Memory - and - Nostalgia Svetlana Boyhm PDF

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Memory and nostalgia
Article in Cultural Geographies · January 2004

DOI: 10.1191/1474474004eu296ed
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Stephen Legg
Cultural Geographies 2004; 11; 99
DOI: 10.1191/1474474004eu296ed
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cultural geographies 2004 11: 99–107
review essay
M em ory and nostalgia

Stephen Legg
Department of Geography, University of Cambridge
The future of nostalgia. By Svetlana Boym. New York: Basic Books. 2001. 404 pp. £12.99
(US$16.00) paper. ISBN 0 465 00708 2.
Contested pasts: the politics of memory. Edited by Katherine Hodgkin and Susannah
Radstone. London; and New York: Routledge. 2003. 264 pp. £60 cloth. ISBN 0 415 28647 6.
Regimes of memory. Edited by Katherine Hodgkin and Susannah Radstone. London and New
York: Routledge. 2003. 224 pp. £55 cloth. ISBN 0 415 28648 4.
I In its first two weeks of domestic release, the German film Goodbye Lenin attracted
over 1.8 million cinemagoers. 1 The popularity of the film is part of a broader trend of
reminiscence about the German Democratic Republic (GDR), or East Germany. This trend
takes in retro clothing, property booms in East Berlin, and the ‘GDR Show’ TV
phenomenon. 2 This process is termed ostalgie – literally ‘nostalgia’, but a simultaneous
pun on the stubborn presence of the east (der osten).3 In Goodbye Lenin, Alex Kerner
re-creates a domestic interior of the east for his fragile and ailing mother following the
fall of the Berlin Wall, and provides rich pickings for those who are already nostalgic for
the pre-1989 communist state. However, Alex admits: ‘The GDR I created for her
increasingly became the one I might have wished for.’ Yet, if this was a utopian creation,
it also had dystopian consequences. To maintain the illusion, Alex had to adopt the
coercive tactics of the communist state, using media distortion, emotional blackmail and
constant manipulation. The director, Wolfgang Becker, insists, ‘I don’t have any Ostalgie’,4
as the film dwells as much on the selective forgetting of the past, and the traumatic
events which preceded 1989, as on the stability and kitsch now attributed to the GDR.
These interlocking themes of nostalgia, trauma, memory and forgetting are the subject
of the three works here under review. Svetlana Boym’s book The future of nostalgia
traces the emergence of the phenomenon of nostalgia, analyses a series of post-
communist cities in which nostalgic practices have flourished and, finally, studies the
© 2004 Arnold 10.1191/1474474004eu296ed
Stephen Legg
nostalgic yearnings of the Soviet diaspora. 5 Katherine Hodgkin and Susannah Radstone
have collected together 24 papers in two engaging, if expensive, publications. Contested
pasts explores how memory has been used to challenge the meaning of historical events,
whether these are evolving memories of former incidents, the struggle to remember
traumatic occurrences or the service of memory for national causes. 6 The accompanying
volume, Regimes of memory, examines different theoretical approaches to the study of
memory whether through the body, through models of the mind or of time, through
material props or through memory ‘beyond the modern’. 7
Spaces of nostalgia
n os t a l gi a n. 1 sentimental yearning for a period of the past. 2 regretful or wistful memory of
an earlier time. 3 severe homesickness. (Oxford English Dictionary)
Boym begins her introduction by stressing the centrality of space to the concept of
nostalgia. As the longing (Gr. algia) for home (nostos), nostalgia is defined as the longing
for a home that no longer exists – or never existed. This feeling of loss and fantastical
romance was identified in the seventeenth century as a curable disease, yet by the late
twentieth century had become the incurable modern condition. This introduction, and
much that follows it, is prefigured by Davis’s work of 1979. 8 The emergence of nostalgia
is associated with various acts of time–space distanciation, from the regulation of nation-
states to globalization. The emotive capacity of nostalgia gives it the future (rather than
just the past) relevance that explains its recurrent manipulation as a political tool.
Nationalist ideologues have attempted to utilize nostalgia, and to institutionalize it in
museums and urban memorials. 9 This is an interesting alternative to Pierre Nora’s
suggestion that state-backed historical narratives produce social memory through lieux
de mémoire.10 Boym suggests instead that nostalgic memories exist independently of a
state that attempts to harness them.
