Lembena Grammar

A Grammar of Lembena
Paul Heineman
SIL (Papua New Guinea Branch)
30 March, 1998
This paper is a first attempt at a description of the grammar of the Lembena lan-
guage. Lembena is a Papuan language spoken by approximately 1500 people living on
the border of Enga and East Sepik Provinces west of the Yuat river.
Table of Contents
1. Abbreviations ...................................................................................... 5
2. Introduction ......................................................................................... 7
3. Phonology ........................................................................................... 8
3.1 Phonological Conventions..................................................................... 8
3.2 Morphophonemic Conventions ............................................................. 8
4. Words................................................................................................. 10
4.1 Nouns ................................................................................................. 10
4.1.1 Proper Names ........................................................................................... 10
4.1.2 Common Nouns ........................................................................................ 10
4.2 Pronouns............................................................................................. 14
4.2.1 Personal Pronouns.................................................................................... 14
4.2.2 Emphatic Pronouns...................................................................................... 15
4.3 Other Pro-forms .................................................................................. 16
4.3.1 Pro-verbs................................................................................................... 16
4.3.2 Pro-adverb ................................................................................................ 17
4.4 Directionals .......................................................................................... 17
4.5 Verbs .................................................................................................. 19
4.5.1 Verb Stems ............................................................................................... 19
4.5.2 Stem Level Verbal Aspect......................................................................... 20
4.5.3 Causative .................................................................................................. 21
4.5.4 Benefactive ............................................................................................... 22
4.5.5 Finite Verb Forms...................................................................................... 24
4.5.6 Medial Verb Forms................................................................................... 32
4.5.7 Manner Verb Forms .................................................................................. 35
4.6 Adjuncts .............................................................................................. 35
4.7 Adjectives............................................................................................ 38
4.8 Adverbs............................................................................................... 39
4.9 Article .................................................................................................. 40
4.10 Clitics .................................................................................................. 41
4.10.1 Nominalizing Clitics ................................................................................... 41
4.10.2 Case Marking Clitics ................................................................................. 42
4.10.3 Attributive Clitic ......................................................................................... 44
4.10.4 Equative Clitic ........................................................................................... 48
4.10.5 Plural Marking Clitic .................................................................................. 49
4.10.6 Context Marking Clitic ............................................................................... 49
4.10.7 Intensifier Clitic.......................................................................................... 51
4.10.8 Conjunction Clitic ...................................................................................... 52
4.10.9 Argumentative Clitic .................................................................................. 53
4.10.10 Similarity Clitic....................................................................................... 54
4.10.11 Conditional Clitic ................................................................................... 54
4.10.12 Contrast Clitic........................................................................................ 55
4.11 Numerals............................................................................................. 56
4.12 Conjunctions ....................................................................................... 57
4.12.1 Coordinate Conjunction............................................................................. 57
4.12.2 Associative Conjunction ............................................................................ 58
4.12.3 Alternative Conjunction ............................................................................. 58
2
4.13 Interrogatives ...................................................................................... 59

5. Phrase Structure ............................................................................... 61
5.1 Noun Phrase ....................................................................................... 61
5.1.1 Pronominal NP .......................................................................................... 61
5.1.2 Proper Name NP....................................................................................... 62
5.1.3 Modified NP............................................................................................... 62
5.1.4 Appositional NP......................................................................................... 65
5.1.5 Conjoined NP ............................................................................................ 66
5.1.6 Embedding of NPs .................................................................................... 67
5.2 Adjective Phrase ................................................................................. 67
5.3 Numeral Phrase .................................................................................. 67
5.4 Verb Phrase ........................................................................................ 67
5.4.1 Parameters................................................................................................ 68
5.4.2 Verb Phrase Types ................................................................................... 71
6. Clause Structure ............................................................................... 81
6.1 Main Clause Types ............................................................................. 81
6.2 Order of Elements in VP Based Clauses ............................................ 81
6.3 Grammatical Relations in VP Based Clauses ..................................... 81
6.3.1 Core Grammatical Relations ..................................................................... 81
6.3.2 Ergative marked Constituents. .................................................................. 83
6.3.3 Referential marked Constituents............................................................... 83
6.3.4 Associative marked Constituents. ............................................................. 84
6.3.5 Context marked Constituents.................................................................... 84
6.4 Order of Elements in Equative Clauses .............................................. 85
6.5 Grammatical Relations of Equative Clauses ....................................... 85
6.6 Clause Types ...................................................................................... 85
6.6.1 Verb Phrase Based Clauses ..................................................................... 86
6.6.2 Equative Clause ........................................................................................ 87
7. Complex Sentence Structure ........................................................... 89
7.1 Conjoining of Clauses ......................................................................... 89
7.1.1 Coordinate Clauses with Different Subjects.............................................. 89
7.1.2 Coordinate Clauses with Identical Subjects .............................................. 89
7.1.3 Association................................................................................................ 90
7.1.4 Alternation ................................................................................................. 91
7.2 Nominalized Clauses .......................................................................... 91
7.2.1 Nominalized Clauses as Core Grammatical Relations ............................. 91
7.2.2 Nominalized Clauses as Oblique Arguments............................................ 92
7.3 Complementation................................................................................ 92
7.3.1 Cognition ................................................................................................... 92
7.3.2 Quotation................................................................................................... 93
7.3.3 Manipulation.............................................................................................. 93
7.3.4 Intention (Purpose).................................................................................... 94
7.3.5 Desire........................................................................................................ 94
7.3.6 Modal constructions .................................................................................. 94
7.4 Adverbial Clauses ............................................................................... 95
7.4.1 Clause with clitic <r`. .............................................................................. 95
7.4.2 Clause with clitic <f`. Also with =ya=ga.................................................. 95
7.4.3 Constituents marked by the conditional clitic <s`ln. Also =yako. ........... 95
8. Bibliography ...................................................................................... 96
3
9. Appendix 1: Glossed Text ................................................................ 97
4
1. ABBREVIATIONS
- Morpheme boundary
= Clitic boundary
REFF Referential marker (Female)

REFM Referential marker (Male)
VIC Vicinity
CMPA Comprehensive Aspect

INTA Intermittent Aspect
POT Potential
PRFA Perfect Aspect
CAUS Causative
BENI Benefactive; Inclusive
BENX Benefactive; Exclusive
FPT Far Past Tense
FUT Future Tense
IPT Immediate Past Tense
NPT Near past tense
PRT Present tense
1d 1st person, Dual number subject marker
1p 1st person, Plural number subject marker
1sDECL 1st person, Singular number subject; Declarative illocutionary force
1sIMP 1st person, Singular number subject; Imperative illocutionary force
1s~DECL 1st person, Singular number subject; Non-declarative illocutionary force
23d 2nd/3rd person, Dual number subject marker
23p 2nd/3rd person, Plural number subject marker
2dpIMP 2nd person, Dual/Plural number subject; Imperative illocutionary force
2s 2ndperson, Singular number subject marker
2sIMP 2nd person, Singular number subject; Imperative illocutionary force
3IMP 3rd person subject; Imperative illocutionary force
3sFUT~DECL 3rd person, Singular number subject; Future tense; Non-declarative illocutionary force
3sDECL 3rd person, Singular number subject; Declarative illocutionary force
3s~DECL 3rd person, Singular number subject; Non-declarative illocutionary force
DECL Declarative illocutionary force
INT Interrogative illocutionary force
D.SS Desiderative; Same subject

G.SS Progressive; Same subject
I.SS Irrealis; Same subject
P.SS Purpose; Same subject
S.SS Simultaneous related action; Same subject
B.SS Basic; Same subject
MNR Manner
DISP Dispersive manner
HZRD Haphazard manner
INTS Intensive manner
PROG Progressive manner
RCPR Reciprocal manner
RNDM Random manner
SIML Simulative manner
+DEG Greater degree clitic

ARG Argumentative clitic
5
ASS Associative case clitic

ATTR Attributive clitic
CERT Certainty clitic
CNJ Coordinate conjunction clitic
CTRST Contrast clitic
CTX Context clitic
DIM Diminutive nominalizer clitic
DNM Dual Nominalizer clitic
EQ Equative clitic
ERG Ergative case clitic
EVID Evidential clitic
FINL Finalitive (clitic?)
NEQ Negative Equative
NOM Nominalizer clitic
PNM Plural nominalizer clitic
PLR Plural clitic
RFR Referential case clitic
XPT Expected clitic
CORJ Coordinate conjunction

ASSJ Associative conjunction
ALTJ Alternative conjunction
NEG Negation
OCC Occasion
6
2. INTRODUCTION
Lembena (Ethnologue LEQ) is a language spoken by approximately 1500 people who
live on the border of Enga and East Sepik Provinces west of the Yuat River. It is a Papuan
language of the Enga Subfamily, West Central Family, East New Guinea Highlands Stock,
Central New Guinea Phylum.
The name Lembena is actually the name of one of the ten clans of people who speak the
language. By historical accident, linguistic researchers and other outsiders have adopted this
clan name as the name of the language although the people themselves have not traditionally
used it that way. It has been the practice of the people to refer to their language as ‘talk of X
clan’, ‘X’ being the name of their particular clan. Thus when a linguistic researcher literally
dropped out of the skies (in a helicopter) and elicited a word list from the first man he could
contact, that man proudly identified the language for the linguist as Kdadm` ohh - ‘Lembena
talk’. It should be remembered that, from the perspective of the speakers of this language as a
whole, there is no one name for the language.
The data upon which this analysis is based consists of a mix of transcribed oral texts, na-
tive authored written texts and elicited examples and paradigms. They were collected during
the period from June 1991 to December 1996 from a variety of language helpers, both prelit-
erate and literate. A special word of appreciation needs to be said for Matthew Takole of Ito-
peno village, who has put in countless hours writing, transcribing and editing text material in
support of the overall Lembena translation and literacy program.
Thanks are also due to the participants of various teacher training courses and writers’
workshops for their efforts in writing a wide variety of both original and traditional stories
which have formed the core of an emerging library of Lembena literature besides providing a
rich source of varied text material for this author’s use.
Features of interest in the grammar of the Lembena language include a complex system of
directionals, a high degree of verbal complexity and the extensive use of clitics for many
grammatical functions.
7
3. PHONOLOGY
The phonemes of Lembena with their corresponding orthographic symbols are as follows:
/ A b d e g i di k l ¥ m n ¯ o p s t u w j /
< ` a c d f h i j k kx l m mx n o r s t v x >
< @ A C D F H I J K Kx L M Mx N O R S T V X >
Whenever the sequence /di/ is followed by a vowel other than /i/, /di/ is realized by a port-
manteau phone. This phone, a voiced palatal affricate, is represented by the orthographic
symbol ;Ii=- Thus there are twenty letters in the practical orthography (two of which are
digraphs), but only nineteen phonemes in the sound system of the language. There are some
recent loans from Pidgin and English such as Its`, ‘Judah or Jew’, Inmd, ‘John’ and
Itstr`kdld, ‘Jerusalem’ which are contributing to the incorporation of /dÉZ/ as a phoneme of
the language.
3.1 Phonological Conventions

