateth more brickle and mellow
than otherwise it would.
Goats we have plenty, and of sundry colours, in the west parts of England, especially in and towards Wales
and amongst the rocky hills, by whom the owners do reap so small advantage: some also are cherished
elsewhere in divers steeds, for the benefit of such as are diseased with sundry maladies, unto whom (as I hear)
their milk, cheese, and bodies of their young kids are judged very profitable, and therefore inquired for of
many far and near. Certes I find among the writers that the milk of a goat is next in estimation to that of the
woman, for that it helpeth the stomach, removeth oppilations and stoppings of the liver, and looseth the belly.
Some place also next unto it the milk of the ewe, and thirdly that of the cow. But hereof I can shew no reason;

only this I know, that ewe's milk is fulsome, sweet, and such in taste as (except such as are used unto it) no
man will gladly yield to live and feed withal.
As for swine, there is no place that hath greater store, nor more wholesome in eating, than are these here in
England, which nevertheless do never any good till they come to the table. Of these some we eat green for
pork, and other dried up into bacon to have it in more continuance. Lard we make some, though very little,
because it is chargeable: neither have we such use thereof as is to be seen in France and other countries, sith
we do either bake our meat with sweet suet of beef or mutton and baste all our meat with sweet or salt butter
or suffer the fattest to baste itself by leisure. In champaign countries they are kept by herds, and a hogherd
appointed to attend and wait upon them, who commonly gathereth them together by his noise and cry, and
leadeth them forth to feed abroad in the fields. In some places also women do scour and wet their clothes with
their dung, as other do with hemlocks and nettles; but such is the savour of the clothes touched withal that I
cannot abide to wear them on my body, more than such as are scoured with the refuse soap, than the which (in
mine opinion) there is none more unkindly savour.
Of our tame boars we make brawn, which is a kind of meat not usually known to strangers (as I take it),
otherwise would not the swart Rutters and French cooks, at the loss of Calais (where they found great store of
this provision almost in every house), have attempted with ridiculous success to roast, bake, broil, and fry the
same for their masters, till they were better informed. I have heard moreover how a nobleman of England not
long since did send over a hogshead of brawn ready soused to a Catholic gentleman of France, who,
supposing it to be fish, reserved it till Lent, at which time he did eat thereof with great frugality. Thereto he so
well liked the provision itself that he wrote over very earnestly, and with offer of great recompense, for more
of the same fish against the year ensuing; whereas if he had known it to have been flesh he would not have
touched it (I dare say) for a thousand crowns without the pope's dispensation. A friend of mine also dwelling
some time in Spain, having certain Jews at his table, did set brawn before them, whereof they did eat very
earnestly, supposing it to be a kind of fish not common in those parts; but when the goodman of the house
brought in the head in pastime among them, to shew what they had eaten, they rose from the table, hied them
home in haste, each of them procuring himself to vomit, some by oil and some by other means, till (as they
supposed) they had cleansed their stomachs of that prohibited food. With us it is accounted a great piece of
service at the table from November until February be ended, but chiefly in the Christmas time. With the same
also we begin our dinners each day after other; and, because it is somewhat hard of digestion, a draught of
malvesey, bastard, or muscadel, is usually drank after it, where either of them are conveniently to be had;
otherwise the meaner sort content themselves with their own drink, which at that season is generally very
strong, and stronger indeed than it is all the year beside. It is made commonly of the fore part of a tame boar,
set up for the purpose by the space of a whole year or two, especially in gentlemen's houses (for the
husbandmen and farmers never frank them for their own use above three or four months, or half a year at the
most), in which time he is dieted with oats and peason, and lodged on the bare planks of an uneasy coat, till
his fat be hardened sufficiently for their purpose: afterward he is killed, scalded, and cut out, and then of his
former parts is our brawn made. The rest is nothing so fat, and therefore it beareth the name of sowse only,
and is commonly reserved for the serving-man and hind, except it please the owner to have any part thereof
baked, which are then handled of custom after this manner: the hinder parts being cut off, they are first drawn
with lard, and then sodden; being sodden, they are soused in claret wine and vinegar a certain space, and
afterward baked in pasties, and eaten of many instead of the wild boar, and truly it is very good meat: the
pestles may be hanged up a while to dry before they be drawn with lard, if you will, and thereby prove the
better. But hereof enough, and therefore to come again unto our brawn. The neck pieces, being cut off round,
are called collars of brawn, the shoulders are named shilds, only the ribs retain the former denomination, so
that these aforesaid pieces deserve the name of brawn: the bowels of the beast are commonly cast away
because of their rankness, and so were likewise his stones, till a foolish fantasy got hold of late amongst some
delicate dames, who have now found the means to dress them also with great cost for a dainty dish, and bring
them to the board as a service among other of like sort, though not without note of their desire to the
provocation of fleshly lust which by this their fond curiosity is not a little revealed. When the boar is thus cut

out each piece is wrapped up, either with bulrushes, ozier, peels, tape inkle,[138] or such like, and then sodden
in a lead or caldron together, till they be so tender that a man may thrust a bruised rush or straw clean through
the fat: which being done, they take it up and lay it abroad to cool. Afterward, putting it into close vessels,
they pour either good small ale or beer mingled with verjuice and salt thereto till it be covered, and so let it lie
(now and then altering and changing the sousing drink lest it should wax sour) till occasion serve to spend it
out of the way. Some use to make brawn of great barrow hogs, and seethe them, and souse the whole as they
do that of the boar; and in my judgment it is the better of both, and more easy of digestion. But of brawn thus
much, and so much may seem sufficient.
CHAPTER XIII
OF WILD AND TAME FOWLS
Order requireth that I speak somewhat of the fowls also of England, which I may easily divide into the wild
and tame; but, alas! such is my small skill in fowls that, to say the truth, I can neither recite their numbers nor
well distinguish one kind of them from another. Yet this I have by general knowledge, that there is no nation
under the sun which hath already in the time of the year more plenty of wild fowl than we, for so many kinds
as our island doth bring forth, and much more would have if those of the higher soil might be spared but one
year or two from the greedy engines of covetous fowlers which set only for the pot and purse. Certes this
enormity bred great troubles in King John's days, insomuch that, going in progress about the tenth of his reign,
he found little or no game wherewith to solace himself or exercise his falcons. Wherefore, being at Bristow in
the Christmas ensuing, he restrained all manner of hawking or taking of wild fowl throughout England for a
season, whereby the land within few years was thoroughly replenished again. But what stand I upon this
impertinent discourse? Of such therefore as are bred in our land, we have the crane, the bitter,[139] the wild
and tame swan, the bustard, the heron, curlew, snite, wildgoose, wind or doterell, brant, lark, plover (of both
sorts), lapwing, teal, widgeon, mallard, sheldrake, shoveller, peewitt, seamew, barnacle, quail (who, only with
man, are subject to the falling sickness), the knot, the oliet or olive, the dunbird, woodcock, partridge, and
pheasant, besides divers others, whose names to me are utterly unknown, and much more the taste of their
flesh, wherewith I was never acquainted. But as these serve not at all seasons, so in their several turns there is
no plenty of them wanting whereby the tables of the nobility and gentry should seem at any time furnished.
But of all these the production of none is more marvellous, in my mind, than that of the barnacle, whose place
of generation we have sought ofttimes as far as the Orchades, whereas peradventure we might have found the
same nearer home, and not only upon the coasts of Ireland, but even in our own rivers. If I should say how
either these or some such other fowl not much unlike unto them have bred of late times (for their place of
generation is not perpetual, but as opportunity serveth and the circumstances do minister occasion) in the
Thames mouth, I do not think that many will believe me; yet such a thing hath there been seen where a kind of
fowl had his beginning upon a short tender shrub standing near unto the shore, from whence, when their time
came, they fell down, either into the salt water and lived, or upon the dry land and perished, as Pena the
French herbarian hath also noted in the very end of his herbal. What I, for mine own part, have seen here by
experience, I have already so touched upon in the chapter of islands, that it should be but time spent in vain to
repeat it here again. Look therefore in the description of Man (or Manaw) for more of these barnacles, as also
in the eleventh chapter of the description of Scotland, and I do not doubt but you shall in some respect be
satisfied in the generation of these fowls. As for egrets, pawpers, and such like, they are daily brought unto us
from beyond the sea, as if all the fowl of our country could not suffice to satisfy our delicate appetites.

Our tame fowl are such (for the most part) as are common both to us and to other countries, as cocks, hens,
geese, ducks, peacocks of Ind, pigeons, now a hurtful fowl by reason of their multitudes, and number of
houses daily erected for their increase (which the boors of the country call in scorn almshouses, and dens of
thieves, and such like), whereof there is great plenty in every farmer's yard. They are kept there also to be sold
either for ready money in the open markets, or else to be spent at home in good company amongst their
neighbours without reprehension or fines. Neither are we so miserable in England (a thing only granted unto
us by the especial grace of God and liberty of our princes) as to dine or sup with a quarter of a hen, or to make
as great a repast with a cock's comb as they do in some other countries; but, if occasion serve, the whole
carcases of many capons, hens, pigeons, and such like do oft go to wrack, beside beef, mutton, veal, and lamb,
all of which at every feast are taken for necessary dishes amongst the communalty of England.
The gelding of cocks, whereby capons are made, Is an ancient practice brought in old time by the Romans
when they dwelt here in this land; but the gelding of turkeys or Indian peacocks is a newer device, and
certainly not used amiss, sith the rankness of that bird is very much abated thereby and the strong taste of the
flesh is sundry wise amended. If I should say that ganders grow also to be gelded, I suppose that some will
laugh me to scorn, neither have I tasted at any time of such a fowl so served, yet have I heard it more than
once to be used in the country, where their geese are driven to the field like herds of cattle by a gooseherd, a
boy also no less to be marvelled at than the other. For, as it is rare to hear of a gelded gander, so is it strange to
me to see or hear of geese to be led to the field like sheep; yet so it is, and their gooseherd carrieth a rattle of
paper or parchment with him when he goeth about in the morning to gather his goslings together, the noise
whereof cometh no sooner to their ears than they fall to gaggling, and hasten to go with him. If it happen that
the gates be not yet open, or that none of the house be stirring, it is ridiculous to see how they will peep under
the doors, and never leave creaking and gaggling till they be let out unto him to overtake their fellows. With
us, where I dwell, they are not kept in this sort, nor in many other places, neither are they kept so much for
their bodies as their feathers. Some hold furthermore an opinion that in over rank soils their dung doth so
qualify the batableness of the soil that their cattle is thereby kept from the garget, and sundry other diseases,
although some of them come to their ends now and then by licking up of their feathers. I might here make
mention of other fowls produced by the industry of man, as between the pheasant cock and dunghill hen, or
between the pheasant and the ringdove, the peacock and the turkey hen, the partridge and the pigeon; but, sith
I have no more knowledge of these than what I have gotten by mine ear, I will not meddle with them. Yet
Cardan, speaking of the second sort, doth affirm it to be a fowl of excellent beauty. I would likewise intreat of
other fowls which we repute unclean, as ravens, crows, pies, choughs, rooks, kites, jays, ringtails, starlings,
woodspikes, woodnaws, etc.; but, sith they abound in all countries, though peradventure most of all in
England (by reason of our negligence), I shall not need to spend any time in the rehearsal of them. Neither are
our crows and choughs cherished of purpose to catch up the worms that breed in our soils (as Polydor
supposeth), sith there are no uplandish towns but have (or should have) nets of their own in store to catch
them withal. Sundry acts of Parliament are likewise made for their utter destruction, as also the spoil of other
ravenous fowls hurtful to poultry, conies, lambs, and kids, whose valuation of reward to him that killeth them
is after the head: a device brought from the Goths, who had the like ordinance for the destruction of their
white crows, and tale made by the beck, which killed both lambs and pigs. The like order is taken with us for
our vermin as with them also for the rootage out of their wild beasts, saving that they spared their greatest
bears, especially the white, whose skins are by custom and privilege reserved to cover those planchers
whereupon their priests do stand at mass, lest he should take some unkind cold in such a long piece of work:
and happy is the man that may provide them for him, for he shall have pardon enough for that so religious an
act, to last if he will till doomsday do approach, and many thousands after. Nothing therefore can be more
unlikely to be true than that these noisome creatures are nourished amongst us to devour our worms, which do
not abound much more in England than elsewhere in other countries of the main. It may be that some look for
a discourse also of our other fowls in this place at my hand, as nightingales, thrushes, blackbirds, mavises,
ruddocks, redstarts or dunocks, larks, tivits, kingfishers, buntings, turtles (white or grey), linnets, bullfinches,
goldfinches, washtails, cherrycrackers, yellowhammers, fieldfares, etc.; but I should then spend more time
upon them than is convenient. Neither will I speak of our costly and curious aviaries daily made for the better

