Chapter - II: Historical Background of Wayanad

Chapter - II
Historical Background of
Wayanad
CHAPTER - II
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF WAYANAD
1. Location of Wayanad
There are different views with regard to the origin of the term Wayanad.
The second and the third volumes of ‘Madras Manual of Administration' stated
different opinion regarding the name of Wayanad. In Sanskrit literature there
exist Mayakshethra-temple of Maya. This Sanskrit term 'Mayanadu' in
Malayalam, in course of time it might have changed into Wayanad.1 The terms
like Vananad, Vayalnadu, Vazhinad have relation with Wayanad. The first
historian of Wayanad, Rao Buhadur C.Gopalan Nair gave the name ‘Vananad’
to Wayanad district, as the country is more a land of ‘vana’ (forest) than of
rice fields.2 Some others argued that the name Wayanad was derived from the
Kannada name Bayalunad.3
Wayanad is known for evergreen forest which forms one of the districts
of Kerala. Wayanad is bounded on the North by the Virajpet Taluk of Kodagu
district in Karnataka, on the East by Heggadadevankete and Gundulpet Taluks
of the Mysore district of Karnataka state, on South by Ernad Taluk of
Malappuram district and Kozhikode Taluk of Kozhikode district and on the
West by Quilandy and Badagara Taluks of Kozhikode district and Tellicherry
Taluk of Kannur district of the Kerala state.
The district is divided in to two physiographic regions, the Wayanad
plateau and Forest Hills. Of these the Wayanad plateau is a continuation of the
Karnataka plateau with an extend about 1,447sq.k.miles on eastern portion of
Mananthavady, forms the entire Sulthan Bathery and eastern tract of Vythiri
taluks. 4 The hills form an unbroken strip to the western and southern sides of
the Wayanad plateau.
1
Shreyas Booklet, Shreyas, Sulthan Bathery, 1999, p.15.
2
Sandhya Rashmi, Paniyas of Wayanad, Sulthan Bathery, 2008, p.9.
3
Ibid., p.10.
4
Ibid., p.16.
29
The rivers of Wayanad fall in to the Cauvery. Along the immediate
neighbourhood of the line of the Western ghat, the country is rugged and
broken, and the summits of this maintain range, as they ascend from the low
country rise considerably above the general level of this elevated plateau of
Wayanad, giving to the Western and Southern parts a mountainous appearance.
The central parts consist of ranges of low hills of easy slopes, and covered with
grass and low bamboo jungles, while the open and flat, and merges into the
table land of Mysore.5 Wayanad posses a conducive climatic condition. From
climatic point of view Mananthavady is better than Vythiri, and has comparatively
an open country around it. Due to the influence of South Western monsoon, the
climate throughout a great part of the year is moist and fine. The soil is reputed
as peculiarly fertile.6
The district of Wayanad having an area of 2131 square kilometers was
formed on November 1, 1980 merging North and South Wayanad regions of
Kannur and Kozhikode districts respectively. Wayanad hills are contiguous to
the Nilgiris in Tamil Nadu and Bandhipur in Karnataka, forming a vast land
with rich in bio-diversity. The district headquarters is at Kalpetta, which is
situated at a distance of about 76km from the seashores of Calicut. Wayanad,
which accounts for 5.48% of Kerala's total area, is known for its evergreen
forests, plantations, wild life, mist clad mountains and valleys. Forest resources
cover 30% of the total area of the district. The district is segmented into three
Community Development Blocks viz. Kalpetta, Mananthavady, and Sultan
Bathery. 7 The district has 25 Panchayaths and one statutory town Kalpetta,
which is the district headquarters, situated at a distance of 76km from Calicut.
The district also has three revenue divisions namely Vythiri, Sultan Bathery
5
Madras Manual of Administration, Vol. III, Madras,1940, p.1025.
6
Rao Bahadur C. Gopalan Nair, Wayanad: Its People and Traditions, Madras, 1911, p.3.
7
Wayanad Initiative, A Situational Study and Feasibility Report for the Comprehensive
Development of Adivasi Communities of Wayanad, Indian Institute of Management, Kozhikode,
2006, p.24.
30
and Mananthavady. Wayanad is the least populated district of the state and
constitutes 2.47% of Kerala’s population. The district has a mixed population
of the Hindus, Christians and Muslims. Till the arrival of the settler peasantry
from the plains, Wayanad was essentially tribal in character with its own
method of agriculture and way of life of the people. However, Adivasis form
17% of the total population of the district.
Wayanad during the historical times had been a country exposed to
ethno-migration from different linguistic regions of Karnataka, Tamil Nadu and
Kerala. Such migrations had made it a centre of composite cultures and
composite social systems. Its earliest pre-historic engravings, found at Edakkal
cave made it a renowned archaeological site of human legacy. Some of the
descendants of the megalithic people still continue to exist in this region.8 The
authentic history of Wayanad till the coming of the English East India
Company is shrouded in mystery. Due to keen interest of the British to know
the historical back ground of the dominated areas, they left valuable records about
Wayanad and guided others to record the historical aspects. During ancient
period Wayanad was the meeting centre of many cultures. Human habitats,
particularly early times were influenced by physio-geographic factors like
physiographic, geological structure, forest cover, climatic condition and soil.
8
Fedina, Fedina’s Booklet, Sulthan Bathery, 1998, p.13.
31
Map of Madras Presidency
32
Map of Kerala
33
34
Map of Wayanad District
35
2. Tribals in Kerala
Tribals were earlier known in Travancore – Cochin state as 'Kattu Jathi'
and in Malabar as 'Kattu Kuruman', both means people of Forest. Now-a-days
they are known as 'Girijanam' or 'Girivargam', meaning People of the Hills. But
they are generally called 'Adivasis' in Kerala as in other parts of India. They are
mostly settled on the Western ghats and hills bordering Karnataka and Tamil
Nadu states. Though they constitute a small percentage of the population of the
state, the tribals are divided into different communities. The number of the
communities differ according to the various official studies and census.
According to P.R.G.Mathur there are 48 tribal communities while according to
Velappan there are 53 communities. Among the tribal communities in Kerala,
the most numerically dominant are Paniyas, Pulayas, Adiyas, Malayarayans,
Kurumas, Kurichiyas and Irulas.
The tribal communities of Kerala differ from the non-tribals and each
tribal group have their own peculiarities. They also have some uniform
characteristics. Vimal Chandra points out some common characteristic features
of all Scheduled Tribes in the State which are (a) Tribal Origin (b) Primitive
ways of life and (c) General backwardness in all respects. On the basis of their
economy the tribals of Kerala can also classify as the food gatherers, shifting
cultivators, farm labourers and agriculturists.9
Kerala holds a unique position in the tribal map of India. According to
the 2001 census, Scheduled Tribe Population in Kerala was 3,64,189 constituting
1.14% of the total Population. According to the 2001 census, the Paniya was
the most populous tribe with 81,940 people forming 22.5% of the tribal
Population of the state. Kurichiya was the second largest tribal group having
population of 32,746, constituting 9% of the total Scheduled tribes population.
Six Scheduled tribes namely Muthuvan, Kanikaran, Irular, Kuruman, Marati
and Malai Arayan having a population ranging from 21000 to 32000 along with
Paniya and Kurichiya constituting 73.6% of the total tribal Population of the
9
Mathew Aerthayil, Impact of Globalisation on Tribals, Rawat Publications, Jaipur, 2008, p.20.
36
State. Seven Tribes namely Malayan, Malaivedan, Mannan, Adiya, Kattunaika,
Ulladan and Uraly having 5000 – 17000 population account for 20% and the
remaining 20 tribes along with the generic tribes, constituting the residual 6.4%
of the state's tribal population. There are 11 tribal groups having population
below 500 and out of them, Kota, Kammara, Kochuvelan and Konda Kapus are
the smallest groups each having less than 50 population. 10 Every district in
Kerala has some tribal Population. They are found significantly in the districts
of Wayanad, Kannur, Kozhikode, Palakkad and Idukki. District wise distribution
of Scheduled Tribes Population shows that Wayanad district has the highest
proportion i.e 17.4% of tribals followed by Idukki which has 14%. Alappuzha
district has the lowest proportion i.e. 0.1% tribals preceeded by Thrissur,
Kollam and Kozhikode having 0.2% tribals each.11
Census 2001 data of Kerala12
Total Scheduled Tribes

District Male Female
Person Total Female Male %
Kasargode 1204078 588083 615995 30338 15206 15132 2.52
Kannur 2408956 1152817 1256139 19969 10176 9793 0.83
Wayanad 780619 391273 389346 136062 68668 67394 17.43
Kozhikode 2879131 1399358 1479773 5940 3016 2924 0.21
Malappuram 3625471 1754576 1870895 12267 6271 5996 0.34
Palakkad 2617482 1266985 1350497 39665 19675 19990 1.52
Thrissur 2974232 1422052 1552180 4826 2533 2293 0.16
Ernakulam 3105798 138397 1567401 10046 4967 5079 0.32
Idukki 1129221 566682 562539 50973 25463 25510 4.51
Kottayam 1953646 964926 988720 18340 9368 8972 0.94
Alappuzha 2109160 1014529 1094631 3131 1566 1565 0.15
Pathanamthitta 1234016 589398 644618 6549 3365 3184 0.53
Kollam 2585208 1249621 1335587 5190 2743 2447 0.20
Trivandrum 3234356 1569917 1664439 20893 11003 9890 0.65
10
Thresiamma Varghese, ‘The Socio Economic Development of Tribes in Kerala’ (With Special
Reference to Wayanad District) [unpublished Ph.D. Thesis] submitted to Mahatma Gandhi
University Kottayam, 2002, p.76.