1. Final vowels are typically devoiced and sometimes are deleted.
2. /t/ is generally pronounced as an alveolar flap intervocalically, (e.g.
[»A.®A•], /AtA/, `s`, ‘sit’).
3. /k/ is backed to [q] in the environment of preceding or following /A/, (e.g.
[A.»<dA.qA•], /AdAkA/, `c`j`, ‘at the house’).
4. The voiced plosives /b, d, g/ are always prenasalised. When these plo-
sives occur as the onset of a final syllable, and the final vowel is devoiced
or deleted, these are also typically devoiced, (e.g. [»A.<tA•], /AdA/, `c`,
‘house’).
5. The sequence /di/, when it occurs before a vowel other than /i/ is pro-
nounced as a voiced prenasalised palatal affricate [dÉZ], (e.g.
[«mA.<di.»li.me•], /mAdilime/, l`chkhld, ‘she is carrying’, becomes
[«mA.<dÉZe.»le.me•], /mAdieleme/, lìdkdld, in the perfect aspect).
6. /l/ is typically pronounced as a lateral flap intervocalically, (e.g.
[A.»pe.‰e], /Apele/, òdkd, ‘rain’). In the environment of preceding
and/or following /i/, the contrast between /l/ and /¥/ is neutralized, both
phonemes being realized as [¥].
Lembena surface forms admit only open syllables and there are no consonant clusters.
Thus the only syllable patterns in the language are V, VV, CV and CVV.
3.2 Morphophonemic Conventions

The following ordered rules describe the morphophonemic conventions of Lembena.
0- Morpheme Initial V deletion: V[ − HIGH ] → ∅ V −_ C
example: oh*`k`*ld→ ohk`ld
`jt*non*vd→ `jtonvd
⎧a ⎫
1- Vowel Assimilation (1): e → a a _ −( C ) ⎨ ⎬
⎩o ⎭
example: o*`d*`k`*ld →(Rule 1)→ o`dk`ld→(Rule 2)→
o``k`ld
8
2- Vowel Assimilation (2): a → e V[ + HIGH ] − _ e( C ) e

example: oh*`d*dkd*ld →(Rule 1)→ oh`dkdld→(Rule 3)→
ohddkdld
(The output of this rule becomes the input to Rule 5 which generates
ohdkdld.)
⎧e ⎫
3- Morpheme Final V Deletion: ⎨ ⎬ → ∅ C _ − e
⎩o⎭
example: o*dkd*d*md → odkdmd
o*`d*non*d*md→(Rule 1)→ o`dondmd
→(Rule 2)→ o`òndmd
→(Rule 4)→ o`òdmd
4- Equi-vowel Deletion: V1V1 → V1 V _
example: ohddkdld→ ohdkdld
5- Vowel Harmonization (1): e → i V[ + HIGH ] − l _
example: oh*dkd*ld→(Rule 1)→ ohkdld→(Rule 6)→ ohkhld
6- Homorganic Consonant Deletion:
⎧o ⎫
C[ + LABIAL ] → ∅ V[ − LOW ] − _ ⎨ ⎬ − C[ + LABIAL , +OBSTRUENT ]
⎩a ⎭
example: oh*non*l`*md→(Rule 1)→ ohonl`md→(Rule 7)→
ohnl`md
⎧li ⎫ ⎧i − _ − ⎫
7- Vowel Harmonization (2): lo → ⎨ ⎬ ⎨ ⎬
⎩lu⎭ ⎩u − _ − ⎭
examples: oh*`kn→(Rule 1)→ ohkn→(Rule 8)→ ohkh
`jt*`kn→ (Rule 1)→ `jtkn→(Rule 8)→ `jtkt
9
4. WORDS
4.1 Nouns
Nouns are the class of lexical items which are typically the heads of the noun phrases,
(see section 5.1), which occur as arguments of verbs, naming the referents about which the
verb predicates a given meaning. Some nouns may also occur with a modifying function pre-
ceding other nouns, as in hr` jtct, ‘tree hole’ referring to a hole in a tree.
Nouns prototypically denote persons, places, time intervals or things. Things denoted by
Lembena nouns may be concrete, such as hr`, ‘tree’, or hotkh, ‘ground’ or abstract, such as
j`k`h, ‘work’, or att, ‘anger’. Lembena nouns are unmarked for number. Most of the suf-
fixes attested on nouns are actually clitics (see section 4.10 Clitics). Inflectional suffixes
which operate on the noun at the word level are treated below.
Lembena nouns may be subdivided into proper names and common nouns. Proper names
are discussed first.
4.1.1 Proper Names
Proper names are a subclass of nouns which consists of the labels used by Lembena
speakers to refer uniquely to specific individuals or groups of people and to places, objects or
geographical features when these have been assigned such unique labels. The use of a proper
name to refer to an entity or group of entities, automatically narrows the scope of reference to
one unique entity or group of entities out of a class of potentially many similar entities. Thus
Lhshrh refers to a unique member of the class of entities denoted by the common noun vhmx`.
‘dog’. By orthographic convention Lembena proper names are spelled with an initial capital
letter.
Lembena exhibits a pair of suffixes which occur on proper names of people when they are
used to refer to the people rather than address them. The first of these, ,od, occurs on names
of males. So the name Fnktv` becomes Fnktvòd when used to refer to the man of that
name. The form for female names is ,ld. The name R`f` becomes R`f`ld when used to
refer to the woman of that name.
The suffix ,kò` occurs on place names or names of physical features such as rivers to
denote the vicinity of that place or feature. For example, the area near the river called
Jdfdkdl` is called Jdfdkdl`kò`.
4.1.2 Common Nouns
Common nouns refer to members of a class of concepts, prototypically things, which are
regarded as the same for referential purposes, i.e. they share one or more salient semantic fea-
tures in common. Thus vhmx`, a common noun, refers to any member of the class of animate
creatures having four legs, a tail, bodies covered with fur, teeth suited to a carnivorous diet,
capable of barking and howling noises and which have been domesticated by humans.
Within the class of common nouns, we can recognize two further sub-classes: locative
nouns and temporal nouns which are discussed later in sections 4.1.2.1 and 4.1.2.2. The re-
mainder of Lembena common nouns refer to concrete objects such as `m`, ‘stone’, nominal-
ized events such as j`k`h, ‘work’, emotions such as jncn, ‘sorrow’, places such as dkdd,
‘ridge’, ambient conditions such as odmx`, ‘fine weather’ and persons such as j`kh, ‘man’.
10
TABLE 1 illustrates a very limited sample of Lembena common nouns
Lembena Noun English Gloss Lembena Noun English Gloss

ànkn river bed dcd rope
`c` house ddj`m` year
`m` stone fòth chin
òdkd rain ho` water
att anger j`k`h work
c`kdan doorway lòt sweet potato
TABLE 1: A small sampling of typical Lembena nouns
4.1.2.1 Locative Nouns

Locative nouns are a closed subclass of nouns which normally refer to locations in, on or
near objects. The locative nouns are displayed in TABLE 2, below.
Lembena Locative English Gloss Lembena Locative English Gloss

Noun Noun
`chm`d location between j`l`j` location outside
`jdl`d+ jdl`d+ top jhkhvnh location alongside
jds`d jnjnsd location within
c``sd interior (buildings o`s`jhkh location beside

only)
c`j` inner part sdfdr`+ sdodr` location nearby
hjhkh location close to sto`jh location underneath
hoh back or bottom stjt location in middle of
TABLE 2: Lembena locative nouns with glosses

Locative nouns occur often in collocation with other concrete nouns. In example 1, the
noun hotkh, ‘ground’, provides the reference by which the location ‘within’ makes sense.
1) Hotkh jnjnsd jnknh v`h o`ld k`lhmd-
hotkh jnjnsd jnknh v`h o,`,ld k,`,lh,md
ground within earthworm become strike-FPT-3sDECL say-FPT-23p-DECL
‘He became like an earthworm within the ground, they said.’
The noun which would normally occur with the locative noun may be deleted if context
makes it clear what the locative noun refers to. This is especially true of c``sd, ‘interior’,
which can only refer to the interior of buildings, and j`l`j`, ‘location outside’. See the fol-
lowing example.
11
2) C``sd tkt sdc`lt ohkh r`kn j`k`v`k` R`j`s`dxòd

c``sd t,`kn sdc`lt oh,`kn r,`kn j`k,`v`k` R`j`s`dx`,od
interior go-B.SS offering do-B.SS cook-B.SS giveEXCL-P.SS name-REFM
c``sd t`ld-
c``sd t,`,ld
interior go-FPT-3sDECL
‘Going inside (the temple), Zechariah went in to burn the offering.’
Locative nouns occur frequently with the suffix ,sd, ‘side’, plus clitics which further
specify the location being referred to.
3) Nmnh a`` hr`f` ohhkh hotkhf` ohhkh cdd ràn
nmnh a`` hr`<f` ohh,`kn hotkh<f` ohh,`kn cdd ràn
ant it tree=RFR be-B.SS ground=RFR be-B.SS and rotten.log
sto`jhsdm` ohhkh ohhfdm`d-
sto`jh,sd<m` ohh,`kn ohh<dfd<m`<d
underneath-side=NOM be-B.SS be=ATTR=NOM=EQ
‘The ant typically lives in trees, in the ground and on the underside of rotten
logs.’
Certain of the locative nouns may be used with a temporal sense as in example 4.
4) A`` odmx` cdd dkdcdo` `chm`d nm`f` m`ltm` a``
A`` odmx` cdd dkdcd<o` `chm`d n<m`<f` m`ltm` a``
it dry.season and rainy.time=ASS between that=NOM=RFR edible.bamboo it
hfdm`d-
h<dfd<m`<d
come=ATTR=NOM=EQ
‘This edible bamboo comes up between dry and rainy seasons.’
The locative nouns may also be used with a figurative sense as in example 5.
5) Nm` a`` `chm`dr` j`kh nm` @ahxòd s`s`m`d-
n<m` a`` `chm`d<r` j`kh n<m` @ahx`,od s`s`<m`<d
that=NOM he between=CTX man that=NOM Abijah-REFM clan=NOM=EQ
‘He was a ‘between man’ (priest) of the clan of Abijah.’
4.1.2.2 Temporal Nouns
In a similar way, Lembena employs a closed class of temporal nouns to refer to intervals
or points of time. Some of these temporal nouns refer to absolute time, such as njnkh,
‘month’, and ddj`m`, ‘year’. Others refer to relative time, such as `kdan, ‘the day before
yesterday’, and vhx`m`, ‘tomorrow’. The full list of temporal nouns attested in the data on
which this paper is based is displayed in TABLE 3, below.
12
Lembena Temporal English Gloss Lembena Temporal English Gloss