hearing of their melody, and observation of their natures; but I cease also to go any further in these things,
having (as I think) said enough already of these that I have named.[140]…
I cannot make as yet any just report how many sorts of hawks are bred within this realm. Howbeit which of
those that are usually had among us are disclosed within this land, I think it more easy and less difficult to set
down. First of all, therefore, that we have the eagle common experience doth evidently confirm, and divers of
our rocks whereon they breed, if speech did serve, could well declare the same. But the most excellent eyrie of
all is not much from Chester, at a castle called Dinas Bren, sometime builded by Brennus, as our writers do
remember. Certes this castle is no great thing, but yet a pile sometime very strong and inaccessible for
enemies, though now all ruinous as many others are. It standeth upon a hard rock, in the side whereof an eagle
breedeth every year. This also is notable in the overthrow of her nest (a thing oft attempted), that he which
goeth thither must be sure of two large baskets, and so provide to be let down thereto, that he may sit in the
one and be covered with the other: for otherwise the eagle would kill him and tear the flesh from his bones
with her sharp talons, though his apparel were never so good. The common people call this fowl an erne; but,
as I am ignorant whether the word eagle and erne do shew any difference of sex, I mean between the male and
the female, so we have great store of them. And, near to the places where they breed, the commons complain
of great harm to be done by them in their fields; for they are able to bear a young lamb or kid unto their nests,
therewith to feed their young and come again for more. I was once of the opinion that there was a diversity of
kind between the eagle and the erne, till I perceived that our nation used the word erne in most places for the
eagle. We have also the lanner and the lanneret, the tersel and the goshawk, the musket and the sparhawk, the
jack and the hobby, and finally some (though very few) marleons. And these are all the hawks that I do hear
as yet to be bred within this island. Howbeit, as these are not wanting with us, so are they not very plentiful:
wherefore such as delight in hawking do make their chief purveyance and provision for the same out of
Danske, Germany, and the eastern countries, from whence we have them in great abundance and at excellent
prices, whereas at home and where they be bred they are sold for almost right nought, and usually brought to
the markets as chickens, pullets, and pigeons are with us, and there bought up to be eaten (as we do the
aforesaid fowl) almost of every man. It is said that the sparhawk pryeth not upon the fowl in the morning, that
she taketh over even, but as loath to have double benefit by one seelie fowl doth let it go to make some shift
for itself. But hereof as I stand in some doubt. So this I find among the writers worthy the noting: that the
sparhawk is enemy to young children, as is also the ape, but of the peacock she is marvellously afraid, and so
appalled that all courage and stomach for a time is taken from her upon the sight thereof. But to proceed with
the rest. Of other ravenous birds we have also very great plenty, as the buzzard, the kite, the ringtail, dunkite,
and such as often annoy our country dames by spoiling of their young breeds of chickens, ducks, and goslings,
whereunto our very ravens and crows have learned also the way: and so much are ravens given to this kind of
spoil that some idle and curious heads of set purpose have manned, reclaimed, and used them instead of
hawks, when other could not be had. Some do imagine that the raven should be the vulture, and I was almost
persuaded in times past to believe the same; but, finding of late, a description of the vulture, which better
agreeth with the form of a second kind of eagle, I freely surcease to be longer of that opinion: for, as it hath,
after a sort, the shape, colour, and quantity of an eagle, so are the legs and feet more hairy and rough, their
sides under their wings better covered with thick down (wherewith also their gorge or a part of their breast
under their throats is armed, and not with feathers) than are the like parts of the eagle, and unto which
portraiture there is no member of the raven (who is almost black of colour) that can have any resemblance: we
have none of them in England to my knowledge; if we have, they go generally under the name of eagle or
erne. Neither have we the pygargus or grip, wherefore I have no occasion to treat further. I have seen the
carrion crows so cunning also by their own industry of late that they have used to soar over great rivers (as the
Thames for example) and, suddenly coming down, have caught a small fish in their feet and gone away withal
without wetting of their wings. And even at this present the aforesaid river is not without some of them, a
thing (in my opinion) not a little to be wondered at. We have also osprays, which breed with us in parks and
woods, whereby the keepers of the same do reap in breeding time no small commodity; for, so soon almost as
the young are hatched, they tie them to the butt ends or ground ends of sundry trees, where the old ones,
finding them, do never cease to bring fish unto them, which the keepers take and eat from them, and

commonly is such as is well fed or not of the worst sort. It hath not been my hap hitherto to see any of these
fowl, and partly through mine own negligence; but I hear that it hath one foot like a hawk, to catch hold
withal, and another resembling a goose, wherewith to swim; but, whether it be so or not so, I refer the further
search and trial thereof unto some other. This nevertheless is certain, that both alive and dead, yea even her
very oil, is a deadly terror to such fish as come within the wind of it. There is no cause whereof I should
describe the cormorant amongst hawks, of which some be black and many pied, chiefly about the Isle of Ely,
where they are taken for the night raven, except I should call him a water hawk. But, sith such dealing is not
convenient, let us now see what may be said of our venomous worms, and how many kinds we have of them
within our realm and country.[141]
CHAPTER XIV
OF SAVAGE BEASTS AND VERMIN
It is none of the least blessings wherewith God hath endued this island that it is void of noisome beasts, as
lions, bears, tigers, pardes, wolves, and such like, by means whereof our countrymen may travel in safety, and
our herds and flocks remain for the most part abroad in the field without any herdman or keeper.
This is chiefly spoken of the south and south-west parts of the island. For, whereas we that dwell on this side
of the Tweed may safely boast of our security in this behalf, yet cannot the Scots do the like in every point
wherein their kingdom, sith they have grievous wolves and cruel foxes, beside some others of like disposition
continually conversant among them, to the general hindrance of their husbandmen, and no small damage unto
the inhabitants of those quarters. The happy and fortunate want of these beasts in England is universally
ascribed to the politic government of King Edgar.[142]…
Of foxes we have some, but no great store, and also badgers in our sandy and light grounds, where woods,
furze, broom, and plenty of shrubs are to shroud them in when they be from their burrows, and thereunto
warrens of conies at hand to feed upon at will. Otherwise in clay, which we call the cledgy mould, we seldom
hear of any, because the moisture and the toughness of the soil is such as will not suffer them to draw and
make their burrows deep. Certes, if I may freely say what I think, I suppose that these two kinds (I mean foxes
and badgers) are rather preserved by gentlemen to hunt and have pastime withal at their own pleasures than
otherwise suffered to live as not able to be destroyed because of their great numbers. For such is the scarcity
of them here in England, in comparison of the plenty that is to be seen in other countries, and so earnestly are
the inhabitants bent to root them out, that, except it had been to bear thus with the recreations of their
superiors in this behalf, it could not otherwise have been chosen but that they should have been utterly
destroyed by many years agone.
I might here intreat largely of other vermin, as the polecat, the miniver, the weasel, stote, fulmart, squirrel,
fitchew, and such like, which Cardan includeth under the word Mustela: also of the otter, and likewise of the
beaver, whose hinder feet and tail only are supposed to be fish. Certes the tail of this beast is like unto a thin
whetstone, as the body unto a monstrous rat: as the beast also itself is of such force in the teeth that it will
gnaw a hole through a thick plank, or shere through a double billet in a night; it loveth also the stillest rivers,
and it is given to them by nature to go by flocks unto the woods at hand, where they gather sticks wherewith
to build their nests, wherein their bodies lie dry above the water, although they so provide most commonly
that their tails may hang within the same. It is also reported that their said tails are a delicate dish, and their

stones of such medicinal force that (as Vertomannus saith) four men smelling unto them each after other did
bleed at the nose through their attractive force, proceeding from a vehement savour wherewith they are
endued. There is greatest plenty of them in Persia, chiefly about Balascham, from whence they and their dried
cods are brought into all quarters of the world, though not without some forgery by such as provide them. And
of all these here remembered, as the first sorts are plentiful in every wood and hedgerow, so these latter,
especially the otter (for, to say the truth, we have not many beavers, but only in the Teisie in Wales) is not
wanting or to seek in many, but most, streams and rivers of this isle; but it shall suffice in this sort to have
named them, as I do finally the martern, a beast of the chase, although for number I worthily doubt whether
that of our beavers or marterns may be thought to be the less.
Other pernicious beasts we have not, except you repute the great plenty of red and fallow deer whose colours
are oft garled white and black, all white or all black, and store of conies amongst the hurtful sort. Which
although that of themselves they are not offensive at all, yet their great numbers are thought to be very
prejudicial, and therefore justly reproved of many, as are in like sort our huge flocks of sheep, whereon the
greatest part of our soil is employed almost in every place, and yet our mutton, wool, and felles never the
better cheap. The young males which our fallow deer do bring forth are commonly named according to their
several ages: for the first year it is a fawn, the second a pricket, the third a sorel, the fourth a soare, the fifth a
buck of the first head, not bearing the name of a buck till he be five years old: and from henceforth his age is
commonly known by his head or horns. Howbeit this notice of his years is not so certain but that the best
woodman may now and then be deceived in that account: for in some grounds a buck of the first head will be
as well headed as another in a high rowtie soil will be in the fourth. It is also much to be marvelled at that,
whereas they do yearly mew and cast their horns, yet in fighting they never break off where they do grife or
mew. Furthermore, in examining the condition of our red deer, I find that the young male is called in the first
year a calf, in the second a broket, the third a spay, the fourth a staggon or stag, the fifth a great stag, the sixth
a hart, and so forth unto his death. And with him in degree of venerie are accounted the hare, boar, and wolf.
The fallow deer, as bucks and does, are nourished in parks, and conies in warrens and burrows. As for hares,
they run at their own adventure, except some gentleman or other (for his pleasure) do make an enclosure for
them. Of these also the stag is accounted for the most noble game, the fallow deer is the next, then the roe,
whereof we have indifferent store, and last of all the hare, not the least in estimation, because the hunting of
that seely beast is mother to all the terms, blasts, and artificial devices that hunters do use. All which
(notwithstanding our custom) are pastimes more meet for ladies and gentlewomen to exercise (whatsoever
Franciscus Patritius saith to the contrary in his Institution of a Prince) than for men of courage to follow,
whose hunting should practise their arms in tasting of their manhood, and dealing with such beasts as eftsoons
will turn again and offer them the hardest, rather than their horses' feet which many times may carry them
with dishonour from the field.[143]…
If I should go about to make any long discourse of venomous beasts or worms bred in England, I should
attempt more than occasion itself would readily offer, sith we have very few worms, but no beasts at all, that
are thought by their natural qualities to be either venomous or hurtful. First of all, therefore, we have the adder
(in our old Saxon tongue called an atter), which some men do not rashly take to be the viper. Certes, if it be
so, then is not the viper author of the death of her[144] parents, as some histories affirm, and thereto Encelius,
a late writer, in his De re Metallica, lib. 3, cap. 38, where he maketh mention of a she adder which he saw in
Sala, whose womb (as he saith) was eaten out after a like fashion, her young ones lying by her in the sunshine,
as if they had been earthworms. Nevertheless, as he nameth them viperas, so he calleth the male echis. and the
female echidna, concluding in the end that echis is the same serpent which his countrymen to this day call ein
atter, as I have also noted before out of a Saxon dictionary. For my part I am persuaded that the slaughter of
their parents is either not true at all, or not always (although I doubt not but that nature hath right well
provided to inhibit their superfluous increase by some means or other), and so much the rather am I led
hereunto for that I gather by Nicander that of all venomous worms the viper only bringeth out her young alive,
and therefore is called in Latin vipera quasivivipara, but of her own death he doth not (to my remembrance)
say anything. It is testified also by other in other words, and to the like sense, that "Echis id est vipera sola ex

serpentibus non ova sed animalia parit."[145] And it may well be, for I remember that I have read in
Philostratus, De vita Appollonii, how he saw a viper licking her young. I did see an adder once myself that lay
(as I thought) sleeping on a molehill, out of whose mouth came eleven young adders of twelve or thirteen
inches in length apiece, which played to and fro in the grass one with another, till some of them espied me. So
soon therefore as they saw my face they ran again into the mouth of their dam, whom I killed, and then found
each of them shrouded in a distinct cell or pannicle in her belly, much like unto a soft white jelly, which
maketh me to be of the opinion that our adder is the viper indeed. The colour of their skin is for the most part
like rusty iron or iron grey, but such as be very old resemble a ruddy blue; and as once in the year (to wit, in
April or about the beginning of May) they cast their old skins (whereby as it is thought their age reneweth), so
their stinging bringeth death without present remedy be at hand, the wounded never ceasing to swell, neither
the venom to work till the skin of the one break, and the other ascend upward to the heart, where it finisheth
the natural effect, except the juice of dragons (in Latin called dracunculus minor) be speedily ministered and
drunk in strong ale, or else some other medicine taken of like force that may countervail and overcome the
venom of the same. The length of them is most commonly two feet, and somewhat more, but seldom doth it
extend into two feet six inches, except it be in some rare and monstrous one, whereas our snakes are much
longer, and seen sometimes to surmount a yard, or three feet, although their poison be nothing so grievous and
deadly as the others. Our adders lie in winter under stones, as Aristotle also saith of the viper (lib. 8, cap. 15),
and in holes of the earth, rotten stubs of trees, and amongst the dead leaves; but in the heat of the summer they
come abroad, and lie either round in heaps or at length upon some hillock, or elsewhere in the grass. They are
found only in our woodland countries and highest grounds, where sometimes (though seldom) a speckled
stone called echites, in Dutch ein atter stein, is gotten out of their dried carcases, which divers report to be
good against their poison.[146] As for our snakes, which in Latin are properly named angues, they commonly
are seen in moors, fens, loam, walls, and low bottoms.
As we have great store of toads where adders commonly are found, so do frogs abound where snakes do keep
their residence. We have also the slow-worm, which is black and greyish of colour, and somewhat shorter
than an adder. I was at the killing once of one of them, and thereby perceived that she was not so called of any
want of nimble motion, but rather of the contrary. Nevertheless we have a blind-worm, to be found under logs,
in woods and timber that hath lain long in a place, which some also do call (and upon better ground) by the
name of slow-worms, and they are known easily by their more or less variety of striped colours, drawn
long-ways from their heads, their whole bodies little exceeding a foot in length, and yet is their venom deadly.
This also is not to be omitted; and now and then in our fenny countries other kinds of serpents are found of
greater quantity than either our adder or our snake, but, as these are not ordinary and oft to be seen, so I mean
not to intreat of them among our common annoyances. Neither have we the scorpion, a plague of God sent not
long since into Italy, and whose poison (as Apollodorus saith) is white, neither the tarantula or Neapolitan
spider, whose poison bringeth death, except music be at hand. Wherefore I suppose our country to be the more
happy (I mean in part) for that it is void of these two grievous annoyances wherewith other nations are
plagued.
We have also efts both of the land and water, and likewise the noisome swifts, whereof to say any more it
would be but loss of time, sith they are all well known, and no region to my knowledge found to be void of
many of them. As for flies (sith it shall not be amiss a little to touch them also), we have none that can do hurt
or hindrance naturally unto any: for whether they be cut-waisted or whole-bodied, they are void of poison and
all venomous inclination. The cut or girt waisted (for so I English the word insecta) are the hornets, wasps,
bees, and such like, whereof we have great store, and of which an opinion is conceived that the first do breed
of the corruption of dead horses, the second of pears and apples corrupted, and the last of kine and oxen:
which may be true, especially the first and latter in some parts of the beast, and not their whole substances, as
also in the second, sith we have never wasps but when our fruit beginneth to wax ripe. Indeed Virgil and
others speak of a generation of bees by killing or smothering a bruised bullock or calf and laying his bowels or
his flesh wrapped up in his hide in a close house for a certain season; but how true it is, hitherto I have not
tried. Yet sure I am of this, that no one living creature corrupteth without the production of another, as we

