The Holy Apostles

Content:
Apostles of Christ.
St. Andrew.
St. Barnabas
St. James the Greater.
St. James the Less.
St. John the Evangelist.
St. Jude.
St. Luke.
St. Mark.
St. Matthew.
St. Nathanael.
St. Paul.
St. Peter.
St. Philip.
St. Thomas.

Apostles of Christ.
Under this title it may be sufficient to supply brief and essential information. The reader will
find at the end of this article various titles of other articles which contain supplementary infor-
mation on subjects connected with the Apostles.

The Name.
The word “Apostle,” from the Greek apostello “to send forth,” “to dispatch,” has etymo-
logically a very general sense. Apostolos (Apostle) means one who is sent forth, dispatched — in
other words, who is entrusted with a mission, rather, a foreign mission. It has, however, a strong-
er sense than the word messenger, and means as much as a delegate. In the classical writers the
word is not frequent. In the Greek version of the Old Testament it occurs once, in III Kings, 14:6
(cf. ibid, 12:24). In the New Testament, on the contrary, it occurs, according to Bruder's Con-
cordance, about eighty times, and denotes often not all the disciples of the Lord, but some of
them specially called. It is obvious that our Lord, who spoke an Aramaic dialect, gave to some of
his disciples an Aramaic title, the Greek equivalent of which was “Apostle.” It seems to us that
there is no reasonable doubt about the Aramaic word being seliah, by which also the later Jews,
and probably already the Jews before Christ, denoted “those who were despatched from the
mother city by the rulers of the race on any foreign mission, especially such as were charged
with collecting the tribute paid to the temple service” (Lightfoot, “Galatians,” London, 1896, p.
93). The word apostle would be an exact rendering of the root of the word seliah,= apostello.
Various Meanings.
It is at once evident that in a Christian sense, everyone who had received a mission from
God, or Christ, to man could be called “Apostle.” In fact, however, it was reserved to those of
the disciples who received this title from Christ. At the same time, like other honourable titles, it
was occasionally applied to those who in some way realized the fundamental idea of the name.
The word also has various meanings.
The name Apostle denotes principally one of the twelve disciples who, on a solemn occa-
sion, were called by Christ to a special mission. In the Gospels, however, those disciples are of-
ten designated by the expressions of mathetai (the disciples) or dodeka (the Twelve) and, after
the treason and death of Judas, even of hendeka (the Eleven). In the Synoptics the name Apostle
occurs but seldom with this meaning; only once in Matthew and Mark. But in other books of the
New Testament, chiefly in the Epistles of St. Paul and in the Acts this use of the word is current.
Saul of Tarsus, being miraculously converted, and called to preach the Gospel to the heathens,
claimed with much insistency this title and its rights.
In the Epistle to the Hebrews (3:1) the name is applied even to Christ, in the original
meaning of a delegate sent from God to preach revealed truth to the world.
The word Apostle has also in the New Testament a larger meaning, and denotes some in-
ferior disciples who, under the direction of the Apostles, preached the Gospel, or contributed to
its diffusion; thus Barnabas (Acts 14:4, 14), probably Andronicus and Junias (Rom.16:7), Epaph-
roditus (Phil. 2:25), two unknown Christians who were delegated for the collection in Corinth (II
Cor. 7:23). We know not why the honourable name of Apostle is not given to such illustrious
missionaries as Timothy, Titus, and others who would equally merit it.
There are some passages in which the extension of the word Apostle is doubtful, as Luke
11:49; John 13:16; II Cor. 13; I Thes. 2:7; Ephes. 3:5; Jude, 17, and perhaps the well-known ex-
pression “Apostles and Prophets.” Even in an ironical meaning the word occurs (II Cor. 11:5;
12:11) to denote pseudo-apostles. There is but little to add on the use of the word in the old
Christian literature. The first and third meanings are the only ones which occur frequently, and
even in the oldest literature the larger meaning is seldom found.

Origin of the Apostolate.

The Gospels point out how, from the beginning of his ministry, Jesus called to him some
Jews, and by a very diligent instruction and formation made them his disciples. After some time,
in the Galilean ministry, he selected twelve whom, as Mark (3:14) and Luke (6:13) say, “he also
named Apostles.” The origin of the Apostolate Iies therefore in a special vocation, a formal ap-
pointment of the Lord to a determined office, with connected authority and duties. The appoint-
ment of the twelve Apostles is given by the three Synoptic Gospels (Mark 3:13-19; Matthew
10:1-4; Luke 6:12-16) nearly in the same words, so that the three narratives are literally depend-
ent. Only on the immediately connected events is there some difference between them. It seems
almost needless to outline and disprove rationalistic views on this topic. The holders of these
views, at least some of them, contend that our Lord never appointed twelve Apostles, never
thought of establishing disciples to help him in his ministry, and eventually to carry on his work.
These opinions are only deductions from the rationalistic principles on the credibility of the Gos-
pels, Christ's doctrine on the Kingdom of Heaven, and the eschatology of the Gospels. Here it
may be sufficient to observe

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 § that the very clear testimony of the three synoptic Gospels constitutes a strong historical
argument, representing, as it does, a very old and widely spread tradition that cannot be
erroneous;
§ that the universally acknowledged authority of the Apostles, even in the most heated
controversies, and from the first years after Christ's death (for instance in the Jewish con-
troversies), as we read in the oldest Epistles of St. Paul and in the Acts cannot be ex-
plained, or even be understood, unless we recognize some appointment of the Twelve by
Jesus.

Office and Conditions of the Apostolate.

Two of the synoptic Gospels add to their account of the appointment of the Twelve brief
statements on their office: Mark 3:14-15, “He appointed twelve to be with him and to send them
to herald, and to have power to heal the illnesses and to cast out demons”; Matthew 10:1, “He
gave them power over unclean spirits so as to expel them, and to heal every disease and every
illness.” Luke where he relates the appointment of the Twelve, adds nothing on their office. Af-
terwards (Mark 6:7-13; Matthew 10:5-15; Luke 9:1-5). Jesus sends the Twelve to preach the
kingdom and to heal, and gives them very definite instructions. From all this it results that the
Apostles are to be with Jesus and to aid Him by proclaiming the kingdom and by healing. How-
ever, this was not the whole extent of their office, and it is not difficult to understand that Jesus
did not indicate to His Apostles the whole extent of their mission, while as yet they had such im-
perfect ideas of His own person and mission, and of the Messianic kingdom. The nature of the
Apostolic mission is made still clearer by the sayings of Christ after His Resurrection. Here such
passages as Matthew, 28:19, 20; Luke 24:46-49; Acts 1:8, 21-22 are fundamental. In the first of
these texts we read, “Go ye therefore and make disciples of all the nations, baptizing them in the
name of the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost, teaching them to observe all I have com-
manded you.” The texts of Luke point to the same office of preaching and testifying (cf. Mark
16:16). The Acts of the Apostles and the Epistles written by the Apostles exhibit them in the
constant exercise of this office. Everywhere the Apostle governs the disciples, preaches the doc-
trines of Jesus as an authentic witness, and administers the sacred rites. In order to fill such an
office, it seems necessary to have been instructed by Jesus, to have seen the risen Lord. And
these are, clearly, the conditions required by the Apostles in the candidate for the place of Judas
Iscariot. “Of the men, therefore, who have accompanied us all the time that the Lord Jesus went
in and out among us, beginning from the baptism of John unto the day He was received up from
us, of these must one become a witness with us of His Resurrection” (Acts 1:21-22). This narra-
tive, which seems to come from an Aramaic Palestinian source like many other details given in
the earlier chapter of Acts was ancient and cannot be set aside. It is further strengthened by an
objection made to St.Paul: because he was called in an extraordinary way to the Apostolate, he
was obliged often to vindicate his Apostolic authority and proclaim that he had seen the Lord (I
Cor. 9:1). Instruction and appointment by Jesus were, therefore, the regular conditions for the
Apostolate. By way of exception. an extraordinary vocation, as in the case of Paul, or a choice by
the Apostolic College, as in the case of Matthias, could suffice. Such an extraordinarily called or
elected Apostle could preach Christ's doctrine and the Resurrection of the Lord as an authorita-
tive witness.

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Authority and Prerogatives of the Apostles.
The authority of the Apostles proceeds from the office imposed upon them by Our Lord
and is based on the very explicit sayings of Christ Himself. He will be with them all days to the
end of ages (Matthew 28:20), give a sanction to their preaching (Mark 16:16), send them the
“promise of the Father,” “virtue from above” (Luke 24:49). The Acts of the Apostles and the
Epistles of the New Testament show us the exercise of this authority. The Apostle makes laws
(Acts 15:29; I Cor. 7:12 sq.), teaches (Acts 2:37 f.), claims for his teaching that it should be re-
ceived as the word of God (I Thes. 2:13), punishes (Acts 5:1-11; I Cor. 5:1-5), administers the
sacred rites (Acts 6:1 sq.; 16:33; 20:11), provides successors (II Tim. 1:6; Acts 14:22). In the
modern theological terms the Apostle, besides the power of order, has a general power of juris-
diction and magisterium (teaching). The former embraces the power of making laws, judging on
religious matters, and enforcing obligations by means of suitable penalties. The latter includes
the power of setting forth with authority Christ's doctrine. It is necessary to add here that an
Apostle could receive new revealed truths in order to propose them to the Church. This, howev-
er, is something wholly personal to the Apostles.
Theologians rightly speak in their treatises of some personal prerogatives of the Apostles;
a brief account of them may not be superfluous.
A first prerogative, not clearly inferred from the texts of the New Testament nor demon-
strated by solid reasons, is their confirmation in grace. Most modern theologians admit that the
Apostles received so abundant an infusion of grace that they could avoid any error in their teach-
ing.
Another personal prerogative is the universality of their jurisdiction. The words of the
Gospel on Apostolic office are very general; for the most part, the Apostles preached and trav-
elled as if they were not bound by territorial limits, as we read in the Acts and the Epistles. This
did not hinder the Apostles from taking practical measures to properly organize the preaching of
the Gospel in the various countries they visited.

Apostolate and Episcopate.

Since the authority with which the Lord endowed the Apostles was given them for the
entire Church, it is natural that this authority should endure after their death, in other words, pass
to successors established by the Apostles. In the oldest Christian documents concerning the prim-
itive Churches we find ministers established, some of them, at least, by the usual rite of the im-
position of hands. They bear various names: priests (presbytero1: Acts 11:30; 14:22; 15:2, 4, 6,
22, 23; 16:4; 20, 17; 21:18; I Tim. 5:17, 19; Titus, 1:5); bishops (episkopo1:Acts 20:28; Phil. 1:1;
I Tim. 3:2; Titus, 1:7); presidents (proistameno1:I Thes. 5:12; Rom. 12:etc.); heads (hegoume-
no1:Hebrews, 13:7, 17, 24, etc.); shepherds (poimenes, Eph. 4:11); teachers (didaskalo1:Acts
13:1; I Cor. 12:28 sq. etc.); prophets (propheta1:Acts 13:1; 15:32; I Cor. 12:28, 29, etc.), and
some others. Besides them, there are Apostolic delegates, such as Timothy and Titus. The most
frequent terms are priests and bishops; they were destined to become the technical names for the
“authorities” of the Christian community.
All other names are less important; the deacons are out of the question, being of an infe-
rior order. It seems clear that amid so great a variety of terms for ecclesiastical authorities in Ap-
ostolic times several must have expressed only transitory functions. From the beginning of the
second century in Asia Minor, and somewhat later elsewhere, we find only three titles: bishops,
priests, and deacons; the last changed with inferior duties. The authority of the bishop is different
from the authority of priests, as is evident on every page of the letters of the martyr Ignatius of

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Antioch. The bishop — and there is but one in each town — governs his church, appoints priests
who have a subordinate rank to him, and are, as it were, his counsellors, presides over the Eucha-
ristic assemblies, teaches his people, etc. He has, therefore, a general power of governing and
teaching, quite the same as the modern Catholic bishop; this power is substantially identical with
the general authority of the Apostles, without, however, the personal prerogatives ascribed to the
latter. St. Ignatius of Antioch declares that this ministry holds legitimately its authority from God
through Christ (Letter to the Philadelphians, i). Clement of Rome, in his Letter; to the Church of
Corinth (about 96), defends with energy the legitimacy of the ministry of bishops and, priests,
and proclaims that the Apostles established successors to govern the churches (xlii-xliv). We
may conclude with confidence that, about the end of the second century, the ministers of the
churches were everywhere regarded as legitimate successors of the Apostles; this common per-
suasion is of primary importance.
Another and more difficult question arises as to the Acts and in the Epistles, the various
above mentioned names, chiefly the presbyteroi and the episkopoi (priests and bishops).
Some authors (and this is the traditional view) contend that the episkopoi of Apostolic
times have the same dignity as the bishops of later times, and that the episkopoi of the apostolic
writings are the same as the priests of the second century. This opinion, however, must give way
before the evident identity of bishop and priest in Acts 20:17 and 28, Titus, 1:5-7, Clement of
Rome to the Church of Corinth, xliv.
Another view recognizing this synonymous character estimates that these officers whom
we shall call bishops — priests had never the supreme direction of the churches in Apostolic
times; this power, it is maintained, was exercised by the Apostles, the Prophets who travelled
from one church to another, and by certain Apostolic delegates like Timothy. These alone were
the real predecessors of the bishops of the second century; the bishop priests were the same as
our modern priests.
Mgr. Batiffol (Rev. bibl. 1895, and Etudes d'hist. et de théol. positive, 1, Paris, 1903) ex-
presses the following opinion: In the primitive churches there were (1) some preparatory func-
tions, as the dignity of Apostles and Prophets; (2) some presbyteroi had no liturgical function,
but only an honourable title; (3) the episkopo1:several in each community, had a liturgical func-
tion with the office to preach; (4) when the Apostles disappeared, the bishopric was divided: one
of the bishops became sovereign bishop, while the others were subordinated to him: these were
the later priests. This secondary priesthood is a diminished participation of the one and sole
primitive priesthood; there is, therefore, no strict difference of order between the bishop and the
priest.
Whatever may be the solution of this difficut question, it remains certain that in the sec-
ond century the general Apostolic authority belonged, by a succession universally acknowledged
as legitimate, to the bishops of the Christian churches. The bishops have, therefore, a general
power of order, jurisdiction, and magisterium, but not the personal prerogatives of the Apostles.

The Feasts of the Apostles.

The memorable words of Hebrews, 13:7: “Remember your presidents who preached to
you the word of God,” have always echoed in the Christian heart. The primitive churches had a
profound veneration for their deceased Apostles (Clement of Rome, Ep. ad Corinth. v); its first
expression was doubtless the devotional reading of the Apostolic writings, the following of their
orders and counsels, and the imitation of their virtues. It may, however, be reasonably supposed
that some devotion began at the tombs of the Apostles as early as the time of their death or mar-

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tyrdom; the ancient documents are silent on this matter. Feasts of the Apostles do not appear as
early as we might expect. Though the anniversaries of some martyrs were celebrated even in the
second century, as for instance the anniversary of the martyrdom of Polycarp, Bishop of Smyrna
(d. 154-156), the Apostles had at this time no such commemoration; the day of their death was
unknown. It is only from the fourth century that we meet with feasts of the Apostles. In the East-
ern Church the feast of Saint James the Less and Saint John was celebrated on the 27th of De-
cember, and on the next day the feast of Saints Peter and Paul (according to St. Gregory of Nyssa
and a Syriac menology). These commemorations were arbitrarily fixed. In the Western Church
the feast of Saint John alone remained on the same day as in the Eastern Church. The commemo-
ration of the martyrdom of Saint Peter and Saint Paul was celebrated 29 June; originally, howev-
er, it was the commemoration of the translation their relics (Duchesne, Christian Worship, p.
277). From the sixth century the feast of Saint Andrew was celebrated on the 30th day of No-
vember. We know but little of the feasts of the other Apostles and of the secondary feasts of the
great Apostles. In the Eastern Churches all these feasts were observed at the beginning of the
ninth century.

St. Andrew.
The name “Andrew” (Gr. andreia, manhood, or valour), like other Greek names, appears to
have been common among the Jews from the second or third century B.C. St. Andrew, the Apos-
tle, son of Jonah, or John (Mat.16:17; John 1:42), was born in Bethsaida of Galilee (John 1:44).
He was brother of Simon Peter (Mat.10:2; John 1:40). Both were fishermen (Mat.4:18; Mark
1:16), and at the beginning of Our Lord's public life occupied the same house at Capharnaum
(Mark 1:21, 29). From the fourth Gospel we learn that Andrew was a disciple of the Baptist,
whose testimony first led him and John the Evangelist to follow Jesus (John 1:35-40). Andrew at
once recognized Jesus as the Messias, and hastened to introduce Him to his brother, Peter (John
1:41). Thenceforth the two brothers were disciples of Christ. On a subsequent occasion, prior to
the final call to the apostolate, they were called to a closer companionship, and then they left all
things to follow Jesus (Luke 5:11; Matt. 4:19-20; Mark 1:17-18). Finally Andrew was chosen to
be one of the Twelve; and in the various lists of Apostles given in the New Testament (Matt.
10:2-4); Mark 3:16-19; Luke 6:14-16; Acts 1:13) he is always numbered among the first four.
The only other explicit reference to him in the Synoptists occurs in Mark 13:3, where we are told
he joined with Peter, James and John in putting the question that led to Our Lord's great eschato-
logical discourse. In addition to this scanty information, we learn from the fourth Gospel that on
the occasion of the miraculous feeding of the five thousand, it was Andrew who said: “There is a
boy here who has five barley loaves and two fishes: but what are these among so many?” (John
6:8-9); and when, a few days before Our Lord's death, certain Greeks asked Philips that they
might see Jesus, Philip referred the matter to Andrew as to one of greater authority, and then
both told Christ (John 12:20-22). Like the majority of the Twelve, Andrew is not named in the
Acts except in the list of the Apostles, where the order of the first four is Peter, John, James, An-
drew; nor have the Epistles or the Apocalypse any mention of him.
From what we know of the Apostles generally, we can, of course, supplement somewhat
these few details. As one of the Twelve, Andrew was admitted to the closest familiarity with Our
Lord during His public life; he was present at the Last Supper; beheld the risen Lord; witnessed

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the Ascension; shared in the graces and gifts of the first Pentecost, and helped, amid threats and
persecution, to establish the Faith in Palestine.
When the Apostles went forth to preach to the Nations, Andrew seems to have taken an
important part, but unfortunately we have no certainty as to the extent or place of his labours.
Eusebius (H.E. III:1), relying, apparently, upon Origen, assigns Scythia as his mission field: An-
dras de [eilechen] ten Skythian; while St. Gregory of Nazianzus (Or. 33) mentions Epirus; St.
Jerome (Ep. ad Marcell.) Achaia; and Theodoret (on Ps. cxvi) Hellas. Probably these various ac-
counts are correct, for Nicephorus (H.E. II:39), relying upon early writers, states that Andrew
preached in Cappadocia, Galatia, and Bithynia, then in the land of the anthropophagi and the
Scythian deserts, afterwards in Byzantium itself, where he appointed St. Stachys as its first bish-
op, and finally in Thrace, Macedonia, Thessaly, and Achaia. It is generally agreed that he was
crucified by order of the Roman Governor, Aegeas or Aegeates, at Patrae in Achaia, and that he
was bound, not nailed, to the cross, in order to prolong his sufferings. The cross on which he suf-
fered is commonly held to have been the decussate cross, now known as St. Andrew's, though
the evidence for this view seems to be no older than the fourteenth century. His martyrdom took
place during the reign of Nero, on 30 November, A.D. 60); and both the Latin and Greek
Churches keep 30 November as his feast.
St. Andrew's relics were translated from Patrae to Constantinople, and deposited in the
church of the Apostles there, about A.D. 357. When Constantinople was taken by the French, in
the beginning of the thirteenth century, Cardinal Peter of Capua brought the relics to Italy and
placed them in the cathedral of Amalf1:where most of them still remain. St. Andrew is honoured
as their chief patron by Russia and Scotland.

