Location via proxy:   [ UP ]  
[Report a bug]   [Manage cookies]                

Human Rights and Dalits: Different Strands in The Discourse

Download as pdf or txt
Download as pdf or txt
You are on page 1of 5

IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS)

Volume 20, Issue 2, Ver. V (Feb. 2015), PP 19-23


e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845.
www.iosrjournals.org

Human Rights and Dalits: Different Strands in the Discourse


T. Bharathi, Ph.D
Professor of English S. P. Mahila University Tirupati, Andhra Pradesh
Human Rights are the natural/fundamental rights that every person enjoys by virtue of a person being a
human being. Human Rights are essential for the required development of personality and for a happy and
peaceful living for any human being. The objective of the universal system of human rights is to remove
inequalities and restore dignity for every human being in all civilized societies. Nachiketa Singh while
elucidating various meanings of Human Rights quotes Scott Davidson. Singh states, According to Scott
Davidson, the concept of human rights is closely connected with the protection of individuals from the exercise
of state, government or authority in certain areas of their lives; it is also directed towards the creation of social
conditions by the state in which individuals are to develop their fullest potential(44). The social structure has
not been much modified by the marginal changes in Dalits condition; Indian society, always belonging to
Brahmins, still retains the form they have given it.
The constitution of India in its preamble ensures justice, liberty, equality and fraternity to all its citizens.
Every democratic country and civilized society recognizes and guarantees the value of dignity and equality to all
its members. Unfortunately, in India However, human life and human dignity have been disregarded today.
Discrimination continues to exist due to ignorance, prejudice and fallacious doctrines which try to justify
inequalities (Biswal 61). For centuries in India, social gradation based on castes is a permanent uncrossable set
up. Ironically, the Hindu religion has sanctioned some castes the natural superiority. The human rights which
are the natural /fundamental rights to every human being are denied to Dalits. This has compelled the oppressed
castes to fight for their rights and their right place in the society. The knowledge of their oppression and the
conspiracy of their lower place in the gradation have come to Dalits through the education system introduced
by the British during their rule. The education has certainly proved as a weapon to fight for justicesocial,
economic and political. Not only the western education but also Christian religion supplied with elements of
enlightenment and advancement.
Dalit, according to the seventh edition of Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary ( in the traditional
Indian caste system) a member of the caste that is considered the lowest and that has the fewest advantages.
Dalit is a new term that has been used for Scheduled Castes in India. The Scheduled Castes (untouchable castes)
adopted the nomenclature Dalit as a symbol that denotes revolution and change. Dalits believe in humanism.
But the Fundamental Hindu social system has determined to destroy Dalit as a human being. William Sweet in
his article entitled Proving Human Rights presented at the International Conference on Human Rights at
Dominican University college, Ottawa ( December 4-6 2008) stated that have maintained that human rights
reflect or depend on something about the nature of human beings though, interestingly, such rights may - in
fact, do depend for their recognition and respect on rules and practices that exist at the local level( 301).
Dr.K. Ramaswamy, Justice, Supreme Court of India (Retired) and a Former Member of National
Human Rights Commission of India in his foreword to Dalit Human Rights Monitor 2000-2003 Andhra
Pradesh, stated that Caste and decent based discrimination is most degrading human rights violation,
prohibited by the constitution of India as well as articles 1 to 5 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
(UDHR), the International Convention of Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR); International Convention on
Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD) and Convention on Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). Though the Government of India had not agreed but the NHRC
(National Human Rights Commission) of India has stated in Durban (South Africa) conference held at
September and October 2001 that caste and descent based discrimination require elimination in its all forms as
racial discrimination and xenophobia. In the every day process of Indian society caste oppression violates
Dalit Human Rights in the form of segregation, denial access to education, land and water, denial of the right to
dignity and immeasurable suppressions and degradations. Violations of Dalit Human Rights are not only,
however, a matter of pervasive, grinding societal oppression. They are also acts of savage violence and
unspeakable brutality, inflicted in such a frequent and wide spread manner across the country that the term
atrocities has become parlance ( Dalit Human Rights Monitor:1)
Irrespective of the Fundamental Rights guaranteed by the Indian Constitution and the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights by UN General Assembly it is a every day process of the ritualistic massacre of
Dalits even in this electronic age. Despite the fact that untouchability was abolished under the Constitution of
India in 1950 the practice of untouchability is still in vogue. A majority of Dalits continue to live in extreme
DOI: 10.9790/0837-20251923