may see by ourselves, whose flesh doth alter into lice, and also in sheep for excessive numbers of flesh flies, if
they be suffered to lie unburied or uneaten by the dogs and swine, who often and happily present such
needless generations.
As concerning bees, I think it good to remember that, whereas some ancient writers affirm it to be a
commodity wanting in our island, it is now found to be nothing so. In old times peradventure we had none
indeed; but in my days there is such plenty of them in manner everywhere that in some uplandish towns there
are one hundred or two hundred hives of them, although the said hives are not so huge as those of the east
country, but far less, and not able to contain above one bushel of corn or five pecks at the most. Pliny (a man
that of set purpose delighteth to write of wonders), speaking of honey, noteth that in the north regions the
hives in his time were of such quantity that some one comb contained eight foot in length, and yet (as it
should seem) he speaketh not of the greatest. For in Podolia, which is now subject to the King of Poland, their
hives are so great, and combs so abundant, that huge boars, overturning and falling into them, are drowned in
the honey before they can recover and find the means to come out.
Our honey also is taken and reputed to be the best, because it is harder, better wrought, and cleanlier vesselled
up, than that which cometh from beyond the sea, where they stamp and strain their combs, bees, and young
blowings altogether into the stuff, as I have been informed. In use also of medicine our physicians and
apothecaries eschew the foreign, especially that of Spain and Pontus, by reason of a venomous quality
naturally planted in the same, as some write, and choose the home-made: not only by reason of our soil
(which hath no less plenty of wild thyme growing therein than in Sicilia and about Athens, and maketh the
best stuff) as also for that it breedeth (being gotten in harvest time) less choler, and which is oftentimes (as I
have seen by experience) so white as sugar, and corned as if it were salt. Our hives are made commonly of rye
straw and wattled about with bramble quarters; but some make the same of wicker, and cast them over with
clay. We cherish none in trees, but set our hives somewhere on the warmest side of the house, providing that
they may stand dry and without danger both of the mouse and the moth. This furthermore is to be noted, that
whereas in vessels of oil that which is nearest the top is counted the finest and of wine that in the middest, so
of honey the best which is heaviest and moistest is always next the bottom, and evermore casteth and driveth
his dregs upward toward the very top, contrary to the nature of other liquid substances, whose grounds and
leeze do generally settle downwards. And thus much as by the way of our bees and English honey.
As for the whole-bodied, as the cantharides, and such venomous creatures of the same kind, to be abundantly
found in other countries, we hear not of them: yet have we beetles, horseflies, turdbugs or dors (called in Latin
scarabei), the locust or the grasshopper (which to me do seem to be one thing, as I will anon declare), and
such like, whereof let other intreat that make an exercise in catching of flies, but a far greater sport in offering
them to spiders, as did Domitian sometime, and another prince yet living who delighted so much to see the
jolly combats betwixt a stout fly and an old spider that divers men have had great rewards given them for their
painful provision of flies made only for this purpose. Some parasites also, in the time of the aforesaid emperor
(when they were disposed to laugh at his folly, and yet would seem in appearance to gratify his fantastical
head with some shew of dutiful demeanour), could devise to set their lord on work by letting a flesh fly privily
into his chamber, which he forthwith would eagerly have hunted (all other business set apart) and never
ceased till he had caught her into his fingers, wherewith arose the proverb, "Ne musca quidem" uttered first by
Vibius Priscus, who being asked whether anybody was with Domitian, answered "Ne musca quidem" whereby
he noted his folly. There are some cockscombs here and there in England, learning it abroad as men
transregionate, which make account also of this pastime, as of a notable matter, telling what a sight is seen
between them, if either of them be lusty and courageous in his kind. One also hath made a book of the spider
and the fly, wherein he dealeth so profoundly, and beyond all measure of skill that neither he himself that
made it nor any one that readeth it can reach unto the meaning thereof. But if those jolly fellows, instead of
the straw that they must thrust into the fly's tail (a great injury no doubt to such a noble champion), would
bestow the cost to set a fool's cap upon their own heads, then might they with more security and less
reprehension behold these notable battles.

Now, as concerning the locust, I am led by divers of my country, who (as they say) were either in Germany,
Italy, or Pannonia, 1542, when those nations were greatly annoyed with that kind of fly, and affirm very
constantly that they saw none other creature than the grasshopper during the time of that annoyance, which
was said to come to them from the Meotides. In most of our translations also of the Bible the word locusta is
Englished a grasshopper, and thereunto (Leviticus xi.) it is reputed among the clean food, otherwise John the
Baptist would never have lived with them in the wilderness. In Barbary, Numidia, and sundry other places of
Africa, as they have been,[147] so are they eaten to this day powdered in barrels, and therefore the people of
those parts are called Acedophagi: nevertheless they shorten the life of the eaters, by the production at the last
of an irksome and filthy disease. In India they are three foot long, in Ethiopia much shorter, but in England
seldom above an inch. As for the cricket, called in Latin cicada, he hath some likelihood, but not very great,
with the grasshopper, and therefore he is not to be brought in as an umpire in this case. Finally, Matthiolus
and so many as describe the locust do set down none other form than that of our grasshopper, which maketh
me so much the more to rest upon my former imagination, which is that the locust and the grasshopper are
one.
CHAPTER XV
OF OUR ENGLISH DOGS AND THEIR QUALITIES
[1577, Book III., Chapter 13; 1587, Book III., Chapter 7.]
There is no country that may (as I take it) compare with ours in number, excellency, and diversity of dogs.
The first sort therefore he divideth either into such as rouse the beast, and continue the chase, or springeth the
bird, and bewrayeth her flight by pursuit. And as these are commonly called spaniels, so the other are named
hounds, whereof he maketh eight sorts, of which the foremost excelleth in perfect smelling, the second in
quick espying, the third in swiftness and quickness, the fourth in smelling and nimbleness, etc., and the last in
subtlety and deceitfulness. These (saith Strabo) are most apt for game, and called Sagaces by a general name,
not only because of their skill in hunting, but also for that they know their own and the names of their fellows
most exactly. For if the hunter see any one to follow skilfully, and with likelihood of good success, he biddeth
the rest to hark and follow such a dog, and they eftsoones obey so soon as they hear his name. The first kind
of these are often called harriers, whose game is the fox, the hare, the wolf (if we had any), hart, buck, badger,
otter, polecat, lopstart, weasel, conie, etc.: the second height a terrier and it hunteth the badger and grey only:
the third a bloodhound, whose office is to follow the fierce, and now and then to pursue a thief or beast by his
dry foot: the fourth height a gazehound, who hunteth by the eye: the fifth a greyhound, cherished for his
strength and swiftness and stature, commended by Bratius in his De Venatione, and not unremembered by
Hercules Stroza in a like treatise, and above all other those of Britain, where he saith: "Magna spectandi mole
Britanni;" also by Nemesianus, libro Cynegeticón, where he saith: "Divisa Britannia mittit Veloces nostrique
orbis venatibus aptos," of which sort also some be smooth, of sundry colours, and some shake-haired: the
sixth a liemer, that excelleth in smelling and swift-running: the seventh a tumbler: and the eighth a thief
whose offices (I mean of the latter two) incline only to deceit, wherein they are oft so skilful that few men
would think so mischievous a wit to remain in such silly creatures. Having made this enumeration of dogs
which are apt for the chase and hunting, he cometh next to such as serve the falcons in their time, whereof he
maketh also two sorts. One that findeth his game on the land, another that putteth up such fowl as keepeth in
the water: and of these this is commonly most usual for the net or train, the other for the hawk, as he doth
shew at large. Of the first he saith that they have no peculiar names assigned to them severally, but each of
them is called after the bird which by natural appointment he is alloted to hunt or serve, for which

consideration some be named dogs for the pheasant, some for the falcon, and some for the partridge. Howbeit
the common name for all is spaniel (saith he), and thereupon alluded as if these kinds of dogs had been
brought hither out of Spain. In like sort we have of water spaniels in their kind. The third sort of dogs of the
gentle kind is the spaniel gentle, or comforter, or (as the common term is) the fistinghound, and those are
called Melitei, of the Island Malta, from whence they were brought hither. These are little and pretty, proper
and fine, and sought out far and near to falsify the nice delicacy of dainty dames, and wanton women's wills,
instruments of folly to play and dally withal, in trifling away the treasure of time, to withdraw their minds
from more commendable exercises, and to content their corrupt concupiscences with vain disport—a
silly poor shift to shun their irksome idleness. The Sybaritical puppies the smaller they be (and thereto if they
have a hole in the fore parts of their heads) the better they are accepted, the more pleasure also they provoke,
as meet playfellows for mincing mistresses to bear in their bosoms, to keep company withal in their chambers,
to succour with sleep in bed, and nourish with meat at board, to lie in their laps, and lick their lips as they lie
(like young Dianas) in their waggons and coaches. And good reason it should be so, for coarseness with
fineness hath no fellowship, but featness with neatness hath neighbourhood enough. That plausible proverb
therefore versified sometime upon a tyrant—namely, that he loved his sow better than his
son—may well be applied to some of this kind of people, who delight more in their dogs, that are
deprived of all possibility of reason, than they do in children that are capable of wisdom and judgment. Yea,
they oft feed them of the best where the poor man's child at their doors can hardly come by the worst. But the
former abuse peradventure reigneth where there hath been long want of issue, else where barrenness is the
best blossom of beauty: or, finally, where poor men's children for want of their own issue are not ready to be
had. It is thought of some that it is very wholesome for a weak stomach to bear such a dog in the bosom, as it
is for him that hath the palsy to feel the daily smell and savour of a fox. But how truly this is affirmed let the
learned judge: only it shall suffice for Doctor Caius to have said thus much of spaniels and dogs of the gentle
kind.
Dogs of the homely kind are either shepherd's curs or mastiffs. The first are so common that it needeth me not
to speak of them. Their use also is so well known in keeping the herd together (either when they grass or go
before the shepherd) that it should be but in vain to spend any time about them. Wherefore I will leave this cur
unto his own kind, and go in hand with the mastiff, tie dog, or band dog, so called because many of them are
tied up in chains and strong bonds in the daytime, for doing hurt abroad, which is a huge dog, stubborn, ugly,
eager, burthenous of body (and therefore of but little swiftness), terrible and fearful to behold, and oftentimes
more fierce and fell than any Archadian or Corsican cur. Our Englishmen, to the extent that these dogs may be
more cruel and fierce, assist nature with some art, use, and custom. For although this kind of dog be capable
of courage, violent, valiant, stout, and bold: yet will they increase these their stomachs by teaching them to
bait the bear, the bull, the lion, and other such like cruel and bloody beasts (either brought over or kept up at
home for the same purpose), without any collar to defend their throats, and oftentimes there too they train
them up in fighting and wrestling with a man (having for the safeguard of his life either a pikestaff, club,
sword, privy coat), whereby they become the more fierce and cruel unto strangers. The Caspians make so
much account sometimes of such great dogs that every able man would nourish sundry of them in his house of
set purpose, to the end they should devour their carcases after their deaths thinking the dog's bellies to be the
most honourable sepulchres. The common people also followed the same rate, and therefore there were tie
dogs kept up by public ordinance, to devour them after their deaths: by means whereof these beasts became
the more eager, and with great difficulty after a while restrained from falling upon the living. But whither am I
digressed? In returning therefore to our own, I say that of mastiffs, some bark only with fierce and open
mouth but will not bite; but the cruelest do either not bark at all or bite before they bark, and therefore are
more to be feared than any of the other. They take also their name of the word "mase" and "thief" (or
"master-thief" if you will), because they often stound and put such persons to their shifts in towns and
villages, and are the principal causes of their apprehension and taking. The force which is in them
surmounteth all belief, and the fast hold which they take with their teeth exceedeth all credit: for three of them
against a bear, four against a lion, are sufficient to try mastries with them. King Henry the Seventh, as the
report goeth, commanded all such curs to be hanged, because they durst presume to fight against the lion, who

