EXAMINING KIKUYU REPRESENTATION IN MEDIA AND TEXTS 1

Examining Kikuyu Representation in Media and Texts and its

Influence on Minority Groups in Education

C&T 807

Robert Nichols, PhD

Taylor Dietmeier

University of Kansas

December 12, 2017

Abstract

The purpose of the paper was to analyze community representation and perspectives in media

and texts approved by the government and to investigate whether there is academic and political

privilege amongst any given tribal community. This paper aims to find correlations between

tribal representation in media and texts in Kenya and the respective tribe’s access to public

education. Most of the research was through personal interviews with Kikuyu and non-Kikuyu

Kenyan citizens, as well as researching the names and backgrounds of authors and publishers of

texts used in public secondary schools. The findings of the paper suggest that there is a greater

privilege for those born into Kikuyu families than minority tribes in Kenya, as Kikuyus are more

likely to pass secondary exams, attend university, and acquire jobs. Finally, the paper makes

recommendations for educators seeking a more multicultural classroom. Recommendations

include implementing the Transformation and Social Action Approaches and advocating for

policy reforms that create a more equitable education system.

Kikuyu is the name of a tribal community in Kenya, and although it is the largest

community in the 43 tribes represented in the country, it only accounts for 17% of the nation’s

total population (Kenya National Bureau of Statistics, 2009). The second highest community’s

population is a tribe called Luhya, and their population has a difference from Kikuyus of just 3%.

In other words, Kenya’s diversity is great, and there is not one tribe that holds a significantly

sizeable population in the country.

With such information, one might assume that Kenya’s incredible ethnic diversity would

be demonstrated throughout media and texts. However, when I turn on the TV, listen to the

radio, open textbooks, or even look through CV’s, I find a disproportionate number of Kikuyus

represented. Even at schools, I overhear teachers speaking to one another in Kikuyu and

explaining concepts to students in their mother tongue. I became aware that some students have

the benefit of receiving explanations in their first language and others do not, and I started to

wonder if such a thing as Kikuyu privilege exists in Kenya, whether it is influencing media and

texts, and how that impacts education for minority groups.

Privilege is essential to research and analyze in any given community, because by nature,

privilege disempowers certain groups. From an educator’s perspective, awareness of privilege in

media, culture, and curriculum is necessary to create a more equitable classroom. “A curriculum

that focuses on the experiences of [the mainstream culture] and largely ignores the experiences,

cultures, and histories of other ethnic, racial, cultural, language, and religious groups has

negative consequences for both mainstream students and students of color. A mainstream-

centric curriculum is one major way in which racism, ethnocentrism, and pernicious nationalism

are reinforced and perpetuated in schools, colleges, universities, and society at large” (Banks,

2013, p. 181).
EXAMINING KIKUYU REPRESENTATION IN MEDIA AND TEXTS 4

Addressing privilege and advocating for equality can be uncomfortable and risky, but if

teachers do not work together to ask questions of equity, access, and fair play then we will

ultimately fail at educating all young people for their future (Nieto, 2017). To not address the

problem is equivalent to silently reinforcing the existing unjust system. But to address the

problem – like Jane Elliott the day after Martin Luther King Jr’s assassination – might mean

making enemies with the most powerful people in society.

Privilege in many cases is synonymous with power, and those that hold dominant

mainstream-centric views work towards supporting, reinforcing, and justifying the existing

social, economic, and political structure (Banks, 2013, p. 183), sometimes completely unaware

they are receiving benefits from the prejudiced system. Keeping most people ignorant of

arbitrarily awarded power does not merely allow inequality to exist, but it props up people in

power. Keeping others oblivious of privilege “serves to keep power in the hands of the same

groups that have most of it already” (McIntosh, 1988, p. 81). Many people confuse “hard-earned

social climbing” with privilege, but “power from unearned privilege can look like strength when

it is, in fact, permission to escape or to dominate” (McIntosh, 1988, p. 78).

Privilege is usually deeply rooted in historical and political events and is ingrained in

people’s beliefs about certain groups. For example, in America, white privilege has had a secure

stronghold for hundreds of years, and the views held about race “have different historical and

ideological weight, forged in asymmetrical relations of power, and they always embody interests

that shape social practices in particular ways” (Giroux, 1993, p.459). In other words, the world

does not become more just by simply waiting for equality. First, we must analyze privilege and

power in a given community, then address the inequality, and then continuously fight for policies

and programs for a more just society.