St. Barnabas.
Barnabas (originally Joseph), styled an Apostle in Holy Scripture, and, like St. Paul, ranked by
the Church with the Twelve, though not one of them; b. of Jewish parents in the Island of Cyprus
about the beginning of the Christian Era. A Levite, he naturally spent much time in Jerusalem,
probably even before the Crucifixion of Our Lord, and appears also to have settled there (where
his relatives, the family of Mark the Evangelist, likewise had their homes, Acts 12:12) and to
have owned land in its vicinity (4:36-37). A rather late tradition recorded by Clement of Alexan-
dria (Strom. II, 20, P.G. VIII, col. 1060) and Eusebius (H. E. II, 1:P. G. XX, col. 117) says that
he was one of the seventy Disciples; but Acts (4:36-37) favours the opinion that he was convert-
ed to Christianity shortly after Pentecost (about A.D. 29 or 30) and immediately sold his property
and devoted the proceeds to the Church. The Apostles, probably because of his success as a
preacher, for he is later placed first among the prophets and doctors of Antioch (13:1), surnamed
him Barnabas, a name then interpreted as meaning “son of exhortation” or “consolation.” (The
real etymology, however, is disputed. See Encyl. Bibli. I, col. 484.) Though nothing is recorded
of Barnabas for some years, he evidently acquired during this period a high position in the
Church.
When Saul the persecutor, later Paul the Apostle, made his first visit (dated variously
from A.D. 33 to 38) to Jerusalem after his conversion, the Church there, remembering his former
fierce spirit, was slow to believe in the reality of his conversion. Barnabas stood sponsor for him
and had him received by the Apostles, as the Acts relate (9:27), though he saw only Peter and
James, the brother of the Lord, according to Paul himself (Gal. 1:18, 19). Saul went to his house

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at Tarsus to live in obscurity for some years, while Barnabas appears to have remained at Jerusa-
lem. The event that brought them together again and opened to both the door to their lifework
was an indirect result of Saul's own persecution. In the dispersion that followed Stephen's death,
some Disciples from Cyprus and Cyrene, obscure men, inaugurated the real mission of the Chris-
tian Church by preaching to the Gentiles. They met with great success among the Greeks at An-
tioch in Syria, reports of which coming o the ears of the Apostles, Barnabas was sent thither by
them to investigate the work of his countrymen. He saw in the conversions effected the fruit of
God's grace and, though a Jew, heartily welcomed these first Gentile converts. His mind was
opened at once to the possibility of this immense field. It is a proof how deeply impressed Bar-
nabas had been by Paul that he thought of him immediately for this work, set out without delay
for distant Tarsus, and persuaded Paul to go to Antioch and begin the work of preaching. This
incident, shedding light on the character of each, shows it was no mere accident that led them to
the Gentile field. Together they laboured at Antioch for a whole year and “taught a great multi-
tude.” Then, on the coming of famine, by which Jerusalem was much afflicted, the offerings of
the Disciples at Antioch were carried (about A.D. 45) to the mother-church by Barnabas and
Saul (Acts xi). Their mission ended, they returned to Antioch, bringing with them the cousin, or
nephew of Barnabas (Col. 4:10), John Mark, the future Evangelist (Acts 12:25).
The time was now ripe, it was believed, for more systematic labours, and the Church of
Antioch felt inspired by the Holy Ghost to send out missionaries to the Gentile world and to des-
ignate for the work Barnabas and Paul. They accordingly departed, after the imposition of hands,
with John Mark as helper. Cyprus, the native land of Barnabas, was first evangelized, and then
they crossed over to Asia Minor. Here, at Perge in Pamphylia, the first stopping place, John
Mark left them, for what reason his friend St. Luke does not state, though Paul looked on the act
as desertion. The two Apostles, however, pushing into the interior of a rather wild country,
preached at Antioch of Pisidia, Iconium, Lystra, at Derbe, and other cities. At every step they
met with opposition and even violent persecution from the Jews, who also incited the Gentiles
against them. The most striking incident of the journey was at Lystra, where the superstitious
populace took Paul, who had just cured a lame man, for Hermes (Mercury) “because he was the
chief speaker,” and Barnabas for Jupiter, and were about to sacrifice a bull to them when pre-
vented by the Apostles. Mob-like, they were soon persuaded by the Jews to turn and attack the
Apostles and wounded St. Paul almost fatally. Despite opposition and persecution, Paul and Bar-
nabas made many converts on this journey and returned by the same route to Perge, organizing
churches, ordaining presbyters and placing them over the faithful, so that they felt, on again
reaching Antioch in Syria, that God had “opened a door of faith to the Gentiles” (Acts 13:13-
14:27).
Barnabas and Paul had been “for no small time” at Antioch, when they were threatened
with the undoing of their work and the stopping of its further progress. Preachers came from Je-
rusalem with the gospel that circumcision was necessary for salvation, even for the Gentiles. The
Apostles of the Gentiles, perceiving at once that this doctrine would be fatal to their work, went
up to Jerusalem to combat it; the older Apostles received them kindly and at what is called the
Council of Jerusalem (dated variously from A.D. 47 to 51) granted a decision in their favour as
well as a hearty commendation of their work (Acts 14:27-15:30). On their return to Antioch, they
resumed their preaching for a short time. St. Peter came down and associated freely there with
the Gentiles, eating with them. This displeased some disciples of James; in their opinion, Peter's
act was unlawful, as against the Mosaic law. Upon their remonstrances, Peter yielded apparently
through fear of displeasing them, and refused to eat any longer with the Gentiles. Barnabas fol-

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lowed his example. Paul considered that they “walked not uprightly according to the truth of the
gospel” and upbraided them before the whole church (Gal. 2:11-15). Paul seems to have carried
his point. Shortly afterwards, he and Barnabas decided to revisit their missions. Barnabas wished
to take John Mark along once more, but on account of the previous defection Paul objected. A
sharp contention ensuing, the Apostles agreed to separate. Paul was probably somewhat influ-
enced by the attitude recently taken by Barnabas, which might prove a prejudice to their work.
Barnabas sailed with John Mark to Cypress, while Paul took Silas an revisited the churches of
Asia Minor. It is believed by some that the church of Antioch, by its God-speed to Paul, showed
its approval of his attitude; this inference, however, is not certain (Acts 15:35-41).
Little is known of the subsequent career of Barnabas. He was still living and labouring as
an Apostle in 56 or 57, when Paul wrote I Cor. (9:5-6). from which we learn that he, too, like
Paul, earned his own living, though on an equality with other Apostles. The reference indicates
also that the friendship between the two was unimpaired. When Paul was a prisoner in Rome
(61-63), John Mark was attached to him as a disciple, which is regarded as an indication that
Barnabas was no longer living (Col. 4:10). This seems probable. Various traditions represent him
as the first Bishop of Milan, as preaching at Alexandria and at Rome, whose fourth (?) bishop,
St. Clement, he is said to have converted, and as having suffered martyrdom in Cyprus. The tra-
ditions are all late and untrustworthy. With the exception of St. Paul and certain of the Twelve,
Barnabas appears to have been the most esteemed man of the first Christian generation. St. Luke,
breaking his habit of reserve, speaks of him with affection, “for he was a good man, full of the
Holy Ghost and of Faith.” His title to glory comes not only from his kindliness of heart, his per-
sonal sanctity, and his missionary labours, but also from his readiness to lay aside his Jewish
prejudices, in this anticipating certain of the Twelve; from his large-hearted welcome of the Gen-
tiles, and from his early perception of Paul's worth, to which the Christian Church is indebted, in
large part at least, for its great Apostle. His tenderness towards John Mark seems to have had its
reward in the valuable services later rendered by him to the Church. The feast of St. Barnabas is
celebrated on 11 June. He is credited by Tertullian (probably falsely) with the authorship of the
Epistle to the Hebrews, and the so-called Epistle of Barnabas is ascribed to him by many Fathers.

St. James the Greater.

(Heb. Yakob; Sept. Iakob; N.T. Greek Iakobos; a favourite name among the later Jews).
The son of Zebedee (q.v.) and Salome (Cf. Matthew 27:56; Mark 15:40; 16:1). Zahn as-
serts that Salome was the daughter of a priest. James is styled “the Greater” to distinguish him
from the Apostle James “the Less,” who was probably shorter of stature. We know nothing of St.
James's early life. He was the brother of John, the beloved disciple, and probably the elder of the
two.
His parents seem to have been people of means as appears from the following facts.
Zebedee was a fisherman of the Lake of Galilee, who probably lived in or near Bethsaida
(John 1:44), perhaps in Capharnaum; and had some boatmen or hired men as his usual attendants
(Mark 1:20).
Salome was one of the pious women who afterwards followed Christ and “ministered un-
to him of their substance” (cf. Mat. 27:55, sq.; Mark 15:40; 16:1; Luke 8:2 sq.; 23:55-24:1).
St. John was personally known to the high-priest (John 18:16); and must have had
wherewithal to provide for the Mother of Jesus (John 19:27).

9
 It is probable, according to Acts 4:13, that John (and consequently his brother James) had
not received the technical training of the rabbinical schools; in this sense they were unlearned
and without any official position among the Jews. But, according to the social rank of their par-
ents, they must have been men of ordinary education, in the common walks of Jewish life. They
had frequent opportunity of coming in contact with Greek life and language, which were already
widely spread along the shores of the Galilean Sea.

Relation of St. James to Jesus

Some authors, comparing John 19:25 with Matthew 28:56 and Mark 15:40, identify, and
probably rightly so, Mary the Mother of James the Less and of Joseph in Mark and Matthew with
“Mary of Cleophas” in John. As the name of Mary Magdalen occurs in the three lists, they iden-
tify further Salome in Mark with “the mother of the sons of Zebedee” in Matthew; finally they
identify Salome with “his mother's sister” in John. They suppose, for this last identification, that
four women are designated by John 19:25; the Syriac “Peshito” gives the reading: “His mother
and his mother's sister, and Mary of Cleophas and Mary Magdalen.” If this last supposition is
right, Salome was a sister of the Blessed Virgin Mary, and James the Greater and John were first
cousins of the Lord; this may explain the discipleship of the two brothers, Salome's request and
their own claim to the first position in His kingdom, and His commendation of the Blessed Vir-
gin to her own nephew. But it is doubtful whether the Greek admits of this construction without
the addition or the omission of kai (and). Thus the relationship of St. James to Jesus remains
doubtful.

His life and apostolate

The Galilean origin of St. James in some degree explains the energy of temper and the
vehemence of character which earned for him and St. John the name of Boanerges, “sons of
thunder” (Mark 3:17); the Galilean race was religious, hardy, industrious, brave, and the strong-
est defender of the Jewish nation. When John the Baptist proclaimed the kingdom of the Mes-
sias, St. John became a disciple (John 1:35); he was directed to “the Lamb of God” and after-
wards brought his brother James to the Messias; the obvious meaning of John 1:41, is that St.
Andrew finds his brother (St. Peter) first and that afterwards St. John (who does not name him-
self, according to his habitual and characteristic reserve and silence about himself) finds his
brother (St. James). The call of St. James to the discipleship of the Messias is reported in a paral-
lel or identical narration by Matthew 4:18-22; Mark 1:19 sq.; and Luke 5:1-11. The two sons of
Zebedee, as well as Simon (Peter) and his brother Andrew with whom they were in partnership
(Luke 5:10), were called by the Lord upon the Sea of Galilee, where all four with Zebedee and
his hired servants were engaged in their ordinary occupation of fishing. The sons of Zebedee
“forthwith left their nets and father, and followed him” (Matthew 4:22), and became “fishers of
men.” St. James was afterwards with the other eleven called to the Apostleship (Mat. 10:1-4;
Mark 3:13-19; Luke 6:12-16; Acts 1:13). In all four lists the names of Peter and Andrew, James
and John form the first group, a prominent and chosen group (cf. Mark 13:3); especially Peter,
James, and John. These three Apostles alone were admitted to be present at the miracle of the
raising of Jairus's daughter (Mark 5:37; Luke 8:51), at the Transfiguration (Mark 9:1; Mat.17:1;
Luke 9:28), and the Agony in Gethsemani (Mat.26:37; Mark 14:33). The fact that the name of
James occurs always (except in Luke 8:51; 9:28; Acts 1:13 — Gr. Text) before that of his brother
seems to imply that James was the elder of the two. It is worthy of notice that James is never

10
mentioned in the Gospel of St. John; this author observes a humble reserve not only with regard
to himself, but also about the members of his family.
Several incidents scattered through the Synoptics suggest that James and John had that
particular character indicated by the name “Boanerges,” sons of thunder, given to them by the
Lord (Mark 3:17); they were burning and impetuous in their evangelical zeal and severe in tem-
per. The two brothers showed their fiery temperament against “a certain man casting out devils”
in the name of the Christ; John, answering, said: “We [James is probably meant] forbade him,
because he followeth not with us” (Luke 9:49). When the Samaritans refused to receive Christ,
James and John said: “Lord, wilt thou that we command fire to come down from heaven, and
consume them?” (Luke 9:54; cf. 5. 49).

His martyrdom
On the last journey to Jerusalem, their mother Salome came to the Lord and said to Him:
“Say that these my two sons may sit, the one on thy right hand, and the other on thy left, in thy
kingdom” (Mat.xx, 21). And the two brothers, still ignorant of the spiritual nature of the Messi-
anic Kingdom, joined with their mother in this eager ambition (Mark 10:37). And on their asser-
tion that they are willing to drink the chalice that He drinks of, and to be baptized with the bap-
tism of His sufferings, Jesus assured them that they will share His sufferings (Mark 5:38-39).
James won the crown of martyrdom fourteen years after this prophecy, A.D. 44. Herod
Agrippa 1:son of Aristobulus and grandson of Herod the Great, reigned at that time as “king”
over a wider dominion than that of his grandfather. His great object was to please the Jews in
every way, and he showed great regard for the Mosaic Law and Jewish customs. In pursuance of
this policy, on the occasion of the Passover of A.D. 44, he perpetrated cruelties upon the Church,
whose rapid growth incensed the Jews. The zealous temper of James and his leading part in the
Jewish Christian communities probably led Agrippa to choose him as the first victim. “He killed
James, the brother of John, with the sword” (Acts 12:1-2). According to a tradition, which, as we
learn from Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. 2:9:2, 3), was received from Clement of Alexandria (in the sev-
enth book of his lost “Hypotyposes”), the accuser who led the Apostle to judgment, moved by
his confession, became himself a Christian, and they were beheaded together. As Clement testi-
fies expressly that the account was given him “by those who were before him,” this tradition has
a better foundation than many other traditions and legends respecting the Apostolic labours and
death of St. James, which are related in the Latin “Passio Jacobi Majoris,” the Ethiopic “Acts of
James,” and so on.

St. James in Spain

The tradition asserting that James the Greater preached the Gospel in Spain, and that his
body was translated to Compostela, claims more serious consideration.
According to this tradition St. James the Greater, having preached Christianity in Spain,
returned to Judea and was put to death by order of Herod; his body was miraculously translated
to Iria Flavia in the northwest of Spain, and later to Compostela, which town, especially during
the Middle Ages, became one of the most famous places of pilgrimage in the world. The vow of
making a pilgrimage to Compostela to honour the sepulchre of St. James is still reserved to the
pope, who alone of his own or ordinary right can dispense from it. In the twelfth century was
founded the Order of Knights of St. James of Compostela.
With regard to the preaching of the Gospel in Spain by St. James the greater, several dif-
ficulties have been raised:

11
 St. James suffered martyrdom A.D. 44 (Acts 12:2), and, according to the tradition of the
early Church, he had not yet left Jerusalem at this time (cf. Clement of Alexandria, “Strom.”
6:Apollonius, quoted by Euseb. “Hist. Eccl.” 6:xviii).
St. Paul in his Epistle to the Romans (A.D. 58) expressed the intention to visit Spain
(Romans 15:24) just after he had mentioned (15:20) that he did not “build upon another man's
foundation.”
The argument ex silentio: although the tradition that James founded an Apostolic see in
Spain was current in the year 700, no certain mention of such tradition is to be found in the genu-
ine writings of early writers nor in the early councils; the first certain mention we find in the
ninth century, in Notker, a monk of St. Gall (Martyrol. 25 July), Walafried Strabo (Poema de XII
Apost.), and others.
The tradition was not unanimously admitted afterwards, while numerous scholars reject
it. The Bollandists however defended it (see Acta Sanctorum, July, VI and 7:where other sources
are given).
The authenticity of the sacred relic of Compostela has been questioned and is still doubt-
ed. Even if St. James the Greater did not preach the Christian religion in Spain, his body may
have been brought to Compostela, and this was already the opinion of Notker. According to an-
other tradition, the relics of the Apostle are kept in the church of St-Saturnin at Toulouse
(France), but it is not improbable that such sacred relics should have been divided between two
churches. A strong argument in favour of the authenticity of the sacred relics of Compostela is
the Bull of Leo X3:“Omnipotens Deus,” of 1 November, 1884.

St. James the Less.

The Identity of James.
The name “James” in the New Testament is borne by several:
James, the son of Zebedee — Apostle, brother of John, Apostle; also called “James the
Greater.”
James, the son of Alpheus, Apostle — Matthew 10:3; Mark 3:18; Luke 6:15; Acts 1:13.
James, the brother of the Lord — Matthew 13:55; Mark 6:3; Galatians 1:19. Without a
shadow of doubt, he must be identified with the James of Galatians 2:2 and 2:9; Acts 12:17,
15:13 sqq. and 21:18; and I Corinthians 15:7.
James, the son of Mary, brother of Joseph (or Joses) — Mark 15:40 (where he is called ò
mikros “the little,” not the “less,” as in the D.V. nor the “lesser”); Matthew 27:56. Probably the
son of Cleophas or Clopas (John 19:25) where “Maria Cleophæ” is generally translated “Mary
the wife of Cleophas,” as married women are commonly distinguished by the addition of their
husband's name.
James, the brother of Jude — Jude 1:1. Most Catholic commentators identify Jude with
the “Judas Jacobi,” the “brother of James” (Luke 6:16; Acts 1:13), called thus because his broth-
er James was beter known than himself in the primitive Church.
The identity of the Apostle James (2), the son of Alpheus and James (3), the brother of
the Lord and Bishop of the Church of Jerusalem (Acts 15, 21), although contested by many crit-
ics and, perhaps, not quite beyond doubt, is at least most highly probable, and by far the greater
number of Catholic interpreters is considered as certain. The objection moved by Mader (Bib-
lische Zeitschrift, 1908, p. 393 sqq.) against the common statement that “Apostles” in Galatians
1:19 is to be taken strictly in the sense of the “Twelve” has been strongly impugned by Stein-
12
mann (Der Katholik, 1909, p. 207 sqq.). The James (5) of Jude 1:1 must certainly be identified
with James (3), the brother of the Lord and the Bishop of Jerusalem. The identification of James
(3), the brother of the Lord and James (4), the son of Mary, and probably of Cleophas or Clopas
offers some difficulty. This identification requires the identity of Mary, the mother of James
(Matthew 27:56; Mark 15:40), with Mary the wife of Cleophas (John 19:25), and, consequently,
the identity of Alpheus (2) and Clopas (4). As Clopas and Alpheus are probably not two different
transcriptions of the same Aramaic name Halpa1:it must be admitted that two different names
have been borne by one man. Indeed, there are several examples of the use of two names (a He-
brew and a Greek or Latin name) to designate the same person (Simon-Petrus; Saulus-Paulus), so
that the identity of Alpheus and Cleophas is by no means improbable.
On the whole, although there is no full evidence for the identity of James (2), the son of
Alpheus, and James (3), the brother of the Lord, and James (4), the son of Mary of Clopas, the
view that one and the same person is described in the New Testament in these three different
ways, is by far the most probable. There is, at any rate, very good ground (Galatians 1:19, 2:9,
2:12) for believing that the Apostle James, the son of Alpheus is the same person as James, the
brother of the Lord, the well-known Bishop of Jerusalem of the Acts. As to the nature of the rela-
tionship which the name “brother of the Lord” is intended to express.

James in the Scriptures.