is their king and sovereign. The like he did with an excellent falcon, as some say, because he feared not
hand-to-hand match with an eagle, willing his falconers in his own presence to pluck off his head after he was
taken down, saying that it was not meet for any subject to offer such wrong unto his lord and superior,
wherein he had a further meaning. But if King Henry the Seventh had lived in our time what would he have
done to our English mastiff, which alone and without any help at all pulled down first a huge bear, then a
pard, and last of all a lion, each after other before the French king in one day, when the Lord Buckhurst was
ambassador unto him, and whereof if I should write the circumstances, that is, how he took his advantage
being let loose unto them, and finally drave them into such exceeding fear, that they were all glad to run away
when he was taken from them, I should take much pains, and yet reap but small credit: wherefore it shall
suffice to have said thus much thereof. Some of our mastiffs will rage only in the night, some are to be tied up
both day and night. Such also as are suffered to go loose about the house and yard are so gentle in the daytime
that children may ride on their backs and play with them at their pleasures. Divers of them likewise are of
such jealousy over their master and whosoever of his household, that if a stranger do embrace or touch any of
them, they will fall fiercely upon them, unto their extreme mischief if their fury be not prevented. Such a one
was the dog of Nichomedes, king sometime of Bithynia, who seeing Consigne the queen to embrace and kiss
her husband as they walked together in a garden, did tear her all to pieces, maugre his resistance and the
present aid of such as attended on them. Some of them moreover will suffer a stranger to come in and walk
about the house or yard where he listeth, without giving over to follow him: but if he put forth his hand to
touch anything, then will they fly upon them and kill them if they may. I had one myself once, which would
not suffer any man to bring in his weapon further than my gate: neither those that were of my house to be
touched in his presence. Or if I had beaten any of my children, he would gently have essayed to catch the rod
in his teeth and take it out of my hand or else pluck down their clothes to save them from the stripes: which in
my opinion is not unworthy to be noted.
The last sort of dogs consisteth of the currish kind meet for many toys, of which the whappet or prick-eared
cur is one. Some men call them warners, because they are good for nothing else but to bark and give warning
when anybody doth stir or lie in wait about the house in the night season. Certes it is impossible to describe
these curs in any order, because they have no one kind proper unto themselves, but are a confused company
mixed of all the rest. The second sort of them are called turnspits, whose office is not unknown to any. And as
these are only reserved for this purpose, so in many places our mastiffs (beside the use which tinkers have of
them in carrying their heavy budgets) are made to draw water in great wheels out of deep wells, going much
like unto those which are framed for our turnspits, as is to be seen at Roiston, where this feat is often
practised. Besides these also we have sholts or curs daily brought out of Ireland, and made much of among us,
because of their sauciness and quarrelling. Moreover they bite very sore, and love candles exceedingly, as do
the men and women of their country; but I may say no more of them, because they are not bred with us. Yet
this will I make report of by the way, for pastime's sake, that when a great man of those parts came of late into
one of our ships which went thither for fish, to see the form and fashion of the same, his wife apparelled in
fine sables, abiding on the deck whilst her husband was under the hatches with the mariners, espied a pound
or two of candles hanging on the mast, and being loath to stand there idle alone, she fell to and eat them up
every one, supposing herself to have been at a jolly banquet, and shewing very pleasant gesture when her
husband came up again unto her.
The last kind of toyish curs are named dancers, and those being of a mongrel sort also, are taught and
exercised to dance in measure at the musical sound of an instrument, as at the just stroke of a drum, sweet
accent of the citharne, and pleasant harmony of the harp, shewing many tricks by the gesture of their bodies:
as to stand bolt upright, to lie flat on the ground, to turn round as a ring holding their tails in their teeth, to saw
and beg for meat, to take a man's cap from his head, and sundry such properties, which they learn of their idle
roguish masters, whose instruments they are to gather gain, as old apes clothed in motley and coloured
short-waisted jackets are for the like vagabonds, who seek no better living than that which they may get by
fond pastime and idleness. I might here intreat of other dogs, as of those which are bred between a bitch and a
wolf, also between a bitch and a fox, or a bear and a mastiff. But as we utterly want the first sort, except they

be brought unto us: so it happeneth sometimes that the other two are engendered and seen at home amongst
us. But all the rest heretofore remembered in this chapter there is none more ugly and odious in sight, cruel
and fierce in deed, nor untractable in hand, than that which is begotten between the bear and the bandog. For
whatsoever he catcheth hold of he taketh it so fast that a man may sooner tear and rend his body in sunder
than get open his mouth to separate his chaps. Certes he regardeth neither wolf, bear, nor lion, and therefore
may well be compared with those two dogs which were sent to Alexander out of India (and procreated as it is
thought between a mastiff and a male tiger, as be those also of Hircania), or to them that are bred in Archadia,
where copulation is oft seen between lions and bitches, as the lion is in France (as I said) between she wolves
and dogs, whereof let this suffice, sith the further tractation of them doth not concern my purpose, more than
the confutation of Cardan's talk, De subt., lib. 10, who saith that after many generations dogs do become
wolves, and contrariwise, which if it were true, then could not England be without many wolves: but nature
hath set a difference between them, not only in outward form, but also inward disposition of their bones,
whereof it is impossible that his assertion can be sound.
CHAPTER XVI
OF THE NAVY OF ENGLAND
There is nothing that hath brought me into more admiration of the power and force of antiquity than their
diligence and care had of their navies: wherein, whether I consider their speedy building, or great number of
ships which some one kingdom or region possessed at one instant, it giveth me still occasion either to suspect
the history, or to think that in our times we come very far behind them.[148]…
I must needs confess therefore that the ancient vessels far exceeded ours for capacity, nevertheless if you
regard the form, and the assurance from peril of the sea, and therewithal the strength and nimbleness of such
as are made in our time, you shall easily find that ours are of more value than theirs: for as the greatest vessel
is not always the fastest, so that of most huge capacity is not always the aptest to shift and brook the seas: as
might be seen by the Great Henry, the hugest vessel that ever England framed in our times. Neither were the
ships of old like unto ours in mould and manner of building above the water (for of low galleys in our seas we
make small account) nor so full of ease within, since time hath engendered more skill in the wrights, and
brought all things to more perfection than they had in the beginning. And now to come unto our purpose at the
first intended.
The navy of England may be divided into three sorts, of which the one serveth for the wars, the other for
burden, and the third for fishermen which get their living by fishing on the sea. How many of the first order
are maintained within the realm it passeth my cunning to express; yet, since it may be parted into the navy
royal and common fleet, I think good to speak of those that belong unto the prince, and so much the rather, for
that their number is certain and well known to very many. Certainly there is no prince in Europe that hath a
more beautiful or gallant sort of ships than the queen's majesty of England at this present, and those generally
are of such exceeding force that two of them, being well appointed and furnished as they ought, will not let to
encounter with three or four of those of other countries, and either bowge them or put them to flight, if they
may not bring them home.
Neither are the moulds of any foreign barks so conveniently made, to brook so well one sea as another lying
upon the shore of any part of the continent, as those of England. And therefore the common report that

strangers make of our ships amongst themselves is daily confirmed to be true, which is, that for strength,
assurance, nimbleness, and swiftness of sailing, there are no vessels in the world to be compared with ours.
And all these are committed to the regiment and safe custody of the admiral, who is so called (as some
imagine) of the Greek word almiros, a captain on the sea; for so saith Zonaras in Basilio Macedone and
Basilio Porphyriogenito, though others fetch it from ad mare, the Latin words, another sort from Amyras, the
Saracen magistrate, or from some French derivation: but these things are not for this place, and therefore I
pass them over. The queen's highness hath at this present (which is the four-and-twentieth of her reign)
already made and furnished, to the number of four or five-and-twenty great ships, which lie for the most part
in Gillingham Road, beside three galleys, of whose particular names and furniture (so far forth as I can come
by them) it shall not be amiss to make report at this time.
The names of so many ships belonging to her majesty as I could come by at this present.
The Bonadventure. White Bear.

Elizabeth Jonas.[149] Philip and Mary.
Triumph. Aid.
Bull. Handmaid.
Tiger.[150] Dreadnought.
Antelope. Swallow.
Hope. Genet.
Lion. Bark of Bullen.
Victory. Achates.
Mary Rose. Falcon.
Foresight. George.
Swiftsure. Revenge.
It is said that as kings and princes have in the young days of the world, and long since, framed themselves to
erect every year a city in some one place or other of their kingdom (and no small wonder that Sardanapalus
should begin and finish two, to wit, Anchialus and Tarsus, in one day), so her grace doth yearly build one ship
or other to the better defence of her frontiers from the enemy. But, as of this report I have no assured certainty,
so it shall suffice to have said so much of these things; yet this I think worthy further to be added, that if they
should all be driven to service at one instance (which God forbid) she should have a power by sea of about
nine or ten thousand men, which were a notable company, beside the supply of other vessels appertaining to
her subjects to furnish up her voyage.
Beside these, her grace hath other in hand also, of whom hereafter, as their turns do come about, I will not let
to leave some further remembrance. She hath likewise three notable galleys: the Speedwell, the Try Right, and
the Black Galley, with the sight whereof, and the rest of the navy royal, it is incredible to say how greatly her
grace is delighted: and not without great cause (I say) since by their means her coasts are kept in quiet, and
sundry foreign enemies put back, which otherwise would invade us. The number of those that serve for
burden with the other, whereof I have made mention already and whose use is daily seen, as occasion serveth
in time of the wars, is to me utterly unknown. Yet if the report of one record be anything at all to be credited,
there are one hundred and thirty-five ships that exceed five hundred ton; topmen, under one hundred and
above forty, six hundred and fifty-six; hoys, one hundred; but of hulks, catches, fisherboats, and crayers, it
lieth not in me to deliver the just account, since they are hard to come by. Of these also there are some of the
queen's majesty's subjects that have two or three; some, four or six; and (as I heard of late) one man, whose
name I suppress for modesty's sake, hath been known not long since to have had sixteen or seventeen, and
employed them wholly to the wafting in and out of our merchants, whereby he hath reaped no small
commodity and gain. I might take occasion to tell of the notable and difficult voyages made into strange
countries by Englishmen, and of their daily success there; but as these things are nothing incident to my

purpose, so I surcease to speak of them. Only this will I add, to the end all men shall understand somewhat of
the great masses of treasure daily employed upon our navy, how there are few of those ships, of the first and
second sort, that, being apparelled and made ready to sail, are not worth one thousand pounds, or three
thousand ducats at the least, if they should presently be sold. What shall we think then of the greater, but
especially of the navy royal, of which some one vessel is worth two of the other, as the shipwrights have often
told me? It is possible that some covetous person, hearing this report, will either not credit it at all, or suppose
money so employed to be nothing profitable to the queen's coffers: as a good husband said once when he
heard there should be a provision made for armour, wishing the queen's money to be rather laid out to some
speedier return of gain unto her grace, "because the realm (saith he) is in case good enough," and so
peradventure he thought. But if, as by store of armour for the defence of the country, he had likewise
understanded that the good keeping of the sea is the safeguard of our land, he would have altered his censure,
and soon given over his judgment. For in times past, when our nation made small account of navigation, how
soon did the Romans, then the Saxons, and last of all the Danes, invade this island? whose cruelty in the end
enforced our countrymen, as it were even against their wills, to provide for ships from other places, and build
at home of their own whereby their enemies were oftentimes distressed. But most of all were the Normans
therein to be commended. For, in a short process of time after the conquest of this island, and good
consideration had for the well-keeping of the same, they supposed nothing more commodious for the defence
of the country than the maintenance of a strong navy, which they speedily provided, maintained, and thereby
reaped in the end their wished security, wherewith before their times this island was never acquainted. Before
the coming of the Romans I do not read that we had any ships at all, except a few made of wicker and covered
with buffalo hides, like unto which there are some to be seen at this present in Scotland (as I hear), although
there be a little (I wot not well what) difference between them. Of the same also Solinus speaketh, so far as I
remember: nevertheless it may be gathered from his words how the upper parts of them above the water only
were framed of the said wickers, and that the Britons did use to fast all the whiles they went to the sea in
them; but whether it were done for policy or superstition, as yet I do not read.
In the beginning of the Saxons' regiment we had some ships also; but as their number and mould was little,
and nothing to the purpose, so Egbert was the first prince that ever thoroughly began to know this necessity of
a navy and use the service thereof in the defence of his country. After him also other princes, as Alfred, Edgar,
Ethelred, etc., endeavoured more and more to store themselves at the full with ships of all quantities, but
chiefly Edgar, for he provided a navy of 1600 aliàs 3600 sail, which he divided into four parts, and sent them
to abide upon four sundry coasts of the land, to keep the same from pirates. Next unto him (and worthy to be
remembered) is Ethelred, who made a law that every man that hold 310 hidelands should find a ship furnished
to serve him in the wars. Howbeit, as I said before, when all their navy was at the greatest, it was not
comparable for force and sure building to that which afterward the Normans provided, neither that of the
Normans anything like to the same that is to be seen now in these our days. For the journeys also of our ships,
you shall understand that a well-builded vessel will run or sail commonly three hundred leagues or nine
hundred miles in a week, or peradventure some will go 2200 leagues in six weeks and a half. And surely, if
their lading be ready against they come thither, there be of them that will be here, at the West Indies, and
home again in twelve or thirteen weeks from Colchester, although the said Indies be eight hundred leagues
from the cape or point of Cornwall, as I have been informed. This also I understand by report of some
travellers, that, if any of our vessels happen to make a voyage to Hispaniola or New Spain (called in time past
Quinquegia and Haiti), which lieth between the north tropic and the Equator, after they have once touched at
the Canaries (which are eight days' sailing or two hundred and fifty leagues from St. Lucas de Barameda, in
Spain) they will be there in thirty or forty days, and home again in Cornwall in other eight weeks, which is a
goodly matter, beside the safety and quietness in the passage, but more of this elsewhere.