This opposition between striating, stabilizing state nostalgia and nomadic, evasive
nostalgia frames Boym’s remaining arguments, in which a discussion of the parallel work
of Deleuze and Guattari would be useful. 11 ‘Restorative’ nostalgia focuses on nostos and
aims to reconstruct the lost home, often in association with religious or nationalist
revivals. However, ‘reflective’ nostalgia dwells on algia, and has no place of habitation.
It is embodied in the essence of movement, not destination. 12
If restorative nostalgia ends up reconstructing emblems and rituals of home and homeland in an
attempt to conquer and spatialize time, reflective nostalgia cherishes shattered fragments of
memory and temporalizes space. 13
Nostalgia is also shown to be spatial in its expressions as well as causes, and must be
investigated using a ‘dual archeology of memory and place, and a dual history of illusions
and actual places’.14 Boym’s dual archaeologies and histories concern postcommunist
memories. She examines the perturbations of the memory explosion during glasnost (the
Soviet policy of allowing discussion of social problems) through to a longing for past
stability. These outbreaks of nostalgia were both restorative and reflective, and thus aimed
to both conquer and shatter space.

100
Restorative spaces
In referring to the ‘patterning of the national past’ Hodgkin and Radstone sketch out
many of the features of restorative nostalgia. 15 These memories are mobilized through
place: ‘Nationalist memory describes a geography of belonging, an identity forged in a
specified landscape, inseparable from it.’ 16 The nature and scale of these spaces varies
enormously. Boym considers Hollywood’s ‘technonostalgia’ that produces American
national myths for a world market, although this chapter sits a little uncomfortably
amongst its companions, which expertly examine the physical and mental geographies
of post-communism.
Boym excavates various sites in Moscow for evidence of forms of restorative nostalgia
that attempt to draw upon past identities, whether from Tsarist, rural, Soviet or Western
models of identity. One spatial tactic is that of erasure and forgetting in which Manezh
Square, where military parades and demonstrations once took place, has been replaced
by a shopping mall larger than any European equivalent. While this was an anti-nostalgic
move away from Soviet history, it was simultaneously a nostalgic yearning for the scale
and grandeur of Soviet projects.
In addition to erasure, reconstruction can also be a form of forgetting. Stalin destroyed
the commemorative cathedral built by Alexander I in 1812, yet the replacement ‘Palace
of the Soviets’ was never built. The 1957 swimming pool that substituted for it has now
been destroyed and the cathedral rebuilt, nostalgically resurrecting pre-revolutionary
Russia in the heart of Moscow and forgetting the Soviet archaeology of forgetting itself.
However, there is more concern over potential nostalgia for Soviet artefacts, especially
their monuments. Gorky Park, in which Soviet statues were dethroned following the fall
of the USSR, is now the ‘Park of the Arts’, in which the statues have been restored.
Descriptive plaques erase the attempted coup of 1991 and the former graffiti and
desecration of these statues. Radical plans to destabilize the communist monumental
ethic by, for instance, renaming ‘Lenin’s Mausoleum’ as ‘Leninism’s Mausoleum’ were
defeated. Instead, the park marks a tired de-ideologization, faintly nostalgic for an age
of greater grandeur. Maya Nadkarni charts a similar process in Budapest’s Statue Park
Museum. 17 Here, a collection of statues has been taken from the city and neutrally
marginalized in a park in the urban hinterland. Despite nostalgic marketing, the placing
of the statues within a sanitizing context has prevented the park becoming a focal site
for Soviet nostalgias.
Re ective spaces

The majority of Boym’s case studies concern reflective nostalgia, whether of actual places
(St Petersburg, Berlin, Prague) or of particular uses of space (the imaginary and material
tactics of the exiled). Of the former, St Petersburg is examined as a place that, despite
being founded 300 years ago, has still not shaken off its image as a place without roots.
This is reflected in, and may be because of, the city’s shifting nomenclature, from Sankt
Petersburgh (a Dutch name) to the less German-sounding Petrograd in 1914, to Leningrad
in 1924, and back to Sankt Peterburg in 1991. Yet this is a return not to a national myth
101
Stephen Legg
but to a local tradition of subversion and autonomy. This is reflected in the popular and
parodic carnivals and in the nostalgic recollections of the ‘Saigon’ bar of the 1970s, a
bohemian centre for youth counterculture. 18 The autonomy of the city is stressed, from
its banking to trade links and culture, aiming to provide a prospective vision based on
unrealized potential rather than a harking back to the past.