Had we not identified James, the son of Alpheus with the brother of the Lord, we should
only know his name and his Apostleship. But the identity once admitted, we must consequently
apply to him all the particulars supplied by the books of the New Testament. We may venture to
assert that the training of James (and his brother Jude), had been that which prevailed in all pious
Jewish homes and that it was therefore based on the knowledge of the Holy Scripture and the
rigorous observance of the Law. Many facts point to the diffusion of the Greek language and cul-
ture throughout Judea and Galilee, as early as the first century B.C.; we may suppose that the
Apostles, at least most of them, read and spoke Greek as well as Aramaic, from their childhood.
James was called to the Apostolate with his brother Jude; in all the four lists of the Apostles, he
stands at the head of the third group (Matthew 10:3; Mark 3:18; Luke 6:16; Acts 1:13). Of James
individually we hear no more until after the Resurrection. St. Paul (I Corinthians 15:5-7) men-
tions that the Lord appeared to him before the Ascension.
Then we lose sight of James till St. Paul, three years after his conversion (A.D. 37), went
up to Jerusalem. Of the Twelve Apostles he saw only Peter and James the brother of the Lord
(Galatians 1:19; Acts 9:27). When in the year 44 Peter escaped from prison, he desired that news
of his release might be carried to James who held already a marked preeminence in the Church
of Jerusalem (Acts 12:17). In the Council of Jerusalem (A.D. 51) he gives his sentence after St.
Peter, declaring as Peter had done, that the Gentile Christians are not bound to circumcision, nor
to the observance of the ceremonial Mosaic Law, but at the same time, he urged the advisability
of conforming to certain ceremonies and of respecting certain of the scruples of their Jewish fel-
low-Christians (Acts 15:13 sqq.). On the same occasion, the “pillars” of the Church, James, Pe-
ter, and John “gave to me (Paul) and Barnabas the right hands of fellowship; that we should go
unto the Gentiles, and they unto the circumcision” (Galatians 2:9). He publicly commended the
great charter of Gentile freedom from the Law, although he still continued the observance in his
own life, no longer as a strict duty, but as an ancient, most venerable and national custom, trust-
ing to “be saved by the grace of the Lord Jesus Christ” (Acts 15:11). When afterwards some
came from James to Antioch and led Peter into dissimulation (Galatians 2:12), his name was

13
used by them, though he had given them no such commandment to enforce their interpretation of
the concordat which, on his proposal, had been adopted at the Council of Jerusalem. When St.
Paul after his third missionary journey paid a visit to St. James (A.D. 58), the Bishop of Jerusalem
and “the elders” “glorified the Lord” and advised the Apostle to take part in the ceremonies of a
Nazarite vow, in order to show how false the charge was that he had spoken of the Law as no
longer to be regarded. Paul consented to the advice of James and the elders (Acts 21:1 sqq.). The
Epistle of St. James reveals a grave, meek, and calm mind, nourished with the Scriptures of the
Old Testament, given to prayer, devoted to the poor, resigned in persecution, the type of a just
and apostolic man.

James outside of the Scriptures

Traditions respecting James the Less are to be found in many extra-canonical documents,
especially Josephus (Antiq. XX, 9:1), the “Gospel according to the Hebrews” (St. Jerome, De
vir. ill. II), Hegesippus (Eusebius, “Hist. eccl.” 2:23), the pseudo-Clementine Homilies (Ep. of
Peter) and Recognitions (1:72-73), Clement of Alexandria (Hypot. 6:quoted by Eusebius, “Hist.
eccl.” 2:1). The universal testimony of Christian antiquity is entirely in accordance with the in-
formation derived from the canonical books as to the fact that James was Bishop of the Church
of Jerusalem. Hegesippus, a Jewish Christian, who lived about the middle of the second century,
relates (and his narrative is highly probable) that James was called the “Just,” that he drank no
wine nor strong drink, nor ate animal food, that no razor touched his head, that he did not anoint
himself or make use of the bath, and lastly that he was put to death by the Jews. The account of
his death given by Josephus is somewhat different. Later traditions deserve less attention.

St. John the Evangelist.

New Testament Accounts.
John was the son of Zebedee and Salome, and the brother of James the Greater. In the
Gospels the two brothers are often called after their father “the sons of Zebedee” and received
from Christ the honourable title of Boanerges, i.e. “sons of thunder” (Mark 3:17). Originally they
were fishermen and fished with their father in the Lake of Genesareth. According to the usual
and entirely probable explanation they became, however, for a time disciples of John the Baptist,
and were called by Christ from the circle of John's followers, together with Peter and Andrew, to
become His disciples (John 1:35-42). The first disciples returned with their new Master from the
Jordan to Galilee and apparently both John and the others remained for some time with Jesus (cf.
John 12:12, 22; 4:2, 8, 27 sqq.). Yet after the second return from Judea, John and his companions
went back again to their trade of fishing until he and they were called by Christ to definitive dis-
cipleship (Matt. 4:18-22; Mark 1:16-20). In the lists of the Apostles John has the second place
(Acts 1:13), the third (Mark 3:17), and the fourth (Mat.10:3; Luke 6:14), yet always after James
with the exception of a few passages (Luke 8:51; 9:28 in the Greek text; Acts 1:13).
From James being thus placed first, the conclusion is drawn that John was the younger of
the two brothers. In any case John had a prominent position in the Apostolic body. Peter, James,
and he were the only witnesses of the raising of Jairus's daughter (Mark 5:37), of the Transfig-
uration (Mat.17:1), and of the Agony in Gethsemani (Mat.26:37). Only he and Peter were sent
into the city to make the preparation for the Last Supper (Luke 22:8). At the Supper itself his
place was next to Christ on Whose breast he leaned (John 13:23, 25). According to the general

14
interpretation John was also that “other disciple” who with Peter followed Christ after the arrest
into the palace of the high-priest (John 18:15). John alone remained near his beloved Master at
the foot of the Cross on Calvary with the Mother of Jesus and the pious women, and took the
desolate Mother into his care as the last legacy of Christ (John 19:25-27). After the Resurrection
John with Peter was the first of the disciples to hasten to the grave (John 20:2-10). When later
Christ appeared at the Lake of Genesareth John was also the first of the seven disciples present
who recognized his Master standing on the shore (John 21:7). The Fourth Evangelist has shown
us most clearly how close the relationship was in which he always stood to his Lord and Master
by the title with which he is accustomed to indicate himself without giving his name: “the disci-
ple whom Jesus loved.” After Christ's Ascension and the Descent of the Holy Spirit, John took,
together with Peter, a prominent part in the founding and guidance of the Church. We see him in
the company of Peter at the healing of the lame man in the Temple (Acts 3:1 sqq.). With Peter he
is also thrown into prison (Acts 4:3).
We have no positive information concerning the duration of this activity in Palestine.
Apparently John in common with the other Apostles remained some twelve years in this first
field of labour, until the persecution of Herod Agrippa I led to the scattering of the Apostles
through the various provinces of the Roman Empire (cf. Acts 12:1-17). Notwithstanding the
opinion to the contrary of many writers, it does not appear improbable that John then went for
the first time to Asia Minor and exercised his Apostolic office in various provinces there. In any
case a Christian community was already in existence at Ephesus before Paul's first labours there
(cf. “the brethren,” Acts 18:27, in addition to Priscilla and Aquila), and it is easy to connect a
sojourn of John in these provinces with the fact that the Holy Ghost did not permit the Apostle
Paul on his second missionary journey to proclaim the Gospel in Asia, Mysia, and Bithynia (Acts
16:6 sq.). There is just as little against such an acceptation in the later account in Acts of St.
Paul's third missionary journey. But in any case such a sojourn by John in Asia in this first period
was neither long nor uninterrupted. He returned with the other disciples to Jerusalem for the Ap-
ostolic Council (about A.D. 51). St. Paul in opposing his enemies in Galatia names John explicit-
ly along with Peter and James the Less as a “pillar of the Church,” and refers to the recognition
which his Apostolic preaching of a Gospel free from the law received from these three, the most
prominent men of the old Mother-Church at Jerusalem (Gal. 2:9). When Paul came again to Je-
rusalem after the second and after the third journey (Acts 18:22; 21:17 sq.) he seems no longer to
have met John there. Some wish to draw the conclusion from this that John left Palestine be-
tween the years 52 and 55.
Of the other New-Testament writings, it is only from the three Epistles of John and the
Apocalypse that anything further is learned concerning the person of the Apostle. We may be
permitted here to take as proven the unity of the author of these three writings handed down un-
der the name of John and his identity with the Evangelist. Both the Epistles and the Apocalypse,
however, presuppose that their author John belonged to the multitude of personal eyewitnesses of
the life and work of Christ (cf. especially I John 1:1-5; 4:14), that he had lived for a long time in
Asia Minor, was thoroughly acquainted with the conditions existing in the various Christian
communities there, and that he had a position of authority recognized by all Christian communi-
ties as leader of this part of the Church. Moreover, the Apocalypse tells us that its author was on
the island of Patmos “for the word of God and for the testimony of Jesus,” when he was hon-
oured with the heavenly Revelation contained in the Apocalypse (Apoc. 1:9).

15
The Alleged Presbyter John.
The author of the Second and Third Epistles of John designates himself in the superscrip-
tion of each by the name (ho presbyteros), “the ancient,” “the old.” Papias, Bishop of Hierapolis,
also uses the same name to designate the “Presbyter John” as in addition to Aristion, his particu-
lar authority, directly after he has named the presbyters Andrew, Peter, Philip, Thomas, James,
John, and Matthew (in Eusebius, “Hist. eccl.” 3:39:4). Eusebius was the first to draw, on account
of these words of Papias, the distinction between a Presbyter John and the Apostle John, and this
distinction was also spread in Western Europe by St. Jerome on the authority of Eusebius. The
opinion of Eusebius has been frequently revived by modern writers, chiefly to support the denial
of the Apostolic origin of the Fourth Gospel. The distinction, however, has no historical basis.
First, the testimony of Eusebius in this matter is not worthy of belief. He contradicts himself, as
in his “Chronicle” he expressly calls the Apostle John the teacher of Papias (“ad annum Abrah
2114”), as does Jerome also in Ep. 75:“Ad Theodoram,” 3: and in “De viris illustribus,” xviii.
Eusebius was also influenced by his erroneous doctrinal opinions as he denied the Apostolic
origin of the Apocalypse and ascribed this writing to an author differing from St. John but of the
same name. St. Irenaeus also positively designates the Apostle and Evangelist John as the teacher
of Papias, and neither he nor any other writer before Eusebius had any idea of a second John in
Asia (Adv. haer. 5:33:4). In what Papias himself says the connection plainly shows that in this
passage by the word presbyters only Apostles can be understood. If John is mentioned twice the
explanation lies in the peculiar relationship in which Papias stood to this, his most eminent
teacher. By inquiring of others he had learned some things indirectly from John, just as he had
from the other Apostles referred to. In addition he had received information concerning the
teachings and acts of Jesus directly, without the intervention of others, from the still living
“Presbyter John,” as he also had from Aristion. Thus the teaching of Papias casts absolutely no
doubt upon what the New-Testament writings presuppose and expressly mention concerning the
residence of the Evangelist John in Asia.

III. The Later Accounts of John.

The Christian writers of the second and third centuries testify to us as a tradition univer-
sally recognized and doubted by no one that the Apostle and Evangelist John lived in Asia Minor
in the last decades of the first century and from Ephesus had guided the Churches of that prov-
ince. In his “Dialogue with Tryphon” (Chapter 81) St. Justin Martyr refers to “John, one of the
Apostles of Christ” as a witness who had lived “with us,” that is, at Ephesus. St. Irenæus speaks
in very many places of the Apostle John and his residence in Asia and expressly declares that he
wrote his Gospel at Ephesus (Adv. haer. 3:1:1), and that he had lived there until the reign of Tra-
jan (loc. cit. 2:22:5). With Eusebius (Hist. eccl. 3:13:1) and others we are obliged to place the
Apostle's banishment to Patmos in the reign of the Emperor Domitian (81-96). Previous to this,
according to Tertullian's testimony (De praescript. 36), John had been thrown into a cauldron of
boiling oil before the Porta Latina at Rome without suffering injury. After Domitian's death the
Apostle returned to Ephesus during the reign of Trajan, and at Ephesus he died about A.D. 100 at
a great age. Tradition reports many beautiful traits of the last years of his life: that he refused to
remain under the same roof with Cerinthus (Irenaeus “Ad. haer.” 3:3:4); his touching anxiety
about a youth who had become a robber (Clemens Alex. “Quis dives salvetur,” xiii); his con-
stantly repeated words of exhortation at the end of his life, “Little children, love one another”
(Jerome, “Comm. in ep. ad. Gal.” 6:10). On the other hand the stories told in the apocryphal Acts
of John, which appeared as early as the second century, are unhistorical invention.

16
St. John in Christian Art.
Early Christian art usually represents St. John with an eagle, symbolizing the heights to
which he rises in the first chapter of his Gospel. The chalice as symbolic of St. John, which, ac-
cording to some authorities, was not adopted until the thirteenth century, is sometimes interpret-
ed with reference to the Last Supper, again as connected with the legend according to which St.
John was handed a cup of poisoned wine, from which, at his blessing, the poison rose in the
shape of a serpent. Perhaps the most natural explanation is to be found in the words of Christ to
John and James “My chalice indeed you shall drink” (Matthew 20:23).

St. Jude.
In the address of the Epistle the author styles himself “Jude, the servant of Jesus Christ and
brother of James.” “Servant of Jesus Christ“ means “apostolic minister or labourer.” “Brother of
James” denotes him as the brother of James kat exochen who was well-known to the Hebrew
Christians to whom the Epistle of St. Jude was written. This James is to be identified with the
Bishop of the Church of Jerusalem (Acts 15:13; 21:18), spoken of by St. Paul as “the brother of
the Lord” (Gal. 1:19), who was the author of the Catholic Epistle of St. James. and is regarded
amongst Catholic interpreters as the Apostle James the son of Alpheus (St. James the Less). This
last identification, however, is not evident, nor, from a critical point of view, does it seem be-
yond all doubt. Most Catholic commentators identify Jude with the “Judas Jacobi” (“Jude, the
brother of James” in the D.V.) of Luke 6:16, and Acts 1:13 — also called Thaddeus (Matt. x, 3:
Mark 3:18) — referring the expression to the fact that his brother James was better known than
himself in the primitive Church. This view is strongly confirmed by the title “the brother of
James,” by which Jude designates himself in the address of his Epistle. If this identification is
proved, it is clear that Jude, the author of the Epistle, was reckoned among the Twelve Apostles.
This opinion is most highly probable. Beyond this we find no further information concerning
Jude in the New Testament, except that the “brethren of the Lord,” among whom Jude was in-
cluded, were known to the Galatians and the Corinthians; also that several of them were married,
and that they did not fully believe in Christ till after the Resurrection (I Cor. 9:5; Gal. 1:10; John
7:3-5; Acts 1:14). From a fact of Hegesippus told by Eusebius (Hist. eccl. III, 19:xx, xxii) we
learn that Jude was “said to have been the brother of the Lord according to the flesh,” and that
two of his grandsons lived till the reign of Trajan.

Tradition as to the Genuineness and the Canonicity of his Epistle

The Epistle of Jude is one of the so-called antilegomena; but, although its canonicity has
been questioned in several Churches, its genuineness has never been denied. The brevity of the
Epistle, the coincidences between it and II Peter, and the supposed quotation from apocryphal
books, created a prejudice against it which was gradually overcome. The history of its ac-
ceptance by the Church is briefly as follows:
Some coincidences or analogies exist between Jude and the writings of the Apostolic Fa-
thers — between Barnabas, 2:10, and Jude, 3, 4; Clemens Romanus, Ep. 20, 12; 65:2, and Jude,
25; Ep. ad Polyc. iii 2; 4:2, and Jude, 3. 20, Mart. Polyc. xx, and Jude, 24 sq. It is possible,
though not certain, that the passages here noted were suggested by the text of Jude. The similari-

17
ty between “Didache” 2:7 and Jude, 22 sq. does not seem to be accidental, whilst in Athenagoras
(about A.D. 177), “Leg.” 24, and in Theophilus of Antioch (d. about 183), “Ad Autol.” II, 15,
there is a clear reference to Jude, 6 and 13 respectively.
The earliest positive reference to the Epistle occurs in the Muratorian Fragment, “Episto-
la sane Judæ et superscriptæ Joannis duae in catholica [scil. Ecclesia] habentur.” The Epistle was
thus recognized as canonical and Apostolic (for it is Jude the Apostle who is here meant) in the
Roman Church about 170. At the end of the second century it was also accepted as canonical and
Apostolic by the Church of Alexandria (Clement of Alexandria, “Pæd.” III, 8:followed by Ori-
gen), and by the African Church of Carthage (Tertullian). At the beginning of the third century
the Epistle was universally accepted except in the primitive East Syrian Church, where none of
the Catholic Epistles were recognized, nor the Apocalypse.
This remarkably wide acceptance, representing as it does the voice of ancient tradition,
testifies to the canonicity and the genuineness of Jude. During the third and fourth centuries
doubt and suspicion, based on internal evidence (especially on the supposed quotation from the
Book of Henoch and the “Assumption of Moses”), arose in several Churches. However the prej-
udice created against the deuterocanonical Jude was soon overcome, so that the Epistle was uni-
versally accepted in the Western Church at the very beginning of the fifth century.
In the Eastern Church Eusebius of Cæsarea (260-340) placed Jude among the antile-
gomena or the “disputed books, which are nevertheless known and accepted by the greater num-
ber” (Hist. Eccl. II xxiii; III, xxv); he incorporated all the Catholic Epistles in the fifty copies of
the Bible which at the command of Constantine, he wrote for the Church of Constantinople. St.
Athanasius (d. 387) and St. Epiphanius (d. 403) placed Jude among the canonical and Apostolic
writings. Junilius and Paul of Nisibis in Constantinople (513) held it as mediæ auctoritatis. How-
ever, in the sixth century the Greek Church everywhere considered Jude as canonical.
The recognition of Jude in the Syriac Church is not clear. In Western Syria we find no
trace of Jude in the fifth century. In Eastern Syria the Epistle is wanting in the oldest Syriac ver-
sion, the Peshito, but it is accepted in the Philoxenian (508) and Heracleon (616) versions. Ex-
cept among the Syriac Nestorians, there is no trace of any ecclesiastical contradiction from the
beginning of the sixth century till the Council of Trent, which defined the canonicity of both the
proto- and deutero-canonical books of the New Testament.

St. Luke.
The name Lucas (Luke) is probably an abbreviation from Lucanus, like Annas from Ananus,
Apollos from Apollonius, Artemas from Artemidorus, Demas from Demetrius, etc. (Schanz,
“Evang. des heiligen Lucas,” 1, 2; Lightfoot on “Col.” 4:14; Plummer, “St. Luke,” introd.) The
word Lucas seems to have been unknown before the Christian Era; but Lucanus is common in
inscriptions, and is found at the beginning and end of the Gospel in some Old Latin manuscripts
(ibid.). It is generally held that St. Luke was a native of Antioch. Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. 3:4:6) has:
Loukas de to men genos on ton ap Antiocheias, ten episteuen iatros, ta pleista suggegonos to
Paulo, kai rots laipois de ou parergos ton apostolon homilnkos — ”Lucas vero domo Antioch-
enus, arte medicus, qui et cum Paulo diu conjunctissime vixit, et cum reliquis Apostolis studiose
versatus est.” Eusebius has a clearer statement in his “Quæstiones Evangelicæ,” 4:1:270: ho de
Loukas to men genos apo tes Boomenes Antiocheias en — ”Luke was by birth a native of the re-
nowned Antioch” (Schmiedel, “Encyc. Bib.”). Spitta, Schmiedel, and Harnack think this is a

18
quotation from Julius Africanus (first half of the third century). In Codex Bezæ (D) Luke is in-
troduced by a “we” as early as Acts 11:28; and, though this is not a correct reading, it represents
a very ancient tradition. The writer of Acts took a special interest in Antioch and was well ac-
quainted with it (Acts 11:19-27; 13:1; 14:18-21, 25, 15:22, 23, 30, 35; 18:22). We are told the
locality of only one deacon, “Nicolas, a proselyte of Antioch,” 6:5; and it has been pointed out
by Plummer that, out of eight writers who describe the Russian campaign of 1812, only two, who
were Scottish, mention that the Russian general, Barclay de Tolly, was of Scottish extraction.
These considerations seem to exclude the conjecture of Renan and Ramsay that St. Luke was a
native of Philippi.
St. Luke was not a Jew. He is separated by St. Paul from those of the circumcision (Col.
4:14), and his style proves that he was a Greek. Hence he cannot be identified with Lucius the
prophet of Acts 13:1, nor with Lucius of Rom. 16:21, who was cognatus of St. Paul. From this
and the prologue of the Gospel it follows that Epiphanius errs when he calls him one of the Sev-
enty Disciples; nor was he the companion of Cleophas in the journey to Emmaus after the Resur-
rection (as stated by Theophylact and the Greek Menol.). St. Luke had a great knowledge of the
Septuagint and of things Jewish, which he acquired either as a Jewish proselyte (St. Jerome) or
after he became a Christian, through his close intercourse with the Apostles and disciples. Be-
sides Greek, he had many opportunities of acquiring Aramaic in his native Antioch, the capital of
Syria. He was a physician by profession, and St. Paul calls him “the most dear physician” (Col.
4:14). This avocation implied a liberal education, and his medical training is evidenced by his
choice of medical language. Plummer suggests that he may have studied medicine at the famous
school of Tarsus, the rival of Alexandria and Athens, and possibly met St. Paul there. From his
intimate knowledge of the eastern Mediterranean, it has been conjectured that he had lengthened
experience as a doctor on board ship. He travailed a good deal, and sends greetings to the Colos-
sians, which seems to indicate that he had visited them.
St. Luke first appears in the Acts at Troas (16:8 sqq.), where he meets St. Paul, and, after
the vision, crossed over with him to Europe as an Evangelist, landing at Neapolis and going on to
Philipp1:“being assured that God had called us to preach the Gospel to them” (note especially
the transition into first person plural at verse 10). He was, therefore, already an Evangelist. He
was present at the conversion of Lydia and her companions, and lodged in her house. He, togeth-
er with St. Paul and his companions, was recognized by the pythonical spirit: “This same follow-
ing Paul and us, cried out, saying: These men are the servants of the most high God, who preach
unto you the way of salvation” (verse 17). He beheld Paul and Silas arrested, dragged before the
Roman magistrates, charged with disturbing the city, “being Jews,” beaten with rods and thrown
into prison. Luke and Timothy escaped, probably because they did not look like Jews (Timothy's
father was a gentile). When Paul departed from Philipp1:Luke was left behind, in all probability
to carry on the work of Evangelist. At Thessalonica the Apostle received highly appreciated pe-
cuniary aid from Philippi (Phil. 4:15, 16), doubtless through the good offices of St. Luke. It is not
unlikely that the latter remained at Philippi all the time that St. Paul was preaching at Athens and
Corinth, and while he was travelling to Jerusalem and back to Ephesus, and during the three
years that the Apostle was engaged at Ephesus. When St. Paul revisited Macedonia, he again met
St. Luke at Philipp1:and there wrote his Second Epistle to the Corinthians.
St. Jerome thinks it is most likely that St. Luke is “the brother, whose praise is in the gos-
pel through all the churches” (II Cor. 8:18), and that he was one of the bearers of the letter to
Corinth. Shortly afterwards, when St. Paul returned from Greece, St. Luke accompanied him
from Philippi to Troas, and with him made the long coasting voyage described in Acts 20. He