Going into this project, I held strong assumptions that there is Kikuyu privilege in Kenya,

and I wondered if it might be similar to white privilege in America. I anticipated that Kikuyus

had access to higher quality education, better paying jobs, and increased opportunities. But I had

no idea that the privilege would be as widespread and pervasive as what I have found. My

findings have been nothing short of fascinating, revealing to me that there is not only accidental,

historical, and geographical privilege amongst the Kikuyu community, but that such privilege is

blatantly reinforced by the nation’s government.

To date, there is only one article that uses the words “Kikuyu” and “Privilege” in the title,

and it has received disturbing resistance. Mariga Wang’ombe (2017), a Kikuyu himself writes,

“more Kikuyus have access to power, money, and privilege than any other tribe in Kenya.” He

suggests that political power leads to better roads and businesses in Kikuyu areas,

disproportionate spending, and more Kikuyus being employed in television and high-paying

industries. Finally, he recognizes that it is not necessarily the people of Kenya who are

suggesting Kikuyu power, but it is corruption that starts in the highest governmental positions.

The political situation is imperative to understand in order to see a clear picture of tribal

privilege. Kenya has a multi-party system and each political party is differentiated based on

tribe, not ideology. Rarely do the citizens know (or care about) the ideological beliefs of their

respective candidate. This means that the majority of the country votes for the person that either

represents his/her tribe or promises to be loyal to his/her tribe. Intuitively, voting for one’s tribe

makes sense, regardless of one’s political leanings. I also would vote for my relative if one was

vying for presidency. Once a leader is elected, he (because it is always a “he”) hires people from

his community to work in various positions, and he works to benefit areas where “his people” are

living.
EXAMINING KIKUYU REPRESENTATION IN MEDIA AND TEXTS 6

The Kenyan government does not simply benefit Kikuyus, it is Kikuyu. Since the

independence of Kenya, there has been a Kikuyu as either the president or vice president of the

nation. One famous phrase that the current Kikuyu president said last year was, “It is our turn to

eat. We are eating meat while they (the opposition) salivate” (Madowo, 2016). It is difficult to

know exactly what he meant by that, but many assume he means that the Kikuyu tribe – or at

least those in political power – are in a season to reap benefits while the “others” watch and wait.

Ironically, this phrase has been used in the mysteriously missing book, It’s Our Turn to Eat by

Michela Wrong in 2009, highlighting the corruption and tribalism in Kenyan politics.

Finding credible information regarding the topic of Kikuyu privilege was astoundingly

challenging, so I started to interview some of my Kenyan friends and colleagues. I sensed a

genuine fear in one of my interviewees (non-Kikuyu), who requested to remain anonymous

(personal communication, December 3, 2017). She informed me that she was recently fired from

her job for openly admitting that she would not be voting for the incumbent president. Her

employer’s letter stated that she was released for “tribalism.” She met with a lawyer to discuss

legal options, but decided not to pursue the case as she recognized that she would be fighting

against a Kikuyu employer in courts that are governed by Kikuyu power.

At each interview, there was a point where the person leaned in and started whispering. I

began to wonder; why can’t we talk about this openly? It’s essentially a fact. I learned that

according to article 33(2) subsection (d) of the Constitution of Kenya, the freedom of expression

does not extend to hate speech, and the punishment for “threatening, abusive or insulting words

or behavior” about the Kenyan government is a fine of one million shillings (10,000 USD)

and/or imprisonment for a term of three years. Kenya has had a history of people who have gone

missing for talking negatively about the government, and in election years, the anti-hate speech
EXAMINING KIKUYU REPRESENTATION IN MEDIA AND TEXTS 7

law has been enforced with a heavy hand. In the last six months, the National Cohesion and

Integration Commission (NCIC) of Kenya has flagged 176 social media accounts, including

WhatsApp groups, for the propagation of hate speech, and the NCIC is moving forward with

those prosecutions (Odongo, 2017). In addition to monitoring WhatsApp groups, the

government also banned live broadcasting of political events (Mutuko, 2017), essentially

silencing the opposition’s political rallies. As a strong proponent of free speech, the question

that lingers in my mind is whether these decisions were made for the protection of all Kenyans or

to protect the positions of power of a few.