11
Wayanad Initiative, op.cit., p.36.
12
Census Report of Kerala, 2001, Trivandrum, 2002, p.12.
37
Major Tribal Communities in Wayanad District
Tribal communities are found in all the 25 panchayaths of the district
and statutory town, Kalpetta municipality. In Wayanad there is no predominant
tribal panchayath, where the population of tribal communities exceed the
nontribals. Their major concentration is in Noolpuzha (39.29%) and Tirunelli
(40.72%). In all other panchayaths, their population is below 30%. In the entire
district, in Noolpuzha, the tribals form the majority and they form 50.02% of
the total population. The native Adivasis mainly consist of various sects of
Adiyas, Paniyas, Mullu Kurumas, Urali Kurumas, Kurichiyas and Kattunaikas.
They have their own special lifestyles, culture, customs, and religious practices.
They do not have written script. Their history can be traced only through their
old traditions and religious practices. Due to the impact of welfare measures,
co-mingling with non-tribals, globalisation, changes taking place and even their
peculiar cultural aspects are becoming extinct. 13 Now-a-days many tribals
blindly follow modern culture. As a result they are losing their unique culture,
land and language.They have become a minority community due to the
migration and settlement of the non-tribals in Wayanad.
Adiyas
The Adiya community forms 7.10% of the total tribal population of
Wayanad and they are found mainly in Mananthavady block of the district.
There exist many myths and legends around the origin of the Adiyas. One such
legend argues that they are the descendants of a Shivadwaja Brahmin who
ventured on a Prathiloma union with a pure non Brahmin girl. Thus Adiya
tribes originated from this union. Another legend is that they are the progeny
of a Brahmin who lost his status by the violation of the customs by eating rice
offered to Shiva thereby committed an anacharam. Adiyas also claim that they
are pujaries (priests) in Bhadra Kali Temple. It is perhaps true that they came
13
Ibid., p.37.
38
to Kerala, with the Chettis and Brahmins of Mysore and continued to be the
agricultural serfs. 14Ethnographic accounts on Adiyas reveal that traditionally
they were slaves of local landlords and later bonded labourers attached to these
families.Ancestors of this tribe migrated from Coorg. Luiz observes that their
name originated from an old custom that they should maintain a distance of ‘ar’
(six) ‘adi’ (feet) to avoid pollution. 15 The Adiyas are distributed chiefly in
Trisslleri, Vemom, Tirunelli, Pulpalli and Kuppathod, villages of Wayanad
District. A.Aiyappan states that they are the agricultural labourers and found
chiefly around Tirunelli where they served as the servants of the famous
Temple. The Head man is known as 'Moopan', the title is usually conferred by
the landlords. They are truthful and trust worthy and do not run away from
employers as the Paniyas do.16 The traditional manner of recruiting the tribals
as bonded labourers was by advancing loans at Valliyoor Kavu Bhaghavathi
Temple, situated in the Manathavady Taluk of Wayanad in the last week of
March by the landlord called janmies. The system was that the tribal pledged
not only himself but also the members of his family as well until the debt was
discharged. They were bound to work for the creditor for which they got only
daily meals and a pittance in kind.17Their dialect, adiya bhasha is influenced by
Malayalam and Kannada, which they speak at home and with the kin groups.
They use Malayalam to convey with others and the literate use Malayalam
script. The females of the community can be identified by sindhaketu, the sari
knot over right shoulder they wear. Tattooing on the fore arm and forehead was
distinctive but now not common.18 The Adiyans are non vegetarians, but avoid
beef. The staple food is rice, which they make into Kanji. Pulses like gram
roots and tubers such as poola (tapioca), Chena and Kachil (two varieties of
14
A.A. D. Luiz, Tribes of Kerala, Bharatiya Adima Jati Sevak Sangh, New Delhi, 1962, pp.27-29.
15
Ibid., p.42.
16
A. Aiyappan, Report on the Socio Economic Conditions of the Aboriginal Tribes of the Province of
Madras, Madras, 1948, p.98
17
P.R.G. Mathur, Tribal situation in Kerala, Kerala Historical Society, Trivandrum, 1971, p.20.
18
K.S. Singh, People of India; Kerala, Vol. XXVII, New Delhi, 2002, pp.144-145.
39
Yam) constitute side dishes or substitute. Meat and fish are common side
dishes. Jack fruit is also a common seasonal food. They used to have coffee and
Tea with or without milk, which is their general non- alcoholic drink. Milk and
buttermilk are also consumed. Both men and women occasionally consumed
toddy, the country-made alcoholic drink.They are fond of betel chewing with
tobacco. Surviving spouses of recently dead partners avoid non-vegetarian and
oil cooked food till the performance of Kakkapula, annual offerings of the dead.19
The family among the Adiyas is matrilineal in descend and in residence.
Nuclear family is the basic social unit. Father is the head of the family and the
division of labour in a family is based according to the age and sex. The
Society of Adiya is endogamous and divided into clans and Phrateries. In their
mother tongue these matrilineal clans are known as ‘mant’ and phrateries as'
chemmen'. Each mant and chemmen is associated with a place name or the
direction of one point. Each chemmen is exogamous in nature.20
Adiyas possess a social structure in which 'naattu moopan' or the chief is
the supreme authority. In olden days they worked under a non-tribal landlord
called janmi, with atleast 15 houses in a hamlet. From Adiya, the janmi
selected a person who has the ability to control others. The landlord gave him a
ring called 'vala' as a symbol of power. After getting approval from the landlord,
he would be called as the moopan or nattu moopan,21 who functioned as judge,
mediator and also officiate as priest in religious rituals and ceremonies.
In the dialect of Adiya marriage is referred to as kanyla. Attainment of
puberty is considered as the eligible the age for marriage. As pointed out by
Rao Bhahadur C. Gopalan Nair, the marriage was arranged as per the social
custom. The father and the uncle of the bridegroom used to go the house of the
intended brides and fix a date. On that day the bridegroom wore coloured cloth,
19
Ibid., p.145.
20
Prakash Chandra Mehta, Ethnographic Atlas of Indian Tribes , Delhi,2004, p.166.
21
Ibid., p.168.
40
a necklace of beads, bangles and rings. The bride wore the clothes and the
jewels and sat with the bridegroom on a mat and Adiya woman threw some rice
on the heads of the happy pair. The bride groom eats food and slept at the
bride's house and the next morning she would go with him. 22 Widow
remarriage is permissible on condition that the bride's price paid originally is
repaid to the deceased husband's relatives. An Adiya may have two wives at a
time and not more. The Adiyas bury their dead but only very old people,
known as muruvanmar is being cremated. If they can afford to arrange a feast,
the funeral ceremony is celebrated on the fifth day after death. The Valiya Pula,
grand pollution is observed once in a year in memory of all the deceased
ancestors. On the mother’s death grown up children stay with the father and the
little ones are taken away by the mother's relatives. Adiyas usually celebrate
Hindu festivals like Onam, Vishu, and Karkidam–14, in addition to their own
important festivals. In order to avoid small pox which they believe is caused by
the wrath of mariyamma, a female goddess they celebrated naduneekkal and
thera/vellat before 30th edavam.23 Now-a-days they also celebrate the important
social celebration of the neighbouring non-tribal Hindus.
The Paniyas
Paniyas, the largest scheduled Tribe of Kerala are mainly concentrated
in Wayanad, Nilamboor and Eranad in Malappuram, Talipparambu, Thalassery
and Irutti in Kannur, Vatakkara and Koilandi in Kozhikode and Palakkad
districts. They are also found in the neighbouring areas of Gudallur as well as
the Nilgiris in Tamil Nadu. The etymological meaning of the term ‘Paniyar’
indicates that they earned their livelihood from labour as the term 'pani' in
Malayalam meant 'labour'. Thus the word Paniyar literally meant labourers or
22
Rao Bahadur. C. Gopalan Nair, op.cit., p.97.
23
Prakash Chandra Mehta, op.cit., p.173.
41
workers. 24 Paniyas claimed that they were the natives of Wayanad and they
were subjugated as slaves due to the migration of the Gowdas and Nair
landlords. 25 Paniyas formed themselves into various classes and migrated to
other regions. They however continued to have no right to property but were
doomed to be themselves others. The establishment of feudal administration by
the Raja of Kottayam was the culmination of the process of colonization of the
Wayanad Plateau by the people of the plains.26 The Paniyas were used by the
landlords to cultivate the hilly region which was unhealthy area. Thus the real
owners of the fields and hilly regions became the slaves of the new landlords.