Noun Noun
`c` snad+ `c` hv`kt midnight fhh time (generic)
`c`s`j` midday hotkh fhh day (lit.: ‘place time’)
`cho` now, at this time njnkh month (lit.: moon)
`dl` later odmx` dry season
`jòt today r`shsh+ l`cdx` week
`kd`j` afternoon và` time before
`kdan day before yesterday v`t evening
ctjt occasion v`tj` night
ctl` day after tomorrow vhx`j` yesterday
ddj`m` year vhx`j`d next day
dkdcd rainy season vhx`m` tomorrow
TABLE 3: Lembena temporal nouns with glosses

Example 6 illustrates several temporal nouns in context. All of these sentences consist of
equative clauses which encode habitual or customary actions and, in this example, are un-
specified for subject.
6) Odmx` ohkhldmò` dd o`c` x`kn ohhfdm`d-
odmx` oh,dkd,ld<m`<o` dd o`c` x,`kn ohh<dfd<m`<d
dry.season do-PRT-3sDECL=NOM=ASS garden space put-B.SS be=ATTR=NOM=EQ
Dd nm` njnkh k``l`m`f` ohfdm`d- Njnkh
dd n<m` njnkh k``l`m`<f` oh<dfd<m`<d njnkh
garden that=NOM month two=RFR do=ATTR=NOM=EQ month
sdonl`m`f` dd nm` o`j`kn xdfdm`d-
sdon`m`<f` dd n<m` o`j,`kn x<dfd<m`<d
three=RFR garden that=NOM chop.down-B.SS put=ATTR=NOM=EQ
Nh`kn r`shsh jhjno`jh v`jh k`kn ohhfdm`d-
nh,`d,`kn r`shsh jhjno`jh v`jh k`kn ohh<dfd<m`<d
do.like.that-PRFA-B.SS week four wait say-B.SS be=ATTR=NOM=EQ
‘As the dry season happens, (we) are ones who set out a garden space. The sec-
ond month (we) are ones who do (remove brush from) the garden. The third
month (we) are ones who chop down (the trees in) the garden and put it. Having
done like that (we) are ones who wait for four weeks.’
Example 7 illustrates the temporal noun `kd`j` as head of a noun phrase, which is indi-
cated by underlining.
6( @kd`j` nmò` x`v`kd nm` a`` cdd `c`j` hfdm`d-
`kd`j` n<m`<o` x`v`kd n<m` a`` cdd `c`<j`
h<dfd<m`<d
afternoon that=NOM=ASS pig that=NOM he again house=CTX
come=ATTR=NOM=EQ
‘In the afternoon, the pig is one who comes again to the house.’
13
4.2 Pronouns
4.2.1 Personal Pronouns
Lembena personal pronouns are displayed in TABLE 4.
English Gloss Full form Shortened form

mà`k` mà` or m``
st
1 singular
2nd singular mha`k` mha` or mhh
a`k` a``
rd
3 singular
1st dual m`kha`k` m`kha` or m`kh
2nd and 3rd dual mhkha`k` mhkha` or mhkh
1st plural m`mha`k` m`mha` or m`mh
2nd and 3rd plural mxà`k` mxà` or mx``
TABLE 4: Personal pronouns, shortened forms
The distinctions between 2nd and 3rd person dual, and between 2nd and 3rd person plural,
are neutralized.1 Personal pronouns can occur as subject or object of verb, as possessor in
apposition to the possessed noun or as an oblique argument with the clitic <jhr`, ‘PERSONAL
CONTEXT’.
All of the personal pronouns can occur in shortened forms. The shortened forms of the
personal pronouns are also displayed in TABLE 4. These forms are most common in apposi-
tional noun phrases where the pronoun is coreferential with the associated noun or noun
phrase, as in example 8.
8) J`kh k``l`<m` mhkh mnkh l`c` tòhmd-
j`kh k``l`<m` mhkh mnkh l`c` t,`,oh,md
man two=NOM they.dual animal hunting go-FPT-23d-DECL
‘Two men went hunting animals.’
There are no possessive pronouns per se in the Lembena language. Possession can be in-
dicated by use of the referential case clitic <f` following either nouns or personal pronouns.
The resulting surface forms for the personal pronouns are displayed in TABLE 5.
1
The forms `kòt, nkòt, àt, nat, `m`mt, and nm`mt may be used in place of the 3rd person dual or plural
personal pronouns. These forms consist of the directionals `, ‘this’ or n, ‘that’, plus the dual nominalizing clitic
<kòt+ ‘DUAL NOMINALIZER’, the plural nominalizing clitic <at, ‘PLURAL NOMINALIZER’, or the
unmarked nominalizing clitic <m`, ‘NOMINALIZER’, plus the clitic =mt, ‘PLURAL’. (See section 4.10 for
full discussion of clitics.)
14
English Gloss Possessive form

1st singular mà`k`f` or m`f`
2nd singular mha`k`f` or mhf`
3rd singular a`k`f` or a`f`
1st dual m`kha`k`f` or m`khf`
2nd and 3rd dual mhkha`k`f` or mhkhf`
st
1 plural m`mha`k`f` or m`mhf`
2nd and 3rd plural mxà`k`f` or mx`f`
TABLE 5: Possessive pronouns
It is common for the personal pronouns to be used possessively without the presence of
the referential case clitic, (see example 9), but the use of the clitic makes possession explicit,
as in example 10.
9) Mà`k` `c` `m``j`d k`ld-
mà`k` `c` `<m`<`j`<d k,`,ld
I house this=NOM=+DEG=EQ say-FPT-3sDECL
‘"This very one is my house", he said’
10) @c` nm` mhf` k`ln-
`c` n<m` mh<f` <k`ln
house that=NOM you=RFR =EVID
‘Evidently that house is yours.’
4.2.2 Emphatic Pronouns
Only one emphatic pronoun has been discovered so far, which is aò`, ‘he/she, em-
phatic’. This emphatic pronoun may be used as a personal pronoun functioning as a core ar-
gument of the verb or it may function as a possessive pronoun with the added emphatic mean-
ing, as in example 11.
11) Nhkh ohkh vds`kn nn j`kh nm` aò` `c`j`
mx`m``
nh,`kn oh,`kn vds,`kn n j`kh n<m` aò` `c`<j`
mx`m``
do.like.that-B.SS do-B.SS finish-B.SS that man that=NOM heEMPH house=CTX
nearer.far.below
h`ld k`lhmd-
h,`,ld k,`,l,h,md
come-FPT-3sDECL say-FPT-23p-DECL
‘When he finished doing that the man came back down to his own house, they
said.’
15
4.3 Other Pro-forms

4.3.1 Pro-verbs
Lembena has two proverbs which can substitute for one or more event concepts in a
clause or sentence. The first nh,, ‘do.like.that’ is far more common than the second `h,,
‘do.like.this’.2 Example 12 illustrates the use of nh,.
12) Nm` và` m`mha`k` s`dfd cdd `t`fd nm`mtl`
n<m` và` m`mha`k` s`dfd cdd `t`fd
n<m`<mt<l`
that=NOM before we father.ATTR CORJ grandfather.ATTR
that=NOM=PLR=ERG
nh`lhmd-
nh,`,lh,md
do.like.that-FPT-23p-DECL
‘Before, our fathers and grandfathers did like that.’
Example 13 is the only example in my text corpus illustrating the use of `h,.
13) Nmò` mà`k` mxò`kn h`kn `c`j` ohh`vdmò`
n<m`<o` mà`k` mxò,`kn h,`d,`kn `c`<j` ohh,`,
vd<m`<o`
that=NOM=ASS I leave-B.SS come-PRFA-B.SS house=CTX be-FPT-
1sDECL=NOM=ASS
Fnsd nm`l` `h`knfdm`…
Fnsd n<m`<l` `h,`d,`kn<dfd<m`
God that=NOM=ERG do.like.this-PRFA-B.SS=ATTR=NOM
‘Then when I had left and come home and was remaining, God’s doing like
this…’
One of the most common uses of nh, is in tail-head linkage with a preceding sentence as
illustrated in example 14.
14) Odd nm` hoòdfd knl`kn ododsd dkh o`kn `c`fd oh`kn
odd n<m` hoòdfd knl,`kn ododsd dkh o,`kn `c`<dfd oh,
`d,`kn
eel.trap that=NOM bamboo cut.across-B.SS strip split strike-B.SS house=ATTR do-
PRFA-B.SS
odd mx`vd- Nh`kn ho`f` nk`vd-
odd mx,`,vd nh,`d,`kn ho`<f` nk,`,vd-
eel.trap weave-FPT-1sDECL do.like.that-PRFA-B.SS water=RFR immerse-FPT-
1sDECL
‘(About) the eel trap, I cut bamboo and split off strips and having made the house
(cage) I made an eel trap. Having done like that, I immersed (it) in the water.’
Lembena also has a negative verb m`,, ‘not’, though it is not often used. See example 15.
15) M`mha`k` j`kh nm` lhm`kn hr`jnodfd m`dkdld-
m`mha`k` j`kh nm` lhm,`kn hr`j,non,dfd m`,dkd,ld
we man that hold-B.SS stand-POT-ATTR not-PRT-3sDECL
‘We are unable to rouse the man.’
2
The alternation of the vowels n and ` in these two verbs corresponds to the same alternation in the directionals.
See section 4.4.
16
The interrogative pro-verb adh,, ‘what action’, is discussed under section 4.13
Interrogatives.
4.3.2 Pro-adverb
Lembena has two pro-adverbs no`, ‘that.way’, and ò`, ‘this.way’, which have senses
similar to the English word ‘thus’ but incorporate a distal (no`) - proximal (ò`) opposition.3
As with the pro-verbs nh, and `h,, the distal pro-adverb no` occurs much more often.
05( Nmò` j`kh nm`l` no` k`j`k`ld-
n<m`<o` j`kh n<m`<l` no` k,`j`k,`,ld
that=NOM=ASS man that=NOM=ERG that.way say-BENX-FPT-3sDECL
ÏSgdm sgd l`m ronjd hm sghr v`x-Ì
Mnsd sg`s hm Dmfkhrg vd vntkc oqdedq sgd dwoqdrrhnm in this way, in most instances
where Lembena would use no`, ‘that.way’.
4.4 Directionals
Directionals are a small closed class of words which indicate the location in space (and
sometimes time) of a referent with respect to the speaker. The full range of directionals is
listed in TABLE 6.
Lembena Direc- English Gloss Lembena Direc- English Gloss

tional Stem tional Stem
ldd a (indefinite)
` this (definite)
n that (definite)
r` nearer just there hk` nearer above
rn farther just there hkn farther above
r`m` nearer there hk`m` nearer far above
rnmn farther there hknmn farther far above
l` nearer over there mx` nearer below
ln farther over there mxn farther below
l`k` nearer way over there mx`m` nearer far below
lnkn farther way over there mxnmn farther far below
TABLE 6: Lembena directionals with English glosses