19
went up to Jerusalem, was present at the uproar, saw the attack on the Apostle, and heard him
speaking “in the Hebrew tongue” from the steps outside the fortress Antonia to the silenced
crowd. Then he witnessed the infuriated Jews, in their impotent rage, rending their garments,
yelling, and flinging dust into the air. We may be sure that he was a constant visitor to St. Paul
during the two years of the latter's imprisonment at Cæarea. In that period he might well become
acquainted with the circumstances of the death of Herod Agrippa 1, who had died there eaten up
by worms” (skolekobrotos), and he was likely to be better informed on the subject than Josephus.
Ample opportunities were given him, 'having diligently attained to all things from the begin-
ning,” concerning the Gospel and early Acts to write in order what had been delivered by those
“who from the beginning were eyewitnesses and ministers of the word” (Luke 1:2-3). It is held
by many writers that the Gospel was written during this time, Ramsay is of opinion that the Epis-
tle to the Hebrews was then composed, and that St. Luke had a considerable share in it. When
Paul appealed to Cæsar, Luke and Aristarchus accompanied him from Cæsarea, and were with
him during the stormy voyage from Crete to Malta. Thence they went on to Rome, where, during
the two years that St. Paul was kept in prison, St. Luke was frequently at his side, though not
continuously, as he is not mentioned in the greetings of the Epistle to the Philippians (Lightfoot,
“Phil.” 35). He was present when the Epistles to the Colossians, Ephesians and Philemon were
written, and is mentioned in the salutations given in two of them: “Luke the most dear physician,
saluteth you” (Col. 4:14); “There salute thee . . . Mark, Aristarchus, Demas, and Luke my fellow
labourers” (Philem. 24). St. Jerome holds that it was during these two years Acts was written.
We have no information about St. Luke during the interval between St. Paul's two Roman
imprisonments, but he must have met several of the Apostles and disciples during his various
journeys. He stood beside St. Paul in his last imprisonment; for the Apostle, writing for the last
time to Timothy, says: “I have fought a good fight, I have finished my course. . . . Make haste to
come to me quickly. For Demas hath left me, loving this world. . . . Only Luke is with me” (II
Tim. 4:7-11). It is worthy of note that, in the three places where he is mentioned in the Epistles
(Col. 4:14; Philem. 24; II Tim. 4:11) he is named with St. Mark (cf. Col. 4:10), the other Evange-
list who was not an Apostle (Plummer), and it is clear from his Gospel that he was well ac-
quainted with the Gospel according to St. Mark; and in the Acts he knows all the details of St.
Peter's delivery — what happened at the house of St. Mark's mother, and the name of the girl
who ran to the outer door when St. Peter knocked. He must have frequently met St. Peter, and
may have assisted him to draw up his First Epistle in Greek, which affords many reminiscences
of Luke's style. After St. Paul's martyrdom practically all that is known about him is contained in
the ancient “Prefatio vel Argumentum Lucæ,” dating back to Julius Africanus, who was born
about A.D. 165. This states that he was unmarried, that he wrote the Gospel, in Achaia, and that
he died at the age of seventy-four in Bithynia (probably a copyist's error for Boeotia), filled with
the Holy Ghost. Epiphanius has it that he preached in Dalmatia (where there is a tradition to that
effect), Gallia (Galatia?), Italy, and Macedonia. As an Evangelist, he must have suffered much
for the Faith, but it is controverted whether he actually died a martyr's death. St. Jerome writes of
him (De Vir. III. vii). “Sepultus est Constantinopol1:ad quam urbem vigesimo Constantii anno,
ossa ejus cum reliquiis Andreæ Apostoli translata sunt [de Achaia?].” St. Luke its always repre-
sented by the calf or ox, the sacrificial animal, because his Gospel begins with the account of
Zachary, the priest, the father of John the Baptist. He is called a painter by Nicephorus Callistus
(fourteenth century), and by the Menology of Basil 2:A.D. 980. A picture of the Virgin in S. Ma-
ria Maggiore, Rome, is ascribed to him, and can be traced to A.D. 847 It is probably a copy of
that mentioned by Theodore Lector, in the sixth century. This writer states that the Empress Eu-

20
doxia found a picture of the Mother of God at Jerusalem, which she sent to Constantinople (see
“Acta SS.” 18 Oct.). As Plummer observes. it is certain that St. Luke was an artist, at least to the
extent that his graphic descriptions of the Annunciation, Visitation, Nativity, Shepherds. Presen-
tation, the Shepherd and lost sheep, etc. have become the inspiring and favourite themes of
Christian painters.
St. Luke is one of the most extensive writers of the New Testament. His Gospel is con-
siderably longer than St. Matthew's, his two books are about as long as St. Paul's fourteen Epis-
tles: and Acts exceeds in length the Seven Catholic Epistles and the Apocalypse. The style of the
Gospel is superior to any N. T. writing except Hebrews. Renan says (Les Evangiles, xiii) that it
is the most literary of the Gospels. St. Luke is a painter in words. “The author of the Third Gos-
pel and of the Acts is the most versatile of all New Testament writers. He can be as Hebraistic as
the Septuagint, and as free from Hebraisms as Plutarch. . . He is Hebraistic in describing Hebrew
society and Greek when describing Greek society” (Plummer, introd.). His great command of
Greek is shown by the richness of his vocabulary and the freedom of his constructions.

St. Mark.
(Greek Markos, Latin Marcus).
It is assumed in this article that the individual referred to in Acts as John Mark (12:12,
25; 15:37), John (13:5, 13), Mark (15:39), is identical with the Mark mentioned by St. Paul (Col.
4:10; II Tim. 4:11; Philem. 24) and by St. Peter (I Peter 5:13). Their identity is not questioned by
any ancient writer of note, while it is strongly suggested, on the one hand by the fact that Mark
of the Pauline Epistles was the cousin (ho anepsios) of Barnabas (Col. 4:10), to whom Mark of
Acts seems to have been bound by some special tie (Acts 15:37, 39); on the other by the proba-
bility that the Mark, whom St. Peter calls his son (I Peter, 5:13), is no other than the son of Mary,
the Apostle's old friend in Jerusalem (Acts 21:12). To the Jewish name John was added the Ro-
man pronomen Marcus, and by the latter he was commonly known to the readers of Acts (15:37,
ton kaloumenon Markon) and of the Epistles. Mark's mother was a prominent member of the in-
fant Church at Jerusalem; it was to her house that Peter turned on his release from prison; the
house was approached by a porch (pulon), there was a slave girl (paidiske), probably the port-
ress, to open the door, and the house was a meeting-place for the brethren, “many” of whom
were praying there the night St. Peter arrived from prison (Acts 12:12-13).
When, on the occasion of the famine of A.D. 45-46, Barnabas and Saul had completed
their ministration in Jerusalem, they took Mark with them on their return to Antioch (Acts
12:25). Not long after, when they started on St. Paul's first Apostolic journey, they had Mark
with them as some sort of assistant (hupereten, Acts 13:5); but the vagueness and variety of
meaning of the Greek term makes it uncertain in what precise capacity he acted. Neither selected
by the Holy Spirit, nor delegated by the Church of Antioch, as were Barnabas and Saul (Acts
13:2-4), he was probably taken by the Apostles as one who could be of general help. The context
of Acts 13:5, suggests that he helped even in preaching the Word. When Paul and Barnabas re-
solved to push on from Perga into central Asia Minor, Mark, departed from them, if indeed he
had not already done so at Paphos, and returned to Jerusalem (Acts 13:13). What his reasons
were for turning back, we cannot say with certainty; Acts 15:38, seems to suggest that he feared
the toil. At any rate, the incident was not forgotten by St. Paul, who refused on account of it to
take Mark with him on the second Apostolic journey. This refusal led to the separation of Paul

21
and Barnabas, and the latter, taking Mark with him, sailed to Cyprus (Acts 15:37-40). At this
point (A.D. 49-50) we lose sight of Mark in Acts and we meet him no more in the New Testa-
ment, till he appears some ten years afterwards as the fellow-worker of St. Paul, and in the com-
pany of St. Peter, at Rome.
St. Paul, writing to the Colossians during his first Roman imprisonment (A.D. 59-61),
says: “Aristarchus, my fellow prisoner, saluteth you, and Mark, the cousin of Barnabas, touching
whom you have received commandments; if he come unto you, receive him” (Col. 4:10). At the
time this was written, Mark was evidently in Rome, but had some intention of visiting Asia Mi-
nor. About the same time St. Paul sends greetings to Philemon from Mark, whom he names
among his fellow-workers (sunergo1:Philem. 24). The Evangelist's intention of visiting Asia
Minor was probably carried out, for St. Paul, writing shortly before his death to Timothy at
Ephesus, bids him pick up Mark and bring him with him to Rome, adding “for he is profitable to
me for the ministry” (II Tim. 4:11). If Mark came to Rome at this time, he was probably there
when St. Paul was martyred. Turning to I Peter, 5:13, we read: “The Church that is in Babylon,
elected together with you, saluteth you, and (so doth) Mark my son” (Markos, o huios aou). This
letter was addressed to various Churches of Asia Minor (I Peter, 1:1), and we may conclude that
Mark was known to them. Hence, though he had refused to penetrate into Asia Minor with Paul
and Barnabas, St. Paul makes it probable, and St. Peter certain, that he went afterwards, and the
fact that St. Peter sends Mark's greeting to a number of Churches implies that he must have been
widely known there. In calling Mark his “son,” Peter may possibly imply that he had baptized
him, though in that case teknon might be expected rather than huios (cf. I Cor. 4:17; I Tim. 1:2,
18; II Tim. 1:2; 2:1; Tit. 1:4; Philem. 10). The term need not be taken to imply more than affec-
tionate regard for a younger man, who had long ago sat at Peter's feet in Jerusalem, and whose
mother had been the Apostle's friend (Acts 12:12). As to the Babylon from which Peter writers,
and in which Mark is present with him, there can be no reasonable doubt that it is Rome. The
view of St. Jerome: “St. Peter also mentions this Mark in his First Epistle, while referring figura-
tively to Rome under the title of Babylon” (De vir. Illustr. viii), is supported by all the early Fa-
ther who refer to the subject. It may be said to have been questioned for the first time by Eras-
mus, whom a number of Protestant writers then followed, that they might the more readily deny
the Roman connection of St. Peter. Thus, we find Mark in Rome with St. Peter at a time when he
was widely known to the Churches of Asia Minor. If we suppose him, as we may, to have gone
to Asia Minor after the date of the Epistle to the Colossians, remained there for some time, and
returned to Rome before I Peter was written, the Petrine and Pauline references to the Evangelist
are quite intelligible and consistent.
When we turn to tradition, Papias (Eusebius, “Hist. eccl.” 3:xxxix) asserts not later than
A.D. 130, on the authority of an “elder,” that Mark had been the interpreter (hermeneutes) of Pe-
ter, and wrote down accurately, though not in order, the teaching of Peter. A widespread, if
somewhat late, tradition represents St. Mark as the founder of the Church of Alexandria. Though
strangely enough Clement and Origen make no reference to the saint's connection with their city,
it is attested by Eusebius (op. cit. 2:16, xxiv), by St. Jerome (“De Vir. Illust.” viii), by the Apos-
tolic Constitutions (7:44), by Epiphanius (“Hær.” l1:6) and by many later authorities. The “Mar-
tyrologium Romanum” (25 April) records: “At Alexandria the anniversary of Blessed Mark the
Evangelist . . . at Alexandria of St. Anianus Bishop, the disciple of Blessed Mark and his succes-
sor in the episcopate, who fell asleep in the Lord.” The date at which Mark came to Alexandria is
uncertain. The Chronicle of Eusebius assigns it to the first years of Claudius (A.D. 41-4), and
later on states that St. Mark's first successor, Anianus, succeeded to the See of Alexandria in the

22
eighth year of Nero (61-2). This would make Mark Bishop of Alexandria for a period of about
twenty years. This is not impossible, if we might suppose in accordance with some early evi-
dence that St. Peter came to Rome in A.D. 42, Mark perhaps accompanying him. But Acts raise
considerable difficulties. On the assumption that the founder of the Church of Alexandria was
identical with the companion of Paul and Barnabas, we find him at Jerusalem and Antioch about
A.D. 46 (Acts 12:25), in Salamis about 47 (Acts 13:5), at Antioch again about 49 or 50 (Acts
15:37-9), and when he quitted Antioch, on the separation of Paul and Barnabas, it was not to Al-
exandria but to Cyprus that he turned (Acts 15:39). There is nothing indeed to prove absolutely
that all this is inconsistent with his being Bishop of Alexandria at the time, but seeing that the
chronology of the Apostolic age is admittedly uncertain, and that we have no earlier authority
than Eusebius for the date of the foundation of the Alexandrian Church, we may perhaps con-
clude with more probability that it was founded somewhat later. There is abundance of time be-
tween A.D. 50 and 60, a period during which the New Testament is silent in regard to St. Mark,
for his activity in Egypt.
In the preface to his Gospel in manuscripts of the Vulgate, Mark is represented as having
been a Jewish priest: “Mark the Evangelist, who exercised the priestly office in Israel, a Levite
by race.” Early authorities, however, are silent upon the point, and it is perhaps only an inference
from his relation to Barnabas the Levite (Acts 4:36). Papias (in Eusebius, “Hist. eccl.” 3:xxxix)
says, on the authority of “the elder,” that Mark neither heard the Lord nor followed Him (oute
gar ekouse tou kurion oute parekoluthesen auto), and the same statement is made in the Dialogue
of Adamantius (fourth century, Leipzig, 1901, p. 8), by Eusebius (“Demonst. Evang.” 3:v), by
St. Jerome (“In Matth.”), by St. Augustine (“De Consens. Evang.”), and is suggested by the Mu-
ratorian Fragment. Later tradition, however, makes Mark one of the seventy-two disciples, and
St. Epiphanius (“Hær,” l1:6) says he was one of those who withdrew from Christ (John 6:67).
The later tradition can have no weight against the earlier evidence, but the statement that Mark
neither heard the Lord nor followed Him need not be pressed too strictly, nor force us to believe
that he never saw Christ. Many indeed are of opinion that the young man who fled naked from
Gethsemane (Mark 14:51) was Mark himself. Early in the third century Hippolytus
(“Philosophumena,” 7:30) refers to Mark as ho kolobodaktulos, i.e. “stump-fingered” or “muti-
lated in the finger(s),” and later authorities allude to the same defect. Various explanations of the
epithet have been suggested: that Mark, after he embraced Christianity, cut off his thumb to unfit
himself for the Jewish priesthood; that his fingers were naturally stumpy; that some defect in his
toes is alluded to; that the epithet is to be regarded as metaphorical, and means “deserted” (cf.
Acts 13:13).
The date of Mark's death is uncertain. St. Jerome (“De Vir. Illustr.” viii) assigns it to the
eighth year of Nero (62-63) (Mortuus est octavo Neronis anno et sepultus Alexandriæ), but this
is probably only an inference from the statement of Eusebius (“Hist. eccl.” 2:xxiv), that in that
year Anianus succeeded St. Mark in the See of Alexandria. Certainly, if St. Mark was alive when
II Timothy was written (II Tim. 4:11), he cannot have died in 61-62. Nor does Eusebius say he
did; the historian may merely mean that St. Mark then resigned his see, and left Alexandria to
join Peter and Paul at Rome. As to the manner of his death, the “Acts” of Mark give the saint the
glory of martyrdom, and say that he died while being dragged through the streets of Alexandria;
so too the Paschal Chronicle. But we have no evidence earlier than the fourth century that the
saint was martyred. This earlier silence, however, is not at all decisive against the truth of the
later traditions. For the saint's alleged connection with Aquileia, see “Acta SS.” X1:pp. 346-7,
and for the removal of his body from Alexandria to Venice and his cultus there, ibid. pp. 352-8.

23
In Christian literature and art St. Mark is symbolically represented by a lion. The Latin and
Greek Churches celebrate his feast on 25 April, but the Greek Church keeps also the feast of
John Mark on 27 September.

St. Matthew.
Apostle and evangelist. The name Matthew is derived from the Hebrew Mattija, being short-
ened to Mattai in post-Biblical Hebrew. In Greek it is sometimes spelled Maththaios, B D, and
sometimes Matthaios, CEKL, but grammarians do not agree as to which of the two spellings is
the original. Matthew is spoken of five times in the New Testament; first in Matthew 9:9, when
called by Jesus to follow Him, and then four times in the list of the Apostles, where he is men-
tioned in the seventh (Luke 6:15, and Mark 3:18), and again in the eighth place (Matthew 10:3,
and Acts 1:13). The man designated in Matthew 9:9, as “sitting in the custom house,” and
“named Matthew” is the same as Le6:recorded in Mark 2:14, and Luke 5:27, as “sitting at the
receipt of custom.” The account in the three Synoptics is identical, the vocation of Matthew-Levi
being alluded to in the same terms. Hence Levi was the original name of the man who was sub-
sequently called Matthew; the Maththaios legomenos of Matthew 9:9, would indicate this. The
fact of one man having two names is of frequent occurrence among the Jews. It is true that the
same person usually bears a Hebrew name such as “Shaoul” and a Greek name, Paulos. Howev-
er, we have also examples of individuals with two Hebrew names as, for instance, Joseph-
Caiaphas, Simon-Cephas, etc. It is probable that Mattija, “gift of Iaveh,” was the name conferred
upon the tax-gatherer by Jesus Christ when He called him to the Apostolate, and by it he was
thenceforth known among his Christian brethren, Levi being his original name. Matthew, the son
of Alpheus (Mark 2:14) was a Galilean, although Eusebius informs us that he was a Syrian. As
tax-gatherer at Capharnaum, he collected custom duties for Herod Antipas, and, although a Jew,
was despised by the Pharisees, who hated all publicans. When summoned by Jesus, Matthew
arose and followed Him and tendered Him a feast in his house, where tax-gatherers and sinners
sat at table with Christ and His disciples. This drew forth a protest from the Pharisees whom Je-
sus rebuked in these consoling words: “I came not to call the just, but sinners.” No further allu-
sion is made to Matthew in the Gospels, except in the list of the Apostles. As a disciple and an
Apostle he thenceforth followed Christ, accompanying Him up to the time of His Passion and, in
Galilee, was one of the witnesses of His Resurrection. He was also amongst the Apostles who
were present at the Ascension, and afterwards withdrew to an upper chamber, in Jerusalem, pray-
ing in union with Mary, the Mother of Jesus, and with his brethren (Acts 1:10 and 1:14).
Of Matthew's subsequent career we have only inaccurate or legendary data. St. Irenæus
tells us that Matthew preached the Gospel among the Hebrews, St. Clement of Alexandria claim-
ing that he did this for fifteen years, and Eusebius maintains that, before going into other coun-
tries, he gave them his Gospel in the mother tongue. Ancient writers are not as one as to the
countries evangelized by Matthew, but almost all mention Ethiopia to the south of the Caspian
Sea (not Ethiopia in Africa), and some Persia and the kingdom of the Parthians, Macedonia, and
Syria. According to Heracleon, who is quoted by Clement of Alexandria, Matthew did not die a
martyr, but this opinion conflicts with all other ancient testimony. Let us add, however, that the
account of his martyrdom in the apocryphal Greek writings entitled “Martyrium S. Matthæi in
Ponto” and published by Bonnet, “Acta apostolorum apocrypha” (Leipzig, 1898), is absolutely

24
devoid of historic value. Lipsius holds that this “Martyrium S. Matthæi,” which contains traces
of Gnosticism, must have been published in the third century. There is a disagreement as to the
place of St. Matthew's martyrdom and the kind of torture inflicted on him, therefore it is not
known whether he was burned, stoned, or beheaded. The Roman Martyrology simply says: “S.
Matthæ1:qui in Æthiopia prædicans martyrium passus est.” Various writings that are now con-
sidered apocryphal, have been attributed to St. Matthew. In the “Evangelia apocrypha” (Leipzig,
1876), Tischendorf reproduced a Latin document entitled: “De Ortu beatæ Mariæ et infantia Sal-
vatoris,” supposedly written in Hebrew by St. Matthew the Evangelist, and translated into Latin
by Jerome, the priest. It is an abridged adaptation of the “Protoevangelium” of St. James, which
was a Greek apocryphal of the second century. This pseudo-Matthew dates from the middle or
the end of the sixth century. The Latin Church celebrates the feast of St. Matthew on 21 Septem-
ber, and the Greek Church on 16 November. St. Matthew is represented under the symbol of a
winged man, carrying in his hand a lance as a characteristic emblem.