www.iosrjournals.org

19 | Page

Human Rights and Dalits: Different Strands in the Discourse


poverty, without land or education or employment. Acclaimed as a libertarian, Herbert Spencer in his Social
Statics (1851) argues that when rights are subjected to some limits then only the y have moral weight and in any
context individuals have to limit their activities so as to allow an equal freedom for others. Hence Dalits can
enjoy equal freedom , when non- Dalits limit /curtail their activities.
On 10th December , 1948 the General Assembly of the United Nations adopted and proclaimed the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The Declaration has 30 articles. Articles 1 and 2 state that all human
beings are born equal in dignity and rights; articles 3 to 21 explain the Civil and Political Rights entitled by all
human beings with out any discrimination. The Preamble of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights begins
with Whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the
human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world,
And Article 2 of the Declaration states: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in
this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other
opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on
the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person
belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty.
The Indian Constitution ensures both democracy and republicthat has not been realized by Dalits of
this country so far. According to NCDHR (National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights ( http:
//www.ncdhr.org.in/ncdhr/ ) in every single day in India 27 atrocities are committed against Dalits , 2 Dalits are
physically assaulted . A crime against a Dalit is committed in every 18 minutes. Daits occupy one-sixth of
Indias population. Dalits are discriminated against, denied access to land and basic resources, forced to work in
degrading conditions, and routinely abused at the hands of police and dominant caste groups that enjoy the
states protection.
With out social democracy advancement and progress are impossible in India. Even if a country
reaches the height of excellence in philosophical thought, literature, arts and science yet faces the civil wars and
social disorder if there is no social democracy. Otherwise the inequality that results from social discriminations ,
be it based on race, religion, language, caste or sub-religions, build up a static electricity as in the clouds in the
sky and at an unexpected moment result in thunders and lightening and have devastating effect. Such
revolutions bursting the seams create an instability and intervening region of terror which is very injurious to
the establishment of a welfare state where all people attain satisfaction and wealth.
While speaking on A Totalitarian Society T.K.Oommen , Professor of Jawaharlal Nehru University,
New Delhi analyses: Although some would argue that there is no organic relationship between Hinduism and
the caste system, in reality they are inextricably inter-twined. All available evidence suggests that caste system
is antithetical to the ethos of democracy (4). Sectional interests are realistic and therefore cannot be
condemned, if they are not damaging or destructive to the interests of the entire society. The capitalistic interests
cannot be allowed to contradict or cancel out the labour interests of the poor. This balancing is the centre of all
modern social philosophy.
Dr.Ambedkar (on 17th Dec 1946) in the Constituent Assembly remarked that the state has to make
economic, social and political justice a reality and further added that there may be social and economic
justice in the country ,that there would be nationalization of industry and nationalization of land... (Vol, I,100).
He further argued that unless a countrys economy is a socialistic economy, no government can do
justice socially, economically and politically. A majority of the countries in Asia could not achieve social
justice and without it the other two i.e. economic and political justice have no meaning. Hence the countries are
facing terrorism either within the country or out side the country.
Ambedkar prophesied that if social democracy is not established there may he a danger for the nations
political democracy. In the Constituent Assembly Debates on 25th November 1949, he visualized thus:
On 26th January 1950, India will be an independent country (cheers) what would happen to her independence?
Will she maintain her independence or will she lose it again? (Official report Vol X 977) he further gives the
reasons that may become a threat to the countrys stability. He said on the 26th of January 1950, we are going to
enter into a life of contradictions. In politics we will have equality and in social and economic life, we shall by
reason of our social and economic structure, continue to deny the principle of one man one value. ( Vol, I: 979).
That is why Ambedkar has argued for making a political democracy a social democracy as well. Being
an intellectual he has always pointed out on the paradox in Indian democracy; he repeatedly spoke on inequality
as a great threat to the concept of democracy. If social justice has not come into force even the sovereignty of
the democratic nation will be destabilized
When the authority of law is derived from the will of the people then only the sovereign state is
essentially democratic. This type of sovereign states is accepted by political thinkers like Locke, Rousseau
and Kant. If people are divided on the basis of caste, race, sex, religion and region then that democracy will not
be by the people, for the people and of the people. Such democracy will face anarchy and chaos and never