On closer observation, it is evident that the directionals realize the intersection of two sys-
tems. The first is a system based on the polar opposition of near(er) and far(ther) and shows
up in the opposition of the vowel ` to the vowel n. This system can refer both to space and to
time. The first three lines of TABLE 6 contain forms that are specified only for the first sys-
tem and they express the full range of possibilities, unspecified, near or far.
This first system intersects a second system which signals relative spatial orientation in
the horizontal and vertical axes. There are five possibilities in specifying the location on the
3
See footnote 2, on page 16.
17
horizontal plane, if we count the possibility of unmarked. The other four possibilities are rU,,
‘just there’, rUmU,, ‘there’, lU,, ‘over there’, lUkU,, way over there. It’s a bit difficult to
gloss these forms in English because they represent a more finely divided perspective on
space than what we are accustomed to. The vowel slots, shown by U in the previous sentence
are filled by either ` or n depending on the form’s specification within the first system.
In the vertical plane there are five possible levels of specification, again if we include
unmarked. The other four possibilities are hkU, ‘above’, hkUmU, ‘far above’, mhU, ‘below’, and
mhUmU, ‘far below’. The vowel slots are filled as already mentioned with either ` or n.
hkUmU
Increasing distance above Ego
↑ hkU
rU rUmU lU lUkU
Ego
Increasing distance from Ego →
mxU
Increasing distance below Ego
↓ mxUmU
U = ` or n
FIGURE 1: Lembena directionals

FIGURE 1 illustrates graphically the relationships within the Lembena directional system.
As already mentioned, each form can have two surface realizations depending on how it inter-
sects the polar relationship near-far indicated by the choice of ` or n vowel.
The directionals very commonly have one or more appended clitics such as one of the
nominalizing clitics and a case marking clitic. If a directional occurs without any affixation,
the monosyllabic directionals will be realized by forms with reduplication of the vowel. So
we find n<m`, ‘that=NOM’, but nn, ‘that’.
The directionals in the first three rows of TABLE 6 carry the heaviest functional load.
Ldd includes within its range of functions a function parallel to the English indefinite article
a(n). @` and nn, among other functions, include a function parallel to the English demonstra-
tive adjectives this and that signifying a previously mentioned or otherwise known referent.
This is seen in example 17, which displays the first two sentences of a story. The man, a pre-
viously unknown participant, is introduced by J`kh lddm`, ‘a man’. In the next sentence this
same participant is referred to by J`kh nm`l`, ‘that man(=ERG)’, since he is now a known,
previously mentioned participant.
17) J`kh lddm` a`` và` ohh`ld-
j`kh ldd<m` a`` và` ohh,`,ld
man a=NOM he before be-FPT-3sDECL
‘There once was a man.’
J`kh nm`l` `h o`j`kn mdfd l`m` n<m` m``
j`kh n<m`<l` `h o`j,`kn m,dfd l`m` n<m` m``
man that=NOM=ERG sago chop-B.SS eat-ATTR knowledge that=NOM NEG
c`dfdm`d-
c,`d<dfd<m`<d
see-PRFA=ATTR=NOM=EQ
‘The man was one who did not know how to cut and eat sago.’
Though the directionals most commonly occur following the nouns they refer to, they can
precede the noun as in example 18. Ordinarily the noun with the directional preceding it will
18
also be followed by a second directional. The two directionals must be semantically compati-
ble but may not be cognate forms. In example 18 the first directional, hkn, encodes more spe-
cific information about the location of the referent of the noun while the following directional,
n, encodes only definiteness.
18) Hkn j`kh nkòt `c` ohkhohmd-
hkn j`kh n<kòt `c` oh,dkd,oh,md
farther.above man that=DNM house do-PRT-23d-DECL
‘Those two men up there are building a house.’
In defective sentences such as might constitute an answer to a question it is possible to find a
preceding directional plus noun without the following directional as in example 19.
19) Nn j`kh.
n j`kh
that man
‘That man.’
4.5 Verbs
Verbs are an open class of lexical items which typically encode actions, states and
changes of states. The prototypical function of verbs in clauses is as the nucleus of the predi-
cate, although they do have other functions in the verb phrase as well. The form of the verb
can be described as having one of the following three structures:
Finite verb: → +VSTEM +TENSE {+SUBJECT ±ILLOCUTIONARY FORCE} (cf. 4.5.5, page 24)
Medial verb: → +VSTEM +SAME SUBJECT (cf. 4.5.6, page 32)
Manner verb: → +VROOT +MANNER (cf. 4.5.7, page 35)
4.5.1 Verb Stems

Both finite and medial verbs are built on a verb stem. The structure of the verb stem,
VSTEM, is as follows:
VSTEM → +VROOT ±ASPECT ±CAUSATIVE ±BENEFACTIVE
Only the verb root (VROOT) is obligatory.
ASPECT refers to a member of the set of aspect marking suffixes. (See section 4.5.2, Stem
Level Verbal Aspect.)
CAUSATIVE refers to the causative suffix ,`r. (See section 4.5.3 Causative.)
BENEFACTIVE refers to one of the two suffixes ,`ch, INCLUSIVE BENEFACTIVE (BENI),
which refers to 1st and 2nd person beneficiaries, or ,`j`k, EXCLUSIVE BENEFACTIVE (BENX),
which refers to 3rd person beneficiaries. (See section 4.5.4 Benefactive.)
All of these stem level suffixes are optional.
It is also possible to have a compound root in the verb stem although this is not very
common. Examples which have been encountered so far include the two roots r,, ‘cook’, and
m,, ‘eat’, as in the word r`m`kn4, ‘cook and eat-B.SS’; the two roots c,, ‘see’, and lh,, ‘get’,
as in the word c`lh`kn, ‘meet-PRFA-B.SS’; the two roots o,, ‘strike’, and s,, ‘shine’, as in
the word o`s`kn, ‘coat-B.SS’; and the two roots v`s,, ‘follow’, and lhm,, ‘hold’, as in the
word v`s`lhm`kn, ‘obey-B.SS’. This does not appear to be a productive process in the lan-
guage and these particular forms most likely only occur because of the very high frequency of
co-occurrence of each of these pairs of verb roots.
4
Note the presence of epenthetic ` vowel between consonants to preserve (C)V(C)V… syllable pattern. Also in
the other examples of compound roots.
19
4.5.2 Stem Level Verbal Aspect

Aspect refers to the speaker’s perspective toward the internal temporal structure of the
event about which he is speaking.
Aspect can be encoded in a variety of ways in Lembena. The perfect, comprehensive and
intermittent aspects are marked by aspect suffixes on the verb root. Continuative, completive,
persistive and repetitive aspects are encoded by phrasal constructions. More than one aspect
may be encoded in the same clause, as long as they are semantically compatible. Discussion
of aspect verb phrases and simultaneous encoding of more than one aspect can be found in
section 5.4.1.4.
The slot within the stem labeled ASPECT can be filled by one of three suffixes: the perfect
aspect suffix, the comprehensive aspect suffix, or the intermittent aspect suffix.
4.5.2.1 Perfect
The perfect aspect construction encodes the speaker’s perspective that, at a given point
in time relative to the time of the utterance, the event predicated with respect to the subject of
the clause is fully accomplished. The relative time reference is encoded by the tense marking
on the verb which can be past, present or future, as examples 20 through 22 show.
The underlying form of the perfect aspect suffix (PRFA) is -`d. Through the operation of
morphophonemic rules, the surface form may be ,`d, ,``, ,`, or ,d. The perfect aspect verb
stem is formed as follows:
+VROOT +PRFA ±CAUSATIVE ±BENEFACTIVE
This stem is then inflected with tense, subject marking and illocutionary force for finite verb
forms, or with a medial verb suffix in medial verb forms..
Examples 20 through 22 illustrate the perfect aspect of finite verbs.
20) Mà`k`l` ohh nm``j` k``vd-
Mà`k`<l` ohh n<m`<`j` k,`d,`,vd
I=ERG talk that=NOM=+DEG say-PRFA-FPT-1sDECL
‘I had said that very same thing.’
21) J`kh nm` hdkdld-
j`kh n<m` h,`d,dkd,ld
man that=NOM come-PRFA-PRT-3sDECL
‘That man has come.’
22) A`k`l` mha`k` hr` lhm`ònld-
A`k`<l` mha`k` hr` lhm,`d,non,ld
he=ERG you tree hold-PRFA-FUT-3sDECL
‘He will have defeated you.’ (Literally: ‘He will have gotten your tree.’)
Example 23 illustrates the perfect aspect of a medial verb.
23) Lhm` `c`j` h`kn lncn ohkh mdd j`k`kn cdd
lh,`m` `c`<j` h,`d,`kn lncn oh,`kn mdd j`k,`kn cdd
get-S.SS house=CTX come-PRFA-B.SS care.for do-B.SS food give-B.SS and
l`fhkh o`kn j`k`kn ohh`ld k`lhmd-
l`fhkh o,`kn j`k,`kn ohh,`,ld k,`,lh,md
rat strike-B.SS give-B.SS be-FPT-3sDECL say-FPT-23p-DECL
‘Having brought it home, he cared for it, giving it food and killing rats and giving
them to it, they said.’
20
4.5.2.2 Comprehensive
The comprehensive aspect construction encodes the perspective that the event is done to
every relevant or applicable thing within the context of the utterance. The underlying form of
the comprehensive aspect suffix (CMPA) is ,`lnc``- Through the operation of morphopho-
nemic rules, the surface form may be ,lnc``, or ,`lnc``. The comprehensive aspect verb
stem is formed as follows:
+VROOT +CMPA ±CAUSATIVE ±BENEFACTIVE
forms, or with a medial verb suffix in medial verb forms.
Examples 24 and 25 illustrate the comprehensive aspect of finite verb forms. In example
24, we have a concrete use of the comprehensive aspect construction and in example 25 a
more figurative use. To this point I have found no examples of the comprehensive aspect in a
medial verb form. But I believe this is due to the relative infrequency of use of this aspect
overall and not to any restriction on the occurrence of the comprehensive aspect in medial
verb forms.
This may in fact be: namoda(a) alame.
24) A`k`l` mdd m`lnc``k`ld-
A`k`<l` mdd m,`lnc``,`k`,ld
he=ERG food consume-CMPA-IPT-3sDECL
‘He ate all the food.’ or ‘He ate everything there was to eat.’
25) A`k`l` ohh k`lnc``k`ld-
A`k`<l` ohh k,`lnc``,`k`,ld
he=ERG talk say-CMPA-IPT-3sDECL
‘He said it all.’ or ‘He said everything there was to say.’
4.5.2.3 Intermittent
The intermittent aspect encodes the perspective that an event is repeated intermittently,
or off and on, over an indefinite span of time.
The underlying form of the intermittent aspect suffix (INTA) is ,`dx, with surface reali-
zations of ,`dx, or ,dx, depending on the phonological shape of the root. The intermittent
aspect verb stem is formed as follows:
+VROOT +INTA ±CAUSATIVE ±BENEFACTIVE
forms, or with a medial verb suffix in medial verb forms.
Example 26, taken from a native authored short story, illustrates the intermittent aspect in
the medial verb nucleus of a dependent clause.
This may in fact be: ieya alo.
26) X`c` lhm`kn `d`kn cdd `c`j` hdx`kn `dfdm`d-
x`c` lhm,`kn `d,`kn cdd `c`<j` h,`dx,`kn `d<dfd<m`<d
bow hold-B.SS go.about-B.SS and house=CTX come-INTA-B.SS
go.about=ATTR=NOM=EQ
‘He is one who goes around holding his bow, coming now and then to his house.’
4.5.3 Causative
The causative construction encodes the sense that one participant, the agent, acts to cause
another participant to perform some action or to undergo some process, or acts to cause some
change of state in another usually inanimate participant, or acts to bring about the completion
of some action or process.
21
CAUSATIVE can be filled only by the causative suffix. The form of the causative stem is
as follows:
+VROOT ±ASPECT +CAUSATIVE ±BENEFACTIVE
The underlying form of the causative suffix (CAUS) is ,`r. The causative suffix is real-
ized in surface forms as either ,`r, or ,r depending on whether the preceding segment is a
consonant or a vowel, respectively. The causative stem is then inflected with tense, subject
marking and illocutionary force for finite verb forms, or with a medial verb suffix in medial
verb forms.
Examples 27 and 28 illustrate the use of the causative suffix.
27) Ohh nm`f` k`kn vds`rdkdld-
ohh n<m`<f` k,`kn vds,`r,dkd,ld
talk that=NOM=RFR say-B.SS finish-CAUS-PRT-3sDECL
‘He finished it by what he said.’
28) Nldfd vhmx` o`kn jtl`r`ldmò` lhm`
Nld,dfd vhmx` o,`kn jtl,`r,`,ld<m`<o` lh,`m`
offspring-ATTR dog strike-B.SS die-CAUS-FPT-3sDECL=NOM=ASS get-S.SS
`c`j` tkt lnkx` o`j`kn nm`f` j`tv`md nm`l`
`c`<j` t,`kn lnkx` o`j,`kn n<m`<f` j`tv`md n<m`<l`
house=CTX go-B.SS grave bury-B.SS that=NOM=RFR cassowary that=NOM=ERG
vhmx` o`kn vhmh oh`ld-
vhmx` o,`kn vhmh oh,`,ld-
dog strike-B.SS defeat do-FPT-3sDECL
‘Since the young (cassowary) struck the dog and caused it to die and I took it
home and buried it, the cassowary defeated the dog.’
4.5.4 Benefactive
Benefactive encodes a reference to the participant to whom or for whom the action or
process of the predicate occurs. This sometimes, but not always, coincides with what is re-
ferred to as the grammatical relation indirect object. The structure of the benefactive stem is
as follows:
+VROOT ±ASPECT ±CAUSATIVE +BENEFACTIVE
BENEFACTIVE can be filled by either the inclusive benefactive suffix or the exclusive
benefactive suffix.
. The benefactive stem is then inflected with tense, subject marking and illocutionary
force for finite verb forms, or with a medial verb suffix in medial verb forms.
4.5.4.1 Inclusive Benefactive
The underlying form of the inclusive benefactive suffix (BENI) is ,`ch, with surface re-
alizations written as ,ch+ ,`ch+ ,i+ and ,ì+ depending on the phonological context. (See sec-
tion 2 for the explanation of use of the orthographic symbol ;i=-)
The presence of the inclusive benefactive suffix indicates that the event denoted by the
verb occurs to the benefit or detriment of either the speaker or the hearer. Examples 29 and 30
illustrate the use of the inclusive benefactive in declarative verb forms.
29) @dl` mha`k` dd vhxìnl`md-
`dl` mha`k` dd vhx,`ch,non,l`,md
later you garden plant-BENI-FUT-1p-DECL
‘Later we will plant a garden for you.’
22
30) A`k`l` mà`k` ohh vhì`ld-