Berlin is a battleground of nostalgias – a paradoxical place of becoming and reflection.
Like Moscow, Berlin has faced calls for the reconstruction of the old Royal Schloss (castle),
but remains wary of such restorative urges. The Palace itself was an expansion of a
fifteenth-century fort, was used by the king of Prussia until 1918 and was finally destroyed
by the GDR, which built the ‘Palace of the Republic’ on the site. After 1989 calls to restore
the Schloss were made, both by conservative restorationists and by curators of memorial
spaces, who called for an ‘enabling topos’ that would encourage contemplation, not
erasure, of historical change. However, Boym stresses that it would be a mistake to
portray the Palace of the Republic as a sterile and unclaimed site: this too has become
‘lived’ in popular memory through use, nicknames and the weight of the historical events
it has witnessed.
Other places of reflective nostalgia mentioned include a small plaque at Grunewald
station marking the now disused platform from which trains departed for concentration
camps during the war. The plaque aims not to fill the space with memory but to mark
the irredeemable emptiness of this haunted site. The partially reconstructed Centrum
Judaicum synagogue, which was desecrated during Kristallnacht, bombed during the war
and partially destroyed by the GDR, is a similarly contemplative space. The facade has
been restored, while the interior remains an irreplaceable and unrepaired site of
reflection. A less official site on the same street is the bohemian artistic squat at Tacheles
which, in attempting to suspend the atmosphere of 1989/90, has resisted both police
evictions and the commercialization of the underground, holding its own alternative to
the Love Parade (the Fuck Parade).
Boym argues that ‘central Europe’ arose as a regional identity that transcended the
East/West division, although linking itself to the West through shared traditions of the
Middle Ages and the Renaissance. While yearning for Europe in the past was a defiant
stance against authoritarianism, following the fall of the Iron Curtain the European
Union’s Golden Curtain has arisen in its place. Cities such as Prague are shown to be
nostalgic for an image of an inclusive Europe that they once desired but with which they
are now disillusioned: nostalgia for nostalgia itself. Contesting nostalgias have emerged,
whether for Europe, for the Prague of 1968, for the post-Velvet Revolution enthusiasm
for the city or for Kafka’s cosmopolitan presence.
Boym’s further discussion of exiles in the final part of the book dwells less on places
of habitation than on the use of space to reflect on exile: to deal with memories and
places before nostalgia. Three exiled artists are presented who have captured this
intimacy and longing that can spring from a dislocated placement in the world. The
poetry of Joseph Brodsky is shown to have resisted the nostalgic call of homecoming by
projecting the condition of exile onto his childhood memories of the canalled streets of
St Petersburg. Here Oedipus and Odysseus are combined to ritualize home fleeing. His
concession was to skirt the impossible through the mediated memory-space of Venice.
102
Visiting his home through its Italian rival, Brodsky allowed himself to remember the
memory of Petersburg, not the place itself, wallowing in an uncanny sense of
homecoming though remaining an exile.
Ilya Kabakov used art installations in his voluntary American exile to revisit images of
Russia. These total environments provided complete yet precariously fragile replications
of everyday spaces (a Soviet toilet) and utopias (the never-built Palace of the Soviets).
This ‘ironic nostalgia’ helped to dislocate childhood memories and dream-spaces, and
stress the selectivity of nostalgic memory.19 In his poems and prose, Vladimir Nabokov
explored the notion of the non-return, despite somehow returning to Russia in most of
his texts. These trips are not patriotic or converting. Instead they roam, in disguise,
surviving and adapting, yet ultimately acknowledge that exile is the only home of the
present.