DOI: 10.9790/0837-20251923

www.iosrjournals.org

20 | Page

Human Rights and Dalits: Different Strands in the Discourse


guarantee for advancement and progress of the nation. The prolonged social disorder, civil and inner conflicts
will lead to disintegration of any nation.
Robert Nozick focused on distributive justice in his book, Anarchy, State and Utopia. Good in
society ought to be distributed equally unless there is some imperative necessity to depart from strict equality. If
one wants facts one should look; if on the other hand one wants values one has to choose. Goods are not to be
understood simply as articles or things. Even jobs and positions of power have to be distributed equally among
people. Only then any nation can achieve social justice and thereby preserve the dignity and self respect of its
citizens. Power sharing, sharing of opportunities, sharing of wealth and sharing of the necessities of life all these
have to be done as per justice.
Tsunduru/Chunduru : A Case Study
The brutal carnage took place in Tsunduru/Chunduru of Guntur district of Andhra Pradesh on the sixth
of August 1991. The violent murders were reported and propagated throughout the country by Andhra
Pradesh Dalit Maha Sabha. The proud dominant castes of Tsunduru /Chunduru massacred the Dalits with
axes, sickles and swords in the broad daylight chasing them, while Dalits running for their lives. The Reddys
(one of the dominant castes) wanted to suppress and control the Dalits (Malas) of Tsunduru/ Chunduru. The
refusal resulted in massacre of Malas.
The brutal murders of Dalits in Tsunduru/ Chunduru is the first of its kind in Andhra Pradesh where
eight Dalits were massacred and the corpses were packed in the gunny bags. Those eight victims were Jaladi
Immanuel, Jaladi Mathaiah, Mallela Subba Rao, Devarapalli Jaya Raju, Jaladi Issaku, Sankuru Samson,
Angalakuduru Rajamohan and Manduru Ramesh. A few days before the black day, the tension was developed in
Tsunduru/ Chunduru between Dalit youth and the farmers. A particular incident in the cinema theatre has
become the point for the eruption of the volcano. In the theatre a Dalit youths foot touched the foot of a Reddy
youth. It added fuel to the fire. Already police visited the village as there have been cases in the court against
each group accusing the other. The best example to show how brutal the carnage was that of, the physician Dr.
Ravi Chander, after conducting the postmortem committed suicide as he could not bear the sight of the corpses.
The Dalits all over the state gathered under the leadership of Katti Padma Rao, the Chief Secretary of The
Andhra Pradesh Dalit Mahasabha. They refused to meet the then Chief Minister Dr.N.T.Rama Rao who has
come to console the victims. The Andhra Pradesh Dalit Mahasabha further strengthened the struggle by
giving the slogan Not welfare but self-respect.
It took two days for the massacre to come to limelight. On the second day i.e. 8 th August 1991 the
corpses were found in the Tungabhadra drainage, in a jasmine garden, in the New Canal near Modukuru, in
Branch Canal 1 and in Aremanda Canal. Some of these corpses were packed in gunny bags and a corpse was
found without eyes. A total of twelve cases were filed. Among the eight murdered people seven of them were
Malas and Angala Kuduru Raja Mohan Gandhi alone was a Madiga. Out of the five injured Tanachintala Adam
alone was Madiga and all the remaining four belong to Mala caste. In this case the charge sheet was filed against
219 people from four villages and the villages are Tsunduru/Chunduru, Munnagivaripalem, Modukuru and
Valiveru. The gathering of the people from four villages is a clear evidence that the violent action is preplanned. Out of the 219 accused there were only two Backward Caste persons and all the remaining were
Reddys and Telagas. On 10th August 1991 all those dead bodies were burned in the centre of the village and
named the site Rakta Kshetram (The land of blood). The victims of Tsunduru/ Chundur set a historical demand
to the government that a special court has to be brought to the doorsteps of the victims for the hearing of the
case and the Government agreed.
The Andhra Pradesh Dalit Mahasabha conducted a rally from Mangala Mandiram of Guntur to
Ambedkar Bhavan in New Delhi with the demands that (1) The criminals must be punished ( 2) The economic
support and protection for the witness must be provided. On the 3rd October 1991 the rally met the Prime
Minister and demanded for a special court at the place of crime and rehabilitation for the victims. It took almost
a year to complete the rehabilitation work. Though the special court was appointed at the earliest possible, there
were so many obstacles and hurdles for the enquiry. Finally on 1 st December 2004 the enquiry started in
Tsunduru/Chunduru in the special court established under Prevention of Atrocities on SCs and STs. It took
almost twenty seven months to complete the enquiry.
In this case the charge sheet was filed against 219 and before the hearing of case started 33 of them
died and the remaining 179 faced the enquiry. On the 31st (Tuesday) July 2007 the court assembled at 10.30 am
in Tsunduru/ Chunduru. Twenty one persons were sentenced to life imprisonment under section 302 of the IPC
and thirty five others were sentenced for one years rigorous imprisonment along with a penalty of Rs.2000/each. Delivering the judgment seven days short of 17th anniversary of the gruesome attack on Dalits of Malapalli
here, special judge Anis of Special Court under the SC/STs prevention of (Atrocities) Act 1989, felt that it was
not the rarest of the rare cases, which attracted a death penalty. In the countrys first-ever special court set up for
trying a case under the Act at the scene of offence, the judge acquitted 123 out of the 179 accused persons.
DOI: 10.9790/0837-20251923