A`k`<l` mà`k` ohh vh,`,`ch,`,ld
he=ERG I talk perceive-PRFA-BENI-FPT-3sDECL
‘He had listened to what I said (for me).’
Example 31 illustrates the inclusive benefactive in imperative verb forms.
31) Mà`k` và` ohi` mha`k` `dl` ohchv`m`kd-
mà`k` và` oh,ch,` mha`k` `dl` oh,ch,v`<m`kd
I first do-BENI-2sIMP you later do-BENI-1S=XPCT
‘First you do something for me, later I will do something for you.’
Example 32 illustrates the inclusive benefactive in a medial purpose verb form.
32) M`mha`k` hr` lhchv`k` t`-
m`mha`k` hr` lh,ch,v`k` t,`
we wood get-BENI-P.SS go-2sIMP
‘Go get our wood for us.’
4.5.4.2 Exclusive Benefactive
The underlying form of the exclusive benefactive suffix (BENX) is ,`j`k, with surface
realizations of ,`j`k and ,j`k+ depending on whether the preceding segment is a consonant or
vowel, respectively.
The presence of the exclusive benefactive suffix indicates that the event denoted by the
verb occurs to the benefit or detriment of an entity other than the speaker or the hearer. The
entity may be human, animate non-human, or inanimate.
Example 33 illustrates the exclusive benefactive in the stem of an declarative verb.
33) Cnjnr` nm`l` J`s`snod mdd m`dfdm`
cnjnr` n<m`<l` J`s`sn,od mdd m,`d,dfd<m`
doctor that=NOM=ERG Karato-REFM tooth hurt-PRFA-ATTR=NOM
hjt`j`kdkdld-
hjt,`d,`j`k,dkd,ld
pull.out-PRFA-BENX-PRT-3sDECL
‘The doctor has extracted Katato's painful tooth for him.’
Example 34 illustrates the exclusive benefactive in the stem of a hortatory verb.
34) J`rdd nm` nlds`j`f` kta`j`knod-
j`rdd n<m` nlds`j`<f` kta,`j`k,non,d
road that=NOM child=RFR open-BENX-FUT-2s
‘Open the door (road?) for the child.’
Example 35 illustrates the exclusive benefactive in the stem of a medial verb form.
35) Mha`k`l` j`h j`k`h ohj`k`kn ohkhod>
Mha`k`<l` j`h j`k`h oh,`j`k,`kn oh,dkd,od
you=ERG who work do-BENX-B.SS do-PRT-INT
‘For whom are you doing work?’
The two benefactive suffixes, ,`ch and ,`j`k, are obviously related to the two verbs ch,,
meaning ‘give (to 1st or 2nd person recipient)’ and j`k,, meaning ‘give (to 3rd person recipi-
ent)’.
23
4.5.5 Finite Verb Forms

Finite verbs occur as the nuclei of the verb phrases of (1) main clauses, (2) embedded
clauses functioning as the complement of predicates using verbs of speech or perception such
as the verb k,, ‘say’, and the verb o`m`h,, ‘think’, and (3) clauses embedded by use of one or
more clitics.
Finite verb forms have the structure
+VSTEM +TENSE {+SUBJECT ±ILLOCUTIONARY FORCE}
VSTEM refers to a verb stem, (see section 4.5.1 Verb Stems). TENSE refers to a member of the
set of suffixes marking tense. SUBJECT refers to a member of the set of suffixes indexing the
person and number of the subject. ILLOCUTIONARY FORCE refers to a member of the set of
suffixes marking the illocutionary force of the predicate. SUBJECT and ILLOCUTIONARY
FORCE are bracketed to show that in some cases they are expounded by a single portmanteau
morpheme. In this section I will discuss the obligatory marking of tense and subject indexing,
and the optional marking of illocutionary force which are the distinguishing formal features of
finite verb forms in the declarative or interrogative illocutionary forces.
4.5.5.1 Tense marking
Tense refers to relative time reference, that is the time of the event encoded in a predica-
tion relative to the time of the utterance. Lembena marks five tenses: far part, near past, im-
mediate past, present and future. The range of meaning for each tense with respect to the time
of the utterance is approximately as follows:
Far past - From the distant past up to the previous day.
Near past - This tense is rarely used, but generally refers to
sometime in the previous several days.
Immediate past - Earlier on the same day.
Present - Same time as the utterance.
Future - Later the same day and on into the distant future.
Underlying and surface forms of all of the tense suffixes are shown in TABLE 7. Refer to
the morphophonemic rules in section 3.2 for an explanation of the processes which generate
these surface forms.
Underlying Surface forms

form
Far past ,` ,`
Near past ,d ,d+ ,∅
Immediate ,`k` ,`k`+ ,`k+ ,`k`
past
Present ,dkd ,dkd+ ,dk+ k+ ,kh+ ,dkd
Future ,non ,non+ ,no+ ,non+ o+
,nn+ ,n
TABLE 7: Tense suffixes, underlying and surface forms.
TABLE 8 illustrates the full paradigm of the five tenses in the declarative illocutionary
force for the verb m,, ‘consume’, which is declarative of verb stems ending in a consonant or
non-high vowel, and TABLE 9 illustrates the full paradigm for the verb oh,, ‘do’, which is de-
24
clarative of verb stems ending in a high vowel. Each of these tables shows surface forms with
morpheme breaks displayed underneath.
25
Far past: Singular Dual Plural

1st person m`vd mò`md m`l`md
m,`,vd m,`,o`,md m,`,l`,md
2nd person m`dmd mòhmd m`lhmd
m,`,d,md m,`,oh,md m,`,lh,md
3rd person m`ld mòhmd m`lhmd
m,`,ld m,`,oh,md m,`,lh,md
Near past:
1st person mdvd mdo`md mdl`md

m,d,vd m,d,o`,md m,d,l`,md
2nd person mdmd mdohmd mdlhmd
m,∅,d,md m,d,oh,md m,d,lh,md
3rd person mdld mdohmd mdlhmd
m,d,ld m,d,oh,md m,d,lh,md
Immediate past:
1st person m`k`vd m`kò`md m`k`l`md
m,`k`,vd m,`k`,o`,md m,`k`,l`,md
2nd person m`k`dmd m`kòhmd m`k`lhmd
m,`k`,d,md m,`k`,oh,md m,`k`,lh,md
3rd person m`k`ld m`kòhmd m`k`lhmd
m,`k`,ld m,`k`,oh,md m,`k`,lh,md
Present:
1st person mdkdvd mdkdo`md mdkdl`md

m,dkd,vd m,dkd,o`,md m,dkd,l`,md
2nd person mdkdmd mdkdohmd mdkdlhmd
m,dk,d,md m,dkd,oh,md m,dkd,lh,md
3rd person mdkdld mdkdohmd mdkdlhmd
m,dkd,ld m,dkd,oh,md m,dkd,lh,md
Future:
1st person mnonvd mnno`md mnnl`md

m,non,vd m,nn,o`,md m,nn,l`,md
2nd person mnodmd mnnohmd mnnlhmd
m,no,d,md m,nn,oh,md m,nn,lh,md
3rd person mnnld mnnohmd mnnlhmd
m,nn,ld m,nn,oh,md m,nn,lh,md
TABLE 8: Paradigm of the verb n-, ‘consume’, in all tenses. (Declarative illocutionary force)
26
Far past: Singular Dual Plural