To collect data, I interviewed 10 subjects. Three were Kikuyu (or half-Kikuyu), six were

non-Kikuyu, and one was non-Kenyan. All subjects answered a series of questions about their

access to texts and media in their first language, shared about their educational experience –

especially with respect to their community’s representation, and discussed their opinions on the

idea of Kikuyu privilege. 100% of the subjects agreed to the idea of Kikuyu privilege, and all

but one person (a Kikuyu) voluntarily discussed that it is a problem rooted in corruption and

power from the government leadership. Themes in my research included 1) Kikuyu language

and culture as a means of gaining success, 2) government control over education, leadership, and

exam opportunities, and 3) classroom texts written from a Kikuyu perspective.

Three of my interviewees (all non-Kikuyu) discussed how they pursue learning the

Kikuyu language as one way that they survive in a Kikuyu-dominated region. One interviewee

named Michael (personal communication, November 29, 2017) is in secondary school, and he

shared that sometimes his teachers give instructions in Kikuyu, so he independently studies the

language in order to learn at school and make friends. Two other interviewees (Bruno and

Danstan, personal communication, November 20, 2017) shared that they learn Kikuyu greetings
EXAMINING KIKUYU REPRESENTATION IN MEDIA AND TEXTS 8

and use them when they go for interviews. They also write their names as initials on their CV’s

to hide their ethnic background. Both stated that if a Kikuyu employer believes the applicant is

Kikuyu, he/she is more likely to be called back for a second interview and qualify for the job. I

personally have noticed that if I hold a conversation in Kikuyu with a market woman or a

businessman, then I can receive a discount.

Another theme in the interviews was privilege in education in the form of scholarships,

leadership, and access to exams. Danstan disclosed information about Equity Bank, his former

employer. A majority of the shares of the bank are owned by a successful Kikuyu businessman,

Peter Munga. According to Danstan, Equity gives approximately 300 university scholarships per

year: two scholarships for each county, plus an additional 200 scholarships. Danstan shared that

the vast majority of the remaining scholarships go to students in Central Province, where the

many Kikuyus live. Therefore, not surprisingly, more Kikuyus are attending university than

other tribes. Despite the fact that 17% of the Kenyan population is Kikuyu, 75% of Danstan’s

engineering program at the University of Nairobi is Kikuyu. Not only do Kikuyus hold the

majority of student positions, but they also lead many departments as well. At the University of

Nairobi, the president of the university is Kikuyu, and most of the departments have a Kikuyu

dean and chairman. And although there is diversity in professors and elected student officials,

appointed student senate members are approximately 50% Kikuyu. Danstan believes that there

is intentional Kikuyu leadership so they can have the final say and easily make decisions with a

majority vote. The Kenyan president’s direct intervention in limiting the (non-Kikuyu) student

union chairman Babu Owino Sonu’s term verifies that the government is strategically involved

in leadership at the university (Kimeli, 2017).

Cheating on national secondary schools has been a historic phenomenon and might be

part of the reason why so many Kikuyu students are able to enter university on scholarship. In

2016, nearly 50 students, teachers, university students, and police officers were arrested for

cheating on the exams, and the majority of counties that had students cheating came from Central

Province (Capital FM, 2016). The Kenya National Examination Council (KNEC) is a branch of

the Ministry of Education, and they create or “set” the exams for the country. The exams are

then printed abroad and brought back into the country and taken to the KNEC where they are

eventually distributed to respective schools on the day of the exams. Danstan explains the

cheating process like this: “Leakages of copies of the exam are said to start at the KNEC. Most

of the members of KNEC are teachers in Central Province (a mostly Kikuyu region), and are

known to teach according to the exam, exactly. Some students receive the actual papers,

presumably from teachers who are on the KNEC or another member of society (likely a

government official) who has connections with the KNEC.”

I asked Danstan, “I heard that some students pay for the exams. Is that true? How much

are they?”

He replied, “If someone is from Central Province, they probably already have a KNEC

teacher in their school or have the papers in the school. If that’s the case, then they aren’t paying

for it, but they are copying it and selling it to teachers or students in places that don’t have access

to the paper. In other words, non-Kikuyus have a harder time getting the exam papers and they

might pay up to 10,000 KES (100 USD) for one subject.”