Marianne Hirsch and Leo Spitze consider the nostalgia of second-generation exiles, as
well as the experience of actual return.20 Children of exile are brought up with
‘postmemories’, an intimacy with places never visited (and which may never have existed)
which can only be diasporic and deterritorialized. However, Hirsch recalls the return with
her parents to the (now) Ukrainian town from which they, as Jews, were expelled during
the war. The return fuelled the nostalgia (for the town was no longer as ‘beautiful’), but
also triggered painful memories of expulsion. This psychic splitting made the town both
a primordial site of origin for children but also a nightmare site for adults. As such, for
the parents ‘as for other refugees and exiles, negative and traumatic memories such as
these were nostalgia’s complicating other side’.21
Dealing with trauma

t r a u m a n. 1 any physical wound or injury. 2 physical shock following this, characterized by a
drop in body temperature, mental confusion, etc. 3 Psychol. Emotional shock following a stressful
event, sometimes leading to long-term neurosis. (Oxford English Dictionary)
Trauma and nostalgia are theoretically and practically linked. While nostalgia denotes a
positive attachment to a past real or imaginary home, trauma denotes the negative
inability to deal effectively with a past event. While both conditions represent problematic
engagements with the past, nostalgia often focuses on a time and place before or beyond
a traumatic incident. Contested pasts dwells at length on issues of trauma and
interpretations of a violent past.22 Such studies have ranged from the individual level of
child abuse to the collective trauma of the Holocaust, but have often involved discussion
of particular sites and the interpretations of particular places.
Alessandro Portelli’s chapter in the collection details the remembrance of a massacre
of 335 Italians by the Nazi force occupying Rome. 23 This followed the death of 32
Germans in a ‘bomb outrage’ shortly before. The popular contemporary version blames
the Italian Resistance for provoking the occupying force, which was known for its
mechanical and brutal nature. Portelli shows that the smothering of this traumatic
memory took place in the context of the postwar rapprochement between Italy and
Germany, and Cold War revisionism against the Communist wartime resistance.
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Stephen Legg
Anne Heimo and Ulla-Maija Peltonen argue that, following the victory of the Whites in
Finland’s Civil War of 1918, the Reds were denied official recognition or spaces of
commemoration. 24 Before later conciliatory measures in the 1960s, a series of folk stories
and unofficial commemorations emerged to deal with the denial of mourning the 28 000
dead Reds. Stephan Feuchtwang similarly examines the importance of recognition as a
victim in order to deal with the catastrophic loss of ‘props to memory’, such as a house,
friends or family. 25
Boym also considers responses to the trauma of loss through briefly analysing the
domestic interiors of post-communist exiles in the United States. These tended to be
places in which ‘the clocks stop at the hour of exile’, despite being assimilated publicly
to American culture. 26 Cosy spaces crammed with memory items create a place of survival
that is beyond dreams of return. Exile became a trauma that could not be dwelt on, and
non-return became a psychological need. However, these private museums allowed
intimacy and reflection, re-creating the space of escape that the domestic had often
provided in the place of origin.
However, Hodgkin and Radstone argue that trauma is a contested concept, involving
particular assumptions about the psyche, cause and effect, and the role of fantasy in
traumatic recall. 27 In Contested pasts Janet Walker explains the ‘traumatic paradox’ by
which distorted memories of a traumatic event attest to the strength of the wound itself
and thus also to the truth of memory.28 However, Carrie Hamilton argues against
categorizing these distortions as specific to trauma, when they are in any case such
common features of memory recall. 29
Paula Hamilton argues that memory theory tends to be Eurocentric and to centre on
the Holocaust, which is an inappropriate template for indigenous memories tied to
specific places within local group memory formations. 30 With regard to the treatment of
Aboriginal groups in Australia, Hamilton stresses that the trauma-therapy ethic has
encouraged many groups to adopt a potentially damaging position of ‘strategic
victimhood’. This is a theme followed through in Christopher Colvin’s excellent chapter
on truth and reconciliation in South Africa, a movement which has encouraged the use
of ‘psychoanalytical archaeologists’ to deal with the past.31 The proposed solution is often
counselling and storytelling, which may be of little use for people whose material reality
is little changed since the days of apartheid and who live within a past that refuses
‘closure’. Variations within the model of self and the different survival mechanisms of
memory are more explicitly addressed in the third of the volumes under review.
Counter-memory
While Freud’s writings on trauma and therapy retain their popularity within cultural
studies, Oedipus is being selectively forgotten. Constantina Papoulias comes deliciously
close to suggesting that contemporary researchers have an Oedipus complex about
Oedipal theory.32 The latter represents a universalizing, domineering and systemically
determining presence against the historically contingent and inter-subjective focus of
cultural studies. In Regimes of memory Hodgkin and Radstone approach this tension
through identifying epistemological frameworks of memory specific to time and place
104
that configure subjectivity, forgetting, history, place and the mind.33 These frameworks
provide contesting interpretations of memory, as well as suggestions of how memory
itself exists as a resistant agency.