1st person oh`vd ohò`md oh`l`md
oh,`,vd oh,`,o`,md
oh,`,l`,md
oh`dmd ohòhmd oh`lhmd
nd
2 person
oh,`,d,md oh,`,oh,md oh,`,lh,md
3rd person oh`ld ohòhmd oh`lhmd
oh,`,ld oh,`,oh,md oh,`,lh,md
Near past:
1st person ohvd oho`md ohl`md

oh,∅,vd oh,∅,o`,md oh,∅,l`,md
2nd person ohdmd ohohmd ohlhmd
oh,∅,d,md oh,∅,oh,md oh,∅,lh,md
3rd person ohld ohohmd ohlhmd
oh,∅,ld oh,∅,oh,md oh,∅,lh,md
Immediate past:
1st person ohk`vd ohkò`md ohk`l`md
oh,k`,vd oh,k`,o`,md oh,k`,l`,md
2nd person ohk`dmd ohkòhmd ohk`lhmd
oh,k`,d,md oh,k`,oh,md oh,k`,lh,md
3rd person ohk`ld ohkòhmd ohk`lhmd
oh,k`,ld oh,k`,oh,md oh,k`,lh,md
Present:
1st person ohkhvd ohkho`md ohkhl`md
oh,kh,vd oh,kh,o`,md oh,kh,l`,md
2nd person ohkhmd ohkhohmd ohkhlhmd
oh,k,h,md oh,kh,oh,md oh,kh,lh,md
3rd person ohkhld ohkhohmd ohkhlhmd
oh,kh,ld oh,kh,oh,md oh,kh,lh,md
Future:
1st person ohonvd ohno`md ohnl`md
oh,on,vd oh,n,o`,md oh,n,l`,md
2nd person ohodmd ohnohmd ohnl`md
oh,o,d,md oh,n,oh,md oh,n,lh,md
3rd person ohnld ohnohmd ohnlhmd
oh,n,ld oh,n,oh,md oh,n,lh,md
TABLE 9: Paradigm of the verb pi-, ‘do’, in all tenses. (declarative illocutionary force)
27
4.5.5.2 Subject Marking

As already stated, Lembena finite verbs are obligatorily marked for subject. There is no
direct object marking on Lembena verbs. One observation that can be made from the para-
digms in TABLE 8 and TABLE 9 is the neutralization of contrast between second and third
person forms in the dual and plural numbers. This is consistent with the neutralization of the
same contrasts in the free pronouns.
Subject marking on the verb follows a nominative-accusative pattern with the subject of
an intransitive clause and the subject of a transitive clause being marked identically.5 Exam-
ple 36 illustrates a sentence expounded by an intransitive clause and example 37 illustrates a
sentence expounded by a transitive clause. The subject marking on the finite verbs of the two
sentences are the same.
36) J`kh `ctv` lddm` a`` ohh`ld
j`kh `ctv` ldd<m` a`` ohh,`,ld
man unmarried.man a=NOM he be-FPT-3sDECL
‘There was a young man.’
37) Nn ohnld nm` ho` ltc` nm`f` x`ld
n ohnld n<m` ho` ltc` n<m`<f` x,`,ld
that eel that=NOM water pool the=NOM=RFR put-FPT-3sDECL
‘He put the eel into the pool.’
The subject marking suffixes are tabulated in TABLE 10, and these are consistent
throughout all the tenses. The two forms of the subject marking suffix for 2nd person singular
number are allomorphs of the underlying form ,d. The 1st person and 3rd person singular
forms are portmanteau morphemes also encoding illocutionary force. The declarative form for
1st singular is ,vd while the non-declarative form is ,v`. The declarative form for 3rd singular
is ,ld while the non-declarative form is ,m`, which has an allomorph ,k` in verbs marked for
future tense. In the 2nd person singular and all dual and plural forms the subject marking suf-
fixes are separate from the illocutionary force suffixes which follow.
Singular Dual Plural

1st person DECL: ,vd ,o` ,l`
NON-DECL: ,v`
2 person ,d+ ,h
nd
,oh ,lh
3rd person DECL: ,ld
NON-DECL: ,m`+ ,k`
TABLE 10: Subject marking suffixes
4.5.5.3 Illocutionary force

Illocutionary force suffixes signal what the speaker is trying to do by his utterance. Illo-
cutionary forces are declarative, interrogative, and imperative.
4.5.5.3.1 Declarative illocutionary force
The declarative illocutionary force is normally used to make assertions about a certain
state of affairs. Declarative illocutionary force is signaled by the declarative (DECL) suffix
,md which occurs on finite verb forms which are marked for 2nd person singular, or any dual
5
Noun phrases corresponding to the core arguments of the verb are marked according to an absolutive-ergative
pattern, see Section 6.3.1 Core Grammatical Relations.
28
or plural subject number. On forms which are marked for 1st or 3rd person singular subject,
declarative illocutionary force is signaled by portmanteau suffixes which encode both subject
marking and illocutionary force. The form for 1st person singular is ,vd and for 3rd person
singular is ,ld. These are illustrated in the preceding section in TABLE 8 and TABLE 9.
Thus, the form of the declarative verb is as follows:
+VSTEM +TENSE {+SUBJECT +DECL}
where {+SUBJECT +DECL} may be realized by two morphemes or one portmanteau mor-
pheme.
The declarative illocutionary force suffix ,md is dropped when the clause is embedded by
direct cliticization with either the nominalizing clitic <m`5 plus a following case marking
clitic, or the context clitic <r`. If the clause is embedded by a following directional plus
clitics, as in example 39, the declarative suffix remains. Examples 38 and 39 illustrated the
same two clauses joined in two different ways. In example 38 the first clause is subordinated
by direct cliticization with <m`<o`. In example 39 the first clause is subordinated by the
following directional word n, followed by the clitics <m`<o`. Note that in the first exam-
ple the declarative suffix is not present on the verb of the first clause, but it is present in the
second example. Either is acceptable and there appears to be no difference in meaning. The
first seems to be preferred, most likely because it is phonologically more ‘streamlined’ and
should probably be regarded as a contraction of the second. Further analysis may discover
other factors which motivate a speakers choice betwen the two options.
38) @c`j` t`l`mò` m`mha`k`l` vhmx` nm` c`l`md-
`c`<j` t,`,l`<m`<o` m`mha`k`,l` vhmx` n<m` c,`,l`,md
house=CTX go-FPT-1p=NOM=ASS we=ERG dog that=NOM see-FPT-1p-DECL
‘When we went home, we saw the dog.’
39) @c`j` t`l`md nmò` m`mha`k`l` vhmx` nm`
c`l`md-
`c`<j` t,`,l`,md n<m`<o` m`mha`k`<l` vhmx` n<m` c,`,
l`,md
house=CTX go-FPT-1p-DECL that=NOM=ASS we=ERG dog that=NOM see-FPT-
1p-DECL
‘When we went home, we saw the dog.’
4.5.5.3.2 Interrogative illocutionary force
The interrogative illocutionary force is used to question a certain state of affairs. The
structure of the interrogative verb is as follows:
+VSTEM +TENSE +SUBJECT ±INT
Lembena interrogatives may be classed as either polar questions or information questions.
In either case, the interrogative illocutionary force is marked by the interrogative (INT) suffix
,od, or by rising intonation or by both. Examples 41 illustrates the polar interrogative form of
the declarative sentence in example 40.
40) M`mha`k` `c`j` nnl`md-
m`mha`k` `c`<j` ∅,non,l`,md
we house=CTX go-FUT-1p-DECL
‘We will go home.’
6
The = symbol is being used to mark the location of a clitic’s junction with the constituent over which is operates.
See section 4.10 on clitics.
29
41) M`mha`k` `c`j` nnlòd>

m`mha`k` `c`<j` ∅,non,l`,od
we house=CTX go-FUT-1p-INT
‘Will we go home?’
In the case of 1st and 3rd person singular forms the portmanteau morpheme encoding the
person and number of the subject and declarative illocutionary force will be replaced in the
interrogative sentence with the portmanteau morpheme encoding the same person and number
but non-declarative illocutionary force. Compare examples 42 and 43.
42) J`kh nm` hk`ld-
j`kh n<m` h,`k`,ld
man that=NOM come-IPT-3sDECL
‘That man came.’
43) J`kh nm` hk`mòd>
j`kh n<m` h,`k`,m`,od
man that=NOM come-IPT-3s~DECL-INT
‘Did that man come?’
In equative predicates, the interrogative suffix is appended after the equative clitic <d-
44) Nm`mt x`v`kd mdfdm`d-
n<m`<mt x`v`kd m<dfd<m`<d
that=NOM=PLR pig consume=ATTR=NOM=EQ
‘They are pork eating ones.’
45) Nm`mt x`v`kd mdfdm`dod>
n<m`<mt x`v`kd m<dfd<m`<d,od
that=NOM=PLR pig consume=ATTR=NOM=EQ-INT
‘Are they pork eating ones?’
Lembena also has questions adding v`d'od(>, ‘no?’, after the sentence with interrogative
illocutionary force, such as in example 46.
46) Mha`k` vhc` lhodfdm`dod v`d>
mha`k` vhc` lh,non<dfd<m`<d,od v`d
you woman get-POT=ATTR=NOM=EQ-INT NEQ
‘Are you one who will marry a woman, or no?’
The preceding examples all illustrate polar questions. In information questions, Lembena
employs, in addition to the interrogative illocutionary force marker, a wide variety of inter-
rogative particles as well as an interrogative verb. These are free forms which substitute for
some constituent of the clause. These will be discussed in section 4.13 Interrogative.
4.5.5.3.3 Imperative illocutionary force
The imperative illocutionary force is used to give commands or exhort. The underlying
forms of the imperative illocutionary force suffixes are displayed in TABLE 11.

1st person ,`v` ,à` ,`l`
,`+ ,d ,`kò`
nd
2 person
3rd person ,dm`

TABLE 11: Underlying forms of imperative illocutionary force suffixes.
30
The imperative illocutionary force suffixes also encode at least partial information about
the person and number of the subject. Imperative verbs are not marked for tense. The stem of
an imperative verb may include causative and benefactive markers but I have not found any
examples including aspect. It appears that neither of the categories of suffixes which relate to
time, tense or aspect, may be marked on imperative forms. Thus the structure of the impera-
tive stem (VIMP STEM) is as follows:
+VROOT ±CAUSATIVE ±BENEFACTIVE
and the structure of the imperative verb is as follows:
+VIMP STEM +IMPERATIVE
where IMPERATIVE will be filled by one of the imperative illocutionary force suffixes listed in
TABLE 11.
The paradigm of imperative verb forms is displayed in TABLE 12, based on the verb m,,
‘consume’, and in TABLE 13, based on the verb oh,, ‘do’.

1st person m`v` mà` m`l`
2nd person m`` m`kò`
3rd person mdm`
TABLE 12: Imperative of n-, ‘consume’.