There created a condition that even the birth of a Paniya, a labour tribe was
only for shedding sweat and tear in the fields of Wayanad. The important
illams (traditional families) of Paniyas are Karambatan illam, Maniyankotan
illam, Pambaran illam and Kappumban illam.27 The Paniyas who became slave
by receiving nippupanam work in the fields of landlords. They are given valli
(paddy) as wage. The proportion is that two seers (abouthalf kilogram for one
seer) of raw paddy for men and one for women. Their paddy cultivation is
known as Kandathilppani. They were engaged in the agricultural farms of the
Europeans or the counterparts as more Kandathilppanikkar. Paniya men do not
have any identifying dress or head gear. The women can be identified by their
particular way of wearing saree cela, which they rap around the body under the
shoulders reaching down to the knee. One corner of it is taken from behind
over the right shoulder and tied to the top of the front portion over the breasts.28
A long narrow piece of cloth called aratti is tied around the waist. Colour of the
aratti has regional varieties. In Manathavady area it is in red while in Kalpetta
and Sultan Bathari it is in black colour. Women wear three types of ear
ornaments which they themselves make Murula, (a piece of light wood with
24
Sachidananda et.al.(ed), Encyclopaedic Profile of Indian Tribes, Vol. III, Delhi, 1998, p.793.
25
Sandhya Rashmi, Paniyas of Wayanad, Sulthan Bathery, 2008, p.23.
26
Ibid., p.24.
27
Ibid., p.29
28
K.S. Singh, People of India: Kerala, op.cit., p.1182.
42
conch shell in the groove at the edges) Ole (one dried roll of Pandanus leaf)
and Chootumani. Location of their habitat and climate are influencing factors
in the making and using ornaments. Hill products such as the underground stem
and seeds are used as ear ornaments. The system of hair decoration is a speciality
of Panichis i.e Paniya women.29
The Paniyas are non vegetarian but they do not take beef. Their staple
food is rice. They used to consume ragi, pulses, like gram, roots and tubers.
Apart from these they eat leafy vegetables, land crabs and tender bamboo
shoots. The fruit consumption is occasional. They take milk and milk products.
Paniyas smoke beedies, cigarettes and chew betel leaf with tobacco and areca
nut. Some of the males and females are addicted to alcoholic drinks brought
from liquor shops. 30
As a social group Paniyas are controlled by a Moopan means a leader.
As the Moopan have had the parallel power in his respective settlements, his
role was more of an appellate authority. He was entitled to various payments
for approving and validating functions. He had the right to permit the digging
of the grave for burials and was entitled to a payment called Vizhntavary (death
tax). His wife acts as the leading personage at the menstruation rituals of the
girls. In smaller settlement a Moopan was to be appointed by the land lord, by
investing a Paniya with one amulet.31
After attaining adulthood Paniyas prefer the marriage life. They are
monogamous. They were prohibited from marrying close blood relatives of
both the father and the mother. According to Mathur, “Neither cross cousin
marriages nor marriage within the class of the father or the mother is
permitted.” Monogamy appears to be the general rule among the Paniyas, but
there is no obstacle to a man taking himself as many wives as he can afford to
29
Chummar Choondal, Karutha Kalakal, Thrissur, 1991, p.9 (In Malayalam).
30
31
Sandhya Rashmi, op.cit., p.32.
43
support. Instances of marriage by elopement also exist.32 There is no bar to the
re-marriage of widows.
Paniyas have only very traditional ideas of religion. Anthropologists
generally call tribal religion as animism. 33 They believe that Man's life is
escorted by invisible demons and ghosts. Believing in devils of all sorts and
sizes, Paniyas profess Hinduism and worship household clans and village
deities. They worship God of the Jungles, Kadu Bhagavadi and a diety called
Kuli a malignant and terrible being of neither sex, whose shrines take the form
of a stone placed under a tree or shrines called Daivasthanam or Kulithara.34 At
their shrines they offer rice, boiled in the husk, roasted and pounded, a half
coconut, milk and arrack to the deity. Moopan offers prayers at Kulitharas.
Besides Kuli, they worship Kali, Mapplattheyyam, Anjarattheyyam, Malakkari,
Veettil Daivam, Kuttichattan Multhappan and Mariyamma.35
Paniyas bury their dead and the funeral ceremony falls on the seventh or
the twelfth day but if circumstances do not permit to celebrate it, it is
postponed for 6 months during which they are under a state of pollution. Their
priest is known as Attali who sings prayer song during a whole night and then
purifies the inmates and hut. Besides this ceremony general pollution day is
observed once a year called Kakkapula (crow pollution) in memory of all the
deceased ancestors. 36
Mullukurumas
Mullukurumas are found mainly in Sulthan Bathery block of the district
and they form 17.51% of the total tribal population of Wayanad. This Malayalam
speaking community is believed to be the descendants of Vedas, the ancient
rulers of Wayanad. Traditionally there were settled agriculturists.
32
Ibid., p.33.
33
Velayudhan et.al (ed.), Keralacharithram, Vol. I, Ernakulam, 1973, p.837 (In Malayalam).
34
K.Panoor, Keralatile Africa, Kottayam, 1963, p.100 (In Malayalam).
35
Ibid., p.101.
36
Rao Bahadur C. Gopalan Nair, op.cit., p.103.
44
Today majority of them are marginal farmers and agriculture is predominant
economic activity.37 The Mullukurumas are also called as MulluKurumbas and
Mullukurumans. They are endogamous and subdivision of the Kurumas.
Etymologically, mullu means bamboo and thorn, indicating that they were
connected with bamboo, thorns and arrows.38 They have four kulams (clans)
namely Vilappa, Kathika, Vadakku and Vengadu which regulate marriage
alliances. There is no hierarchy among kulams. Kudi exogamy is also a norm.
Mixed and extended families are most common in the Mullukurumas
social life. The elderly member and his wife are respected and honoured by the
other members. There is avoidance between daughter-in law and her father in
law or husbands' elder brother. 39 Property is inherited equally among all the
male children. The eldest son succeeds his father. Adult marriage is the norm.
Normally the marriages are arranged through negotiation. Marriage by
elopement or marriage by force is the things of the past. The thali (gold piece
with black thread) is the marriage symbol. The customary Kanam (bride price)
is prevalent among them. The ornaments are also given to daughter by her
father. After marriage couple lives at husband's house. So that it contribute for
strengthening the patriarchal system. Divorce is permitted with the approval of
the elder man of kudi and elder man of the family concerned, on the ground of
maladjustment, cruelty, barrenness, and chronic sickness. 40 Besides, on the
legal ground the divorce take place through the judiciary.
The status of Mullukuruma women is low as compared to their men. She
has a role in agricultural operation. If they keep animal she also take part in
animal husbandry. Some women also participate in economic activities and
contribute to family income. She also takes part in religious and social
activities. The Kurichiya women cover their breast with a piece of cloth, the
37
Sandhya Rashmi, Ibid., p.34.
38
39
40
Ibid., p.744.
45
upper corners of which are fastened on the shoulder.41 They also live in joint
families consisting several brothers their children and nephews.
Mullukurumas follow Hinduism and the remnants of tribal religious
practices are almost gone. Their life centres around daivapura. Each and every
kudi has one place, where all rites and rituals are performed. They have
separate place for housing the deity, Kudidevata and it differs from place to
place. Their favourite gods are Sree Krishna and Kadamkuli and the goddess is
Mariamma. They visit various Hindu temples of nearby areas such as
Bhagavati Ganapati Temple, Mariamma and Talachi Temple.42 They observe
many festivals such as Vishu, Sankaranti and Onam. The Uchala is a very
important festival of the Mullukuruma. It is observed during the month of
Kumbham(February-March). They also celebrate Puttari in Tulam month in
which they bring rice. Mullukurumas possess oral traditions and folk songs.
The folk dances such as Kurumarkali, kolkali and Vattakali play an important
role in their life. Only men and boys indulge in dancing. They made use of
bamboo pieces and wooden sticks as a sort of percussion instruments. Folk
songs are sung by males alone. The Mooppan of this community lead the
people to perform worship at Daivapura and guide them in celebrating
marriage and death ceremonies.43
The land is the natural economic resource of the Mullukuruma community
which is controlled by individuals. The traditional occupation of the
Mullukuruma were hunting, gathering food and agriculture. Other economic
activities through which they earn the livelihood are the fishing and animal
husbandry. At present majority of them are mainly engaged in agriculture
working in their own land or work as the labourers and a small group engaged
41
A. Aiyappan, op.cit., p.95.
42
43
Ibid., p.750.
46
in Government sector. Women help their men in agriculture, animal husbandry,
fishing and poultry. They also collect forest honey and wax.44
Uralikurumas
Uralikurumas, forming 2.69% of the total Tribal population in Wayanad
and are found mainly in Sulthan Bathery and Mananthavady blocks of the
district.The Uralikuruma community is also known by different names like
Vettukurumas, Bettakurumas and simply as Kurumas. Various etymologies
have been pointed out by Thurston and Luiz. Officially this community is
known as Kurumas. They use dialect of Malayalam with many words and
phrases from Kannada. Those who have got formal education converse in
Malayalam with others and use the Malayalam script. In the past their food
consisted of a variety of wild yam, roots and tubers of the forest like Noorang,
Naraland Poithalappu, and Kanji prepared from Chama. Subsequently they
have changed to rice and supplemented with those traditional food. During the
flowering season of bamboo they collect the seeds and prepare Tina. Fresh
water fish, flesh of rabbit, pork, goat and jungle fowl are used as side dish.
They use cooking oil such as coconut and palm oil. Pumpkin, cucumber, carrot
and leaves of the vegetables are also used. Besides, different varieties of fruits
including wild fruits found in the forests are consumed.45
The Uralikuruma are monogamous. The girls get married one or two
years after puberty. It is a matter of fact that marriage should be arranged by
elders through negotiation, and the initiative being from boy's side. Payment of
thera(bride price) existed traditionally but at present it is not in practice.