Regimes of memory can aid social stability and subdue resistance. Robert Burgoyne
shows this in the case of the subsumption of the racist and anti-authoritarian elements
of ‘rock and roll’ within the imagery of the American dream. 34 Within the broader history
of the ‘West’, regimes of memory have bolstered the concept of the ‘bounded self ’ which
is the basis of the liberal democratic notion of ‘possessive individualism ’. This process
traces the division of the collective social realm into the binary of the public and private.
However, Michael Lambek stresses that this model cannot be applied outside of the West,
where, even if the society is not rooted in ‘oral’ memory, simplistic divisions between
individuals and history cannot be sustained. 35 Even within the West, Papoulias stresses
that memory only appears stabilizing when the radical unconscious is excluded in favour
of the turn to practice. Here, the unconscious is reconfigured as the sedimentation of
habits and gestures, when it was intended as an alien and destabilizing concept.
Similarly, memory itself has also been considered a destabilizing force against historical
‘grand narratives’.36 Memory can challenge dominant interpretations of the past and
stress the local and particular, although it must always remain dependent upon the
power–knowledge relations in which it exists. Boym stresses that ‘counter-memory ’ can
exist as an embryonic public sphere in oppressive societies, borne in oral histories that
can use half-words, jokes, anecdotes, photographs and private intonation. 37 While Paula
Hamilton shows how Aboriginal memories challenge the memory of the mythic Australian
man, Chris Healy argues in the same volume that films can retain and communicate a
subversive rereading of historical narratives. 38 Esther Leslie shows how Freud and
Benjamin used technological analogies to argue for looking beneath surface
interpretations to causes and memories lying beneath. 39 Whilst Boym drew inspiration
from Benjamin to explore the contested memories of place, the body itself has also been
construed as a depository of memory.
Luisa Passerini emphasizes the difference between silence and oblivion, stressing that
without textually or verbally representing memory, the body can harbour it in gestures
and movements. 40 Jill Bennett suggests that beyond representational memories can lie
‘sense memories’ which register events but can only be recalled through reliving those
emotions. 41 Bennett claims that photographs of abused children can incite affective recall
in viewers that can transmit the trauma of abuse. However, the fact that the viewers must
draw on their own traumatic memories surely dislocates this affect so much from the
original source as to make it highly problematic. Paul Antze complicates considerations
of the body through critically exploring neuro-cognitive literature.42 In this school,
declarative registers of events and people are divided from procedural registers of skills
and habits, the latter being considered to be neural rather than symbolic or
representational. However, Antze stressed that these bodily memories rely on social and
cultural context to explain their effects on behaviour.
Antze advocates the retention of a depth model of the psyche that Tony Bennett
explicitly rejects. 43 Bennett claims that this model emerged from nineteenth-century
geneticist and geological models, extended to anthropology and psychology, which
105
Stephen Legg
allowed historical change to be sedimented into contemporary traces. These nineteenth-

century models presumed that memories could be biologically inherited, rather than
passed on through oral history or writing.44 However, Bennett is mistaken to conflate
what Hodgkin and Radstone clearly delineate as contemporary definitions between a
genetic or biological inheritance and a cultural or environmental transmission. 45 While
memory is archival and technical, these arguments do not discount an interest in Nora’s
‘ingrained memories’.46
These three works provide an excellent introduction to, and exploration of, memory and
nostalgia. Boym writes with a fluidity and style that is totally engrossing, while Hodgkin
and Radstone introduce and frame the papers in a clear and thorough way, although this
can lead to a sense of déjà vu when one finally reaches the chapters themselves. What
is more, these volumes attest to the growing importance of geographical themes, if not
geographers’ work, beyond the discipline. Here, space and place are examined not just
as weak metaphors but as formative factors in thinking about the presentness of the past.
Acknowledgements
My thanks to Alison Blunt for her help throughout, and also to Gerry Kearns and Andrew
Webber for their comments on earlier drafts. Especial thanks to Niels Bienas for his
memory work in Berlin.