1st person ohv` oha` ohl`
oh` ohkò`
nd
2 person
3rd person ohm`

TABLE 13: Imperative of pi-, ‘do’.
Note that there is neutralization of contrast between 2nd person dual and plural and also
among all numbers of 3rd person. 1st person forms are not attested as free forms in the data I
have collected though they do occur in compounded forms such as m`v`m`kd, mà`m`kd and
m`l`m`kd.7 The 2nd person singular form of verb stems consisting of a single consonant,
such as c,, exhibit reduplication of the vowel. The 2nd person singular imperative suffix has a
variant -d when it occurs in a quote8, as in example 47.
47) Mà`k`l` dd vhxd k`kn rònkn o`j`chkhvd-
mà`k`<l` dd vhx,d k,`kn rònkn o`j,`ch,dkd,vd-
I=ERG garden plant-2sIMP say-B.SS shovel buy-BENI-PRT-1sDECL
‘I am buying a shovel so you can plant a garden’, (Lit.: ‘I am buying a shovel for
you saying, ‘plant a garden!’)
2nd person forms of the imperative occur commonly in commands such as example 48.
7
At this point in time, I am unable to elaborate on the meaning of ,m`kd or the change in meaning of the impera-
tive forms when ,m`kd is affixed.
8
Quoted imperatives are the most common way of encoding different actor purpose. See section 7.3.4 Intention.
31
48) Lhm` h`
lh,`m` h,`
get-S.SS come-2sIMP
‘Bring (it)!’
The 2nd person imperative may also occur in a request such as example 49.
49) Jhjn i`-
jhjn ch,`
hand giveINCL-2sIMP
‘Let me shake your hand.’ (lit.: ‘Give me your hand.’)
4.5.6 Medial Verb Forms
Medial verbs occur in one of six forms: basic medial verbs, purpose medial verbs, irrealis
medial verbs, desiderative medial verbs, simultaneous medial verbs and progressive medial
verbs. A significant feature of medial verb forms is that they are not marked for subject, tense
or illocutionary force. In keeping with this feature, medial verbs only occur when the subject
of two or more verbs in a series of clauses is the same. In most cases, the last verb of the se-
ries will be a finite form and carry the subject, tense and illocutionary force marking. The
exception is the case where the main clause is an equative clause, since equative clauses lack
finite verbs.
4.5.6.1 Basic medial verbs
BASIC SAME SUBJECT (B.SS), ,`kn+ occurs (1) suffixed to a verb stem to form the nucleus
of the verb phrase of a simple dependent clause when there is no change of subject in the
clause following and none of the semantic features encoded by the other same subject suffixes
is present, or (2) as the initial component of an aspect phrase followed by one of the aspect
verbs ohh,, ‘be’, vds,, ‘finish’ or mxò,, ‘not ceasing’. (See section 5.2.) I refer to these
forms with the BASIC SAME SUBJECT suffix as basic medial verbs.
Basic medial verbs have the structure:
+VSTEM +BASIC SAME SUBJECT
The underlying form of BASIC SAME SUBJECT (B.SS) is ,`kn. Surface forms are ,`kn after
consonant final stems, ,kh after stems ending in h, ,kt after stems ending in t+ and ,kn else-
where-
Example 50 illustrates the use of medial verb forms in a series of dependent clauses in a
sentence. The medial verbs are marked with the BASIC SAME SUBJECT suffix ,`kn.
50) Nh`kn jhot mx`kn hr`sd r`kn mdd r`kn
nh,`d,`kn jhot mx,`kn hr`sd r,`kn mdd r,`kn
do.like.that-PRFA-B.SS bamboo.strip move-B.SS fire cook-B.SS food cook-B.SS
m`kn `kh`lhmd-
m,`kn `kh,`,lh,md
consume-B.SS sleep-FPT-23p-DECL
‘Having done that they pulled the bamboo strip back and forth, started a fire,
cooked food, ate it and went to sleep.’
The medial verb Nh`kn in this example illustrates the SAME SUBJECT suffix appended to a
verb stem consisting of the verb root nh,, plus the perfect aspect suffix ,`d. The other medial
verbs have minimal stems with none of the optional suffixes.
4.5.6.2 Purpose Medial Verbs
Lembena sentences can encode purpose in a variety of ways. If there is no change of sub-
ject between the clause expressing purpose and the following clause, purpose is encoded us-
32
ing a purpose medial verb form as the nucleus of the clause encoding the purpose. The
structure of the purpose verb is as follows:
+VSTEM +SAME SUBJECT PURPOSE
The underlying form of PURPOSE SAME SUBJECT (P.SS) is ,`v`k`, which has surface realiza-
tions of -`v`k` after stems ending in a consonant or -v`k` after stems ending in a vowel.
Examples 51 and 52 illustrate the use of the purpose medial verb.
51) A`k`l` j`k`h lddm` ohv`k` rònkn o`jdkdld-
a`k`<l` j`k`h ldd<m` oh,`v`k` rònkn o`j,dkd,ld
he=ERG work a=NOM do-P.SS shovel buy-PRT-3sDECL
‘He is buying a shovel in order to do some work.’
52) Lddo`k` dd c`kn odd c`v`k` t`ld
ldd,o`k` dd c,`kn odd c,`v`k` t,`,ld
one-OCC garden see-B.SS eel.trap see-P.SS go-FPT-3sDECL
‘Once, he went to look at his garden and his eel trap.’
4.5.6.3 Irrealis Medial Verbs
The third type of medial verb form is the irrealis medial verb. Irrealis medial verbs en-
code statements about what is NOT the case within the context of an utterance. All instances
of irrealis medial verbs in the data corpus are negated forms. The structure of the irrealis verb
is as follows:
+Vstem +SAME SUBJECT IRREALIS
The underlying form of IRREALIS SAME SUBJECT (I.SS) is ,ds`, with surface realizations
of ,ds` after consonant final stems and ,s` after vowel final stems.
Example 53 illustrates an irrealis medial verb as nucleus of the verb phrase of a dependent
clause.
53) Vhx`j` mha`k` kdt m`` `khs` j`kd `cho` jdjdm` ldkdmd-
vhx`j` mha`k` kdt m`` `kh,ds` <j`kd `cho` jdjdm` l,dkd,d,md
yesterday you sleep.n NEG sleep.v-I.SS =CERT now tiredness feel-PRES-2s-DECL
‘Because you did not sleep yesterday, now you are tired.’
4.5.6.4 Desiderative Medial Verb
The fourth type of medial verb is the desiderative medial verb. This type encodes desire
to accomplish the goal which is expressed by the clause. The structure of the desiderative
medial verb is as follows:
+VSTEM +DESIDERATIVE SAME SUBJECT
The underlying form of DESIDERATIVE SAME SUBJECT (D.SS) is ,`v`mh, with surface re-
alizations of ,`v`mh after consonant final stems and ,v`mh after vowel final stems.
Example 54 illustrates the use of the desiderative medial verb.
54) @ct m`v`mh l``kn dd kdkdld-
`ct m,`v`mh l,`d,`kn d k,dkd,ld
breast consume-D.SS feel-PRFA-B.SS cry say-PRT-3sDECL
‘Desiring to nurse, he is crying.’
55) Dj` nm` a`` mdd m`kn ho` m`v`mh ohkhld-
dj` n<m` a` mdd m,`kn ho` m,`v`mh oh,dkd,ld
bird that=NOM 3s food consume-B.SS water consume-D.SS do-PRT-3sDECL
‘The bird desires to eat food and drink water.’
33
56) Mà`k` `jòt otr` o`v`mh ohkhldmò` ohhkhvd-

mà`k` `jòt otr` o,`v`mh oh,dkd,ld
gloss
‘free_translation’
4.5.6.5 Simultaneous Medial Verb
The fifth type of medial verb form is the simultaneous medial verb. This form is used
when two related actions are carried out by the same subject simultaneously. I the actions are
simultaneous but viewed as unrelated, a basic medial verb will be used. The structure of the
simultaneous medial verb is as follows:
+VSTEM +SIMULTANEOUS SAME SUBJECT
The underlying form of the SIMULTANEOUS SAME SUBJECT is ,`m` with surface realiza-
tions of ,`m` after consonant final stems and ,m` after vowel final stems.
Examples 57 and 58 illustrate the use of the simultaneous medial verb. In example 57,
note that the holding of the walking stick and the act of coming along the trail to get home are
viewed as inter-related actions. Likewise in example 58 carrying the wood on the shoulder
and coming are viewed as related.9
57) J`kh x`v`kd `hxdld j`kh x`h o`f`kh lhm` `c`j` h`ld
j`kh x`v`kd `hx,d,ld j`kh x`h o`f`kh lh,`m` `c`<j` h,`,ld
man pig bite-NPT-3sDECL man stick walking.stick get-S.SS house=CTX come-
FPT-3sDECL
‘The man whom the pig bit got (held) a walking stick and came to (his) house.’
58) J`kh lddm` hr` vnkn o`m` hkhld-
j`kh ldd<m` hr` vnkn o,`m` h,dkd,ld
man a=NOM tree carry.on.shoulder strike-S.SS come-PRT-3sDECL
‘A man, carrying a piece of wood on his shoulder is coming.’
In example 59, the events in the two dependent clauses are simultaneous with the event of
the main clause, but not related, therefore the BASIC SAME SUBJECT suffix is used instead of
the SIMULTANEOUS SAME SUBJECT suffix.
59) A`k`l` vdd k`kn j`k`h ohkh `c`j` ohhkhld-
a`k`<l` vdd k,`kn j`k`h oh,`kn `c`<j` ohh,dkd,ld
he=ERG song say-B.SS work do-B.SS house=CTX be-PRT-3sDECL
‘He is singing a song and working and being at home.’
4.5.6.6 Progressive Medial Verb
The sixth type of medial verb is the progressive medial verb. It encodes the sense of an
action performed progressively, often in conjunction with some other event. The structure of
the progressive medial verb is as follows:
+VSTEM +PROGRESSIVE SAME SUBJECT
The underlying form of the PROGRESSIVE SAME SUBJECT suffix (G.SS) is ,`l`m`, which
is realized in surface forms as ,`l`m` or ,l`m`, depending on the phonological shape of the
verb stem. The progressive medial verb may be repeated twice. Example 60 illustrates the
use of the progressive medial verb.
60) Mhkha`k` vdsdd j`k` `j`kn c`l`m` hòhmd-
mhkha`k` vdsdd j`k` `j,`kn c,`l`m` h,`,oh,md
they2 extremely fear.n fear.v-B.SS see-G.SS come-FPT-23d-DECL
‘They two were afraid and looking (progressively) they came.’
9
The phrase vnkn o`m` in example 58 is an adjunct + verb construction. See section 4.6 Adjuncts.
34
Example 61 illustrates a use of the progressive medial verb with the adjunct plus verb
x`j` k,, ‘read’. Note that the progressive medial verb is repeated.
61) Mha`k`l` A`honkd nm` ddo` ohkh x`j` k`l`m` k`l`m`
mha`k`<l` a`honkd n<m` ddo` oh,`kn x`j` k,`l`m` k,`l`m`
you=ERG Bible that=NOM small do-B.SS read say-G.SS say-G.SS
ohkh knod x`jn c`kn vhv`k` ohkhmd-
oh,`kn k,no,d x`,jn c,`kn vh,`v`k` oh,dkd,d,md
do-B.SS say-FUT-2s if-ARG see-B.SS understand-P.SS do-PRT-2s-DECL
‘If you go on reading the Bible little by little, you will understand.’
4.5.7 Manner Verb Forms