However, the ornaments and vessels are given at the time of marriage. A black
44
R. Mirsa, Mullukurumbas of Kappala, Anthropological Surveys of India, Culcutta, 1971, p.45.
45
Wayanad Initiative, op.cit., p. 38.
47
thread with a badge (thali) is used as marriage symbol for females to be worn
till divorce or the death of the husband.46
The marriage ceremony takes place either at bridegroom's residence or
at the residence of the bride as decided through negotiation at the time of fixing
marriage. The whole process of marriage ceremony is known as Mutheve
Kallavar. The ceremony is initiated sitting on a mat inside the hut. The sister of
the bridegroom officiates at the ceremony. Tying the thali is the most important
part of the ceremony. After tying the thali, the close relatives of the newly
wedded couple give them the wife make presentation usually beaded chains or
bangles. At the close of the rituals the sister who officiates the ceremony,
distributes betel to the couple which they exchange and chew. This is followed
by the feast.
Originally the Uralikurumas were shifting cultivators in the past.
Subsequently they switched over to settled cultivation and agricultural wage
labour. Collection of edible tubers and fruits, trapping of wild animals and
snaring of birds are other traditional occupation. The women of this group are
skilled at making mats and baskets out of reed and bamboo splits.47They also
take part in agricultural operations and animal husbandry. The settlement
uralikurumas consisting of 10 to 15 huts. The members in the settlement are
closely related. In the centre of each settlement, there is an open shed named
chavadi for the common use. The chavadi is used as a dormitory for young
boys and bachelors. The dormitory system is now under threat, but they still
keep the collective consciousness. Each settlement has a head man usually the
eldest man of the settlement. Both the headman and his wife were respected
and their decisions are accepted. The Uralikurumas bury the dead in a deep
grave far away from their settlement. Bijakalan is the priest who performs all
46
K.S. Singh, People of India: Kerala, op.cit., 2002, p.713.
47
Ibid., p. 751.
48
the death rites. The pollution connected with death lasts for 15 days.4849 The
emergence of private property and restrictions on forest land have forced them
to leave the collective life to a certain extent.The major economic resource of
the Uralikuruma is the forest products, but the Government controlled them
through the forest acts. The people possess land usually one to two acres per
family.
Kattunaikas
Kattunaikas constitute 9.93% of the total tribal population of Wayanad
and are mainly found in the Sultan Bathery block of the district. They have
been classified as 'Primitive Tribal Group' by the Government of India, owing
to their relative isolation from the rest of the communities. 50 They are also
known as Kadu or Sholla Naykans or Jenu or Ten Kurumas. Great numbers
confine themselves to the high mountains and the individuals who have left
their Primitive clans, are seen in the developed areas. Their name correctly
connotes that they are the Nayakans (chiefs) of the Kadu or Kattu (forest).51
Kattunaikas are living in huts with low floor ground and the sides are
flattened with bamboo. The roof is covered with straw or grass. Often the
Kattunaikas live under wind – breaks resting against a tree or in the hollows of
the trees. They resent anyone entering their huts with leather foot wear, for
they presume that all foot wear are made of leather of the cows which they
consider as polluting. Those who use it should place it outside the hut before
entering in the huts.52
The whole Population of the Kattunaikas is grouped into two sections,
having a number of class within each group. Each clan consists of a number of
48
K.S. Singh, People of India, Indian Communities, Vol. VI, Anthropological survey of India
Oxford University press, Delhi, 1998, p.3545.
49
Ibid.,
50
K.S. Singh, People of India; Kerala, op.cit., p.753.
51
52
S.S. Shashi, Encyclopedia of Indian Tribes, Vol. VIII, New Delhi, 1997, p.137.
49
households. Sometimes two or three settlements are under the headship of a
religious leader called Mudali (Chief of the clan) whose position is hereditary.
Among the Kattunaickan community, endogamy and clan exogamy are the
rules of marriage. All forms of sororate and levirate are prohibited. Marriages
are usually performed after the girl has attained puberty. Divorce is permitted
and the divorcee can re-marry. The remarriages of widow and widower are
permitted. Children in such cases remain with mother. Marriage ceremony of
Kattunaickans are very interesting. The bridegroom's father or uncle goes to
the intended bride's house with a garland of beads, which if the girl's father
consent to match, is handed over to him. On the wedding day the Aninalkar
(members of bridegroom's family) proceed to the Penninalkar's (members of
bride's family), house with clothes, brass bangles, six brass rings, brass ear
rings and eight anas.53 The bride wear the jewels and clothes brought by the
bridegroom’s family. The relatives of both bride and bridegroom together start
dance kolkali round the girl. All the members then pray to Masti and the
bridegroom and the bride ask for the blessing of the Muthalalis also. At the end
of the wedding meals the newly wedded husband and wife dance together.
After the end of the wedding ceremony at peninalkar's house, the party returns
with bride to aninalkar's house there they dance, and share betel nuts and with
this the marriage ceremony is over.54 Kattunaikas maintain close contact with
the advanced rural groups, claim to be the Hindus and use popular Hindu
names.
The great majority of the kattunaickans are animists and totemists of
highest order. They worship trees, rocks, hills, snakes and animals, even claim
their origin from them.55 They have implicit faith in charms, sorcery, black
magic and mantrams. Worship of sun, moon and Shiva under the name
53
Wayanad initiative, op.cit., p.39.
54
Sandhya Rashmi, op.cit., p.18.
55
50
Bairava is common. The favourite dieties are Masti and Maladaivom. They
celebrate Onam festival. Mondays and Fridays are considered as auspicious
days, marriages and live sacrifices are conducted normally on these days.
Kattunaikas bury the dead in a solemn manner near their habitation. It is
customary desert that locality and even carefully avoids visiting. They dig a
deep grave and make a cellar on the side at the bottom of the grave. The corpse
is lowered to the grave and pushed into the cellar and the grave is filled with
the sand. They are very vague about their beliefs in the existence of soul after
56
the death and re-birth. The Kattunaikas have cordial relations with other
tribals and non-tribals. They accept food from other tribal and non-tribal
communities, except Paniyas who are traditionally considered socially inferior
to the Kattunaikas.
Kurichiyas
This community is inhabiting mainly in Mananthavady and Kalpetta
taluks and form 17.38% of the total tribal population of the district. This
community still have land holding and agriculture is their principal economic
activity. According to Luiz, the Kurichiyas were good marksman and being
good at shooting. They were experts in archery and hence were known as
Villalikarinairs. 57They believe that the name 'Kurichiyas' was derived from the
word kurinilam or kurichasthalam. The Kurichiyas punctually reported at the
mustering place fixed by the raja who then praised them as Kuriyan meaning
'precise dependable'. From ‘kurian’ it became Kurichiyas.58 Kurichiyas are the
first agricultural tribe from the plains of Malabar, who colonized Wayanad and
possessed their own lands. They occupy the highest social position among the
tribes of Wayanad. They are excellent bow-men played a great part in the
Pazhassi rebellion at the beginning of 19th century.59
56
S.S. Shashi, op.cit., p.138.
57
K.S. Singh, People of India: Kerala, Vol. XXVII, New Delhi, 2002, p.713.
58
Ibid., p.714.
59
51
Kurichiyas consider themselves superior to all the tribes and castes, and
have an aversion for the rest of the communities including Brahmins. An
accidental touch of a Paniya or Kuruma necessitates a bath and forty dips to
remove the pollution. Orthodox groups never allow other communities to enter
their huts or even touch any part of the hut for fear of Aythum (pollution). They
refuse to eat food cooked by anyone other than a Kurichiya. A woman or child
known to have eaten anything polluting is immediately out casted. Several
little children in the Christian institutions suffered due to this customs. Very
recently a woman was out casted because she was found in conversation with a
bus driver who was a non-Kurichiya. The majority do not allow their children
to attend Schools with non-kurichiya fearing that would cause pollution. The
Harijan Welfare Schools at Parambukavu in Kottayam Taluk and Vengapally
in Vythiri Taluk are the two institutions having reasonable patronage because
all students and the cooks are Kurichiyas. 60 This social isolation leads to
illiteracy among the Kurichiyas and prevent their growth.
The huts of the Kurichiyas are located usually on the top of a mountain
or on a high hill near their land. The floor of the hut is about two feet above the
ground and there are verandahs in the front and back sides and a strong roof
covered with straw. Almost all families have the theendipura [segregation hut)
at a distance of about fifty yards from their hut, for females in isolation or
separation. They use earthen pots, brass and porcelain ware and mats made by
themselves.61 But they refrain from using kerosene for lighting purposes. The
surrounding and the interior are kept clean.
The Kurichiyas are the cultivators, raising paddy crops on wet lands and
ragi on hills. They are also hunters and in the name of Malakkari, they devote
three days – 10th, 11th, and 12th Thulam (month of october) for hunting.62 Men
60
Ibid., p.161.