CHAPTER XVII
OF SUNDRY KINDS OF PUNISHMENT APPOINTED FOR OFFENDERS
In cases of felony, manslaughter, robbery, murder, rape, piracy, and such capital crimes as are not reputed for
treason or hurt of the estate, our sentence pronounced upon the offender is, to hang till he be dead. For of
other punishments used in other countries we have no knowledge or use; and yet so few grievous crimes
committed with us as elsewhere in the world. To use torment also or question by pain and torture in these
common cases with us is greatly abhorred, since we are found always to be such as despise death, and yet
abhor to be tormented, choosing rather frankly to open our minds than to yield our bodies unto such servile
haulings and tearings as are used in other countries. And this is one cause wherefore our condemned persons
do go so cheerfully to their deaths; for our nation is free, stout, haughty, prodigal of life and blood, as Sir
Thomas Smith saith, lib. 2, cap. 25, De Republica, and therefore cannot in any wise digest to be used as
villains and slaves, in suffering continually beating, servitude, and servile torments. No, our gaolers are guilty
of felony, by an old law of the land, if they torment any prisoner committed to their custody for the revealing
of his accomplices.
The greatest and most grievous punishment used in England for such as offend against the State is drawing
from the prison to the place of execution upon an hurdle or sled, where they are hanged till they be half dead,
and then taken down, and quartered alive; after that, their members and bowels are cut from their bodies, and
thrown into a fire, provided near hand and within their own sight, even for the same purpose.
Sometimes, if the trespass be not the more heinous, they are suffered to hang till they be quite dead. And
whensoever any of the nobility are convicted of high treason by their peers, that is to say, equals (for an
inquest of yeomen passeth not upon them, but only of the lords of parliament), this manner of their death is
converted into the loss of their heads only, notwithstanding that the sentence do run after the former order. In
trial of cases concerning treason, felony, or any other grievous crime not confessed, the party accused doth
yield, if he be a noble man, to be tried by an inquest (as I have said) and his peers; if a gentleman, by
gentlemen; and an inferior, by God and by the country, to wit, the yeomanry (for combat or battle is not
greatly in use), and, being condemned of felony, manslaughter, etc., he is eftsoons hanged by the neck till he
be dead, and then cut down and buried. But if he be convicted of wilful murder, done either upon pretended
malice or in any notable robbery, he is either hanged alive in chains near the place where the fact was
committed (or else upon compassion taken, first strangled with a rope), and so continueth till his bones
consume to nothing. We have use neither of the wheel nor of the bar, as in other countries; but, when wilful
manslaughter is perpetrated, beside hanging, the offender hath his right hand commonly stricken off before or
near unto the place where the act was done, after which he is led forth to the place of execution, and there put
to death according to the law.
The word felon is derived of the Saxon words fell and one, that is to say, an evil and wicked one, a one of
untameable nature and lewdness not to be suffered for fear of evil example and the corruption of others. In
like sort in the word felony are many grievous crimes contained, as breach of prison (Ann. I of Edward the
Second), disfigurers of the prince's liege people (Ann. 5 of Henry the Fourth), hunting by night with painted
faces and visors (Ann. I of Henry the Seventh), rape, or stealing of women and maidens (Ann. 3 of Henry
Eight), conspiracies against the person of the prince (Ann. 3 of Henry the Seventh), embezzling of goods
committed by the master to the servant above the value of forty shillings (Ann. 17 of Henry the Eighth),
carrying of horses or mares into Scotland (Ann. 23 of Henry Eight), sodomy and buggery (Ann. 25 of Henry
the Eighth), conjuring, forgery, witchcraft, and digging up of crosses (Ann. 33 of Henry Eight), prophesying
upon arms, cognisances, names, and badges (Ann. 33 of Henry Eight), casting of slanderous bills (Ann. 37,
Henry Eight), wilful killing by poison (Ann. 1 of Edward the Sixth), departure of a soldier from the field

(Ann. 2 of Edward the Sixth), diminution of coin, all offences within case of premunire, embezzling of
records, goods taken from dead men by their servants, stealing of whatsoever cattle, robbing by the high way,
upon the sea, or of dwelling houses, letting out of ponds, cutting of purses, stealing of deer by night,
counterfeits of coin, evidences charters, and writings, and divers other needless to be remembered. If a woman
poison her husband, she is burned alive; if the servant kill his master, he is to be executed for petty treason; he
that poisoneth a man is to be boiled to death in water or lead, although the party die not of the practice; in
cases of murder, all the accessories are to suffer pains of death accordingly. Perjury is punished by the pillory,
burning in the forehead with the letter P, the rewalting of the trees growing upon the grounds of the offenders,
and loss of all his movables. Many trespasses also are punished by the cutting off of one or both ears from the
head of the offender, as the utterance of seditious words against the magistrates, fraymakers, petty robbers,
etc. Rogues are burned through the ears; carriers of sheep out of the land, by the loss of their hands; such as
kill by poison are either boiled or scalded to death in lead or seething water. Heretics are burned quick; harlots
and their mates, by carting, ducking, and doing of open penance in sheets in churches and market steeds, are
often put to rebuke. Howbeit, as this is counted with some either as no punishment at all to speak of, or but
little regarded of the offenders, so I would with adultery and fornication to have some sharper law. For what
great smart is it to be turned out of hot sheet into a cold, or after a little washing in the water to be let loose
again unto their former trades? Howbeit the dragging of some of them over the Thames between Lambeth and
Westminster at the tail of a boat is a punishment that most terrifieth them which are condemned thereto; but
this is inflicted upon them by none other than the knight marshall, and that within the compass of his
jurisdiction and limits only. Canutus was the first that gave authority to the clergy to punish whoredom, who
at that time found fault with the former laws as being too severe in this behalf. For, before the time of the said
Canutus, the adulterer forfeited all his goods to the king and his body to be at his pleasure; and the adulteress
was to lose her eyes or nose, or both if the case were more than common: whereby it appears of what
estimation marriage was amongst them, since the breakers of that holy estate were so grievously rewarded.
But afterward the clergy dealt more favourably with them, shooting rather at the punishments of such priests
and clerks as were married than the reformation of adultery and fornication, wherein you shall find no
example that any severity was shewed except upon such lay men as had defiled their nuns. As in theft
therefore, so in adultery and whoredom, I would wish the parties trespassing to be made bond or slaves unto
those that received the injury, to sell and give where they listed, or to be condemned to the galleys: for that
punishment would prove more bitter to them than half-an-hour's hanging, or than standing in a sheet, though
the weather be never so cold.
Manslaughter in time past was punished by the purse, wherein the quantity or quality of the punishment was
rated after the state and calling of the party killed: so that one was valued sometime at 1200, another at 600, or
200 shillings. And by a statute made under Henry the First, a citizen of London at 100, whereof elsewhere I
have spoken more at large. Such as kill themselves are buried in the field with a stake driven through their
bodies.
Witches are hanged, or sometimes burned; but thieves are hanged (as I said before) generally on the gibbet or
gallows, saving in Halifax, where they are beheaded after a strange manner, and whereof I find this report.
There is and has been of ancient time a law, or rather a custom, at Halifax, that whosoever does commit any
felony, and is taken with the same, or confesses the fact upon examination, if it be valued by four constables
to amount to the sum of thirteenpence-halfpenny, he is forthwith beheaded upon one of the next market days
(which fall usually upon the Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays), or else upon the same day that he is so
convicted, if market be then holden. The engine wherewith the execution is done is a square block of wood of
the length of four feet and a half, which does ride up and down in a slot, rabbet, or regall, between two pieces
of timber, that are framed and set upright, of five yards in height. In the nether end of the sliding block is an
axe, keyed or fastened with an iron into the wood, which being drawn up to the top of the frame is there
fastened by a wooden pin (with a notch made into the same, after the manner of a Samson's post), unto the
midst of which pin also there is a long rope fastened that cometh down among the people, so that, when the
offender hath made his confession and hath laid his neck over the nethermost block, every man there present

doth either take hold of the rope (or putteth forth his arm so near to the same as he can get, in token that he is
willing to see true justice executed), and, pulling out the pin in this manner, the head-block wherein the axe is
fastened doth fall down with such a violence that, if the neck of the transgressor were as big as that of a bull, it
should be cut in sunder at a stroke and roll from the body by a huge distance. If it be so that the offender be
apprehended for an ox, oxen, sheep, kine, horse, or any such cattle, the self beast or other of the same kind
shall have the end of the rope tied somewhere unto them, so that they, being driven, do draw out the pin,
whereby the offender is executed. Thus much of Halifax law, which I set down only to shew the custom of
that country in this behalf.
Rogues and vagabonds are often stocked and whipped; scolds are ducked upon cucking-stools in the water.
Such felons as stand mute, and speak not at their arraignment, are pressed to death by huge weights laid upon
a board, that lieth over their breast, and a sharp stone under their backs; and these commonly held their peace,
thereby to save their goods unto their wives and children, which, if they were condemned, should be
confiscated to the prince. Thieves that are saved by their books and clergy, for the first offence, if they have
stolen nothing else but oxen, sheep, money, or such like, which be no open robberies, as by the highway side,
or assailing of any man's house in the night, without putting him in fear of his life, or breaking up his walls or
doors, are burned in the left hand, upon the brawn of the thumb, with a hot iron, so that, if they be
apprehended again, that mark betrayeth them to have been arraigned of felony before, whereby they are sure
at that time to have no mercy. I do not read that this custom of saving by the book is used anywhere else than
in England; neither do I find (after much diligent enquiry) what Saxon prince ordained that law. Howbeit this
I generally gather thereof, that it was devised to train the inhabitants of this land to the love of learning, which
before contemned letters and all good knowledge, as men only giving themselves to husbandry and the wars:
the like whereof I read to have been amongst the Goths and Vandals, who for a time would not suffer even
their princes to be learned, for weakening of their courage, nor any learned men to remain in the council
house, but by open proclamation would command them to avoid whensoever anything touching the state of
the land was to be consulted upon. Pirates and robbers by sea are condemned in the Court of the Admiralty,
and hanged on the shore at low-water mark, where they are left till three tides have overwashed them. Finally,
such as having walls and banks near unto the sea, and do suffer the same to decay (after convenient
admonition), whereby the water entereth and drowneth up the country, are by a certain ancient custom
apprehended, condemned, and staked in the breach, where they remain for ever as parcel of the foundation of
the new wall that is to be made upon them, as I have heard reported.
And thus much in part of the administration of justice used in our country, wherein, notwithstanding that we
do not often hear of horrible, merciless, and wilful murders (such I mean as are not seldom seen in the
countries of the main), yet now and then some manslaughter and bloody robberies are perpetrated and
committed, contrary to the laws, which be severely punished, and in such wise as I have before reported.
Certes there is no greater mischief done in England than by robberies, the first by young shifting gentlemen,
which oftentimes do bear more port than they are able to maintain. Secondly by serving-men, whose wages
cannot suffice so much as to find them breeches; wherefore they are now and then constrained either to keep
highways, and break into the wealthy men's houses with the first sort, or else to walk up and down in
gentlemen's and rich farmers' pastures, there to see and view which horses feed best, whereby they many
times get something, although with hard adventure: it hath been known by their confession at the gallows that
some one such chapman hath had forty, fifty, or sixty stolen horses at pasture here and there abroad in the
country at a time, which they have sold at fairs and markets far off, they themselves in the mean season being
taken about home for honest yeomen, and very wealthy drovers, till their dealings have been betrayed. It is not
long since one of this company was apprehended, who was before time reputed for a very honest and wealthy
townsman; he uttered also more horses than any of his trade, because he sold a reasonable pennyworth and
was a fairspoken man. It was his custom likewise to say, if any man hucked hard with him about the price of a
gelding, "So God help me, gentlemen (or sir), either he did cost me so much, or else, by Jesus, I stole him!"
Which talk was plain enough; and yet such was his estimation that each believed the first part of his tale, and
made no account of the latter, which was truer indeed.

Our third annoyers of the commonwealth are rogues, which do very great mischief in all places where they
become. For, whereas the rich only suffer injury by the first two, these spare neither rich nor poor; but,
whether it be great gain or small, all is fish that cometh to net with them. And yet, I say, both they and the rest
are trussed up apace. For there is not one year commonly wherein three hundred or four hundred of them are
not devoured and eaten up by the gallows in one place and other. It appeareth by Cardan (who writeth it upon
the report of the bishop of Lexovia), in the geniture of King Edward the Sixth, how Henry the Eighth,
executing his laws very severely against such idle persons, I mean great thieves, petty thieves, and rogues, did
hang up threescore and twelve thousand of them in his time. He seemed for a while greatly to have terrified
the rest; but since his death the number of them is so increased, yea, although we have had no wars, which are
a great occasion of their breed (for it is the custom of the more idle sort, having once served, or but seen the
other side of the sea under colour of service, to shake hand with labour for ever, thinking it a disgrace for
himself to return unto his former trade), that, except some better order be taken, or the laws already made be
better executed, such as dwell in uplandish towns and little villages shall live but in small safety and rest. For
the better apprehension also of thieves and mankillers, there is an old law in England very well provided
whereby it is ordered that, if he that is robbed (or any man) complain and give warning of slaughter or murder
committed, the constable of the village whereunto he cometh and crieth for succour is to raise the parish about
him, and to search woods, groves, and all suspected houses and places, where the trespasser may be, or is
supposed to lurk; and not finding him there, he is to give warning unto the next constable, and so one
constable, after search made, to advertise another from parish to parish, till they come to the same where the
offender is harboured and found. It is also provided that, if any parish in this business do not her duty, but
suffereth the thief (for the avoiding of trouble sake) in carrying him to the gaol, if he should be apprehended,
or other letting of their work to escape, the same parish is not only to make fine to the king, but also the same,
with the whole hundred wherein it standeth, to repay the party robbed his damages, and leave his estate
harmless. Certainly this is a good law; howbeit I have known by my own experience felons being taken to
have escaped out of the stocks, being rescued by other for want of watch and guard, that thieves have been let
pass, because the covetous and greedy parishioners would neither take the pains nor be at the charge, to carry
them to prison, if it were far off; that when hue and cry have been made even to the faces of some constables,
they have said: "God restore your loss! I have other business at this time." And by such means the meaning of
many a good law is left unexecuted, malefactors emboldened, and many a poor man turned out of that which
he hath sweat and taken great pains toward the maintenance of himself and his poor children and family.
CHAPTER XVIII
OF UNIVERSITIES
There have been heretofore, and at sundry times, divers famous universities in this island, and those even in
my days not altogether forgotten, as one at Bangor, erected by Lucius, and afterward converted into a
monastery, not by Congellus (as some write), but by Pelagius the monk. The second at Caerleon-upon-Usk,
near to the place where the river doth fall into the Severn, founded by King Arthur. The third at Thetford,
wherein were six hundred students, in the time of one Rond, sometime king of that region. The fourth at
Stamford, suppressed by Augustine the monk. And likewise other in other places, as Salisbury, Eridon or
Cricklade, Lachlade, Reading, and Northampton; albeit that the two last rehearsed were not authorised, but
only arose to that name by the departure of the students from Oxford in time of civil dissension unto the said
towns, where also they continued but for a little season. When that of Salisbury began I cannot tell; but that it
flourished most under Henry the Third and Edward the First I find good testimony by the writers, as also by