St. Nathanael.
One of the first disciples of Jesus, to Whom he was brought by his friend Philip (John 1:43-51).
It is generally held that Nathanael is to be identified with the Apostle Bartholomew of the Synop-
tic writers. The latter make no mention of Nathanael, but in their lists of the Twelve, one, Bar-
tholomew, is always designated by his family Bar-Tolmai (son of Tolmai), and it is assumed that
it is he whom the author of the Fourth Gospel designates by his personal name Nathanael. The
main reasons on which this assumption rests are: that the circumstances under which Nathanael
was called do not differ in solemnity from those connected with the call of Peter, whence it is
natural to expect that he as well as the latter was numbered among the Twelve; Nathanael is
mentioned as present with other Apostles after the Resurrection in the scene described in John
21;
Nathanael was brought to Jesus by Philip (John 1:45), and thus it seems significant that
Bartholomew is always mentioned next to Philip in the lists of the Twelve given by the Synop-
tists (Matthew 10:3; Mark 3:18; Luke 6:14).

St. Paul.
Chronology.
If we admit according to the almost unanimous opinion of exegetes that Acts 15, and Gal.
2:1-10, relate to the same fact it will be seen that an interval of seventeen years-or at least six-
teen, counting incomplete years as accomplished-elapsed between the conversion of Paul and the
Apostolic council, for Paul visited Jerusalem three years after his conversion (Gal. 1:18) and re-
turned after fourteen years for the meeting held with regard to legal observances (Gal. 2:1:
“Epeita dia dekatessaron eton”). It is true that some authors include the three years prior to the
first visit in the total of fourteen, but this explanation seems forced. On the other hand, twelve or
thirteen years elapsed between the Apostolic council and the end of the captivity, for the captiv-
ity lasted nearly five years (more than two years at Caesarea, Acts 24:27, six months travelling,
including the sojourn at Malta, and two years at Rome, Acts 28:30); the third mission lasted not
less than four years and a half (three of which were spent at Ephesus, Acts 20:31, and one be-

25
tween the departure from Ephesus and the arrival at Jerusalem, I Cor. 16:8; Acts 20:16, and six
months at the very least for the journey to Galatia, Acts 18:23); while the second mission lasted
not less than three years (eighteen months for Corinth, Acts 18:11, and the remainder for the
evangelization of Galatia, Macedonia, and Athens, Acts 15:36-17:34). Thus from the conversion
to the end of the first captivity we have a total of about twenty-nine years. Now if we could find
a fixed point that is a synchronism between a fact in the life of Paul and a certainly dated event in
profane history, it would be easy to reconstruct the Pauline chronology. Unfortunately this much
wished-for mark has not yet been indicated with certainty, despite the numerous attempts made
by scholars, especially in recent times. It is of interest to note even the abortive attempts, because
the discovery of an inscription or of a coin may any day transform an approximate date into an
absolutely fixed point. These are the meeting of Paul with Sergius Paulus, Proconsul of Cyprus,
about the year 46 (Acts 13:7), the meeting at Corinth with Aquila and Priscilla, who had been
expelled from Rome, about 51 (Acts 18:2), the meeting with Gallio, Proconsul of Achaia, about
53 (Acts 18:12), the address of Paul before the Governor Felix and his wife Drusilla about 58
(Acts 24:24). All these events, as far as they may be assigned approximate dates, agree with the
Apostle's general chronology but give no precise results. Three synchronisms, however, appear
to afford a firmer basis:
(1) The occupation of Damascus by the ethnarch of King Aretas and the escape of the
Apostle three years after his conversion (II Cor. 11:32-33; Acts 9:23-26). — Damascene coins
bearing the effigy of Tiberius to the year 34 are extant, proving that at that time the city belonged
to the Romans. It is impossible to assume that Aretas had received it as a gift from Tiberius, for
the latter, especially in his last years, was hostile to the King of the Nabataeans whom Vitellius,
Governor of Syria, was ordered to attack (Joseph. “Ant.” XVIII, 5:13); neither could Aretas have
possessed himself of it by force for, besides the unlikelihood of a direct aggression against the
Romans, the expedition of Vitellius was at first directed not against Damascus but against Petra.
It has therefore been somewhat plausibly conjectured that Caligula, subject as he was to such
whims, had ceded it to him at the time of his accession (10 March, 37). As a matter of fact noth-
ing is known of imperial coins of Damascus dating from either Caligula or Claudius. According
to this hypothesis St. Paul's conversion was not prior to 34, nor his escape from Damascus and
his first visit to Jerusalem, to 37.
(2) Death of Agrippa, famine in Judea, mission of Paul and Barnabas to Jerusalem to
bring thither the alms from the Church of Antioch (Acts 11:27-12:25). — Agrippa died shortly
after the Pasch (Acts 12:3, 19), when he was celebrating in Caesarea solemn festivals in honour
of Claudius's recent return from Britain, in the third year of his reign, which had begun in 41 (Jo-
sephus, “Ant.” XIX, 7:2). These combined facts bring us to the year 44, and it is precisely in this
year that Orosius (Hist. 7:6) places the great famine which desolated Judea. Josephus mentions it
somewhat later, under the procurator Tiberius Alexander (about 46), but it is well known that the
whole of Claudius's reign was characterized by poor harvests (Suet. “Claudius,” 18) and a gen-
eral famine was usually preceded by a more or less prolonged period of scarcity. It is also possi-
ble that the relief sent in anticipation of the famine foretold by Agabus (Acts 11:28-29) preceded
the appearance of the scourge or coincided with the first symptoms of want. On the other hand,
the synchronism between the death of Herod and the mission of Paul can only be approximate,
for although the two facts are closely connected in the Acts the account of the death of Agrippa
may be a mere episode intended to shed light on the situation of the Church of Jerusalem about
the time of the arrival of the delegates from Antioch. In any case, 45 seems to be the most satis-
factory date.

26
 (3) Replacing of Felix by Festus two years after the arrest to Paul (Acts 24:27). — Until
recently chronologists commonly fixed this important event, in the year 60-61. Harnack, 0.
Holtzmann, and McGiffert suggest advancing it four or five years for the following reasons: (1)
In his “Chronicon”, Eusebius places the arrival of Festus in the second year of Nero (October,
55-October, 56, or if, as is asserted, Eusebius makes the reigns of the emperors begin with the
September after their accession, September, 56-September, 57). But it must be borne in mind that
the chroniclers being always obliged to give definite dates, were likely to guess at them, and it
may be that Eusebius for lack of definite information divided into two equal parts the entire dura-
tion of the government of Felix and Festus. (2) Josephus states (Ant. XX, 8:9) that Felix having
been recalled to Rome and accused by the Jews to Nero, owed his safety only to his brother Pal-
las who was then high in favour. But according to Tacitus (Annal. XIII, xiv-xv), Palles was dis-
missed shortly before Britannicus celebrated his fourteenth anniversary, that is, in January, 55.
These two statements are irreconcilable; for if Pallas was dismissed three months after Nero's
accession (13 October, 54) he could not have been at the summit of his power when his brother
Fel9:recalled from Palestine at the command of Nero about the time of Pentecost, arrived at
Rome. Possibly Pallas, who after his dismissal retained his wealth and a portion of his influence,
since he stipulated that his administration should not be subjected to an investigation, was able to
be of assistance to his brother until 62 when Nero, to obtain possession of his goods, Nero had
him poisoned.
The advocates of a later date bring forward the following reasons: (1) Two years before
the recall of Felix, Paul reminded him that he had been for many years judge over the Jewish na-
tion (Acts 24:10-27). This can scarcely mean less than six or seven years, and as, according to
Josephus who agrees with Tacitus, Felix was named procurator of Judea in 52, the beginning of
the captivity would fall in 58 or 59. It is true that the argument loses its strength if it be admitted
with several critics that Felix before being procurator had held a subordinate position in Pales-
tine. (2) Josephus (Ant. XX, 8:5-8) places under Nero everything that pertains to the government
of Fel9:and although this long series of events does not necessarily require many years it is evi-
dent that Josephus regarded the government of Felix as coinciding for the most part with the
reign of Nero, which began on 13 October, 54. In fixing as follows the chief dates in the life of
Paul all certain or probable data seem to be satisfactorily taken into account: Conversion, 35;
first visit to Jerusalem, 37; sojourn at Tarsus, 37-43; apostolate at Antioch, 43-44; second visit to
Jerusalem, 44 or 45; first mission, 45-49; third visit to Jerusalem, 49 or 50; second mission, 50-
53; (I and II Thessalonians), 52; fourth visit to Jerusalem, 53; third mission, 53-57; (I and II Co-
rinthians; Galatians), 56; (Romans), 57; fifth visit to Jerusalem, arrest, 57; arrival of Festus, de-
parture for Rome, 59; captivity at Rome, 60-62; (Philemon; Colossians; Ephesians; Philippians),
61; second period of activity, 62-66; (I Timothy; Titus), second arrest, 66; (II Timothy), martyr-
dom, 67. (See Turner, “Chronology of the N. T.” in Hastings, “Dict. of the Bible” Hönicke, “Die
Chronologie des Lebens des Ap. Paulus,” Leipzig, 1903.

Life and Work of Paul

A. Birth and Education
From St. Paul himself we know that he was born at Tarsus in Cilicia (Acts 21:39), of a
father who was a Roman citizen (Acts 22:26-28; cf. 16:37), of a family in which piety was he-
reditary (II Tim. 1:3) and which was much attached to Pharisaic traditions and observances (Phil.
3:5-6). St. Jerome relates, on what ground is not known, that his parents were natives of Gis-
chala, a small town of Galilee and that they brought him to Tarsus when Gischala was captured

27
by the Romans (“De vir. ill.” v; “In epist. ad Phil.” 23). This last detail is certainly an anachro-
nism, but the Galilean origin of the family is not at all improbable. As he belonged to the tribe of
Benjamin he was given at the time of his circumcision the name of Saul, which must have been
common in that tribe in memory of the first king of the Jews (Phil. 3:5). As a Roman citizen he
also bore the Latin name of Paul. It was quite usual for the Jews of that time to have two names,
one Hebrew, the other Latin or Greek, between which there was often a certain assonance and
which were joined together exactly in the manner made use of by St. Luke (Acts 13:9: Saulos ho
kai Paulos). See on this point Deissmann, “Bible Studies” (Edinburgh, 1903, 313-17.) It was
natural that in inaugurating his apostolate among the Gentiles Paul should have adopted his Ro-
man name, especially as the name Saul had a ludicrous meaning in Greek. As every respectable
Jew had to teach his son a trade, young Saul learned how to make tents (Acts 18:3) or rather to
make the mohair of which tents were made (cf. Lewin, “Life of St. Paul,” I, London, 1874, 8-9).
He was still very young when sent to Jerusalem to receive his education at the school of Gama-
liel (Acts 22:3). Possibly some of his family resided in the holy city; later there is mention of the
presence of one of his sisters whose son saved his life (Acts 23:16). From that time it is absolute-
ly impossible to follow him until he takes an active part in the martyrdom of St. Stephen (Acts
7:58-60; 22:20). He was then qualified as a young man (neanias), but this was very elastic appel-
lation and might be applied to a man between twenty and forty.

B. Conversion and early Labours

We read in the Acts of the Apostles three accounts of the conversion of St. Paul (9:1-19;
22:3-21; 26:9-23) presenting some slight differences, which it is not difficult to harmonize and
which do not affect the basis of the narrative, which is perfectly identical in substance. See J.
Massie, “The Conversion of St. Paul” in “The Expositor,” 3rd series, X, 1889, 241-62. Sabatier
agreeing with most independent critics, has well said (L'Apotre Paul, 1896, 42): These differ-
ences cannot in any way alter the reality of the fact; their bearing on the narrative is extremely
remote; they do not deal even with the circumstances accompanying the miracle but with the
subjective impressions which the companions of St. Paul received of these circumstances. . . . To
base a denial of the historical character of the account upon these differences would seem there-
fore a violent and arbitrary proceeding.” All efforts hitherto made to explain without a miracle
the apparition of Jesus to Paul have failed. Naturalistic explanations are reduced to two: either
Paul believed that he really saw Christ, but was the victim of an hallucination, or he believed that
he saw Him only through a spiritual vision, which tradition, recorded in the Acts of the Apostles,
later erroneously materialized. Renan explained everything by hallucination due to disease
brought on by a combination of moral causes such as doubt, remorse, fear, and of physical caus-
es such as ophthalmia, fatigue, fever, the sudden transition from the torrid desert to the fresh gar-
dens of Damascus, perhaps a sudden storm accompanied by lightning and thunder. All this com-
bined, according to Renan's theory, to produce a cerebral commotion, a passing delirium which
Paul took in good faith for an apparition of the risen Christ.
The other partisans of a natural explanation while avoiding the word hallucination, even-
tually fall back on the system of Renan which they merely endeavour to render a little less com-
plicated. Thus Holsten, for whom the vision of Christ is only the conclusion of a series of syllo-
gisms by which Paul persuaded himself that Christ was truly risen. So also Pfleiderer, who how-
ever, causes the imagination to play a more influential part: “An excitable, nervous temperament;
a soul that had been violently agitated and torn by the most terrible doubts; a most vivid phanta-
sy, occupied with the awful scenes of persecution on the one hand and on the other by the ideal

28
image of the celestial Christ; in addition the nearness of Damascus with the urgency of a deci-
sion, the lonely stillness, the scorching and blinding heat of the desert — in fact everything com-
bined to produce one of those ecstatic states in which the soul believes that it sees those images
and conceptions which violently agitate it as if they were phenomena proceeding from the out-
ward world” (Lectures on the influence of the Apostle Paul on the development of Christianity,
1897, 43). We have quoted Pfleiderer's words at length because his “psychological” explanation
is considered the best ever devised. It will readily be seen that it is insufficient and as much op-
posed to the account in the Acts as to the express testimony of St. Paul himself. (1) Paul is cer-
tain of having “seen” Christ as did the other Apostles (I Cor. 9:1); he declares that Christ “ap-
peared” to him (I Cor. 15:8) as He appeared to Peter, to James, to the Twelve, after His Resurrec-
tion. (2) He knows that his conversion is not the fruit of his reasoning or thoughts, but an unfore-
seen, sudden, startling change, due to all-powerful grace (Gal. 1:12-15; I Cor. 15:10). (3) He is
wrongly credited with doubts, perplexities, fears, remorse, before his conversion. He was halted
by Christ when his fury was at its height (Acts 9:1-2); it was “through zeal” that he persecuted
the Church (Phil. 3:6), and he obtained mercy because he had acted “ignorantly in unbelief” (I
Tim. 1:13). All explanations, psychological or otherwise, are worthless in face of these definite
assertions, for all suppose that it was Paul's faith in Christ which engendered the vision, whereas
according to the concordant testimony of the Acts and the Epistles it was the actual vision of
Christ which engendered faith.
After his conversion, his baptism, and his miraculous cure Paul set about preaching to the
Jews (Acts 9:19-20). He afterwards withdrew to Arabia — probably to the region south of Da-
mascus (Gal. i 17), doubtless less to preach than to meditate on the Scriptures. On his return to
Damascus the intrigues of the Jews forced him to flee by night (II Cor. 11:32-33; Acts 9:23-25).
He went to Jerusalem (Gal. 1:18), but remained only fifteen days, for the snares of the Greeks
threatened his life. He then left for Tarsus and is lost to sight for five or six years (Acts 9:29-30;
Gal. 1:21). Barnabas went in search of him and brought him to Antioch where for a year they
worked together and their apostolate was most fruitful (Acts 11:25-26). Together also they were
sent to Jerusalem to carry alms to the brethren on the occasion of the famine predicted by Aga-
bus (Acts 11:27-30). They do not seem to have found the Apostles there; these had been scat-
tered by the persecution of Herod.

Apostolic Career of Paul

This period of twelve years (45-57) was the most active and fruitful of his life. It com-
prises three great Apostolic expeditions of which Antioch was in each instance the starting-point
and which invariably ended in a visit to Jerusalem.

(1) First mission (Acts 13:1-14:27)

Set apart by command of the Holy Ghost for the special evangelization of the Gentiles,
Barnabas and Saul embark for Cyprus, preach in the synagogue of Salamina, cross the island
from east to west doubtless following the southern coast, and reach Paphos, the residence of the
proconsul Sergius Paulus, where a sudden change takes place. After the conversion of the Roman
proconsul, Saul, suddenly become Paul, is invariably mentioned before Barnabas by St. Luke
and manifestly assumes the leadership of the mission which Barnabas has hitherto directed. The
results of this change are soon evident. Paul, doubtless concluding that Cyprus, the natural de-
pendency of Syria and Cilicia, would embrace the faith of Christ when these two countries
should be Christian, chose Asia Minor as the field of his apostolate and sailed for Perge in Pam-

29
phylia, eighth miles above the mouth of the Cestrus. It was then that John Mark, cousin of Bar-
nabas, dismayed perhaps by the daring projects of the Apostle, abandoned the expedition and
returned to Jerusalem, while Paul and Barnabas laboured alone among the rough mountains of
Pisidia, which were infested by brigands and crossed by frightful precipices. Their destination
was the Roman colony of Antioch, situated a seven day's journey from Perge. Here Paul spoke
on the vocation of Israel and the providential sending of the Messias, a discourse which St. Luke
reproduces in substance as an example of his preaching in the synagogues (Acts 13:16-41). The
sojourn of the two missionaries in Antioch was long enough for the word of the Lord to be pub-
lished throughout the whole country (Acts 13:49). When by their intrigues the Jews had obtained
against them a decree of banishment, they went to Iconium, three or four days distant, where
they met with the same persecution from the Jews and the same eager welcome from the Gen-
tiles. The hostility of the Jews forced them to take refuge in the Roman colony of Lystra, eight-
een miles distant. Here the Jews from Antioch and Iconium laid snares for Paul and having
stoned him left him for dead, but again he succeeded in escaping and this time sought refuge in
Derbe, situated about forty miles away on the frontier of the Province of Galatia. Their circuit
completed, the missionaries retraced their steps in order to visit their neophytes, ordained priests
in each Church founded by them at such great cost, and thus reached Perge where they halted to
preach the Gospel, perhaps while awaiting an opportunity to embark for Attalia, a port twelve
miles distant. On their return to Antioch in Syria after an absence of at least three years, they
were received with transports of joy and thanksgiving, for God had opened the door of faith to
the Gentiles.
The problem of the status of the Gentiles in the Church now made itself felt with all its
acuteness. Some Judeo-Christians coming down from Jerusalem claimed that the Gentiles must
be submitted to circumcision and treated as the Jews treated proselytes. Against this Paul and
Barnabas protested and it was decided that a meeting should be held at Jerusalem in order to
solve the question. At this assembly Paul and Barnabas represented the community of Antioch.
Peter pleaded the freedom of the Gentiles; James upheld him, at the same time demanding that
the Gentiles should abstain from certain things which especially shocked the Jews. It was decid-
ed, first, that the Gentiles were exempt from the Mosaic law. Secondly, that those of Syria and
Cilicia must abstain from things sacrificed to idols, from blood, from things strangled, and from
fornication. Thirdly, that this injunction was laid upon them, not in virtue of the Mosaic law, but
in the name of the Holy Ghost. This meant the complete triumph of Paul's ideas. The restriction
imposed on the Gentile converts of Syria and Cilicia did not concern his Churches, and Titus, his
companion, was not compelled to be circumcised, despite the loud protests of the Judaizers (Gal.
2:3-4). Here it is to be assumed that Gal. 2:and Acts 15, relate to the same fact, for the actors are
the same, Paul and Barnabas on the one hand, Peter and James on the other; the discussion is the
same, the question of the circumcision of the Gentiles; the scenes are the same, Antioch and Je-
rusalem; the date is the same, about A. D. 50; and the result is the same, Paul's victory over the
Judaizers. However, the decision of Jerusalem did not do away with all difficulties. The question
did not concern only the Gentiles, and while exempting them from the Mosaic law, it was not
declared that it would not have been counted meritorious and more perfect for them to observe it,
as the decree seemed to liken them to Jewish proselytes of the second class. Furthermore the
Judeo-Christians, not having been included in the verdict, were still free to consider themselves
bound to the observance of the law. This was the origin of the dispute which shortly afterwards
arose at Antioch between Peter and Paul. The latter taught openly that the law was abolished for
the Jews themselves. Peter did not think otherwise, but he considered it wise to avoid giving of-

30
fence to the Judaizers and to refrain from eating with the Gentiles who did not observe all the
prescriptions of the law. As he thus morally influenced the Gentiles to live as the Jews did, Paul
demonstrated to him that this dissimulation or opportuneness prepared the way for future misun-
derstandings and conflicts and even then had regrettable consequences. His manner of relating
this incident leaves no room for doubt that Peter was persuaded by his arguments (Gal. 2:11-20).