61
62
52
and women take part in weeding, transplanting, harvesting, winnowing and
husking the paddy and plucking coffee seeds. 63 They take part in economic
activities and contribute to family income. The Kurichiyas are bound to
marumakkathayam by which the property is inherited by daughter and the
sonin-law is resided in her house. Succession is through nephews. The younger
generation prefers nuclear families to joint family system. They are pleading
for the change in the inheritance pattern from marumakkathayam to
makkathayam which gives emphasis to inheritance to son. The Kurichians have
maintained the practice of Tali-kettu kalyanam i.e tying tali or a chain before a
girl attains puberty. The father of the girls or in his absence senior uncle ties the
tali and the feast follows. The real marriage takes place on an auspicious day
after attaining the puberty. After the completion of negotiation, the day is fixed
for the marriage, the bridegroom armed with a bow and arrow, escorted by his
relatives and friends, visits the bride’s house and gives presents to her, and her
mother. Following this the tying of the tali takes place.64Marriage by exchange
of ring is the recent origin. Matriarchal rule is strictly observed while selecting
a bride.65
Kurichiyas are non-vegetarians and consume the meat of hunted animals
like rabbit, bear and deer. Rice is their staple food supplemented with tapioca,
yam, and pulses. They also use to have leaves of certain vegetables along with
locally available fruits. Men occasionally consume alcoholic drinks bought
from markets. Rarely they consume milk and milk products. As regards their
religion, they cannot be described as animists. They worship inanimate objects
in the past. Now a days they visit temples at Kottiyur, Nerikode, Tirunelli and
Pulpalli and claim to be the Hindus. Their chief diety is hunting God,
Muttappan (Shiva) and some of them worship Vishnu.They celebrate their
63
64
S.S. Shashi, Ibid., p.163.
65
Ibid., p.165.
53
'Kollukodukkal' every year on a day decided by the head man and those who
attend this festival are expected to refrain from sexual pleasures, and to be
clean. In the forest where they live, there are particular locations marked a
heap of stones where God Muttappan is believed to exist. Women and children
are forbidden to visit these places.66
The Kurichiyas bury their dead, and arrow is buried with their body.
Seven days pollution is observed and rice is offered to the soul of the departed.
The funeral ceremony on a ground scale is observed at any time convenient in
the year. They have no priests, the elders act for the occasion.67 The deceased
ancestors are remembered and once a year, toddy, meat etc are placed in a
room hoping that the souls would consume them. The community claims
highest status over the rest of the communities in Wayanad. Like
Mullukurumas, Kurichiyas also have reasonably good representation in local
decision making bodies. Many of the community members are actively
involved in party politics and have strong political affiliation.
Other tribal communities in Wayanad include Tachanad Mooppan,
Wayanad Kadar, and Karimpalan, all three were included in the Scheduled
Tribes list of Kerala. They constitute 0.61% of the total Tribal population of
Wayanad. Majority of them are marginal peasants or agricultural labourers.68
Integration of Adivasi communities with the plantation market economy of
Wayanad is complex. Total integration of tribal people with mainstream is not
possible due to the wavering economy and changing crop pattern. Besides there
is no common elements in many respect among the tribals in Wayanad. The
isolation of the tribals also had an impact in the development of Wayanad.69
66
67
68
69
A. Aiyappan, op.cit., p.44.
54
3. Non-Tribal Communities
Nambuthiris and Nairs are believed to be the major non-tribal
communities in Wayanad. 70 Another major community in Wayanad is the
Ezhavas. They are considered as the young generation of Ezhava sect who had
migrated to Kerala from Ceylon (Sri Lanka) in early days. Now the majority of
people in Wayanad belong to Ezhava and Nair community and their sub-sects.
The other major migrants in Wayanad are Jains, Chettys, Muslims and
Christians. It is observed that tribal's life patterns have changed mainly due to
the influence of these four communities.
The Jains were considered as the first migrants to Wayanad. In all
probability the jain period extended from the eighth or ninth century AD to the
twelfth or thirteenth century.71 A proper perception of the impact of Jainism is
severly handicapped by lack of details. Edakkal caves in Sulthan Bathery,
twenty one miles from Vythiri and thirteen miles from the Mysore border was
an important Jain center. There are many Jains in and around Kalpetta,
Manathavadi and other places in Wayanad. The most important temples are at
Sulthan Bathery and the important of them are the Vasti temple and Jain
temple. 72 There is a small colony of jains in Kuppathode in North Wayanad.
Kalpetta has a Jain population of two thousand, they were said to be migrants
of Mysore during the incursions of Tippu Sulthan. The influence of Jains are
remained in Varatur near Panamaram, Vennayottu and Palakkunnu in
Wayanad. With the arrival of Jains, changes had taken place among the tribals
who were not settlers in a particular place. Jains started to cultivate the land.
They also introduced new agricultural practices. Their unity and religious
beliefs had its impact on tribals.
70
Ibid., p.46.
71
Logante Malabar Manual Translation of Malayalam, William Logan’s Malabar Manual (1951),
Mathrubhoomi publishers, Calicut, 1985, p. 231.
72
Ibid., p. 235.
55
Though there are different sections of Chettys, the group which has its
origin in Tamil Nadu are mainly found in Wayanad. It is observed that they
came to Wayanad in the fourteenth century. 73 Their contacts and influence on
the Mullukurumar helped them to make other tribal groups under their control.
In course of time the temples of Kurumars were taken over by the Chettys.
They become the formidable force in Wayanad. They arrived from
North India, Karnataka and Malabar in the sixteenth century for trade and to
spread their religion. 74 Slowly they became the settlers of Wayanad and the
entire trade in the region came under their control. The profit which they made
from the trade was taken to Malabar. The Christian groups migrated to
Wayanad in the 1930s.75 Most of them came from Travancore. As a result of
the Second World War, there was acute shortage of food and the government
encouraged people to grow more food. This promoted the migration of
Christians to Wayanad. With the arrival of Christians, new methods of agriculture
and new varieties of crops were introduced in Wayanad. Even the little land
which the tribals have became the property of Christians. The missionaries,
who follow the Christian settlers, introduced a new educational system.
4. Political History
According to one legend the first ruling dynasty who accepted their
centre as Poothadi, was the Vetars. It is believed that Poothadi, the dancing
place of the demons was the capital of Vetars. According to the Malabar
Gazetteer, “that tradition points to a time when a line of Vetar kings held sway
and the story goes on to record an illjudged capture of a Kshatriya pilgrim to
the famous Tirunelli shrine led to the invasion and subjugation of the country
73
Gazetteer of India, Kerala State, Trivandrum, Vol. II, Part I, Government press, Trivandrum, 1986,
p.230.
74
Ibid., p.231.
75
Ibid., p. 235.
56
by the Kshatriya princes of Kottayam and Kurumbranad”.76 The name of the
district takes its origin from the Vetarnadu viz the land of Vetars also. In the
course of time Vetarnadu came to be known as Wayanad (Vayanat).77
As per the available information Wayanad was introduced to Nair chiefs
by rulers of Kottayam in North Malabar before 1100AD. They were brought to
Wayanad by rulers of Kottayam from time to time. Since it was under the
jurisdiction of Kottayam dynasty, no separate ruler was appointed. During this
period 64 Nair and Nambiar families were settled in Wayanad by King,
together with various caste groups of people to do different jobs. 78 The
important Nairs were given administrative authority over each desam by the
King. These chiefs had to visit the King once in a year with tribute. The main
source of wealth of these Nairs comprised the rents from their land to which the
tenants cultivated. 79
Wayanad proper or North Wayanad was under the authority of Padinjare
Kovilakam (Western of the Kottayam family) until the death of Kerala Varma
Pazhasiraja in 1805. Under Kottayam rule Wayanad was divided into ten
nadus 80 and placed under Nair and Nambiar cheftian for the purpose of
81
administration. These nadus were Moothernad, Ellurnad, Porunnanur,
Tondernadu, Nallurnad, Wayanad, Kurumbalanad, Etannatassakur, Muppainad
and Ganapathivattam. The land, actually belonged to the Raja, but the village
chiefs and the cultivators were bound by the produce sharing system.82 Each
nadu was divided into three or four desams. The desams were put under the
76
Mundakayam Gopi, Ariyapedatha Wayanad, Kalpetta, p.16 ( In Malayalam).
77
Wiilliam Logan, Madras, 1957, Vol. II, p.80.
78
Darley Jose K. Josavik and N. Shanmugaratnam, “Property Rights and Indigenous
Communities in Highland Kerala; South India, An institutional Historical Perspective,” Modern
Asian Studies. 41,6(2007), p.1028.
79
K.G. Madhavan Nair, Wayanadum Pazhassi Thampuranum, Sulthan Bathery, 1998, pp.35-36 (In
Malayalam).
80
Nadu refers to a small territorial unit.
81
82
A. Aiyappan, Social Revolution in a Kerala Village: A study in Culture Change, Bombay, 1965,
p.66.
57
prominent Nairs known as desapathies. These desapathies were together called
Swarupam. The Muppil Nair or the Karanavar of the prominent taravad of that
desam became the desapathi. The senior most male member of the family was
recognized as the Mupil Nair of that taravad. The Nair taravads had controlled
the land and social life of Wayanad.83
Wayanad remained undisturbed until 1773, when Mysore army passed
through Tamarasseri ghat on its way to Calicut. In 1780 when the Second
Anglo-Mysore War (1780-84) broke out Ravi Varma, the senior Raja returned
from Travancore with his nephew Kerala Varma. He assisted the beleaguered
English factory at the siege of Tellicherry with an army of 2000 Nairs. In 1786
when Ravi Varma visited Tippu Sultan in Coorg, the latter exacted a deed from
the former relinquishment of all his rights over Wayanad. 84 At that time
Kottayam family had three branches, Kizhakke Kovilagam (Eastern Palace),
Thekke Kovilagam (Southern palace) and Patinjare Kovilagam, (Western
Palace). Wayanad was under the Western branch of which Kerala Varma was
the head. He had resented the action of the senior Raja and refused to submit.84
He started resistance in 1787 till the beginning of Third Mysore war in 1790.