the discord which fell, 1278, between the chancellor for the scholars there on the one part and William the
archdeacon on the other, whereof you shall see more in the chronology here following. In my time there are
three noble universities in England—to wit, one at Oxford, the second at Cambridge, and the third in
London; of which the first two are the most famous, I mean Cambridge and Oxford, for that in them the use of
the tongues, philosophy, and the liberal sciences, besides the profound studies of the civil law, physic, and
theology, are daily taught and had: whereas in the latter the laws of the realm are only read and learned by
such as give their minds unto the knowledge of the same. In the first there are not only divers goodly houses
builded four square for the most part of hard freestone or brick, with great numbers of lodgings and chambers
in the same for students, after a sumptuous sort, through the exceeding liberality of kings, queens, bishops,
noblemen and ladies of the land; but also large livings and great revenues bestowed upon them (the like
whereof is not to be seen in any other region, as Peter Martyr did oft affirm) to the maintenance only of such
convenient numbers of poor men's sons as the several stipends bestowed upon the said houses are able to
support.[151]…
Of these two, that of Oxford (which lieth west and by north from London) standeth most pleasantly, being
environed in manner round about with woods on the hills aloft, and goodly rivers in the bottoms and valleys
beneath, whose courses would breed no small commodity to that city and country about if such impediments
were removed as greatly annoy the same and hinder the carriage which might be made thither also from
London. That of Cambridge is distant from London about forty and six miles north and by east, and standeth
very well, saving that it is somewhat near unto the fens, whereby the wholesomeness of the air is not a little
corrupted. It is excellently well served with all kinds of provisions, but especially of fresh water fish and wild
fowl, by reason of the river that passeth thereby; and thereto the Isle of Ely, which is so near at hand. Only
wood is the chief want to such as study there, wherefore this kind of provision is brought them either from
Essex and other places thereabouts, as is also their coal, or otherwise the necessity thereof is supplied with
gall (a bastard kind of mirtus as I take it) and seacoal, whereof they have great plenty led thither by the Grant.
Moreover it hath not such store of meadow ground as may suffice for the ordinary expenses of the town and
university, wherefore the inhabitants are enforced in like sort to provide their hay from other villages about,
which minister the same unto them in very great abundance.
Oxford is supposed to contain in longitude eighteen degrees and eight and twenty minutes, and in latitude one
and fifty degrees and fifty minutes: whereas that of Cambridge standing more northerly, hath twenty degrees
and twenty minutes in longitude, and thereunto fifty and two degrees and fifteen minutes in latitude, as by
exact supputation is easy to be found.
The colleges of Oxford, for curious workmanship and private commodities, are much more stately,
magnificent, and commodious than those of Cambridge: and thereunto the streets of the town for the most part
are more large and comely. But for uniformity of building, orderly compaction, and politic regiment, the town
of Cambridge, as the newer workmanship,[152] exceeds that of Oxford (which otherwise is, and hath been, the
greater of the two) by many a fold (as I guess), although I know divers that are of the contrary opinion. This
also is certain, that whatsoever the difference be in building of the town streets, the townsmen of both are glad
when they may match and annoy the students, by encroaching upon their liberties, and keep them bare by
extreme sale of their wares, whereby many of them become rich for a time, but afterward fall again into
poverty, because that goods evil gotten do seldom long endure.[153]…
In each of these universities also is likewise a church dedicated to the Virgin Mary, wherein once in the
year—to wit, in July—the scholars are holden, and in which such as have been called to any
degree in the year precedent do there receive the accomplishment of the same, in solemn and sumptuous
manner. In Oxford this solemnity is called an Act, but in Cambridge they use the French word
Commencement; and such resort is made yearly unto the same from all parts of the land by the friends of those
who do proceed that all the town is hardly able to receive and lodge those guests. When and by whom the
churches aforesaid were built I have elsewhere made relation. That of Oxford also was repaired in the time of

Edward the Fourth and Henry the Seventh, when Doctor Fitz James, a great helper in that work, was warden
of Merton College; but ere long, after it was finished, one tempest in a night so defaced the same that it left
few pinnacles standing about the church and steeple, which since that time have never been repaired. There
were sometime four and twenty parish churches in the town and suburbs; but now there are scarcely sixteen.
There have been also 1200 burgesses, of which 400 dwelt in the suburbs; and so many students were there in
the time of Henry the Third that he allowed them twenty miles compass about the town for their provision of
victuals.
The common schools of Cambridge also are far more beautiful than those of Oxford, only the Divinity School
of Oxford excepted, which for fine and excellent workmanship cometh next the mould of the King's Chapel in
Cambridge, than the which two, with the Chapel that King Henry the Seventh did build at Westminster, there
are not (in my opinion) made of lime and stone three more notable piles within the compass of Europe.
In all the other things there is so great equality between these two universities as no man can imagine how to
set down any greater, so that they seem to be the body of one well-ordered commonwealth, only divided by
distance of place and not in friendly consent and orders. In speaking therefore of the one I cannot but describe
the other; and in commendation of the first I cannot but extol the latter; and, so much the rather, for that they
are both so dear unto me as that I cannot readily tell unto whether of them I owe the most good-will. Would to
God my knowledge were such as that neither of them might have cause to be ashamed of their pupil, or my
power so great that I might worthily requite them both for those manifold kindnesses that I have received of
them! But to leave these things, and proceed with other more convenient to my purpose.
The manner to live in these universities is not as in some other of foreign countries we see daily to happen,
where the students are enforced for want of such houses to dwell in common inns, and taverns, without all
order or discipline. But in these our colleges we live in such exact order, and under so precise rules of
government, as that the famous learned man Erasmus of Rotterdam, being here among us fifty years passed,
did not let to compare the trades in living of students in these two places, even with the very rules and orders
of the ancient monks, affirming moreover, in flat words, our orders to be such as not only came near unto, but
rather far exceeded, all the monastical institutions that ever were devised.
In most of our colleges there are also great numbers of students, of which many are found by the revenues of
the houses and other by the purveyances and help of their rich friends, whereby in some one college you shall
have two hundred scholars, in others an hundred and fifty, in divers a hundred and forty, and in the rest less
numbers, as the capacity of the said houses is able to receive: so that at this present, of one sort and other,
there are about three thousand students nourished in them both (as by a late survey it manifestly appeared).
They were erected by their founders at the first only for poor men's sons, whose parents were not able to bring
them up unto learning; but now they have the least benefit of them, by reason the rich do so encroach upon
them. And so far has this inconvenience spread itself that it is in my time a hard matter for a poor man's child
to come by a fellowship (though he be never so good a scholar and worthy of that room). Such packing also is
used at elections that not he which best deserveth, but he that has most friends, though he be the worst scholar,
is always surest to speed, which will turn in the end to the overthrow of learning. That some gentlemen also
whose friends have been in times past benefactors to certain of those houses do intrude into the disposition of
their estates without all respect of order or statutes devised by the founders, only thereby to place whom they
think good (and not without some hope of gain), the case is too too evident: and their attempt would soon take
place if their superiors did not provide to bridle their endeavours. In some grammar schools likewise which
send scholars to these universities, it is lamentable to see what bribery is used; for, ere the scholar can be
preferred, such bribage is made that poor men's children are commonly shut out, and the richer sort received
(who in time past thought it dishonour to live as it were upon alms), and yet, being placed, most of them study
little other than histories, tables, dice, and trifles, as men that make not the living by their study the end of
their purposes, which is a lamentable hearing. Beside this, being for the most part either gentlemen or rich
men's sons, they often bring the universities into much slander. For, standing upon their reputation and liberty,

they ruffle and roist it out, exceeding in apparel, and banting riotous company (which draweth them from their
books unto another trade), and for excuse, when they are charged with breach of all good order, think it
sufficient to say that they be gentlemen, which grieveth many not a little. But to proceed with the rest.
Every one of these colleges have in like manner their professors or readers of the tongues and several
sciences, as they call them, which daily trade up the youth there abiding privately in their halls, to the end they
may be able afterward (when their turn cometh about, which is after twelve terms) to shew themselves abroad,
by going from thence into the common schools and public disputations (as it were "In aream") there to try
their skill, and declare how they have profited since their coming thither.
Moreover, in the public schools of both the universities, there are found at the prince's charge (and that very
largely) fine professors and readers, that is to say, of divinity, of the civil law, physic, the Hebrew and the
Greek tongues. And for the other lectures, as of philosophy, logic, rhetoric, and the quadrivials (although the
latter, I mean arithmetic, music, geometry, and astronomy, and with them all skill in the perspectives, are now
smally regarded in either of them), the universities themselves do allow competent stipends to such as read the
same, whereby they are sufficiently provided for, touching the maintenance of their estates, and no less
encouraged to be diligent in their functions.
These professors in like sort have all the rule of disputations and other school exercises which are daily used
in common schools severally assigned to each of them, and such of their hearers as by their skill shewed in the
said disputations are thought to have attained to any convenient ripeness of knowledge according to the
custom of other universities (although not in like order) are permitted solemnly to take their deserved degrees
of school in the same science and faculty wherein they have spent their travel. From that time forward also
they use such difference in apparel as becometh their callings, tendeth unto gravity, and maketh them known
to be called to some countenance.
The first degree is that of the general sophisters, from whence, when they have learned more sufficiently the
rules of logic, rhetoric, and obtained thereto competent skill in philosophy, and in the mathematicals, they
ascend higher unto the estate of bachelors of art, after four years of their entrance into their sophistry. From
thence also, giving their minds to more perfect knowledge in some or all the other liberal sciences and the
tongues, they rise at the last (to wit, after other three or four years) to be called masters of art, each of them
being at that time reputed for a doctor in his faculty, if he profess but one of the said sciences (besides
philosophy), or for his general skill, if he be exercised in them all. After this they are permitted to choose what
other of the higher studies them liketh to follow, whether it be divinity, law, or physic, so that, being once
masters of art, the next degree, if they follow physic, is the doctorship belonging to that profession; and
likewise in the study of the law, if they bend their minds to the knowledge of the same. But, if they mean to
go forward with divinity, this is the order used in that profession. First, after they have necessarily proceeded
masters of art, they preach one sermon to the people in English, and another to the university in Latin. They
answer all comers also in their own persons unto two several questions of divinity in the open schools at one
time for the space of two hours, and afterward reply twice against some other man upon a like number and on
two several dates in the same place, which being done with commendation, he receiveth the fourth degree,
that is, bachelor of divinity, but not before he has been master of arts by the space of seven years, according to
their statutes.
The next, and last degree of all, is the doctorship, after other three years, for the which he must once again
perform all such exercises and acts as are before remembered; and then is he reputed able to govern and teach
others, and likewise taken for a doctor. I have read that John of Beverley was the first doctor that ever was in
Oxford, as Beda was in Cambridge. But I suppose herein that the word "doctor" is not so strictly to be taken in
this report as it is now used, since every teacher is in Latin called by that name, as also such in the primitive
church as kept schools of catechists, wherein they were trained up in the rudiments and principles of religion,
either before they were admitted unto baptism or any office in the Church.

Thus we see that from our entrance into the university unto the last degree received is commonly eighteen or
twenty years, in which time, if a student has not obtained sufficient learning thereby to serve his own turn and
benefit his commonwealth, let him never look by tarrying longer to come by any more. For after this time, and
forty years of age, the most part of students do commonly give over their wonted diligence, and live like
drone bees on the fat of colleges, withholding better wits from the possession of their places, and yet doing
little good in their own vocation and calling. I could rehearse a number (if I listed) of this sort, as well in one
university as the other. But this shall suffice instead of a large report, that long continuance in those places is
either a sign of lack of friends, or of learning, or of good and upright life, as Bishop Fox[154] sometime noted,
who thought it sacrilege for a man to tarry any longer at Oxford than he had a desire to profit.
A man may (if he will) begin his study with the law, or physic (of which this giveth wealth, the other honour),
so soon as he cometh to the university, if his knowledge in the tongues and ripeness of judgment serve
therefor: which if he do, then his first degree is bachelor of law, or physic; and for the same he must perform
such acts in his own science as the bachelors or doctors of divinity do for their parts, the only sermons except,
which belong not to his calling. Finally, this will I say, that the professors of either of those faculties come to
such perfection in both universities as the best students beyond the sea do in their own or elsewhere. One
thing only I mislike in them, and that is their usual going into Italy, from whence very few without special
grace do return good men whatsoever they pretend of conference or practice, chiefly the physicians[155] who
under pretence of seeking of foreign simples do oftentimes learn the framing of such compositions as were
better unknown than practised, as I have heard often alleged, and therefore it is most true that Doctor Turner
said: "Italy is not to be seen without a guide, that is, without special grace given from God, because of the
licentious and corrupt behaviour of the people."
There is moreover in every house a master or provost, who has under him a president and certain censors or
deans, appointed to look to the behaviour and manners of the students there, whom they punish very severely
if they make any default, according to the quantity and quality of their trespass. And these are the usual names
of governors in Cambridge. Howbeit in Oxford the heads of houses are now and then called presidents in
respect of such bishops as are their visitors and founders. In each of these also they have one or more
treasurers, whom they call bursarios or bursars, beside other officers whose charge is to see unto the welfare
and maintenance of these houses. Over each university also there is a several chancellor, whose offices are
perpetual, howbeit their substitutes, whom we call vice-chancellors, are changed every year, as are also the
proctors, taskers, masters of the streets, and other officers, for the better maintenance of their policy and
estate.
And thus much at this time of our two universities, in each of which I have received such degree as they have
vouchsafed—rather of their favour than my desert—to yield and bestow upon me, and unto
whose students I wish one thing, the execution whereof cannot be prejudicial to any that meaneth well, as I
am resolutely persuaded, and the case now standeth in these our days. When any benefice therefor becometh
void it were good that the patron did signify the vacation thereof to the bishop, and the bishop the act of the
patron to one of the universities, with request that the vice-chancellor with his assistants might provide some
such able man to succeed in the place as should by their judgment be meet to take the charge upon him.
Certainly if this order were taken, then should the church be provided of good pastors, by whom God should
be glorified, the universities better stored, the simoniacal practices of a number of patrons utterly abolished,
and the people better trained to live in obedience toward God and their prince, which were a happier estate.
To these two also we may in like sort add the third, which is at London (serving only for such as study the
laws of the realm) where there are sundry famous houses, of which three are called by the name of Inns of the
Court, the rest of the Chancery, and all built before time for the furtherance and commodity of such as apply
their minds to our common laws. Out of these also come many scholars of great fame, whereof the most part
have heretofore been brought up in one of the aforesaid universities, and prove such commonly as in process
of time rise up (only through their profound skill) to great honour in the commonwealth of England. They

have also degrees of learning among themselves, and rules of discipline, under which they live most civilly in
their houses, albeit that the younger of them abroad in the streets are scarcely able to be bridled by any good
order at all. Certainly this error was wont also greatly to reign in Cambridge and Oxford, between the students
and the burgesses; but, as it is well left in these two places, so in foreign countries it cannot yet be suppressed.
Besides these universities, also there are great number of grammar schools throughout the realm, and those
very liberally endowed, for the better relief of poor scholars, so that there are not many corporate towns now
under the Queen's dominion that have not one grammar school at the least, with a sufficient living for a master
and usher appointed to the same.
There are in like manner divers collegiate churches, as Windsor, Winchester, Eton, Westminster (in which I
was some time an unprofitable grammarian under the reverend father Master Nowell, now dean of Paul's), and
in those a great number of poor scholars, daily maintained by the liberality of the founders, with meat, books,
and apparel, from whence, after they have been well entered in the knowledge of the Latin and Greek tongues,
and rules of versifying (the trial whereof is made by certain apposers yearly appointed to examine them), they
are sent to certain special houses in each university, where they are received and trained up in the points of
higher knowledge in their private halls, till they be adjudged meet to shew their face's in the schools as I have
said already.
And thus much have I thought good to note of our universities, and likewise of colleges in the same, whose
names I will also set down here, with those of their founders, to the end the zeal which they bare unto learning
may appear, and their remembrance never perish from among the wise and learned.
OF THE COLLEGES OF CAMBRIDGE WITH THEIR FOUNDERS
Years of the Colleges Founders