(2) Second mission (Acts 15:36-18:22)

The beginning of the second mission was marked by a rather sharp discussion concerning
Mark, whom St. Paul this time refused to accept as travelling companion. Consequently Barna-
bas set out with Mark for Cyprus and Paul chose Silas or Silvanus, a Roman citizen like himself,
and an influential member of the Church of Jerusalem, and sent by it to Antioch to deliver the
decrees of the Apostolic council. The two missionaries first went from Antioch to Tarsus, stop-
ping on the way in order to promulgate the decisions of the Council of Jerusalem; then they went
from Tarsus to Derbe, through the Cilician Gates, the defiles of Tarsus, and the plains of Lycao-
nia. The visitation of the Churches founded during his first mission passed without notable inci-
dents except the choice of Timothy, whom the Apostle while in Lystra persuaded to accompany
him, and whom he caused to be circumcised in order to facilitate his access to the Jews who were
numerous in those places. It was probably at Antioch of Pisidia, although the Acts do not men-
tion that city, that the itinerary of the mission was altered by the intervention of the Holy Ghost.
Paul thought to enter the Province of Asia by the valley of Meander which separated it by only
three day's journey, but they passed through Phrygia and the country of Galatia, having been for-
bidden by the Holy Ghost to preach the word of God in Asia (Acts 16:6). These words (ten
phrygian kai Galatiken choran) are variously interpreted, according as we take them to mean the
Galatians of the north or of the south. Whatever the hypothesis, the missionaries had to travel
northwards in that portion of Galatia properly so called of which Pessinonte was the capital, and
the only question is as to whether or not they preached there. They did not intend to do so, but as
is known the evangelization of the Galatians was due to an accident, namely the illness of Paul
(Gal. 4:13); this fits very well for Galatians in the north. In any case the missionaries having
reached the Upper part of Mysia (kata Mysian), attempted to enter the rich Province of Bithynia,
which lay before them, but the Holy Ghost prevented them (Acts 16:7). Therefore, passing
through Mysia without stopping to preach (parelthontes) they reached Alexandria of Troas,
where God's will was again made known to them in the vision of a Macedonian who called them
to come and help his country (Acts 16:9-10).
Paul continued to follow on European soil the method of preaching he had employed
from the beginning. As far as possible he concentrated his efforts in a metropolis from which the
Faith would spread to cities of second rank and to the country districts. Wherever there was a
synagogue he first took his stand there and preached to the Jews and proselytes who would con-
sent to listen to him. When the rupture with the Jews was irreparable which always happened
sooner or later, he founded a new Church with his neophytes as a nucleus. He remained in the
same city until persecution, generally aroused by the intrigues of the Jews, forced him to retire.
There were, however, variations of this plan. At Philippi, where there was no synagogue, the first
preaching took place in the uncovered oratory called the proseuche, which the Gentiles made a
reason for stirring up the persecution. Paul and Silas, charged with disturbing public order, were
beaten with rods, imprisoned, and finally exiled. But at Thessalonica and Berea, whither they
successively repaired after leaving Philipp1:things turned out almost as they had planned. The
apostolate of Athens was quite exceptional. Here there was no question of Jews or synagogue,

31
Paul, contrary to his custom, was alone (I Thess. 3:1), and he delivered before the areopagus a
specially framed discourse, a synopsis of which has been preserved by the Acts (17:23-31) as a
specimen of its kind. He seems to have left the city of his own accord, without being forced to do
so by persecution. The mission to Corinth on the other hand may be considered typical. Paul
preached in the synagogue every Sabbath day, and when the violent opposition of the Jews de-
nied him entrance there he withdrew to an adjoining house which was the property of a proselyte
named Titus Justus. He carried on his apostolate in this manner for eighteen months, while the
Jews vainly stormed against him; he was able to withstand them owing to the impartial, if not
actually favourable, attitude of the proconsul, Gallio. Finally he decided to go to Jerusalem in
fulfillment of a vow made perhaps in a moment of danger. From Jerusalem, according to his cus-
tom, he returned to Antioch. The two Epistles to the Thessalonians were written during the early
months of his sojourn at Corinth. For occasion, circumstances, and analysis of these letters.

(3) Third mission (Acts 18:23-21:26)

Paul's destination in his third journey was obviously Ephesus. There Aquila and Priscilla
were awaiting him, he had promised the Ephesians to return and evangelize them if it were the
will of God (Acts 18:19-21), and the Holy Ghost no longer opposed his entry into Asia. There-
fore, after a brief rest at Antioch he went through the countries of Galatia and Phrygia (Acts
18:23) and passing through “the upper regions” of Central Asia he reached Ephesus (19:1). His
method remained the same. In order to earn his living and not be a burden to the faithful he toiled
every day for many hours at making tents, but this did not prevent him from preaching the Gos-
pel. As usual he began with the synagogue where he succeeded in remaining for three months. At
the end of this time he taught every day in a classroom placed at his disposal by a certain Tyran-
nus “from the fifth hour to the tenth” (from eleven in the morning till four in the afternoon), ac-
cording to the interesting addition of the “Codex Bezae” (Acts xix,9). This lasted two years, so
that all the inhabitants of Asia, Jews and Greeks, heard the word of the Lord (Acts 19:20).
Naturally there were trials to be endured and obstacles to be overcome. Some of these
obstacles arose from the jealousy of the Jews, who vainly endeavoured to imitate Paul's exor-
cisms, others from the superstition of the pagans, which was especially rife at Ephesus. So effec-
tually did he triumph over it, however, that books of superstition were burned to the value of
50,000 pieces of silver (each piece about a day's wage). This time the persecution was due to the
Gentiles and inspired by a motive of self-interest. The progress of Christianity having ruined the
sale of the little facsimiles of the temple of Diana and statuettes of the goddess, which devout
pilgrims had been wont to purchase, a certain Demetrius, at the head of the guild of silversmiths,
stirred up the crowd against Paul. The scene which then transpired in the theatre is described by
St. Luke with memorable vividness and pathos (Acts 19:23-40). The Apostle had to yield to the
storm. After a stay at Ephesus of two years and a half, perhaps more (Acts 20:31: trietian), he
departed for Macedonia and thence for Corinth, where he spent the winter. It was his intention in
the following spring to go by sea to Jerusalem, doubtless for the Pasch; but learning that the Jews
had planned his destruction, he did not wish, by going to sea, to afford them an opportunity to
attempt his life. Therefore he returned by way of Macedonia. Numerous disciples divided into
two groups, accompanied him or awaited him at Troas. These were Sopater of Berea, Aristarchus
and Secundus of Thessalonica, Gaius of Derbe, Timothy, Tychicus and Trophimus of Asia, and
finally Luke, the historian of the Acts who gives us minutely all the stages of the voyage:
Philipp1:Troas, Assos, Mitylene, Chios, Samos, Miletus, Cos, Rhodes, Patara, Tyre, Ptolemais,
Caesarea, Jerusalem. Three more remarkable facts should be noted in passing. At Troas Paul re-

32
suscitated the young Eutychus, who had fallen from a third-story window while Paul was preach-
ing late into the night. At Miletus he pronounced before the ancients of Ephesus the touching
farewell discourse which drew many tears (Acts 20:18-38). A Caesarea the Holy Ghost by the
mouth of Agabus, predicted his coming arrest, but did not dissuade him from going to Jerusalem.
St. Paul's four great Epistles were written during this third mission: the first to the Corin-
thians from Ephesus, about the time of the Pasch prior to his departure from that city; the second
to the Corinthians from Macedonia, during the summer or autumn of the same year; that to the
Romans from Corinth, in the following spring; the date of the Epistle to the Galatians is disputed.
On the many questions occasioned by the despatch and the language of these letters, or the situa-
tion assumed either on the side of the Apostle or his correspondents.

Captivity (Acts 21:27-28:31)

Falsely accused by the Jews of having brought Gentiles into the Temple, Paul was ill-
treated by the populace and led in chains to the fortress Antonia by the tribune Lysias. The latter
having learned that the Jews had conspired treacherously to slay the prisoner sent him under
strong escort to Caesarea, which was the residence of the procurator Felix. Paul had little diffi-
culty in confounding his accusers, but as he refused to purchase his liberty Felix kept him in
chains for two years and even left him in prison in order to please the Jews, until the arrival of
his successor, Festus. The new governor wished to send the prisoner to Jerusalem there to be
tried in the presence of his accusers; but Paul, who was acquainted with the snares of his ene-
mies, appealed to Caesar. Thenceforth his cause could be tried only at Rome. This first period of
captivity is characterized by five discourses of the Apostle: The first was delivered in Hebrew on
the steps of the Antonia before the threatening crowd; herein Paul relates his conversion and vo-
cation to the Apostolate, but he was interrupted by the hostile shouts of the multitude (Acts 22:1-
22). In the second, delivered the next day, before the Sanhedrin assembled at the command of
Lysias, the Apostle skillfully embroiled the Pharisees with the Sadducees and no accusation
could be brought. In the third, Paul, answering his accuser Tertullus in the presence of the Gov-
ernor Fel9:makes known the facts which had been distorted and proves his innocence (Acts
24:10-21). The fourth discourse is merely an explanatory summary of the Christian Faith deliv-
ered before Felix and his wife Drusilla (Acts 24:24-25). The fifth, pronounced before the Gover-
nor Festus, King Agrippa, and his wife Berenice, again relates the history of Paul's conversion,
and is left unfinished owing to the sarcastic interruptions of the governor and the embarrassed
attitude of the king (Acts xxvi).
The journey of the captive Paul from Caesarea to Rome is described by St. Luke with an
exactness and vividness of colours which leave nothing to be desired. For commentaries see
Smith, “Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul” (1866); Ramsay, “St. Paul the Traveller and Roman
Citizen” (London, 1908). The centurion Julius had shipped Paul and his fellow-prisoners on a
merchant vessel on board which Luke and Aristarchus were able to take passage. As the season
was advanced the voyage was slow and difficult. They skirted the coasts of Syria, Cilicia, and
Pamphylia. At Myra in Lycia the prisoners were transferred to an Alexandrian vessel bound for
Italy, but the winds being persistently contrary a place in Crete called Goodhavens was reached
with great difficulty and Paul advised that they should spend the winter there, but his advice was
not followed, and the vessel driven by the tempest drifted aimlessly for fourteen whole days, be-
ing finally wrecked on the coast of Malta. The three months during which navigation was con-
sidered most dangerous were spent there, but with the first days of spring all haste was made to
resume the voyage. Paul must have reached Rome some time in March. “He remained two whole

33
years in his own hired lodging . . . preaching the kingdom of God and teaching the things which
concern the Lord Jesus Christ, with all confidence, without prohibition” (Acts 28:30-31). With
these words the Acts of the Apostles conclude.
There is no doubt that Paul's trial terminated in a sentence of acquittal, for (1) the report
of the Governor Festus was certainly favourable as well as that of the centurion. (2) The Jews
seem to have abandoned their charge since their co-religionists in Rome were not informed of it
(Acts 28:21). (3) The course of the proceedings led Paul to hope for a release, of which he some-
times speaks as of a certainty (Phil. 1:25; 2:24; Philem. 22). (4) The pastorals if they are authen-
tic assume a period of activity for Paul subsequent to his captivity. The same conclusion is drawn
from the hypothesis that they are not authentic, for all agree that the author was well acquainted
with the life of the Apostle. It is the almost unanimous opinion that the so-called Epistles of the
captivity were sent from Rome. Some authors have attempted to prove that St. Paul wrote them
during his detention at Caesarea, but they have found few to agree with them. The Epistles to the
Colossians, the Ephesians, and Philemon were despatched together and by the same messenger,
Tychicus. It is a matter of controversy whether the Epistle to the Philippians was prior or subse-
quent to these, and the question has not been answered by decisive arguments.

Last Years
This period is wrapped in deep obscurity for, lacking the account of the Acts we have no
guide save an often uncertain tradition and the brief references of the Pastoral epistles. Paul had
long cherished the desire to go to Spain (Rom. 15:24, 28) and there is no evidence that he was
led to change his plan. When towards the end of his captivity he announces his coming to Phile-
mon (22) and to the Philippians (2:23-24), he does not seem to regard this visit as immediate
since he promises the Philippians to send them a messenger as soon as he learns the issue of his
trial; he therefore plans another journey before his return to the East. Finally, not to mention the
later testimony of St. Cyril of Jerusalem, St. Epiphanius, St. Jerome, St. Chrysostom, and Theo-
doret, the well-known text of St. Clement of Rome, the witness of the “Muratorian Canon,” and
of the “Acta Pauli” render probable Paul's journey to Spain. In any case he can not have re-
mained there long, for he was in haste to revisit his Churches in the East. He may have returned
from Spain through southern Gaul if it was thither, as some Fathers have thought, and not to Ga-
latia, that Crescens was sent later (II Tim. 4:10). We may readily believe that he afterwards kept
the promise made to his friend Philemon and that on this occasion he visited the churches of the
valley of Lycus, Laodicea, Colossus, and Hierapolis.
The itinerary now becomes very uncertain, but the following facts seem indicated by the
Pastorals: Paul remained in Crete exactly long enough to found there new churches, the care and
organization of which he confided to his fellow-worker Titus (Tit. 1:5). He then went to Ephesus,
and besought Timothy, who was already there, to remain until his return while he proceeded to
Macedonia (I Tim. i,3). On this occasion he paid his promised visit to the Philippians (Phil.
2:24), and naturally also saw the Thessalonians. The letter to Titus and the First Epistle to Timo-
thy must date from this period; they seem to have been written about the same time and shortly
after the departure from Ephesus. The question is whether they were sent from Macedonia or,
which seems more probable, from Corinth. The Apostle instructs Titus to join him at Nicopolis
of Epirus where he intends to spend the winter (Titus, 3:12). In the following spring he must
have carried out his plan to return to Asia (I Tim, 3:14-15). Here occurred the obscure episode of
his arrest, which probably took place at Troas; this would explain his having left with Carpus a
cloak and books which he needed (II Tim. 4:13). He was taken from there to Ephesus, capital of

34
the Province of Asia, where he was deserted by all those on whom he thought he could rely (II
Tim. 1:15). Being sent to Rome for trial he left Trophimus sick at Miletus, and Erastus, another
of his companions, remained at Corinth, for what reason is not clear (II Tim. 4:20). When Paul
wrote his Second Epistle to Timothy from Rome he felt that all human hope was lost (4:6).; he
begs his disciple to rejoin him as quickly as possible, for he is alone with Luke. We do not know
if Timothy was able to reach Rome before the death of the Apostle.
Ancient tradition makes it possible to establish the following points: (1) Paul suffered
martyrdom near Rome at a place called Aquae Salviae (now Tre Fontane), somewhat east of the
Ostian Way, about two miles from the splendid Basilica of San Paolo fuori le mura which marks
his burial place. (2) The martyrdom took place towards the end of the reign of Nero, in the
twelfth year (St. Epiphanius), the thirteenth (Euthalius), or the fourteenth (St. Jerome). (3) Ac-
cording to the most common opinion, Paul suffered in the same year and on the same day as Pe-
ter; several Latin Fathers contend that it was on the same day but not in the same year; the oldest
witness, St. Dionysius the Corinthian, says only kata ton auton kairon, which may be translated
“at the same time” or “about the same time.” (4) From time immemorial the solemnity of the
Apostles Peter and Paul has been celebrated on 29 June, which is the anniversary either of their
death or of the translation of their relics. Formerly the pope, after having pontificated in the Ba-
silica of St. Peter, went with his attendants to that of St. Paul, but the distance between the two
basilicas (about five miles) rendered the double ceremony too exhausting, especially at that sea-
son of the year. Thus arose the prevailing custom of transferring to the next day (30 June) the
Commemoration of St. Paul. The feast of the Conversion of St. Paul (25 January) is of compara-
tively recent origin. There is reason for believing that the day was first observed to mark the
translation of the relics of St. Paul at Rome, for so it appears in the Hieronymian Martyrology. It
is unknown to the Greek Church.

Physical and Moral Portrait of St. Paul

We know from Eusebius (Hist. eccl. VII, 18) that even in his time there existed paintings
representing Christ and the Apostles Peter and Paul. Paul's features have been preserved in three
ancient monuments: (1) A diptych which dates from not later than the fourth century (Lewin,
“The Life and Epistles of St. Paul,” 1874, frontispiece of Vol. I and Vol. II, 210). (2) A large
medallion found in the cemetery of Domitilla, representing the Apostles Peter and Paul (Op. cit.
II, 411). (3) A glass dish in the British Museum, depicting the same Apostles (Farrara, “Life and
Work of St. Paul,” 1891, 896). We have also the concordant descriptions of the “Acta Pauli et
Theelae,” of Pseudo-Lucian in Philopatris, of Malalas (Chronogr. x), and of Nicephorus (Hist.
eccl. III, 37). Paul was short of stature; the Pseudo-Chrysostom calls him “the man of three cu-
bits” (anthropos tripechys); he was broad-shouldered, somewhat bald, with slightly aquiline
nose, closely-knit eyebrows, thick, greyish beard, fair complexion, and a pleasing and affable
manner. He was afflicted with a malady which is difficult to diagnose (cf. Menzies, “St. Paul's
Infirmity” in the Expository Times,” July and Sept. 1904), but despite this painful and humiliat-
ing infirmity (II Cor. 12:7-9; Gal. 4:13-14) and although his bearing was not impressive (II Cor.
1:10), Paul must undoubtedly have been possessed of great physical strength to have sustained so
long such superhuman labours (II Cor. 11:23-29). Pseudo-Chrysostom, “In princip. apostol.
Petrum et Paulum” (in P. G. LIX, 494-95), considers that he died at the age of sixty-eight after
having served the Lord for thirty-five years.
The moral portrait is more difficult to draw because it is full of contrasts. Its elements
will be found: in Lewin, op. cit. II, 11:410-35 (Paul's Person and Character); in Farrar, Op, cit.

35
Append9, Excursus I; and especially in Newman, “Sermons preached on Various Occasions,”
7,viii.

St. Peter.

Until the Ascension of Christ.