On 4th May 1790, Rober Taylor, the chief of the English settlement at
Tellicherry, granted a cowle to Kerala Varma Raja that English East India
Company would assist and protect him and do everything in their power to
render him independent of Tippu Sultan, if he would enter heartily into the war
against the ruler of Mysore. The war was waged and according to peace treaty
of Seringapatnam, signed on 18th March 1792,Malabar was ceded to the British
by the Sultan of Mysore. When Lord Mornington came to India in 1798, it was
finally settled that Wayanad had remained the part of Tippu's dominion. Till
that time it was a disputed point whether Wayanad was included in this section.
83
Margret Frenz, From Contact to Conquest: Transition to British Rule in Malabar, 1790-1805,
New Delhi, 2003, p.102.
84
84
Ibid., pp.89-70.
58
After the treaty of Seringapatnam was signed in 1792, the East India
Company appointed the Joint Commissioners for administratering Malabar.
The British committed the initial mistake of entrusting Kottayam to the
Kurumbranad Raja (uncle of Kerala Varma), who had no influence in the
country. Kerala Varma who was all powerful in Kottayam, promptly showed
his contempt for both the alleged authority of his uncle the Kurumbranad Raja
and the regulation of the East India Company.He stopped all collections of
revenue in the district and took the law in her own hands against erring
Mappilas. Efforts were made by the Company to suppress the Raja in his
palace at Pazhassi in Kottayam Taluk, but the Raja had a secure retreat in the
wilds of Wayanad. The troops sent against him were hampered by difficulties
of transport and lack of supplies. A series of minor reverses culminated on
March 18th, 1797 in a detachment of 1,100 men being cut to pieces in the Peria
pass. The Governor of Bombay and Commander in chief visited Malabar to
investigate the state of the district and cancelled agreement with the
Kurumbranad Raja. Peace was restored through the good offices of Chirakkal
Raja, Kerala varma being paid Rs.8000 a year as pension.
In 1798 Lord Wellesley was appointed as the Governor General of
India. The British expansionist policy came to be vigorously implemented by
Wellesley through his Subsidiary Alliance system. He charged Tippu Sultan
that he was planning intrigues with the Nizam and the Marathas and planting
tree of Liberty at Srirangapatanam. The acts of Tippu came to be regarded as
activities of an enemy by Wellesley. The operation against Tippu began on 17th
of April 1799 and with the fall of Srirangapatanam on May 1799, Mysore's
attempt to carve out an independent Kingdom came to an end. The city of
Srirangapatanam was plundered and half of Tippu's dominion was divided
between British and their ally. Another significant event was that in 1799, after
59
the fall of Seringapatanam Wayanad was ceded to the British. 85 But Kerala
Varma resisted all attempts of the Company to take the possession of Wayanad.
It was only after the suppression of the Pazhassi and Kurichiya revolts
the British could firmly establish domination over Wayanad. The fall of
Seringapatanam in the year 1799 marked the beginnings of British domination
over Wayanad. Kerala Varma Pazhassi Raja of Kottayam dynasty fought
against the British in the jungles of Wayanad for nine long years between
1797and 1805. It was only after the liquidation of Kerala Varma that, the
colonial power could conquer Wayanad.
Administration under the British

Wayanad was the most sparsely populated taluk of the Malabar district.
As the taluk in other parts of the district Wayanad taluk was also divided into
amsams in 1806 by the British. The Amsams were divided into desams.
Wayanad was divided into 13 amsams namely Periya, Edavaka, Nallurnad,
Ellurnad, Kuppathode, Putadi, Kurumbala, Porunnanur, Tondernad, Vythiri,
Etannassakur, Muppainad and Ganapathivattam. 86 The British instituted the
hobli (subdivision of Taluk) system.87 Later hobli system was abolished and the
so called amsams were organized in its place under the suggestion of
H.S.Graeme in 1822-23.88 The number of amsams in Wayanad increased to 23
in 1911 and in the same period the number of desams were 58. Taluk was
placed under the revenue divisional officer of Thalassery in 1924.
During the period of Mysorean invasion of Malabar under Tippu Sultan,
there had been increased migration of the people from Kottayam and that
resulted in the expansion of agriculture. Expansion of permanent field
85
C. Thomas, Political Relations between Mysore and Carnatic,1761-1799,(Unpublished Ph. D
Thesis), University of Mysore, 1989, p.218.
86
Joshy Mathew, Tradition, Migration and Transformation, Agrarian migration to Wayanad, A
Socio-Historical Perspective 1928-2000-Irish, Sulthan Bathery, 2011, p.44.
87
William Logan, Logante Malabar Manual (1951), Calicut, 1985, op.cit., Vol. I, p.89 (In
Malayalam).
88
In 1817, Madras Governor Sir. Thomas Munro appointed H.S.Graeme to suggest improvements on
the revenue administration of Malabar District. He submitted his report in 1822.
60
cultivation in proportion to the area depended almost wholly on slave labour.89
Pazhassi Raja recruited able bodied men among the Kurichiyas and Kurumbas
into his army to resist the onslaught of Tippu Sultan from Mysore. In return
they were allowed to cultivate land for their own use.90 Change in the system
of land revenue collection introduced by Tippu Sultan, was the another
favourable factor led to the expansion of agriculture in Wayanad. A major
constraint of the expansion of agriculture during this period was the shortage of
labour. The Chettis and Gowdas from Mysore, who purchased forest lands for
permanent cultivation in 1773, faced acute labour shortage, as by then all the
available labour force had already become attached to individual land lords,
they brought with them a large number of Paniyas and Adiyas, from Mysore
and the Nilgiri forests lying contiguous to the Wayanad forests.91
Before the evolution of a definite land revenue policy, revenue
collection in Wayanad was arbitrary and depended largely upon the guidelines
of revenue collectors.92 Due to the political disturbances it was not practical to
introduce revenue settlement in Wayanad till 1806. The sub-collector T.H.
Baber, proposed a new assessment for Wayanad where the pattam was fixed at
the rate of double the quantity of the seed sown or an average of not more than
one fifth of the net produce. 93 The Collector of Malabar, Thomas Warden
(1804-1816) introduced an elaborate scheme of revenue settlement in
Wayanad. This settlement was introduced with special emphasis on the wet
lands of the taluk. According to Warden’s wet land settlement, the gross
produce of each wet land holding was ascertained by multiplying the seed sown
by the out turn multiple; and a deduction of twice the seed being made for
89
William Logan, Malabar Manual, Madras,1951, p.512.
90
P. Mohandas, A Historical study of the Colonial investments in Malabar and Nilgiris in the
Nineteenth Century,(Unpublished PhD.Thesis submitted to the University of Calicut), 2005, p.79.
91
Ibid., p.80.
92
H.S. Graeme, Report on the Revenue Administration of Malabar, Calicut, 1822.
93
William Logan, Logante Malabar Manual (1951), Calicut, 1985, Vol. I, op.cit., p.708 (In
Malayalam).
61
expenses of the cultivation. The balance was equally divided between the
government, the janmi, and the cultivator.94
Another tax on occupation of the government land was janmabhogam.
From 1822 to 1860 the government had levied janmabhogam at various rates.
As per the land settlement, the land of each desam was divided into private
janmam, Government janmam and puramboke; it was levied on land over
which Government exercised proprietary rights. In 1861 it was fixed at uniform
rate of eight annas per acre up on all land occupied for whatever purpose. 95
The high court of Madras ordered a settlement in Malabar with anyone
but the janmi was illegal. A special deputy collector was appointed in Wayanad
to find out and survey private janmam lands. At the time of the survey the
people who possessed land were given title deed (pattayam) by the British.96
Thus the Nairs, Chettys and Mullukurumas had received ownership right over
land. The transfer of title deed to the janmies was completed by the end of
1894-95 (fasli 1304).97 With the changes in the new settlement in 1895 system
of payment on occupation was replaced with payment on cultivation.
By the middle of the 19th century the colonialists dominated their control
over Indian commodities and the Indian market. The British Government
passed the charter Acts of 1813 and 1833 with these ends in mind.
Even before 18th century, the products of Wayanad especially Cardamom,
were very dear to the European world. Cardamom was collected from the
forests of Wayanad by the local merchants and sold to European companies
through the different parts of India like Bombay, Cutch and Bengal.98 Pepper
and Sandal wood were the other two items exported from Wayanad during this
period.
94
C.A. Innes and F.B. Evans, Malabar District Gazateer, Madras, 1951, pp.352-353.
95
Ibid., p.353.
96
Joshy Mathew, op.cit., p.47.
97
In order to get corresponding Christian era 591 to be added the fasli year.
98
Francis Buchanan, A Journey from Madras to Malabar, Mysore and South Canara, Vol. II,
London, 1807, p.538.