www.iosrjournals.org

21 | Page

Human Rights and Dalits: Different Strands in the Discourse


In the case of 41 accused persons, the court did not find any evidence, while 62 of them were released
on benefit of doubt. The other 20 were let off due to omission of evidence or having only single witnesses.
Found guilty
Of the 56 convicted, 21 were found guilty of charges under section 302 of the IPC. (The Hindu 1-08-2007 p.1)
The Dalit Organizations in various districts of the state partially celebrated the victory and they
expressed dissatisfaction at the Judgment. Gollapalli Surya Rao, the Minister for Small Scale Industries in the
Government led by Chief Minister Dr.Y.S.Rajasekhara Reddy declared that the unity of Dalits is the cause for
the victory of the victims of Tsunduru/Chunduru. It took almost seventeen years for the award of the
punishment after the heinous crime was committed at Tsunduru/Chunduru. Before the pronouncement of the
Judgment the special prosecutor B.Chandra Sekhar argued that this case is the rarest of the rare and hence the
criminals had to be sentenced to death as per section 302. He also supported his argument by quoting Bachan
Singh Case (1981) of the Supreme Court. But the defense lawyers Kaaiti Syda Reddy, S.Brahmananda Reddy,
Garikapati Krishna Rao and K.V.Sharma stated that the Dalits and the farmers are now living peacefully and
more- over the government paid compensation by giving them houses, land and employment. Hence they argued
against the death sentence for the convicted. According to Ramesh Susarla and P.Samuel Jonathan:
The prosecution is recommending to the State Government to go in for an appeal in the High Court
against the judgment in the Tsundur case. Special Public Prosecutor B.Chandrasekhar and Assistant Public
Prosecutor G.S.Nageswara Rao, who were appointed by State Government exclusively for this case, said the
court had failed to see a conspiracy angle and common motive of killing Dalits and hence the sentence was not
satisfactory to them.
It was for the final judgment that Mandu Tulasamma, a widow at Ambedkar Colony here, has been
waiting with bated breath. Ever since she lost her two sons in the brutal carnage against Dalits nleashed by
persons belonging to upper castes on August 6, 1991 in the village, she has been waiting for justice to be meted
out to her. And when Special Judge Anis pronounced the verdict, Tulasamma broke down. uickly gaining her
composure, she angrily said: I was denied justice, as the guilty have been let off. The perpetrators of the
heinous crime would still roam freely in the village. Recalling the events on the fateful day, she said: There
was no trace of my younger son the whole day. The next day, someone said that they had seen his body in a
canal. My elder son Narayana broke down on hearing the news and he died of heart attack. Kula Nirmoolana
Porata Samithi district secretary K.Krishna said at least 100 of the accused were let off and his organisation
would appeal in the High Court seeking justice. (The Hindu 1-08-2007,p.12)