Foundation
1546 1 Trinity College King Henry 8.
1441 2 The King's College King Henry 6, Edward 4, Henry 7, and Henry 8.
1511 3 St. John's Lady Margaret, grandmother to Henry 8.
1505 4 Christ's College King Henry 6 and the Lady Margaret aforesaid.
1446 5 The Queen's College Lady Margaret, wife to King Henry 6.
1496 6 Jesus College John Alcock, bishop of Ely.
1342 7 Bennet College The brethren of a Popish guild called Corporis
Christi.
1343 8 Pembroke Hall Maria de Valentia, Countess of Pembroke.
1256 9 Peter College Hugh Balsham, bishop of Ely.
1348 10 Gundewill and Edmund Gundevill, parson of Terrington, and John
1557 Caius College Caius, doctor of physic.
1354 11 Trinity Hall William Bateman, bishop of Norwich.
1326 12 Clare Hall Richard Badow, chancellor of Cambridge.
1459 13 Catherine Hall Robert Woodlark, doctor of divinity.
1519 14 Magdalen College Edward, Duke of Buckingham, and Thomas, lord
Audley.
OF THE COLLEGES OF CAMBRIDGE WITH THEIR FOUNDERS 182

1585 15 Emanuel College Sir Walter Mildmay, etc.
OF THE COLLEGES AT OXFORD
Years of the Colleges Founders

Foundation
1539 1 Christ's Church King Henry 8.
1459 2 Magdalen College William Wainfleet, first fellow of Merton College,
then scholar at Winchester, and afterwards bishop
there.[156]
1375 3 New College William Wickham, bishop of Winchester.
1276 4 Merton College Walter Merton, bishop of Rochester.
1437 5 All Souls' College Henry Chicheley, archbishop of Canterbury.
1516 6 Corpus Christi College Richard Fox, bishop of Winchester.
1430 7 Lincoln College Richard Fleming, bishop of Lincoln.
1323 8 Auriel College Adam Broune, almoner to Edward 2.
1340 9 The Queen's College R. Eglesfeld, chaplain to Philip, queen of England,
wife to Edward 3.
1263 10 Balliol College John Balliol, king of Scotland.
1557 11 St. John's Sir Thomas White, knight.
1556 12 Trinity College Sir Thomas Pope, knight.
1316 13 Excester College Walter Stapleten, bishop of Excester.
1513 14 Brasen Nose William Smith, bishop of Lincoln.
1873 15 University College William, archdeacon of Duresine.
16 Gloucester College John Crifford, who made it a cell for thirteen
monks.
17 St. Mary's College
18 Jesus College, now in hand Hugh ap Rice, doctor of the civil law.
There are also in Oxford certain hotels or halls which may right well be called by the names of colleges, if it
were not that there is more liberty in them than is to be seen in the other. In my opinion the livers in these are
very like to those that are of the inns in the chancery, their names also are these so far as I now remember:
Brodegates. St. Mary Hall.

Hart Hall. White Hall.
Magdalen Hall. New Inn.
Alburne Hall. Edmond Hall.
Postminster Hall.
The students also that remain in them are called hostlers or halliers. Hereof it came of late to pass that the
right Reverend Father in God, Thomas, late archbishop of Canterbury, being brought up in such an house at
Cambridge, was of the ignorant sort of Londoners called an "Hostler," supposing that he had served with
OF THE COLLEGES AT OXFORD 183

some inn-holder in the stable, and therefore, in despite, divers hung up bottles of hay at his gate when he
began to preach the gospel, whereas indeed he was a gentleman born of an ancient house, and in the end a
faithful witness of Jesus Christ, in whose quarrel he refused not to shed his blood, and yield up his life, unto
the fury of his adversaries.
Besides these there is mention and record of divers other halls or hostels that have been there in times past, as
Beef Hall, Mutton Hall, etc., whose ruins yet appear: so that if antiquity be to be judged by the shew of
ancient buildings which is very plentiful in Oxford to be seen, it should be an easy matter to conclude that
Oxford is the elder university. Therein are also many dwelling-houses of stone yet standing that have been
halls for students, of very antique workmanship, besides the old walls of sundry others, whose plots have been
converted into gardens since colleges were erected.
In London also the houses of students at the Common Law are these:
Sergeant's Inn. Furnival's Inn.

Gray's Inn. Clifford's Inn.
The Temple. Clement's Inn.
Lincoln's Inn. Lion's Inn.
David's Inn. Barnard's Inn.
Staple Inn. Newmann.
And thus much in general of our noble universities, whose lands some greedy gripers do gape wide for, and of
late have (as I hear) propounded sundry reasons whereby they supposed to have prevailed in their purposes.
But who are those that have attempted this suit, other than such as either hate learning, piety, and wisdom, or
else have spent all their own, and know not otherwise than by encroaching upon other men how to maintain
themselves? When such a motion was made by some unto King Henry the Eighth, he could answer them in
this manner: "Ah, sirra! I perceive the Abbey lands have fleshed you, and set your teeth on edge, to ask also
those colleges. And, whereas we had a regard only to pull down sin by defacing the monasteries, you have a
desire also to overthrow all goodness, by subversion of colleges. I tell you, sirs, that I judge no land in
England better bestowed than that which is given to our universities; for by their maintenance our realm shall
be well governed when we be dead and rotten. As you love your welfares therefore, follow no more this vein,
but content yourselves with that you have already, or else seek honest means whereby to increase your
livelihoods; for I love not learning so ill that I will impair the revenues of any one house by a penny, whereby
it may be upholden." In King Edward's days likewise the same suit was once again attempted (as I have
heard), but in vain; for, saith the Duke of Somerset, among other speeches tending to that end—who
also made answer thereunto in the king's presence by his assignation: "If learning decay, which of wild men
maketh civil; of blockish and rash persons, wise and goodly counsellors; of obstinate rebels, obedient
subjects; and of evil men, good and godly Christians; what shall we look for else but barbarism and tumult?
For when the lands of colleges be gone, it shall be hard to say whose staff shall stand next the door; for then I
doubt not but the state of bishops, rich farmers, merchants, and the nobility, shall be assailed, by such as live
to spend all, and think that whatsoever another man hath is more meet for them and to be at their
commandment than for the proper owner that has sweat and laboured for it." In Queen Mary's days the
weather was too warm for any such course to be taken in hand; but in the time of our gracious Queen
Elizabeth I hear that it was after a sort in talk the third time, but without success, as moved also out of season;
and so I hope it shall continue for ever. For what comfort should it be for any good man to see his country
brought into the estate of the old Goths and Vandals, who made laws against learning, and would not suffer
any skilful man to come into their council-house: by means whereof those people became savage tyrants and
merciless hell-hounds, till they restored learning again and thereby fell to civility.

FOOTNOTES:
[1]
He was in fact sixteen; born 15th June 1330.
[2]
Probably 'Mohun'.
[3]
The usual confusion between 'comté' and 'comte.' It means, 'of the county of Hainault there was sir Wulfart of
Ghistelles,' etc.
[4]
Saint-Vaast-de la Hogue.
[5]
Saint-Sauveur-le-Vicomte.
[6]
Froissart is mistaken in supposing that a division of the land army went to these towns. Barfleur and
Cherbourg were visited only by the fleet. According to Michael of Northburgh, who accompanied the
expedition, Edward disembarked 12th July and remained at Saint Vaast till the 18th, and meanwhile the fleet
went to Barfleur and Cherbourg. The army arrived at Caen on the 26th.
[7]
Or rather, 'thus they found reasonably sufficient provisions.'
[8]
That is, they fled as soon as they heard their coming spoken of.
[9]
That is, he did not turn aside to go to it. Froissart says, 'He did not turn aside to the city of Coutances, but
went on toward the great town of Saint-Lo in Cotentin, which at that time was very rich and of great
merchandise and three times as great as the city of Coutances.' Michael of Northburgh says that Barfleur was
about equal in importance to Sandwich and Carentan to Leicester, Saint-Lo greater than Lincoln, and Caen
greater than any city in England except London.
[10]
This was 26th July. Edward arrived at Poissy on 12th August. Philip of Valois left Paris on the 14th, the
English crossed the Seine at Poissy on the 16th, and the Somme at Blanche-taque on the 24th.
[11]
'Set themselves for safety in a gate at the entry of the bridge.'
[12]
Froissart says that they sent their booty in barges and boats 'on the river as far as Austrehem, a two leagues
from thence, where their great navy lay.' He makes no mention of Saint-Sauveur here. The river in question is
the Orne, at the mouth of which Austrehem is situated.
[13]
Bourg-la-Reine.

[14]
A better reading is 'twelve.'
[15]
Commonly called Saint-Lucien, but Saint Maximianus (Messien) is also associated with the place.
[16]
A mistranslation. The original is '(Il avoit) deffendu sus le hart que nuls ne fourfesist rien à le ville d'arsin ne
d'autre cose,' 'he had commanded all on pain of hanging to do no hurt to the town by burning or otherwise.'
The translator has taken 'arsin' for a proper name.
[17]
Pont-à-Remy, corrupted here into 'bridge of Athyne.'
[18]
That is, a house of the knights of Saint John.
[19]
She was in fact his daughter.
[20]
'Un petit palefroi.'
[21]
Villani, a very good authority on the subject, says 6000, brought from the ships at Harfleur.
[22]
A mistranslation of 'une esclistre,' 'a flash of lightning.'
[23]
These 'leaps' of the Genoese are invented by the translator, and have passed from him into several respectable
English text-books, sometimes in company with the eclipse above mentioned. Froissart says 'Il
commencièrent à juper moult epouvantablement'; that is, 'to utter cries.' Another text makes mention of the
English cannons at this point: 'The English remained still and let off some cannons that they had, to frighten
the Genoese.'
[24]
The translator's word 'relieve' (relyuue) represents 'relever,' for 'se relever.'
[25]
'Sus le nuit,' 'towards nightfall.'
[26]
The text has suffered by omissions. What Froissart says is that if the battle had begun in the morning, it might
have gone better for the French, and then he instances the exploits of those who broke through the archers.
The battle did not begin till four o'clock in the afternoon.
[27]
'Que il laissent à l'enfant gaegnier ses esperons.'

[28]
i.e. 'they repoined': Fr. 'se reprisent.'
[29]
'C'est la fortune de France': but the better MSS. have 'c'est li infortunés rois de France.'
[30]
Another text makes the loss of persons below the rank of knight 15,000 or 16,000, including the men of the
towns. Both estimates must be greatly exaggerated. Michael of Northburgh says that 1542 were killed in the
battle and about 2000 on the next day. The great princes killed were the king of Bohemia, the duke of
Lorraine, the earls of Alençon, Flanders, Blois, Auxerre, Harcourt, Saint-Pol, Aumale, the grand prior of
France and the archbishop of Rouen.
[31]
'En Touraine.'
[32]
Or rather, 'that the French king had gone in front of them (les avoit advancez) and that he could in no way
depart without being fought with.'
[33]
That is, Jaques de Bourbon, earl of la Marche and Ponthieu.
[34]
'Verrons': but a better reading is 'ferons,' 'that will we do gladly.'
[35]
The translation of this passage is unsatisfactory. It should be: 'Howbeit they have ordered it wisely, and have
taken post along the road, which is fortified strongly with hedges and thickets, and they have beset this hedge
on one side (or according to another text, on one side and on the other) with their archers, so that one cannot
enter nor ride along their road except by them, and that way must he go who purposes to fight with them. In
this hedge there is but one entry and one issue, where by likelihood four men of arms, as on the road, might
ride a-front. At the end of this hedge among vines and thorn-bushes, where no man can go nor ride, are their
men of arms all afoot, and they have set in front of them their archers in manner of a harrow, whom it would
not be easy to discomfit.
[36]
Arnaud de Cervolles, one of the most celebrated adventurers of the 14th century, called the archpriest because
though a layman he possessed the ecclesiastical fief of Vélines.
[37]
Talleyrand de Périgord.
[38]
The meaning is, 'Ye have here all the flower of your realm against a handful of people, for so the Englishmen
are as compared with your company.'
[39]
Amposta, a fortress in Catalonia.