62
Cultivable land in Wayanad was divided into wet or nancha land, dry or
puncha land and garden land. Paddy cultivation dominated nancha land of the
taluk. Chief dry land crops were hill rice, gingelly, samai and ginger. Ragi was
the staple dry crop of Wayanad. 99 Cardamom, coffee and orange were also
cultivated in puncha land. There were two main crops of paddy known as kanni
and magaram. Kanni crop was the first crop of the year and it was sowed in
April and harvested in November. Soon after the harvesting of kanni crop, the
seeds for magaram crop was sowed and it was harvested in February. The
Kanni crop of Wayanad in the year 1884 was 20,020 acres of land.100 The area
of cultivation was increased to 40,957 acres of land in 1925-26. The Paniya and
Adiya tribal people were the main labourers of Wayanad. The tribal workers
were encouraged to conduct kambalanatti in the planting of paddy. It was an
important method used by the janmies in the paddy cultivation of Wayanad to
complete the farm work on time.101 No artificial pesticides were used by the
farmers in the paddy field to avoid pests.
The agricultural production of Wayanad was indebted to slave system of
labour. In different parts of Kerala, the slaves were permanently attached to the
soil and considered like a commodity, which could be bought or sold along
with the land. The bonded labourers of Wayanad were tribal people. 102 In
Wayanad they were agrestic slaves. They were integral part of master’s landed
property and were liable under some tenures and terms like land.103 Adiyas and
Paniyas were the chief sections of bonded workers used for the agricultural
works by the janmies. In some areas Kurumas, Kattunaikkas and Urali kurumas
also were generally employed in agricultural field. The Paniyas were the
99
C.A. Innes and F.B. Evans, op. cit., p.215.
100
101
In this system, to complete the work, all workers would come on a particular day for the work.
When a group of tribals worked in the field, another section of tribal people would conduct tribal
music with their traditional musical instruments till the completion of the work.
102
William Logan, Vol. I, op.cit., p.147.
103
C.H. Jayasree, Slavery and Serfdom in the 19th century Kerala: With Special Reference to
Malabar(Unpublished Ph. D Thesis submitted to Mangalore University),1994, pp.27-32.
63
majority among tribal people in Wayanad. They were hardworking agricultural
labourers. Adiyas were the labourers from northern part of Wayanad and
Paniyas were concentrated in the southern part of the taluk. They lived on the
meager wages in the form of paddy. In the gradual process, Paniyas and Adiyas
became the private property of the owners. They were even pawned by them.104
The land lords used to buy the tribal workers for one year for their field
during the annual temple festival of Valliyurkavu in north Wayanad in the
month of March. 105 The slave workers used to enter into an unwritten
agreement with the janmi. A land lord had to give advance money of Rs. 5 to
10 known as nippupanam (money for stay and work under a land lord) to the
tribal worker and later enter into a verbal agreement of work for a year. An
Adiya or Paniya who received nippupanam could not change his master or
escape from him under any circumstance.106
There were specific favourable background for the emergence of coffee
plantation in Wayanad. The vast area of fertile forest land was the peculiarity
of Wayanad. Land was very cheap and purchased by European planters for
Rs.2 to 5 per acre during the middle of the 19th century.107 Along with this, the
cheap labour in Wayanad was also a major factor, contributed for the
development of coffee plantation. Favourable prices for plantation products,
especially coffee and tea, in the London market, was another important cause
for the steady development of plantation industry in Wayanad. The climate of
Malabar, especially Wayanad, was quite favourable for the growth of coffee
and tea. Tea is supposed to require a minimum rainfall within the range of
1150-1400mm per annum. Coffee needs light, soil with free subsoil and good
104
A. Aiyappan, The Paniyas: An Ex-slave Tribe of South India, Calcutta, 1992, pp.38-39.
105
One of the ancient temples of Wayanad dedicated to Bhagavathy. The 15 days of annual festival in
this ancient temple was the festival of Wayanad. It was the sole trade fare of Wayanad since
ancient times.
106
107
W. Robinson, Report on the History, Condition and Prospects of the Taluk of Wayanad, Calicut,
1917, p.22.
64
drainage, and virgin forest land was usually chosen for planting coffee-bushes
need shelter from high wind and from the sun in the hot, dry weather.
Therefore it is always cultivated under shade in India. 108
The administrative reforms and commercial law passed by the British
parliament from time to time created a favourable environment for
development of plantation. Even before the promulgation of the Act of
Abolition of slavery 1843, the East India Company itself had made with the
feudal jenmies of Malabar, contracts for labour force. For instance, in a
contract of 1840, with case Sankaran Nambodiri of Nedunganad, the company
incorporated provision for supply of labour.109 The state policy throughout the
British period during and after the East India Company, administration was
highly favourable for the rapid growth of plantation in the regions like
Wayanad. The development of transport and communication network also
helped the growth of plantations in Wayanad. As far as Wayanad was
concerned, the Pazhassi rebellion gave great impetus to read building activity
from Thalassery to Wayanad. Between 1810 and 1830 many important roads
were constructed for the convenience of the military movement.110 In Wayanad
coffee cultivation was first started by military officials. The credit goes to
captain Bevan who was in charge of the 27th Regiment of the Madras Native
Infantry of the East India Company, to start first plantation at Mananthavady.111
Within a short span of time Wayanad has become the best and main coffee
producing district of Malabar. The success of the cultivation of coffee in
Wayanad paved the way for the beginning of the first coffee estate by Parry
108
Somerset Playne (ed.), Southern India: Its History, People, Commerce and Industrial
Resources, London, 1914-15, p.221.
109
Mortage deed on 10 December, 1840, Document in Appeal No.119 of 1922, Madras High Court,
Quoted in K.K.N.Kurup, Peasantry, Nationalism, and Scial Change in India, New Delhi, 1989,
p.19.
110
A. Sreedhara Menon, Cannanore District- Gazetteer, Trivandrum, 1972, p.164.
111
Waddington, Planting Directory of South India,(Here in after to be referred to as (P.D.S.)
Madras,1927, p.3.
65
and Company named Pew Estate, near Mananthavady in 1830s. The usually
cultivated spices in Wayanad was coffee Arabica.112
There was a heavy rush of European planters during the middle of the
19th century in Wayanad. Most of the big plantations had agents in Wayanad
and they brought the land for their masters who settled in Madras, Calcutta and
Burma. 113 The new capitalists obtained land for the estates from the native
proprietor on various terms. 114 During the middle of 19th century, a steady
growth of coffee plantation took place in Wayanad. All the early coffee estates
were owned by the English. They selected land for the new crop where
cardamom cultivation had existed. Since the emergence of coffee plantation in
Wayanad, within two decades 27 small and medium estates were formed in the
Taluk by 1859. 115 In 1870s coffee emerged as the largest export earner,
accounting 33 percent of the total export from Malabar port was coffee and tea
from Coorg, Malabar Wayanad and Annamalais. 116 The table given below
shows the trend of the coffee plantation in Wayanad from 1847-48 to 1856-57.
Duty collected by the Government (in Rupees)117
Year Coffee exported Duty (rupees)
1847-48 3465 1467
1848-49 7289 2716
1849-50 4957 893
1850-51 8713 1670
1851-52 7229 1702
1852-53 8223 1639
1853-54 15540 2720
1854-55 13855 390
1855-56 23041 2814
1856-57 20946 4054
112
Rao Bahadur C. Gopalan Nair, Wayanad: Its People and Traditions, Malabar series,
Madras,1911, p.42.
113
114
J.D. Bourdillon, A Brief Statement of the Principal Measures of Sir. Charles Trevelyan’s
Administration at Madras, Madras, 1860, p.64.
115
File No.1/59 (Revenue), 1859.
116
C.A. Innes and F.B .Evans, op.cit., p.263.
117
W. Robinson, op.cit., p.10.
66
The coffee estates did not need elaborate supervisory staff and large
number of workers. A considerable portion of workers in the estates was hill
tribes as local labourers especially Kurumas and Paniyas.118 When the scope of
new plantation increased in Wayanad, a lot of Europeans began to immigrate to
this taluk. The number of Europeans in the taluk in 1871 was 261. 119 The
coffee plantation in Wayanad began to decline, due to various reasons like leaf
disease, the Ceylon system of cultivation without shade, mismanagement and
injudicious choice of soil and locality.120
Tea plantation
The immediate background of the emergence of tea plantation was the
failure of coffee plantation. In South India Europeans identified the hill tracts
of the Wayanad, Annamalai, the Nilgiris and the elevated region over the
Malabar Coast, including the native state of Travancore as the best areas for tea
production. 121 Tea cultivation in Wayanad was started in the 1870s, the
organized planting of tea was started only in 1892.122 The credit goes to Parry
and Company, which planted it on a large scale on their Porindotti estate in
South Wayanad. The first experiment of Parry and Company in Wayanad made
it clear that well planted tea would grow very well and that agro-climatic
conditions of Wayanad were suitable for its large scale cultivation. The first tea
plantation in Wayanad was started by the Parry and Company in 1889.123
The joint stock companies like Harrison and Crossfield, Pierce-Leslie
and Kerala Tea Company were the big European companies which invested
large amounts of capital in Indian tea plantations in Wayanad during the late
19th century. Within a short span of eight years more than 10,000 acres of land
118
K. Tharian George and P.K. Michael Tharakan, op.cit., p.16.
119
Census of India 1871- Malabar, Madras,1874, pp.68-69.