It is strange to note that Katti Padma Rao, the founder member of Dalit Mahasabha agreed with the life
imprisonment instead of capital punishment. After receiving the honourary Doctorate from Acharya Nagarjuna
University he spoke on the judgement of Tsunduru/ Chunduru case in the press conference in Guntur on
Saturday the fourth of August 2007. He said that the Andhra Pradesh Dalit Mahasabha opposes the death
sentence. He argued:
We want equality in society for Dalits and upper castes, but do not believe in getting capital
punishment. If any individual lawyer expresses his wish as part of his professional brief it has nothing to do
with the Dalit movement at large, he clarified.
Judgment was on expected lines and now that land has been given to the
victims kin and some revenue earning means shown to them, they have come on an equal plane with Reddys
and Telagas so they co-exist with dignity and conditions of those days do not exist there any more, he told
reporters. (The Hindu 5-8-2007 p. 4)
Dalit rights are Human Rights. Today the human, humanism, and the human rights as secular values
have gained currency as legal entities. Dr.Ambedkar reestablishes that to destroy the caste divisions in India , a
new human values purged of theology has got to be re-injected into our secular vision . Dalits wish to roll back
the wheel of history and prove themselves as natives in their land. Dalits in India failed in the radical
movements as the Naxalite/ Maoist movements were movements dominated by dominant castes in the interests
of the workers. Now Dalits are forming their groups and fighting for their rights. The Dalit Movement is the
self-conscious, independent movement in the interests of Dalits., the lowest stratum of Indian society. Unless the
Dalit struggles are made as national struggles, the expected result will not be achieved. Dalits continue to
struggle to overcome the effects of decades of social and economic exploitation, discrimination and violence
against them.
Dalit leaders are giving a call for revolution to get their rights. Dalits demand their share in all
systems of the country , whether it is social, economic or political. Dalits have lost their dignity, life and lively
hood in the caste system and all Dalit movements should strive to regain the lost human personality by
working strongly to eliminate this obnoxious system.

DOI: 10.9790/0837-20251923

www.iosrjournals.org

22 | Page

Human Rights and Dalits: Different Strands in the Discourse


Works Cited
[1].
[2].
[3].
[4].
[5].
[6].

Dalit Human Rights Monitor2003 Andhra Pradesh. Secunderabad: Sakshi Human Rights Watch A.P., Oct 2003.
Oommen.T.K . A Totalitarian Society Sunday Magazine, The Hindu . 10 -08-2008: 4.
Singh, Nachiketa . Human Rights : Various Meanings Tapan
Biswal .Ed. Human Rights, Gender and Environment. New Delhi: Viva Books Private Limoited,2006.
Sweet William Proving Human Rights Science etEspirit, 62/2-3,2010. 293-3121.
Vasant Moon. ed. Dr.Babasaheb Ambedkar:Writings and Speeches. Vol..I Dept. of Education. Government of
Maharastra.1987 .

DOI: 10.9790/0837-20251923

www.iosrjournals.org

23 | Page

You might also like