Classroom textbooks, particularly in history, appear to be presenting information from a

specific perspective, namely Kikuyu. Two interviewees were both secondary school teachers

(Nelson & Nathan, personal communication, December 1, 2017), and both shared that textbook
EXAMINING KIKUYU REPRESENTATION IN MEDIA AND TEXTS 10

fraud is a challenge. According to Nathan, a Kikuyu Chemistry teacher, the textbooks need to be

approved by the Kenya Institute of Curriculum Development, which has political and financial

interest in approving texts written and published by Kikuyus. According to Oduor (2017), the

government is losing up to 13 billion shillings (130 million USD) annually to book fraud. A

history teacher, Nelson (half-Kikuyu), shared that the history textbooks are very clearly written

from a Kikuyu perspective. If one reads a history textbook, he/she learns almost exclusively

Kikuyu history with respect to Kenya’s independence story, and they are considered

synonymous. The texts discuss the Mau Mau (Kikuyu freedom fighters) in great detail, and they

only have one sentence for freedom fighters from other community groups. Danstan and Bruno

also shared that they only learned about their tribal community’s freedom fighters from oral

literature passed down from community members, and the perspective in secondary school was

blatantly Kikuyu.

It is important to recognize the limitations of this study. I could not find any other

credible research regarding this topic, which makes me wonder about my findings and potential

bias that I might hold. Another challenge is that I live in Central Province, which by its very

demographic makeup will always have more Kikuyus than any other tribe. One should expect

higher numbers of Kikuyus in all fields in Central Province as opposed to other regions in

Kenya. Due to the nature of my location, I was not able to analyze the percentage of other tribes

in universities outside of Central Province. It is very likely that more Kalenjin, for example, are

attending universities closer to their homes. Early in the project I realized that my lack of

experience throughout the country of Kenya posed a problem for me. Originally, I was

researching languages on television and radio, because I assumed that Kikuyu was the only

vernacular used in media. I eventually realized that the Kikuyu language is aired in this region
EXAMINING KIKUYU REPRESENTATION IN MEDIA AND TEXTS 11

simply because more people will listen and watch it, but there are also stations in other languages

in different regions of the country. Finally, although I had a diverse range of interviewees, my

connections had a high school education or higher, which does not properly represent the true

Kenyan demographics.

Recommendations for educators would be to start with themselves: build awareness.

Educators should be encouraged to be more culturally and racially aware of these issues. Racist

comments in private directly translate to racial hostilities in the larger society. According to

Banks & Banks (2013, p. 212), Americans should “hold other Whites accountable” to their racist

comments. In the same way, principals, teachers, and students should hold one another

accountable for any tribal comments, even when used in a joking manner.

Secondly, educators should work to transform their classrooms into culturally responsive

and welcoming learning spaces. In addition to acquiring knowledge about privilege and

diversity, teachers need to learn how to convert the respective knowledge into culturally

responsive curriculum designs and instructional strategies. Educators should be trained in and

encouraged to use the transformation approach, which is when ethnic content is added to the core

curriculum. This approach changes the basic assumptions of the curriculum, and it enables

students to view ideas and issues from several different points of view. The goal is to enable

students to view issues from more than one perspective (Banks, 2013, p. 189). Ultimately, the

transformation approach should lead to the social action approach, where students take action

according to their beliefs. All teachers should work towards empowering students to be change

agents, as they are the ones to determine the level of equality or inequality in the future of

Kenya.
EXAMINING KIKUYU REPRESENTATION IN MEDIA AND TEXTS 12

Finally, educators should fight for policies that make a more equitable education system.

Different policies and laws in America such as Brown v. Board of Education, the No Child Left

Behind Act, and IDEA took place because educators and policy-makers saw a need to make a

more equitable environment for all students. Kenya desperately needs driven and passionate

educators to question the use of public funds and to enforce the Constitution of Kenya, Article 53

(1) (b), which states that every child has a right to free basic education and Article 56 (b), which

states that minorities and marginalized groups have a right to be provided special opportunities in

education. Teachers need to advocate for these rights by monitoring school governance and

education budget allocation, report gaps or violations in the 2013 Basic Education Act, and to

advocate for Article 27, which guarantees equality and freedom from discrimination.

If educators, policy-makers, and citizens work together to raise awareness, build

culturally-responsive schools, and advocate for equal access to education, Kenya will

undoubtedly raise a more equitable and proudly diverse nation. I honestly believe that if the

transformation approach coupled with the social action approach is implemented in schools

across the country, Kenya could raise up leaders who are aware of privilege and work towards

passing and enforcing policies that create a more equitable and just society for people from all

backgrounds. We would see an improvement in not only the access to education, but the quality

of education for students in every county and from every tribe and tongue.
EXAMINING KIKUYU REPRESENTATION IN MEDIA AND TEXTS 13

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