Notes
1
Deutsche Welle (3 July 2003).
2 The Guardian (18 July 2003).
3
Z. Abbany, ‘Notes from Berlin’, The Observer (1 June 2003).
4 Quoted in Deutsche Welle (3 July 2003).
5
S. Boym, The future of nostalgia (New York, Basic Books, 2001).
6
K. Hodgkin and S. Radstone, eds, Contested pasts: the politics of memory (London, Routledge,
2003) [hereafter CP].
7
K. Hodgkin and S. Radstone, eds, Regimes of memory (London, Routledge, 2003) [here-
after RM].
8
F. Davis, Yearning for yesterday: a sociology of nostalgia (New York, Free Press, 1978).
9 Boym, The future of nostalgia, p. 15.
10
P. Nora, ‘Between memory and history: les lieux de mémoire’, Representations 26 (1989), pp.
7–25.
11
G. Deleuze and F. Guattari, A thousand plateaus: capitalism and schizophrenia (Minneapolis,
University of Minnesota Press, 1987).
12
Boym, The future of nostalgia, p. 22.
13
Ibid., p. 49.
14
Ibid., p. xviii.
15
K. Hodgkin and S. Radstone, ‘Patterning the national past: introduction’, CP, p. 169.
16 Ibid.
17
M. Nadkarni ‘The death of socialism and the afterlife of its monuments: making and marketing
106
the past in Budapest’s Statue Park Museum’, in H & R 2003a, pp. 193–207.
19 Ibid., p. 326.
20 M. Hirsch and L. Spitzer, ‘ ‘‘We would never have come without you’’: generations of nostalgia’,
in CP, pp. 79–95.
21
Ibid., p. 83.
22
Ibid.
23
A. Portelli, ‘The massacre at the Fosse Ardeatine: history, myth, ritual and symbol’, in CP,
pp.29–41.
24
A. Heimo and U.M. Peltonen, ‘Memories and histories, public and private: after the Finnish civil
war’, in CP, pp. 42–56.
25
S. Feuchtwang, ‘Loss: transmissions, recognitions, authorisations’, in CP, pp. 76–89.
27 K. Hodgkin and S. Radstone, ‘Remembering suffering: trauma and history’, in CP,
p. 97.
28 J. Walker, ‘The traumatic paradox: autobiographical documentary and the psychology of
memory’, CP, pp. 104–19.
29
C. Hamilton, ‘Memories of violence in interviews with Basque nationalist women’, in CP, pp.
120–35.
30
P. Hamilton, ‘Sale of the century? Memory and historical consciousness in Australia’, in CP, pp.
136–52.
31
C. Colvin, ‘’Brothers and sisters, do not be afraid of me’: trauma, history and the therapeutic
imagination in the new South Africa’, in CP, pp. 153–67.
32
C. Papoulias, ‘From the agora to the junkyard: social memory and psychic materialities’, in RM,
p. 118.
33 K. Hodgkin and S. Radstone, ‘Regimes of memory: an introduction’, in RM, p. 2.
34 R. Burgoyne, ‘From contested to consensual memory: the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame and
Museum’, in CP, pp. 208–20.
35
M. Lambek, ‘Memory in a Maussian universe’, in RM, pp. 202–16.
36
Hodgkin and Radstone, ‘Regimes of memory’, in RM, p. 10.
37
Boym, The future of nostalgia, pp. 60–1.
38
C. Healy ‘ “Dead Man”: film, colonialization and memory’, in RM, pp. 221–36.
39
E. Leslie, ‘Absent-minded professors: etch-a-sketching academic forgetting’, in RM, pp. 172–85.
40
L. Passerini, ‘Memories between silence and oblivion’, in CP, pp. 238–54.
41
J. Bennett, ‘The aesthetics of sense-memory: theorising trauma through the visual arts’, in RM,
pp. 27–39.
42 P. Antze, ‘The other inside: memory as metaphor in psychoanalysis’, in RM, pp. 96–113.
43 T. Bennett, ‘Stored virtue: memory, the body and the evolutionary museum’, in RM, pp. 40–54.
44 Ibid., p. 46.
45 K. Hodgkin and S. Radstone, ‘Believing the body: introduction’, in RM, pp. 23-26,
p. 23.
46
Nora, ‘Between memory and history.’

107
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