Bethsaida. St. Peter's true and original name was Simon, sometimes occurring in the form
Symeon. (Acts 15:14; II Peter 1:1). He was the son of Jona (Johannes) and was born in Bethsaida
(John 1:42, 44), a town on Lake Genesareth, the position of which cannot be established with
certainty, although it is usually sought at the northern end of the lake. The Apostle Andrew was
his brother, and the Apostle Philip came from the same town.
Capharnaum. Simon settled in Capharnaum, where he was living with his mother-in-law
in his own house (Matthew 8:14; Luke 4:38) at the beginning of Christ's public ministry (about
A.D. 26-28). Simon was thus married, and, according to Clement of Alexandria (Stromata,
3:6:ed. Dindorf, 2:276), had children. The same writer relates the tradition that Peter's wife suf-
fered martyrdom (ibid. 7:11 ed. cit. 3:306). Concerning these fActs adopted by Eusebius (Hist.
Eccl. 3:31) from Clement, the ancient Christian literature which has come down to us is silent.
Simon pursued in Capharnaum the profitable occupation of fisherman in Lake Genesareth, pos-
sessing his own boat (Luke 5:3).
Peter meets Our Lord. Like so many of his Jewish contemporaries, he was attracted by
the Baptist's preaching of penance and was, with his brother Andrew, among John's associates in
Bethania on the eastern bank of the Jordan. When, after the High Council had sent envoys for the
second time to the Baptist, the latter pointed to Jesus who was passing, saying, “Behold the
Lamb of God,” Andrew and another disciple followed the Saviour to his residence and remained
with Him one day.
Later, meeting his brother. Simon, Andrew said “We have found the Messias,” and
brought him to Jesus, who, looking upon him, said: “Thou art Simon the son of Jona: thou shalt
be called Cephas, which is interpreted Peter.” Already, at this first meeting, the Saviour foretold
the change of Simon's name to Cephas (Kephas; Aramaic Kipha, rock), which is translated
Petros (Lat. Petrus) a proof that Christ had already special views with regard to Simon. Later,
probably at the time of his definitive call to the Apostolate with the eleven other Apostles, Jesus
actually gave Simon the name of Cephas (Petrus), after which he was usually called Peter, espe-
cially by Christ on the solemn occasion after Peter's profession of faith (Matthew 16:18; cf. be-
low). The Evangelists often combine the two names, while St. Paul uses the name Cephas.
Peter becomes a disciple. After the first meeting Peter with the other early disciples re-
mained with Jesus for some time, accompanying Him to Galilee (Marriage at Cana), Judaea, and
Jerusalem, and through Samaria back to Galilee (John 2-4). Here Peter resumed his occupation
of fisherman for a short time, but soon received the definitive call of the Saviour to become one
of His permanent disciples. Peter and Andrew were engaged at their calling when Jesus met and
addressed them: “Come ye after me, and I will make you to be fishers of men.” On the same oc-
casion the sons of Zebedee were called (Matthew 4:18-22; Mark 1:16-20; Luke 5:1-11; it is here
assumed that Luke refers to the same occasion as the other Evangelists). Thenceforth Peter re-
mained always in the immediate neighbourhood of Our Lord. After preaching the Sermon on the
Mount and curing the son of the centurion in Capharnaum, Jesus came to Peter's house and cured

36
his wife's mother, who was sick of a fever (Matthew 8:14-15; Mark 1:29-31). A little later Christ
chose His Twelve Apostles as His constant associates in preaching the kingdom of God.
Growing prominence among the Twelve. Among the Twelve Peter soon became conspic-
uous. Though of irresolute character, be clings with the greatest fidelity, firmness of faith, and
inward love to the Saviour; rash alike in word and act, he is full of zeal and enthusiasm, though
momentarily easily accessible to external influences and intimidated by difficulties. The more
prominent the Apostles become in the Evangelical narrative, the more conspicuous does Peter
appear as the first among them. On various occasions Peter speaks in the name of the other
Apostles (Matthew 15:15; 19:27; Luke 12:41, etc.). When Christ's words are addressed to all the
Apostles, Peter answers in their name (e.g. Matthew 16:16). Frequently the Saviour turns spe-
cially to Peter (Matthew 26:40; Luke 22:31, etc.).
Very characteristic is the expression of true fidelity to Jesus, which Peter addressed to
Him in the name of the other Apostles. Christ, after He had spoken of the mystery of the recep-
tion of His Body and Blood (John 6:22 sqq.) and many of His disciples had left Him, asked the
Twelve if they too should leave Him; Peter's answer comes immediately: “Lord to whom shall
we go? thou hast the words of eternal life. And we have believed and have known, that thou art
the Holy One of God” (Vulg. “thou art the Christ, the Son of God”). Christ Himself unmistaka-
bly accords Peter a special precedence and the first place among the Apostles, and designates
him for such on various occasions. Peter was one of the three Apostles (with James and John)
who were with Christ on certain special occasions the raising of the daughter of Jairus from the
dead (Mark 5:37; Luke 8:51); the Transfiguration of Christ (Matthew 17:1; Mark 9:1; Luke
9:28), the Agony in the Garden of Gethsemani (Matthew 26:37; Mark 14:33). On several occa-
sions also Christ favoured him above all the others; He enters Peter's boat on Lake Genesareth to
preach to the multitude on the shore (Luke 5:3); when He was miraculously walking upon the
waters, He called Peter to come to Him across the lake (Matthew 14:28 sqq.); He sent him to the
lake to catch the fish in whose mouth Peter found the stater to pay as tribute (Matthew 17:24
sqq.).

His difficulty with Christ's Passion. In spite of his firm faith in Jesus, Peter had so far no
clear knowledge of the mission and work of the Saviour. The sufferings of Christ especially, as
contradictory to his worldly conception of the Messias, were inconceivable to him, and his erro-
neous conception occasionally elicited a sharp reproof from Jesus (Matthew 16:21-23, Mark
8:31-33). Peter's irresolute character, which continued notwithstanding his enthusiastic fidelity to
his Master, was clearly revealed in connection with the Passion of Christ. The Saviour had al-
ready told him that Satan had desired him that he might sift him as wheat. But Christ had prayed
for him that his faith fail not, and, being once converted, he confirms his brethren (Luke 22:31-
32). Peter's assurance that he was ready to accompany his Master to prison and to death, elicited
Christ's prediction that Peter should deny Him (Matthew 26:30-35; Mark 14:26-31; Luke 22:31-
34; John 13:33-38). When Christ proceeded to wash the feet of His disciples before the Last
Supper, and came first to Peter, the latter at first protested, but, on Christ's declaring that other-
wise he should have no part with Him, immediately said: “Lord, not only my feet, but also my
hands and my head” (John 13:1-10). In the Garden of Gethsemani Peter had to submit to the Sav-
iour's reproach that he had slept like the others, while his Master suffered deadly anguish (Mark
14:37). At the seizing of Jesus, Peter in an outburst of anger wished to defend his Master by
force, but was forbidden to do so. He at first took to flight with the other Apostles (John 18:10-
11; Matthew 26:56); then turning he followed his captured Lord to the courtyard of the High

37
Priest, and there denied Christ, asserting explicitly and swearing that he knew Him not (Matthew
26:58-75; Mark 14:54-72; Luke 22:54-62; John 18:15-27). This denial was of course due, not to
a lapse of interior faith in Christ, but to exterior fear and cowardice. His sorrow was thus so
much the greater, when, after his Master had turned His gaze towards him, he clearly recognized
what he had done.
In spite of this weakness, his position as head of the Apostles was later confirmed by Je-
sus. The women, who were the first to find Christ's tomb empty, received from the angel a spe-
cial message for Peter (Mark 16:7). To him did Christ appear on the first day after the Resurrec-
tion (Luke 24:34; I Corinthians 15:5). But, most important of all, when He appeared at the Lake
of Genesareth, Christ renewed to Peter His commission to feed and defend His flock, after Peter
had thrice affirmed his special love for his Master (John 21:15-17). In conclusion Christ foretold
the violent death Peter would have to suffer, and thus invited him to follow Him in a special
manner (ibid. 20-23).

St. Peter in Jerusalem and Palestine after the Ascension.

Our information concerning the earliest Apostolic activity of St. Peter in Jerusalem, Ju-
daea, and the districts stretching northwards as far as Syria is derived mainly from the first por-
tion of the Acts of the Apostles, and is confirmed by parallel statements incidentally in the Epis-
tles of St. Paul.
Among the crowd of Apostles and disciples who, after Christ's Ascension into Heaven
from Mount Olivet, returned to Jerusalem to await the fulfilment of His promise to send the Holy
Ghost. Peter takes the initiative in the appointment to the Apostolic College of another witness of
the life, death and resurrection of Christ to replace Judas (Acts 1:15-26). After the descent of the
Holy Ghost on the feast of Pentecost, Peter delivers the first public sermon to proclaim the life,
death, and resurrection of Jesus, and wins a large number of Jews as converts to the Christian
community (ibid. 2:14-41). First of the Apostles he worked a public miracle, when with John he
went up into the temple and cured the lame man at the Beautiful Gate. To the people crowding in
amazement about the two Apostles, he preaches a long sermon in the Porch of Solomon, and
brings new increase to the flock of believers (ibid. 3:1-4:4).
In the subsequent examinations of the two Apostles before the Jewish High Council, Pe-
ter defends in undismayed and impressive fashion the cause of Jesus and the obligation and liber-
ty of the Apostles to preach the Gospel (ibid. 4:5-21). When Ananias and Sapphira attempt to
deceive the Apostles and the people Peter appears as judge of their action, and God executes the
sentence of punishment passed by the Apostle by causing the sudden death of the two guilty par-
ties (ibid. 5:1-11). By numerous miracles God confirms the Apostolic activity of Christ's confes-
sors, and here also there is special mention of Peter, since it is recorded that the inhabitants of
Jerusalem and neighbouring towns carried their sick in their beds into the streets so that the
shadow of Peter might fall on them and they might be thereby healed (ibid. 5:12-16). The ever-
increasing number of the faithful caused the Jewish supreme council to adopt new measures
against the Apostles, but “Peter and the Apostles” answer that they “ought to obey God rather
than men” (ibid. 5:29 sqq.). Not only in Jerusalem itself did Peter labour in fulfilling the mission
entrusted to him by his Master. He also retained connection with the other Christian communities
in Palestine, and preached the Gospel both there and in the lands situated farther north. When
Philip the Deacon had won a large number of believers in Samaria, Peter and John were deputed
to proceed thither from Jerusalem to organize the community and to invoke the Holy Ghost to
descend upon the faithful. Peter appears a second time as judge, in the case of the magician Si-

38
mon, who had wished to purchase from the Apostles the power that he also could invoke the Ho-
ly Ghost (ibid. 8:14-25). On their way back to Jerusalem, the two Apostles preached the joyous
tidings of the Kingdom of God. Subsequently, after Paul's departure from Jerusalem and conver-
sion before Damascus, the Christian communities in Palestine were left at peace by the Jewish
council.
Peter now undertook an extensive missionary tour, which brought him to the maritime
cities, Lydda Joppe, and Caesarea. In Lydda he cured the palsied Eneas, in Joppe he raised Tabi-
tha (Dorcas) from the dead; and at Caesarea, instructed by a vision which he had in Joppe, he
baptized and received into the Church the first non-Jewish Christians, the centurion Cornelius
and his kinsmen (ibid. 9:31, 48). On Peter's return to Jerusalem a little later, the strict Jewish
Christians, who regarded the complete observance of the Jewish law as binding on all, asked him
why he had entered and eaten in the house of the uncircumcised. Peter tells of his vision and de-
fends his action, which was ratified by the Apostles and the faithful in Jerusalem (ibid. 11:1-18).
A confirmation of the position accorded to Peter by Luke, in the Acts is afforded by the
testimony of St. Paul (Gal. 1:18-20). After his conversion and three years' residence in Arabia,
Paul came to Jerusalem “to see Peter.” Peter's long residence in Jerusalem and Palestine soon
came to an end. Herod Agrippa I began (A.D. 42-44) a new persecution of the Church in Jerusa-
lem; after the execution of James, the son of Zebedee, this ruler had Peter cast into prison, in-
tending to have him also executed after the Jewish Pasch was over. Peter, however, was freed in
a miraculous manner, and, proceeding to the house of the mother of John Mark, where many of
the faithful were assembled for prayer, informed them of his liberation from the hands of Herod,
commissioned them to communicate the fact to James and the brethren, and then left Jerusalem
to go to “another place” (Acts 12:1-18). Concerning St. Peter's subsequent activity we receive no
further connected information from the extant sources, although we possess short notices of cer-
tain individual episodes of his later life.

Missionary Journeys in the East; Council of the Apostles.

St. Luke does not tell us whither Peter went after his liberation from the prison in Jerusa-
lem. From incidental statements we know that he subsequently made extensive missionary tours
in the East, although we are given no clue to the chronology of his journeys. It is certain that he
remained for a time at Antioch; he may even have returned thither several times. The Christian
community of Antioch was founded by Christianized Jews who had been driven from Jerusalem
by the persecution (ibid. 11:19 sqq.). Peter's residence among them is proved by the episode con-
cerning the observance of the Jewish ceremonial law even by Christianized pagans, related by St.
Paul (Gal. 2:11-21). The chief Apostles in Jerusalem — the “pillars,” Peter, James, and John —
had unreservedly approved St. Paul's Apostolate to the Gentiles, while they themselves intended
to labour principally among the Jews. While Paul was dwelling in Antioch (the date cannot be
accurately determined), St. Peter came thither and mingled freely with the non-Jewish Christians
of the community, frequenting their houses and sharing their meals. But when the Christianized
Jews arrived in Jerusalem, Peter, fearing lest these rigid observers of the Jewish ceremonial law
should be scandalized thereat, and his influence with the Jewish Christians be imperiled, avoided
thenceforth eating with the uncircumcised.
His conduct made a great impression on the other Jewish Christians at Antioch, so that
even Barnabas, St. Paul's companion, now avoided eating with the Christianized pagans. As this
action was entirely opposed to the principles and practice of Paul, and might lead to confusion
among the converted pagans, this Apostle addressed a public reproach to St. Peter, because his

39
conduct seemed to indicate a wish to compel the pagan converts to become Jews and accept cir-
cumcision and the Jewish law. Paul did not hesitate to defend the immunity of converted pagans
from the Jewish Law. Concerning Peter's subsequent attitude on this question St. Paul gives us
no explicit information. But it is highly probable that Peter ratified the contention of the Apostles
of the Gentiles, and thenceforth conducted himself towards the Christianized pagans as at first.
As the principal opponents of his views in this connexion, Paul names and combats in all his
writings only the extreme Jewish Christians coming “from James” (i.e. from Jerusalem). While
the date of this occurrence, whether before or after the Council of the Apostles, cannot be deter-
mined, it probably took place after the council. The later tradition, which existed as early as the
end of the second century (Origen, “Hom. vi in Lucam”; Eusebius, “Hist. Eccl.” 3:36), that Peter
founded the Church of Antioch, indicates the fact that he laboured a long period there, and also
perhaps that he dwelt there towards the end of his life and then appointed Evodrius, the first of
the line of Antiochian bishops, head of the community. This latter view would best explain the
tradition referring the foundation of the Church of Antioch to St. Peter.
It is also probable that Peter pursued his Apostolic labours in various districts of Asia
Minor for it can scarcely be supposed that the entire period between his liberation from prison
and the Council of the Apostles was spent uninterruptedly in one city, whether Antioch, Rome,
or elsewhere. And, since he subsequently addressed the first of his Epistles to the faithful in the
Provinces of Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, and Asia, one may reasonably assume that he had la-
boured personally at least in certain cities of these provinces, devoting himself chiefly to the Di-
aspora. The Epistle, however, is of a general character, and gives little indication of personal re-
lations with the persons to whom it is addressed. The tradition related by Bishop Dionysius of
Corinth (in Eusebius, “Hist. Eccl.” 2:28) in his letter to the Roman Church under Pope Soter
(165-74), that Peter had (like Paul) dwelt in Corinth and planted the Church there, cannot be en-
tirely rejected. Even though the tradition should receive no support from the existence of the
“party of Cephas,” which Paul mentions among the other divisions of the Church of Corinth (I
Cor. 1:12; 3:22), still Peter's sojourn in Corinth (even in connection with the planting and gov-
ernment of the Church by Paul) is not impossible. That St. Peter undertook various Apostolic
journeys (doubtless about this time, especially when he was no longer permanently residing in
Jerusalem) is clearly established by the general remark of St. Paul in I Corinthians 9:5, concern-
ing the “rest of the apostles, and the brethren [cousins] of the Lord, and Cephas,” who were trav-
elling around in the exercise of their Apostleship.
Peter returned occasionally to the original Christian Church of Jerusalem, the guidance of
which was entrusted to St. James, the relative of Jesus (A.D. 42-44). The last mention of St. Pe-
ter in the Acts (15:1-29; cf. Gal. 2:1-10) occurs in the report of the Council of the Apostles on
the occasion of such a passing visit. In consequence of the trouble caused by extreme Jewish
Christians to Paul and Barnabas at Antioch, the Church of this city sent these two Apostles with
other envoys to Jerusalem to secure a definitive decision concerning the obligations of the con-
verted pagans. In addition to James, Peter and John were then (about A.D. 50-51) in Jerusalem.
In the discussion and decision of this important question. When a great divergence of views had
manifested itself in the assembly. Long before, in accordance with God's testimony, he had an-
nounced the Gospels to the heathen (conversion of Cornelius and his household); why, therefore,
attempt to place the Jewish yoke on the necks of converted pagans? After Paul and Barnabas had
related how God had wrought among the Gentiles by them, James, the chief representative of the
Jewish Christians, adopted Paul's view and in agreement therewith made proposals which were
expressed in an encyclical to the converted pagans.

40
 The occurrences in Caesarea and Antioch and the debate at the Council of Jerusalem
show clearly Peter's attitude towards the converts from paganism. Like the other eleven original
Apostles, he regarded himself as called to preach the Faith in Jesus first among the Jews (Acts
10:42), so that the chosen people of God might share in the salvation in Christ, promised to them
primarily and issuing from their midst. The vision at Joppe and the effusion of the Holy Ghost
over the converted pagan Cornelius and his kinsmen determined Peter to admit these forthwith
into the community of the faithful, without imposing on them the Jewish Law. During his Apos-
tolic journeys outside Palestine, he recognized in practice the equality of Gentile and Jewish
converts, as his original conduct at Antioch proves. His aloofness from the Gentile converts, out
of consideration for the Jewish Christians from Jerusalem, was by no means an official recogni-
tion of the views of the extreme Judaizers, who were so opposed to St. Paul. This is established
clearly and incontestably by his attitude at the Council of Jerusalem. Between Peter and Paul
there was no dogmatic difference in their conception of salvation for Jewish and Gentile Chris-
tians. The recognition of Paul as the Apostle of the Gentiles (Gal. 2:1-9) was entirely sincere,
and excludes all question of a fundamental divergence of views. St. Peter and the other Apostles
recognized the converts from paganism as Christian brothers on an equal footing; Jewish and
Gentile Christians formed a single Kingdom of Christ. If therefore Peter devoted the preponder-
ating portion of his Apostolic activity to the Jews, this arose chiefly from practical considera-
tions.

Activity and Death in Rome.