120
P. Mohandas, op.cit., p.91.
121
Somerset Playne (ed.), op.cit., p.223.
122
C.A. Innes and F.B. Evans, op.cit., p.226.
123
P. Swaminathan (ed.),Guidelines on Tea culture in South India, Coonoor (Tamil Nadu), 1995, p.2.
67
was brought under tea cultivation.124 The main feature of the management of
the estate was Agency system. Here both Indian and European managers of the
estates and technicians in the factories were the English. New factories were
started in Wayanad. High officers including estates were managed by the
Agents. 125 The Directors registered the company with sterling capital and
resided in U.K. and delegated the management to the agency houses in India.126
In the coffee and tea plantations of Wayanad, this labour force came
from outside Wayanad. Labour was supplied from the neighbouring areas like
Coimbatore, Salem, Erode, Tirunelveli, Ramnathapuram, Manglore, South
Canara, Mysore, Cochin, Ernad, Valluvanad and other parts of Malabar. l
According to an estimate in the beginning of the 20th century 54 percent of total
labourers working in Wayanad were brought from other parts of British India.
Besides 26 percent of labourers were imported from Mysore state while only
20 percent were local workers from Wayanad. 127 Throughout nineteenth
century the labourers from Malabar went to work in the coffee plantations in
Coorg and Wayanad.
In Wayanad the local labour force consisted of the tribal castes like
Kurumbas, Paniyas and Badagas. The Kurumbas and other tribal castes joined
the plantation in the large numbers because of the constant persuasion by the
jobbers of the planters. Since the Kurumbas were excellent axe-man, their
labour force was heavily exploited for the development of plantations in
Wayanad. The shortage of labour in plantation was a serious problem faced by
the European planters in India. The Kangany system helped the planters to
128
obtain enough labourers without much expenses. Kanganies recruited
124
Planting Directory of South India, op.cit., p.37.
125
126
D.V. Rege, Report on an Enquiry into Conditions of Labour in Plantations in India, Delhi, 1943,
p.104.
127
C.M. Jayasree, op.cit., p.224.
128
Kangani means an agent who brought labourers to work and obtained some remuneration from the
employer.
68
workers from distant localities and supplied them according to the needs of the
employer. The low caste Tamil people like Adi-Dravida, Pariah, Chakliyar,
Pallan, Kuruva and Devar were the early groups of the coolies brought from
Tamil Nadu.129 The estate owners used to advance money to the kanganies to
bring the labourers seasonally.
Forest Policy of the British

Most of the villages in the Madras Presidency that were located in and
around the forest tracts used to have certain tracts of forests ear marked for
their exclusive use. In most places where the government wanted to have land
for its own use, it had to purchase those forest lands from their owners, often at
market rates even during the 19th century. Board of Revenue proceedings of 5th
August 1871 of Madras Presidency stated that, “ there is scarcely any forest in
whole Presidency of Madras which is not one in which, so far as the Board can
ascertain, the state asserted any rights of property until very recently. All of
them, without exception, are subject to tribal or communal rights, which have
existed from time immemorial and which are as difficult to define and value as
they are necessary to rural population…Here the forests are and always have
been common property”. 130
Machanchie provides the earliest record of commercial exploitation of
forests in 1796, for the extraction of teak in Malabar to meet the demands for
shipbuilding and military purposes. In the year 1799 alone 10,000 teak trees
were brought down from the Bay pore river, under further pressure from the
‘Home Government’ in England to ensure the maintenance of the future
strength of the King’s navy ships which were built from the teak imported
from India from the dockyards in Goa and on the Malabar Coast. In this
129
Dharmakumar, Caste and Landless in South India in:, The world of Rural Labourers in Colonial
India, Gyan Prakash, New Delhi, 1992, p.86.
130
Shodhaganga, Inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/1876/7/08. Accessed on 6th April 2016.
69
situation the East India Company looked to India as a potential source of their
supplies. 131
The requirement of Indian teak wood for the military establishment in
the late 18th century led to an immediate proclamation declaring that the royalty
right over teak trees claimed by the former government in South, was vested
with the East India Company.132 The British colonial intervention is an
important event in the ecological history of India. The critical turning point in
the history of India forestry was the building of the railway network. The early
years of railway expansion saw an unprecedented assault on the more
accessible forests. Great tracts of forest were destroyed to meet the demand for
railway sleepers. The first attempt at asserting state monopoly was through
Indian Forest Act of 1865. The Act empowered the state to declare any land
covered with trees or brush-wood as state forest and make rules regarding the
management of the same by notification, provided that such notification should
not abridge or affect any existing rights of individuals or communities. The
government was empowered to prescribe punishments for the breach of
provision or for infringing rules and for the assert of offenders.
Guha argued that the Forest Act of 1865 had been enacted mainly to
ensure control over the forest supply for railway.133 The Forest Act of 1878
continued and extended the government policy of establishing control over
forests. The Act was empowered the government to acquire land over which
rights were claimed by persons. The Forest settlement officer was to record
such rights and there were special provisions to ensure the exercise of such
131
At that time interestingly, England’s own forests had long been devastated. It is said that the first
serious inroads occurred in Henry VIII’s time when he seized church land for his own use and
“turned them in cash”. James I had fostered colonisation schemes, especially in Ireland, which
reduced the forest area and Charles I “always in need of cash”, alienated many of the crown
forests. With oak forests vanishing in England, the need for suitable timber for the Royal Navy
began to be felt. As Sebbing put it “the safety of the empire depended on its wooden walls.” This
was a period of intense rivalry between the colonial powers and Indian teak, Suitable for
shipbuilding, saved England during the war with Napoleon. It also helped later maritime
expansion.
70
right. While drafting the Forest Act 1878, the debate on environment had taken
place among Forest department officials at the centre and Presidency level. At
the central level, the emphasis was on controlling the forest by the state, where
as at the presidency level, the district administrators, wanted the needs of the
between the colonial powers and Indian teak, suitable for shipbuilding, saved
England during the war with Napoleon. It also helped later maritime expansion.
In 1805 a dispatch was received from the court of Directors enquiring as
to what extent the King’s Navy was depended on permanent supply of teak
timber from Malabar, in view of the growing shortage of oak in England. The
demand for timber in the Royal Navy had prompted the initial imperial concern
with Indian Forests around 1806.
Velayutham Saravanan, “Commercialisation of Forests Environmental
Negligence and Alienation of Tribal Rights in Madras Presidency, 1792-1882”,
Indian Economic Social History Review, NewDelhi,Vol.35, No:2,1998, p.126.
local people to be considered. Ultimately, the presidency protest was suppressed
by the colonial administration.132
The government of India brought out a comprehensive forest policy in
1894 that clearly spelt that the supremacy of the state’s interest over that of
people’s interest. By the resolution, forests were divided into four classes
a)forest preservation of which was essential on climatic or physical grounds
b)forests which afforded a supply of valuable climbers for commercial
purposes c) minor forest and d) pasture lands. Then the Government gradually
increased its control over the forests and the forest department was
strengthened from time to time, to regulate people’s right over produce.133
Indian Forest Act of 1878 was replaced by a very comprehensive act
called Indian Forest Act 1927. This was an attempt to codify all the practices of
the forest officials and to regulate further people’s rights over forest lands and
produce. The forests were classified into reserved, protected and village forests
132
Ramachandra Guha, “An Early environmental debate: The making of the 1878 forest act”, The
Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol. 27, No:1,1990, pp.65-67.
133
www.ier.sagepub.com. Accessed on 21st April 2016.
71
and elaborate provisions were made to extend state controls over forests. This
Act put some control on the shifting cultivation by empowering the forest
settlement officer to record the claims relating to the practice of shifting
cultivation 134 and to inform the State Governments.135
Under the British administration, Forest Department created a systematic
inventory of trees, curtailed the customary laws of Forest Dwellers over the
forest land and produce, and transformed into concessions which was availed to
them with forest officials permission. 136 The reserved forest in Wayanad
consisted of both evergreen and deciduous section.The British realised teak as
the best substitute for oak to build ships. 137 Heavy quantity of timber was
extracted for railway sleepers from Thariyode forest .It was started in 1929.The
extraction of teak played a significant role in maintaining navel strength of
British. The commercial timber production of the colonial government served
the imperial interest of the British first, during the era of the railway expansion,
and later during the two world wars.138
Considering the revenue, the colonial administration tried to bring the
tribal private forests under government control. Alienation of some traditional
rights was the direct impact of the introduction of commercial crops to the hill
areas. After the colonial intervention, the government did not pay attention to
protect the environment and maintain ecological balance. The colonial government
without initiating any welfare measures curbed the tribal’s common property
rights through Forest Acts.
134
Indian Forest Act 1927 Section 9, Madras,1928.
135
Ibid.,
136
Vijayashree Satpathy, “Where are tribals in their Development? A century of Indian Forest
Legislations”, International Journal of Rural management 11(1) 60-74, p.64.
137
www.scrip.org/journal/oif Accessed on 8th May 2015.
138
Madhav Gadgil and Ramachandra Guha, This Fissured Land: An Ecological History of India,
New Delhi, 1993, p.135.
72

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Census 2001 data of Kerala12

Total Scheduled Tribes

Administration under the British

Forest Policy of the British

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