[40]
The first setter-on and the best combatant.
[41]
That is, two hamedes gules on a field ermine.
[42]
They tied him on to a cart with their harness.
[43]
'Ne posient aler avant.'
[44]
'Which was great and thick in front (pardevant), but anon it became open and thin behind.'
[45]
The original adds, 'qui estoit de France au sentoir (sautoir) de gueulles.'
[46]
Le conte d'Aulnoy,' but it should be 'visconte.'
[47]
'Howbeit they that stayed acquitted them as well as they might, so that they were all slain or taken. Few
escaped of those that set themselves with the king': or according to the fuller text: 'Few escaped of those that
alighted down on the sand by the side of the king their lord.'
[48]
The translator has chosen to rearrange the above list of killed, wounded or taken, which the French text gives
in order as they fought, saying that in one part there fell the duke of Bourbon, sir Guichard of Beaujeu and sir
John on Landas, and there were severely wounded or taken the arch-priest, sir Thibaud of Vodenay and sir
Baudouin, d'Annequin; in another there were slain the duke of Athens and the bishop of Chalons, and taken
the earl of Vaudemont and Joinville and the earl of Vendome: a little above this there were slain sir William
de Nesle, sir Eustace de Ribemont and others, and taken sir Louis de Melval, the lord of Pierrebuffière and the
lord of Seregnach.
[49]
This 'and' should be 'by,' but the French text is responsible for the mistake.
[50]
'S'efforçoit de dire.'
[51]
'Lentement.'
[52]
'Environ heure de prime.'
[53]
'Rappel,' i.e. power of recalling the gift. The word 'repeal' is a correction of 'rebel.'

[54]
'Who was to give the king of France a supper of his own provisions; for the French had brought great
abundance with them, and provisions had failed among the English,' etc.
[55]
The true text is, 'Mais ils n'avoient pas cette taille,' 'but they were not of that nature.' The translator found the
corruption 'bataille' for 'taille.'
[56]
Froissart says 'le seigle, le retrait et la paille,' 'the rye, the bran and the straw.' The translator's French text had
'le seigle, le retraict de la paille.'
[57]
'Bien les trois pars.' i.e. 'three-fourths.'
[58]
'Les pastoureaulx.' The reference no doubt is to the Pastoureaux of 1320, who were destroyed at
Aigues-Mortes when attempting to obtain a passage to the Holy Land.
[59]
'That they were for the king and the noble commons (or commonwealth) of England.'
[60]
Froissart calls him John: his name was really William.
[61]
[61] That is, the grand prior of the Hospital.
[62]
'Les quatre pars d'eux,' 'four-fifths of them.'
[63]
This is called afterwards 'l'Ospital de Saint Jehan du Temple,' and therefore would probably be the Temple, to
which the Hospitallers had suceeded. They had, however, another house at Clerkenwell, which also had been
once the property of the Templars.
[64]
The Queen's Wardrobe was in the 'Royal' (called by Froissart or his copyist 'la Réole'), a palace near
Blackfriars.
[65]
Or rather, 'he found a place on the left hand to pass without London.'
[66]
The full text has, 'for as much gold as that minster of Saint Paul is great.'
[67]
'Jamais je veux vivre, si tu ne le compares.'
[68]
'Outrage' here means 'act of boldness,' as elsewhere, e.g. 'si fist une grant apertise d'armes et un grant outrage.'

[69]
'Qui estoit des draps du roy.' He owned large estates in Essex and also shops in London. He became one of the
councillors of Richard II.
[70]
George, earl of March and Dunbar: the text gives Mare, but there was at this time no earl of Mar.
[71]
Froissart says 'eight English leagues.' In the next chapter the distance becomes 'seven little leagues,' and later
on, 'a six English miles,' where the original is 'lieues.' The actual distance is about thirty miles. The translator
gives the form 'Combur' here, but 'Ottenburge' in the next chapter, as the name of the place. It is remarkable
indeed how little trouble he seems to have taken generally to give English names correctly. In this chapter we
have 'Nymyche' for 'Alnwick' and 'Pouclan' for 'Pontland,' forms rather less like the real names than those
which he found in the French text, viz. Nynich and Ponclau.
[72]
Froissart says, 'if he comes, it shall be defended.' The translator perhaps means 'he shall be prevented.'
[73]
i.e. 'well fought with.'
[74]
In French, 'ilz se arresterent,' without 'and.'
[75]
'Which is called in the country Dalkeith.' The French has 'que on nomme au pays Dacquest,' of which the
translator makes 'in the countrey of Alquest.'
[76]
'By both sides,' i.e. Scotch and English.
[77]
'When they have well fought.'
[78]
'No man was so well armed that he did not fear the great strokes which he gave.'
[79]
Or, according to another reading, 'Cocherel.'
[80]
Perhaps 'Malcolm Drummond.'
[81]
The true reading seems to be 'Sandilands.'
[82]
Perhaps 'Coningham.'
[83]
Either 'Copeland' or 'Copeldike.'

[84]
The word 'lieue' is translated 'mile' throughout.
[85]
Or rather, 'very pensive leaning against a window,' and afterwards the expression 'came forth of the study to
him' should be 'broke off his thought and came towards him.'
[86]
That is, 'After the battle was over and every man had returned,' but it should be, 'After all this was done and
everything was gathered together.'
[87]
These references are to the first two editions of Holinshed's Chronicles. The modernization of the spelling,
etc., follows that of Mr. L. Wilkington, whose notes are signed W.
[88]
Here follow etymologies of the terms "Duke," "Marquess," and "Baron."—W.
[89]
1 Sam. ii. 15; 1 Kings i. 7.—H.
[90]
Here follows a long paragraph on the character of the clergy which is more appropriate to the chapter on "The
Church."—W.
[91]
Here follows a learned disquisition upon "Valvasors."—W.
[92]
Here follows a discourse uponEquites Aurati.—W.
[93]
Here is a description of dubbing a knight.—W.
[94]
Long details are given of Garter history, very inaccurate, both here and in the last omitted
passage.—W.
[95]
Derivations of "Esquire" and "Gentleman" are given.—W.
[96]
Kerseys.
[97]
Capite censi, or Proletarii—H.
[98]
The Ceylonese. The Greek name for the island of Ceylon was Taprobane, which Harrison used merely as a
classical scholar.—W.

[99]
If Harrison means to give us the impression that a city has any direct connection with episcopal affairs, he is
quite in error. Cities are distinctly royal and imperial institutions. The accident of the number of cities and
sees being the same comes from the natural tendency of the two institutions to drift together, though of
distinct origin—W.
[100]
Here follows a long and learned disquisition upon the Roman and other early towns, especially about St.
Albans, a portion of which will be found in the Appendix.—W.
[101]
Here follows an allusion to the decay of Eastern cities.—W.
[102]
The old and proper form of the modern pumpkin.—W.
[103]
The first is a variant on a Keltic, the second on a Saxon word, both relating to matters sufficiently indicated in
the text.—W.
[104]
A vegetable something like a carrot.
[105]
A kind of turnip.
[106]
Earthly stars.
[107]
"And paints terrestrial constellations with varied flowers."
[108]
Refuse-heaps.
[109]
Probably cornels.
[110]
Direct.
[111]
Market.
[112]
Horse-loads.
[113]
Loft.

[114]
The ancient London counterpart of the more modern "Rag Fair" known to literary fame.—W.
[115]
The Kermess, or literally, "Church mass," so famous in "Faust."—W.
[116]
Overcome.
[117]
A fool or dupe.
[118]
"Thomas, not innocent of treason, has intrigued against the majesty of our court."
[119]
"Sinners build on the back of the church."
[120]
Here follows a story about the bootless errand of a pope's legate in 1452.—W.
[121]
Sweet cicely, sometimes miscalled myrrh. Mure is the Saxon word. At one time the plant was not uncommon
as a salad.—W.
[122]
Neither "silent" nor "garrulous."
[123]
A famine at hand is first seen in the horse-manger, when the poor do fall to horse corn.—H.
[124]
The size of bread is very ill kept or not at all looked unto in the country towns or markets.—H.
[125]
Holinshed. This occurs in the last of Harrison's prefatory matter.—W.
[126]
This word is not obsolete. South coast countrymen still eatnuntions and notluncheons.—W.
[127]
Here follows a disquisition upon the table practices of the ancients.—W.
[128] (COS.)
"I am an English man and naked I stand here,
Musying in my mynde what rayment I shall were;
For now I will were thys, and now I will were that;

Now I will were I cannot tell what.
All new fashyons be plesaunt in me;
I wyl haue them, whether I thryve or thee."
From Andrew Boorde's Introduction (1541), and Dyetary (1542), edited by F.J.F. for Early English Text
Society, 1870, p. 116. (A most quaint and interesting volume, though I say so.)—Furnivall.
[129]
This was in the time of general idleness.—H.
[130]
At whose hands shall the blood of these men be required?—H.
[131]
Law of the Marshal.—Furnivall.
[132]
Here lacks.—H.
[133]
"An innovation, has always mixed effects."
[134]
The Lord Mountjoy.—H.
[135]
Here ends the chapter entitled "Minerals," and the one on "Metals" begins.—W.
[136]
Here follow two stories about crows and miners.—W.
[137]
Some tell me that it is a mixture of brass, lead, and tin.—H.
[138]
Tape.
[139]
The proper English name of the bird which vulgar acceptance forces us to now call bittern.—W.
[140]
Here ends the first chapter of "fowls," that which follows being restricted to "hawks and ravenous
fowls."—W.
[141]
This on "venomous beasts" will be found included in the "savage beasts" of the following.
[142]
Here follows an account of the extermination of wolves, and a reference to lions and wild bulls rampant in

Scotland of old.—W.
[143]
Here follows a discourse on ancient boar hunting, exalting it above the degenerate sports of the day. This ends
the chapter on "savage beasts."—W.
[144]
Galenus, De Theriaca ad Pisonem; Pliny, lib. 10, cap. 62.—H.
[145]
"The adder or viper alone among serpents brings forth not eggs but living creatures."
[146]
Sallust, cap. 40, Pliny, lib. 37, cap. 2.—H.
[147]
See Diodorus Siculus.—H.
[148]
Here follows an account of Roman and Carthaginian galleys which "did not only match, but far exceed" in
capacity our ships and galleys of 1587.—W.
[149]
A name devised by her grace in remembrance of her own deliverance from the fury of her enemies, from
which in one respect she was no less miraculously preserved than was the prophet Jonas from the belly of the
whale.—H.
[150]
So called of her exceeding nimbleness in sailing and swiftness of course.—H.
[151]
Here follows a paragraph about the legendary foundation of the universities.—W.
[152]
Cambridge burned not long since.—H.
[153]
Here follows an account of Oxford and Cambridge castles, and the legend of the building of Osney Abbey by
Robert and Edith D'Oyley.—W.
[154]
This Fox builded Corpus Christi College, in Oxford.—H.
[155]
So much also may be inferred of lawyers.—H.
[156]
He founded also a good part of Eton College, and a free school at Wainfleet, where he was born.
Planned and Designed at The Collier Press

By William Patten

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THE HARVARD CLASSICS

THE HARVARD CLASSICS 1

WITH INTRODUCTIONS, NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS

BY P.F. COLLIER & SON NEW YORK

• The Campaign of Crecy

THE HOLY GRAIL

A DESCRIPTION OF ELIZABETHAN ENGLAND

II. Of Cities and Towns

CHRONICLE AND ROMANCE 2

III. Of Gardens and Orchards

IV. Of Fairs and Markets

V. Of the Church of England

VI. Of Food and Diet

VII. Of Apparel and Attire

VIII. Of Building and Furniture

IX. Of Provision for the Poor

X. Of Air, Soil, and Commodities

XI. Of Minerals and Metals

XII. Of Cattle Kept for Profit

XIII. Of Wild and Tame Fowls

XIV. Of Savage Beasts and Vermin

XV. Of Our English Dogs

XVI. Of the Navy of England

XVII. Of Kinds of Punishment

THE CHRONICLES OF FROISSART

HISTORICAL NARRATIVE OF MANY OF THE BATTLES OF THE HUNDRED YEAR'S WAR

THE CAMPAIGN OF CRECY

HOW THE FRENCH KING FOLLOWED THE KING OF ENGLAND IN BEAUVOISINOIS

THE BATTLE OF POITIERS

OF THE ORDER OF THE FRENCHMEN BEFORE THE BATTLE OF POITIERS

HOW KING JOHN WAS TAKEN PRISONER AT THE BATTLE OF POITIERS

HOW THE PRINCE RETURNED TO BORDEAUX AFTER THE BATTLE OF POITIERS

WAT TYLER'S REBELLION

HOW THE COMMONS OF ENGLAND REBELLED AGAINST THE NOBLEMEN

THE BATTLE OF OTTERBURN

THE HOLY GRAIL FROM THE BOOK OF KING ARTHUR

THE HOLY GRAIL

THE THIRTEENTH BOOK.

THE FOURTEENTH BOOK

THE FIFTEENTH BOOK

THE SIXTEENTH BOOK

HOW THE HERMIT EXPOUNDED THEIR VISION

OF THE GOOD COUNSEL THAT THE HERMIT GAVE TO HIM

THE SEVENTEENTH BOOK

OF THE MARVELS OF THE SWORD AND OF THE SCABBARD

A WONDERFUL TALE OF KING SOLOMON AND HIS WIFE

INTRODUCTORY NOTE 100

INTRODUCTORY NOTE 101

INTRODUCTORY NOTE 102

INTRODUCTORY NOTE 103

A DESCRIPTION OF ELIZABETHAN ENGLAND

INTRODUCTORY NOTE 104

A DESCRIPTION OF ELIZABETHAN ENGLAND

OF DEGREES OF PEOPLE IN THE COMMONWEALTH OF ELIZABETHAN ENGLAND

[1577, Book III., Chapter 4; 1587, Book II., Chapter 5.][87]

INTRODUCTORY NOTE 105

INTRODUCTORY NOTE 106

INTRODUCTORY NOTE 107

INTRODUCTORY NOTE 108

INTRODUCTORY NOTE 109