It is an indisputably established historical fact that St. Peter laboured in Rome during the
last portion of his life, and there ended his earthly course by martyrdom. As to the duration of his
Apostolic activity in the Roman capital, the continuity or otherwise of his residence there, the
details and success of his labours, and the chronology of his arrival and death, all these questions
are uncertain, and can be solved only on hypotheses more or less well-founded.
St. Peter's residence and death in Rome are established beyond contention as historical
facts by a series of distinct testimonies extending from the end of the first to the end of the sec-
ond centuries, and issuing from several lands.
That the manner, and therefore the place of his death, must have been known in widely
extended Christian circles at the end of the first century is clear from the remark introduced into
the Gospel of St. John concerning Christ's prophecy that Peter was bound to Him and would be
led whither he would not — “And this he said, signifying by what death he should glorify God”
(John 21:18-19). Such a remark presupposes in the readers of the Fourth Gospel a knowledge of
the death of Peter.
From Bishop Papias of Hierapolis and Clement of Alexandria, who both appeal to the
testimony of the old presbyters (i.e. the disciples of the Apostles), we learn that Mark wrote his
Gospel in Rome at the request of the Roman Christians, who desired a written memorial of the
doctrine preached to them by St. Peter and his disciples (Eusebius, “Hist. Eccl.” 2:15; 3:11;
6:xiv); this is confirmed by Irenaeus (Adv. haer. 3:1).
Another testimony concerning the martyrdom of Peter and Paul is supplied by Clement of
Rome in his Epistle to the Corinthians (written about A.D. 95-97), wherein he says (v): “Through
zeal and cunning the greatest and most righteous supports [of the Church] have suffered persecu-
tion and been warred to death. Let us place before our eyes the good Apostles — St. Peter, who
in consequence of unjust zeal, suffered not one or two, but numerous miseries, and, having thus
given testimony (martyresas), has entered the merited place of glory.” He then mentions Paul and

41
a number of elect, who were assembled with the others and suffered martyrdom “among us” (en
hemin, i.e. among the Romans, the meaning that the expression also bears in chap. Iv). He is
speaking undoubtedly, as the whole passage proves, of the Neronian persecution, and thus refers
the martyrdom of Peter and Paul to that epoch.
In his letter written at the beginning of the second century (before 117), while being
brought to Rome for martyrdom, the venerable Bishop Ignatius of Antioch endeavours by every
means to restrain the Roman Christians from striving for his pardon, remarking: “I issue you no
commands, like Peter and Paul: they were Apostles, while I am but a captive” (Ad. Rom. iv).
The meaning of this remark must be that the two Apostles laboured personally in Rome, and
with Apostolic authority preached the Gospel there.
Bishop Dionysius of Corinth, in his letter to the Roman Church in the time of Pope Soter
(165-74), says: “You have therefore by your urgent exhortation bound close together the sowing
of Peter and Paul at Rome and Corinth. For both planted the seed of the Gospel also in Corinth,
and together instructed us, just as they likewise taught in the same place in Italy and at the same
time suffered martyrdom” (in Eusebius, “Hist. Eccl.” 2:28).
Irenaeus of Lyons, a native of Asia Minor and a disciple of Polycarp of Smyrna (a disci-
ple of St. John), passed a considerable time in Rome shortly after the middle of the second centu-
ry, and then proceeded to Lyons, where he became bishop in 177; he described the Roman
Church as the most prominent and chief preserver of the Apostolic tradition, as “the greatest and
most ancient church, known by all, founded and organized at Rome by the two most glorious
Apostles, Peter and Paul” (Adv. haer. 3:3; cf. 3:1). He thus makes use of the universally known
and recognized fact of the Apostolic activity of Peter and Paul in Rome, to find therein a proof
from tradition against the heretics.
In his “Hypotyposes” (Eusebius, “Hist. Eccl.” 4:14), Clement of Alexandria, teacher in
the catechetical school of that city from about 190, says on the strength of the tradition of the
presbyters: “After Peter had announced the Word of God in Rome and preached the Gospel in
the spirit of God, the multitude of hearers requested Mark, who had long accompanied Peter on
all his journeys, to write down what the Apostles had preached to them.”
Like Irenaeus, Tertullian appeals, in his writings against heretics, to the proof afforded by
the Apostolic labours of Peter and Paul in Rome of the truth of ecclesiastical tradition. In “De
Praescriptione,” 35:he says: “If thou art near Italy, thou hast Rome where authority is ever within
reach. How fortunate is this Church for which the Apostles have poured out their whole teaching
with their blood, where Peter has emulated the Passion of the Lord, where Paul was crowned
with the death of John” (scil. the Baptist). In “Scorpiace,” 15, he also speaks of Peter's crucifix-
ion. “The budding faith Nero first made bloody in Rome. There Peter was girded by another,
since he was bound to the cross.” As an illustration that it was immaterial with what water bap-
tism is administered, he states in his book (“On Baptism,” ch. v) that there is “no difference be-
tween that with which John baptized in the Jordan and that with which Peter baptized in the Ti-
ber”; and against Marcion he appeals to the testimony of the Roman Christians, “to whom Peter
and Paul have bequeathed the Gospel sealed with their blood” (Adv. Marc. 4:5).
The Roman, Caius, who lived in Rome in the time of Pope Zephyrinus (198-217), wrote
in his “Dialogue with Proclus” (in Eusebius, “Hist. Eccl.” 2:28) directed against the Montanists:
“But I can show the trophies of the Apostles. If you care to go to the Vatican or to the road to
Ostia, thou shalt find the trophies of those who have founded this Church.” By the trophies (tro-
paia) Eusebius understands the graves of the Apostles, but his view is opposed by modern inves-
tigators who believe that the place of execution is meant. For our purpose it is immaterial which

42
opinion is correct, as the testimony retains its full value in either case. At any rate the place of
execution and burial of both were close together; St. Peter, who was executed on the Vatican,
received also his burial there. Eusebius also refers to “the inscription of the names of Peter and
Paul, which have been preserved to the present day on the burial-places there” (i.e. at Rome).
There thus existed in Rome an ancient epigraphic memorial commemorating the death of
the Apostles. The obscure notice in the Muratorian Fragment (“Lucas optime theofile conprindit
quia sub praesentia eius singula gerebantur sicuti et semote passionem petri evidenter declarat,”
ed. Preuschen, Tubingen, 1910, p. 29) also presupposes an ancient definite tradition concerning
Peter's death in Rome.
The apocryphal Acts of St. Peter and the Acts of Sts. Peter and Paul likewise belong to
the series of testimonies of the death of the two Apostles in Rome.
Although the fact of St. Peter's activity and death in Rome is established, we possess no
precise information regarding the details of his Roman sojourn. The narratives contained in the
apocryphal literature of the second century concerning the supposed strife between Peter and
Simon Magus belong to the domain of legend. From the already mentioned statements regarding
the origin of the Gospel of St. Mark we may conclude that Peter laboured for a long period in
Rome. It is widely held that Peter paid a first visit to Rome after he had been miraculously liber-
ated from the prison in Jerusalem; that, by “another place,” Luke meant Rome, but omitted the
name for special reasons. It is not impossible that Peter made a missionary journey to Rome
about this time (after 42 A.D.), but such a journey cannot be established with certainty. At any
rate, we cannot appeal in support of this theory to the chronological notices in Eusebius and Je-
rome, since, although these notices extend back to the chronicles of the third century, they are
not old traditions, but the result of calculations on the basis of episcopal lists. Into the Roman list
of bishops dating from the second century, there was introduced in the third century (as we learn
from Eusebius and the “Chronograph of 354”) the notice of a twenty-five years' pontificate for
St. Peter, but we are unable to trace its origin. This entry consequently affords no ground for the
hypothesis of a first visit by St. Peter to Rome after his liberation from prison (about 42). We can
therefore admit only the possibility of such an early visit to the capital.
The task of determining the year of St. Peter's death is attended with similar difficulties.
In the fourth century, and even in the chronicles of the third, we find two different entries. In the
“Chronicle” of Eusebius the thirteenth or fourteenth year of Nero is given as that of the death of
Peter and Paul (67-68); this date, accepted by Jerome, is that generally held. The year 67 is also
supported by the statement, also accepted by Eusebius and Jerome, that Peter came to Rome un-
der the Emperor Claudius (according to Jerome, in 42), and by the above-mentioned tradition of
the twenty-five years' episcopate of Peter (cf. Bartolin1:“Sopra l'anno 67 se fosse quello del mar-
tirio dei gloriosi Apostoli,” Rome, 1868). A different statement is furnished by the “Chronograph
of 354” (ed. Duchesne, “Liber Pontificalis,” 1:1 sqq.). This refers St. Peter's arrival in Rome to
the year 30, and his death and that of St. Paul to 55.
Duchesne has shown that the dates in the “Chronograph” were inserted in a list of the
popes which contains only their names and the duration of their pontificates, and then, on the
chronological supposition that the year of Christ's death was 29, the year 30 was inserted as the
beginning of Peter's pontificate, and his death referred to 55,(op. cit. introd. vi sqq.). This date
has however been recently defended by Kellner (“Jesus von Nazareth u. seine Apostel im Rah-
men der Zeitgeschichte,” Ratisbon, 1908; “Tradition geschichtl. Bearbeitung u. Legende in der
Chronologie des apostol. Zeitalters,” Bonn, 1909). Other historians have accepted the year 65 (e.
g. Bianchin1:in his edition of the “Liber Pontilicalis” in P. L.. CXXVII. 435 sqq.) or 66 (e. g.

43
Foggin1:“De romani b. Petri itinere et episcopatu,” Florence, 1741; also Tillemont). Harnack en-
deavoured to establish the year 64 (i . e . the beginning of the Neronian persecution) as that of
Peter's death (“Gesch. der altchristl. Lit. bis Eusebius,” pt. 2:“Die Chronologie,” 1:240 sqq.).
This date, which had been already supported by Cave, du Pin, and Wieseler, has been accepted
by Duchesne (Hist. ancienne de l'eglise, 1:64). Erbes refers St. Peter's death to 22 Feb. 63, St.
Paul's to 64 (“Texte u. Untersuchungen,” new series, 4:1:Leipzig, 1900, “Die Todestage der
Apostel Petrus u. Paulus u. ihre rom. Denkmaeler”). The date of Peter's death is thus not yet de-
cided; the period between July, 64 (outbreak of the Neronian persecution), and the beginning of
68 (on 9 July Nero fled from Rome and committed suicide) must be left open for the date of his
death. The day of his martyrdom is also unknown; 29 June, the accepted day of his feast since
the fourth century, cannot be proved to be the day of his death.
Concerning the manner of Peter's death, we possess a tradition — attested to by Tertulli-
an at the end of the second century and by Origen (in Eusebius, “Hist. Eccl.” 2:i) — that he suf-
fered crucifixion. Origen says: “Peter was crucified at Rome with his head downwards, as he
himself had desired to suffer.” As the place of execution may be accepted with great probability
the Neronian Gardens on the Vatican, since there, according to Tacitus, were enacted in general
the gruesome scenes of the Neronian persecution; and in this district, in the vicinity of the Via
Cornelia and at the foot of the Vatican Hills, Peter found his burial place. Of this grave (since the
word tropaion was, as already remarked, rightly understood of the tomb) Caius already speaks in
the third century. For a time the remains of Peter lay with those of Paul in a vault on the Appian
Way at the place ad Catacumbas, where the Church of St. Sebastian (which on its erection in the
fourth century was dedicated to the two Apostles) now stands. The remains had probably been
brought thither at the beginning of the Valerian persecution in 258, to protect them from the
threatened desecration when the Christian burial-places were confiscated. They were later re-
stored to their former resting-place, and Constantine the Great had a magnificent basilica erected
over the grave of St. Peter at the foot of the Vatican Hill. This basilica was replaced by the pre-
sent St. Peter's in the sixteenth century. The vault with the altar built above it (confessio) has
been since the fourth century the most highly venerated martyr's shrine in the West. In the sub-
structure of the altar, over the vault which contained the sarcophagus with the remains of St. Pe-
ter, a cavity was made. This was closed by a small door in front of the altar. By opening this door
the pilgrim could enjoy the great privilege of kneeling directly over the sarcophagus of the Apos-
tle. Keys of this door were given as previous souvenirs (cf. Gregory of Tours, “De gloria mar-
tyrum,” 1:28).
The memory of St. Peter is also closely associated with the Catacomb of St. Priscilla on
the Via Salaria. According to a tradition, current in later Christian antiquity, St. Peter here in-
structed the faithful and administered baptism. This tradition seems to have been based on still
earlier monumental testimonies. The catacomb is situated under the garden of a villa of the an-
cient Christian and senatorial family, the Acilii Glabriones, and its foundation extends back to
the end of the first century; and since Acilius Glabrio, consul in 91, was condemned to death un-
der Domitian as a Christian, it is quite possible that the Christian faith of the family extended
back to Apostolic times, and that the Peter had been given hospitable reception in their house
during his residence at Rome. The relations between Peter and Pudens whose house stood on the
site of the present titular church of Pudens (now Santa Pudentiana) seem to rest rather on a leg-
end.

44
 St. Philip.
Like the brothers, Peter and Andrew, Philip was a native of Bethsaida on Lake Genesareth
(John 1:44). He also was among those surrounding the Baptist when the latter first pointed out
Jesus as the Lamb of God. On the day after Peter's call, when about to set out for Galilee, Jesus
met Philip and called him to the Apostolate with the words, “Follow me.” Philip obeyed the call,
and a little later brought Nathaniel as a new disciple (John 1:43-45). On the occasion of the se-
lection and sending out of the twelve, Philip is included among the Apostles proper. His name
stands in the fifth place in the three lists (Mat.10:2-4; Mark 3:14-19; Luke 6:13-16) after the two
pairs of brothers, Peter and Andrew, James and John. The Fourth Gospel records three episodes
concerning Philip which occurred during the epoch of the public teaching of the Saviour:
Before the miraculous feeding of the multitude, Christ turns towards Philip with the ques-
tion: “Whence shall we buy bread, that these may eat?” to which the Apostle answers: “Two
hundred penny-worth of bread is not sufficient for them, that every one may take a little” (6:5-7).
When some heathens in Jerusalem came to Philip and expressed their desire to see Jesus,
Philip reported the fact to Andrew and then both brought the news to the Saviour (12:21-23).
When Philip, after Christ had spoken to His Apostles of knowing and seeing the Father,
said to Him: “Lord, shew us the Father, and it is enough for us,” he received the answer: “He that
seeth me, seeth the Father also” (14:8-9).
These three episodes furnish a consistent character-sketch of Philip as a naïve, somewhat
shy, sober-minded man. No additional characteristics are given in the Gospels or the Acts alt-
hough he is mentioned in the latter work (1:13) as belonging to the Apostolic College.
The second-century tradition concerning him is uncertain, inasmuch as a similar tradition
is recorded concerning Philip the Deacon and Evangelist — a phenomenon which must be the
result of confusion caused by the existence of the two Philips. In his letter to St. Victor, written
about 189-98, bishop Polycrates of Ephesus mentions among the “great lights,” whom the Lord
will seek on the “last day,” “Philip, one of the Twelve Apostles, who is buried in Hieropolis with
his two daughters, who grew old as virgins,” and a third daughter, who “led a life in the Holy
Ghost and rests in Ephesus.” On the other hand, according to the Dialogue of Caius, directed
against a Montanist named Proclus, the latter declared that “there were four prophetesses, the
daughters of Philip, at Hieropolis in Asia where their and their father's grave is still situated.”
The Acts (21:8-9) does indeed mention four prophetesses, the daughters of the deacon and
“Evangelist” Philip, as then living in Caesarea with their father, and Eusebius who gives the
above-mentioned excerpts (Hist. Eccl. 3:32), refers Proclus' statement to these latter. The state-
ment of Bishop Polycrates carries in itself more authority, but it is extraordinary that three virgin
daughters of the Apostle Philip (two buried in Hieropolis) should be mentioned, and that the dea-
con Philip should also have four daughters, said to have been buried in Hieropolis. Here also
perhaps we must suppose a confusion of the two Philips to have taken place, although it is diffi-
cult to decide which of the two, the Apostle or the deacon, was buried in Hieropolis. Many mod-
ern historians believe that it was the deacon; it is, however, possible that the Apostle was buried
there and that the deacon also lived and worked there and was there buried with three of his
daughters and that the latter were afterwards erroneously regarded as the children of the Apostle.
The apocryphal “Acts of Philip,” which are, however purely legendary and a tissue of fables, al-
so refer Philip's death to Hieropolis. The remains of the Philip who was interred in Hieropolis
were later translated (as those of the Apostle) to Constantinople and thence to the church of the

45
Dodici Apostoli in Rome. The feast of the Apostle is celebrated in the Roman Church on 1 May
(together with that of James the Younger), and in the Greek Church on 14 November.

St. Thomas.
Little is recorded of St. Thomas the Apostle, nevertheless thanks to the fourth Gospel his per-
sonality is clearer to us than that of some others of the Twelve. His name occurs in all the lists of
the Synoptists (Matthew 10:3; Mark 3:18; Luke 6, cf. Acts 1:13), but in St. John he plays a dis-
tinctive part. First, when Jesus announced His intention of returning to Judea to visit Lazarus,
“Thomas” who is called Didymus [the twin], said to his fellow disciples: “Let us also go, that we
may die with him” (John 11:16). Again it was St. Thomas who during the discourse before the
Last Supper raised an objection: “Thomas saith to him: Lord, we know not whither thou goest;
and how can we know the way?” (John 14:5). But more especially St. Thomas is remembered for
his incredulity when the other Apostles announced Christ's Resurrection to him: “Except I shall
see in his hands the print of the nails, and put my finger into the place of the nails, and put my
hand into his side, I will not believe” (John 20:25); but eight days later he made his act of faith,
drawing down the rebuke of Jesus: “Because thou hast seen me, Thomas, thou hast believed;
blessed are they that have not seen, and have believed” (John 20:29).
This exhausts all our certain knowledge regarding the Apostle but his name is the starting
point of a considerable apocryphal literature, and there are also certain historical data which sug-
gest that some of this apocryphal material may contains germs of truth. The principal document
concerning him is the “Acta Thomae,” preserved to us with some variations both in Greek and in
Syriac, and bearing unmistakeable signs of its Gnostic origin. It may indeed be the work of
Bardesanes himself. The story in many of its particulars is utterly extravagant, but it is the early
date, being assigned by Harnack (Chronologie, 2:172) to the beginning of the third century, be-
fore A. D. 220. If the place of its origin is really Edessa, as Harnack and others for sound reasons
supposed (ibid. p. 176), this would lend considerable probability to the statement, explicitly
made in “Acta” (Bonnet, cap. 170, p.286), that the relics of Apostle Thomas, which we know to
have been venerated at Edessa, had really come from the East. The extravagance of the legend
may be judged from the fact that in more than one place (cap. 31, p. 148) it represents Thomas
(Judas Thomas, as he is called here and elsewhere in Syriac tradition) as the twin brother of Je-
sus. The Thomas in Syriac is equivalant to didymos in Greek, and means twin. Rendel Harris
who exaggerates very much the cult of the Dioscur1:wishes to regards this as a transformation of
a pagan worship of Edessa but the point is at best problematical. The story itself runs briefly as
follows: At the division of the Apostles, India fell to the lot of Thomas, but he declared his ina-
bility to go, whereupon his Master Jesus appeared in a supernatural way to Abban, the envoy of
Gundafor, an Indian king, and sold Thomas to him to be his slave and serve Gundafor as a
carpender. Then Abban and Thomas sailed away until they came to Andrapolis, where they land-
ed and attended the marriage feast of the ruler's daughter. Strange occurences followed and
Christ under the appearence of Thomas exhorted the bride to remain a Virgin. Coming to India
Thomas undertook to build a palace for Gundafor, but spend the money entrusted to him on the
poor. Gundafor imprisoned him; but the Apostle escaped miraculously and Gundafor was con-
verted. Going about the country to preach, Thomas met with strange adventures from dragons
and wild asses. Then he came to the city of King Misdai (Syriac Mazdai), where he converted
Tertia the wife of Misdai and Vazan his son. After this he was condemed to death, led out of city

46
to a hill, and pierced through with spears by four soldiers. He was buried in the tomb of the an-
cient kings but his remains were afterwards removed to the West.
Now it is certainly a remarkable fact that about the year A.D. 46 a king was reigning over
that part of Asia south of Himalayas now represented by Afghanistan, Baluchistan, the Punjab,
and Sind, who bore the name Gondophernes or Guduphara. This we know both from the discov-
ery of coins, some of the Parthian type with Greek legends, others of the Indian types with the
legends in an Indian dialect in Kharoshthi characters. Despite sundry minor variations the identi-
ty of the name with the Gundafor of the “Acta Thomae” is unmistakable and is hardly disputed.
Further we have the evidence of the Takht-i-Bahi inscription, which is dated and which the best
specialists accept as establishing the King Gunduphara probably began to reign about A.D. 20
and was still reigning in 46. Again there are excellent reasons for believing that Misdai or Maz-
dai may well be transformation of a Hindu name made on the Iranian soil. In this case it will
probably represent a certain King Vasudeva of Mathura, a successor of Kanishka. No doubt it
can be urged that the Gnostic romancer who wrote the “Acta Thomae” may have adopted a few
historical Indian names to lend verisimilitude to his fabrication, but as Mr. Fleet urges in his se-
verely critical paper “the names put forward here in connection with St.Thomas are distinctly not
such as have lived in Indian story and tradition” (Joul. of R. Asiatic Soc.1905, p.235).
On the other hand, though the tradition that St. Thomas preached in “India” was widely
spread in both East and West and is to be found in such writers as Ephraem Syrus, Ambrose,
Paulinus, Jerome, and, later Gregory of Tours and others, still it is difficult to discover any ade-
quate support for the long-accepted belief that St. Thomas pushed his missionary journeys as far
south as Mylapore, not far from Madras, and there suffered martyrdom. In that region is still to
be found a granite bas-relief cross with a Pahlavi (ancient Persian) inscription dating from the
seventh century, and the tradition that it was here that St. Thomas laid down his life is locally
very strong. Certain it is also that on the Malabar or west coast of southern India a body of Chris-
tians still exists using a form of Syriac for its liturgical language. Whether this Church dates
from the time of St. Thomas the Apostle (there was a Syro-Chaldean bishop John “from India
and Persia” who assisted at the Council of Nicea in 325) or whether the Gospel was first
preached there in 345 owing to the Persian persecution under Shapur (or Sapor), or whether the
Syrian missionaries who accompanied a certain Thomas Cana penetrated to the Malabar coast
about the year 745 seems difficult to determine. We know only that in the sixth century Cosmas
Indicopleustes speaks of the existence of Christians at Male (?Malabar) under a bishop who had
been consecrated in Persia. King Alfred the Great is stated in the “Anglo-Saxon Chronicle” to
have sent an expedition to establish relations with these Christians of the Far East. On the other
hand the reputed relics of St. Thomas were certainly at Edessa in the fourth century, and there
they remained until they were translated to Chios in 1258 and towards to Ortona. The improbable
suggestion that St. Thomas preached in America (American Eccles. Rev. 1899, pp.1-18) is based
upon a misunderstanding of the text of the Acts of Apostles (1:8; cf. Berchet “Fonte italiane per
la storia della scoperta del Nuovo Mondo,” 2:236, and 1:44).
Besides the “Acta Thomae” of which a different and notably shorter redaction exists in
Ethiopic and Latin, we have an abbreviated form of a so-called “Gospel of Thomas” originally
Gnostic, as we know it now merely a fantastical history of the childhood of Jesus, without any
notably heretical colouring. There is also a “Revelatio Thomae,” condemned as apocryphal in the
Degree of Pope Gelasius, which has recently been recovered from various sources in a fragmen-
tary condition.

47