The structure of the manner verb is:
+VROOT +MANNER
where MANNER refers to one of the set of manner suffixes. The underlying forms and mean-
ings of the manner suffixes are as follows:
,`jhmhjhmh ‘haphazardly’, (HZRD)
,`x`ftx`ft ‘randomly’, (RNDM)
,dx`kd ‘as if, similarly’, (SIML)
,`jncòd ‘intensively, carefully’, (INTS)
,`kx` ‘dispersively, without purposeful direction’,

(DISP)
,`knkn ‘reciprocally’, (RCPR)
,`l`m` ‘progressively, little by little’, (PROG)

Manner verbs cannot occur by themselves as nuclei of verb phrases but require a follow-
ing auxiliary verb. Together the manner verb form and the auxiliary verb form a manner verb
nucleus of a verb phrase. (See 5.4.1.1 Verb Nuclei: Simple vs. Adjunct vs. Manner.)
4.6 Adjuncts
Lembena makes extensive use of verb phrases comprised of one of a small set of verbs
with a preceding uninflected word. Most of these words have not been found to occur except
in verb phrases. The class comprised of these words I call adjuncts. A phrase consisting of
adjunct plus verb is called an adjunct verb nucleus. (See section 5.4.1.1 Verb Nuclei: Simple
vs. Adjunct vs. Manner)
The verbs which most commonly occur with these adjuncts are k,, ‘say’, oh,, ‘do’, o,,
‘strike’, s,, ‘shine’, x,, ‘put’, and m,, ‘eat’. K,, ‘say’, is by far the most productive with nearly
three times the number of possible constructions as the next in the list. In most cases the ba-
sic meaning of these verbs does not contribute to the meaning of the verb phrase as a whole.
For example, the adjunct verb phrase j`kàd k`kn means ‘peel bark from a tree (with a bush
knife)-B.SS’. The normal meaning of k`kn, ‘say-B.SS’, is not a component of the meaning
‘peel bark from a tree’.
Following are six tables displaying representative examples of adjuncts associated with
each of the verbs listed above.
35
Lembena Ad- English Gloss Lembena Ad- English Gloss

junct + Verb junct + Verb
``f`k` k`kn ‘split’ o`stjt k`kn ‘pound in’
`j`` k`kn Ïbe lightweight’ odd k`kn ‘increase’
òdjd k`kn ‘turn’ rhh k`kn ‘hurt intensely’
fd k`kn ‘call name’ s`d k`kn ‘be wild’
j`kàd k`kn ‘peel bark with a knife’ snah k`kn ‘bore a hole’
jndjnd k`kn ‘misbehave’ snon k`kn ‘tie up’
k`f` k`kn ‘sprout’ v`jh k`kn ‘wait’
lhm`d k`kn ‘raise’ vdd k`kn ‘sing’
lnjn k`kn ‘release’ x`j` k`kn ‘read’
oàt k`kn ‘shatter’ xò`j` k`kn ‘spring shut’ (of a trap)
o`j`h k`kn ‘burst out’
TABLE 14: Lembena adjunct constructions based on the verb l-, ‘say’

`knn ohkh ‘exchange’ lncn ohkh ‘look after’
dl` ohkh ‘move’ onkdj` ohkh ‘be tired or apathetic’
hhj` ohkh ‘be enough’ sda` ohkh ‘recook food’
hlàt ohkh ‘be physically tired’ v`cn ohkh ‘dry over fire’
jdc` ohkh ‘be heavy’ v`kt ohkh ‘hide’
l`j`ch ohkh ‘attempt’
TABLE 15: Lembena adjunct constructions based on the verb pi-, ‘do’
36

dkh o`kn ‘split off’ k`f` o`kn split in half’
hh o`kn ‘itch’ ltkta` o`kn ‘grow new skin’
jna` o`kn ‘transform’ r`jh o`kn ‘count’
jnankn o`kn ‘chant’ v`r` o`kn ‘wash’
jtid o`kn ‘have diarrhea’ vnkn o`kn ‘carry on shoulder’
k`c` o`kn ‘step into hole’
TABLE 16: Lembena adjunct constructions based on the verb pa-, ‘strike’

àn s`kn ‘rot’ oòn s`kn ‘crack’
ktft s`kn ‘prise out’ v`dx`f` s`kn ‘be careful’
nknon s`kn ‘be hungry’ vnh s`kn ‘germinate’
o`ktft s`kn ‘grow as vine’
TABLE 17: Lembena adjunct constructions based on the verb t-, 'shine'
Lembena Adjunct + Verb English Gloss Lembena Adjunct + Verb English Gloss
fhh x`kn ‘laugh’ knl` x`kn ‘pray’
hlàt x`kn ‘rest’ l`c` x`kn ‘be blind’
j`jh x`kn ‘be soft’ s`d x`kn ‘increase’
jdfd x`kn ‘be lost’
TABLE 18: Lembena adjunct constructions based on the verb y-, ‘put’

j`c` m`kn ‘decrease’ o`kt m`kn ‘be overripe’
jhh m`kn ‘become cold’ rnjd m`kn ‘smoke (tobacco)’
ldc` m`kn ‘mature, harden’
TABLE 19: Lembena adjunct constructions based on the verb n-, ‘consume’
In addition to the adjunct plus verb constructions using these six common verbs, there are
a few others which appear to be the same construction but which make use of other verbs.
These are listed with the normal meaning of the verb component in parentheses, if known, in
TABLE 20.
37

l`c` j`stkt ‘break in two by bending’ ltjtltjt ‘mow short’ (hold)
lhm`kn
l`` x`f`kn ‘waste’ o`rh mx`kn ‘bend in two’ (move back

and forth)
l`c` tkt ‘go hunting’ (go) shchot s`chot ‘obstruct’ (hold)
lhm`kn
TABLE 20: Lembena adjunct constructions
In two of the constructions listed above, the verb component has not been encountered
apart from the adjunct so a determination of its meaning independent from this construction
can not be made.
4.7 Adjectives
Adjectives are a rather small closed class of descriptive words which occur most fre-
quently following the head noun of the noun phrase or, in nominalized form, as the predicate
nominal of an equative clause. Example 62 illustrates the adjective ddo` in the slot following
the head noun of the noun phrase.
62) Mà`k` Shshot và` nlds`j`f` ohh`kn `c` ddo` lddj`mt
mà`k` Shshot và` nlds`j`<f` ohh,`d,`kn `c` ddo` ldd<j`<mt
I Titipu before child=RFR be-PRFA-B.SS house small a=DIM=PLR
ohkh l`m` lh`vd-
oh,`kn l`m` lh,`,vd
do-B.SS knowledge get-FPT-1sDECL
‘When I, Titipu, was a child, I learned how to make small houses.’
Example 63 illustrates the adjective kncnfd, nominalized by the unmarked nominalizing
clitic <m`, as predicate nominal of the equative clause.
63) J`rdd nm` kncnfdm`d-
J`rdd n<m` kncnfd<m`<d
road that=NOM long=NOM=EQ
‘That road is a long one.’
TABLE 21 lists the forms that have been encountered so far.
38
Lembena Adjective English Gloss Lembena Adjective English Gloss

`c`h important ltt short
`c`ho` big ltkto` first
`c`sd domestic mdo` ornery
`mhfd actual mdsdo` last
ò`s` steep mtf` plenty
ò`sò`s` very steep, sloped ncdfd strong
cnkhl`k` yellow nfdod insignificant
ddo` small nfdodfd bad
dkda`fd flat/vertical nkhfd hard
fdfd huge nlhjhjh young
hatkh wild (pig) nonx`fd crooked
ho`fd unripe o`d abandoned
j`j` alive odsdfd wide
j`lnd good onfd red
j`vònktfd round ons`h strong
j`v`s` round rhmnad very small
jdc` heavy sàtj` brown
jdv`fd white sò`sò` ready
jdx`fd clean, good shoh` poor
jhmh true snk`d right-hand, straight
jnadkdjàdkd multicolored snkò`d proper
k`l` flat/horizontal và`fd old
khfd weak vàtfd black
kncnfd long vdmdfd new
ktf`ktf` submissive x`h left-hand
lnlnfnfd red x`m`fd narrow
TABLE 21: Lembena adjectives with English glosses
4.8 Adverbs
Adverbs are a small closed class of words which occur preceding the elements that they
modify. Those elements can include clauses, verbs or adjectives. Lembena adverbs are unin-
flected.
39
Lembena Adverb English Gloss Lembena Adverb English Gloss

àdàd poorly hh very1
`kòt illicitly nknl`s`j` irretrievably
ò` in this manner no` in that manner
`t well odcdodcd suddenly
dadd just, merely, only sdsdodsdod closely
dcdkòn together v`j`r` very2
dkdj`hjh+ dkdj`hl` gently, quietly, vdsdd extremely

slowly
dltf`d+ tf`d purposelessly xò` quickly
TABLE 22: Lembena adverbs with English glosses

Sgd enkknvhmf sgqdd dw`lokdr hkktrsq`sd Kdladm` `cudqar hm bnmsdws-
53( J`sn nm` àdàd v`rdkdld-
j`sn n<m` àdàd v`r,dkd,ld
car that=NOM poorly fix-PRT-3sDECL
‘He is repairing the car poorly.’
65) Dj` ò`fd nm`mt sàdf` dk`j`hjh xnod
dj` ò`fd n<m`<mt sàd<f` dk`j`hjh x,non<d
bird egg that=NOM=PLR table=RFR gently put-FUT-2s
‘Put those eggs gently on the table.’
66) Vdsdd j`sn hf`k` lhm`v`mh ldkdvd-
vdsdd j`sn hf`k` lhm,`v`mh l,dkd,vd
extremely car nose hold-D.SS feel-PRT-1sDECL
‘I really want to drive a car.’
4.9 Article
Lembena has only one article (ART) `kd which occurs preceding nouns and marks them
as referring to previously mentioned, known referents. The following example includes two
overt references to a hunter who was one of two main characters of the story from which this
sentence is drawn. The first reference is `` j`kh lddm`, ‘one of these men’. The second
reference, `kd j`kh, ‘the man’ makes use of the article to connect this reference anaphorically
to the preceding reference. The preceding reference does not have to be within the same sen-
tence.
67) @` j`kh lddm` hkh o`v`m`kd k`kn odftk`ldmò`
` j`kh ldd<m` h,`kn o,`v`,m`kd k,`kn odftk,`,ld<m`<o`
this man a=NOM come-B.SS strike-1sIMP-XPT say-B.SS arrive-FPT-3sDECL=NOM=ASS
x`v`kd `kd j`kh `jnc`m` tkt hr` k`sdfdf` stt k`kn
x`v`kd `kd j`kh `jnc,`m` t,`kn hr` k`sdfd<f` stt k,`kn
pig ART man push-S.SS go-B.SS tree base=RFR toward say-B.SS
`hx`ldmò` `hfhx` k`kn ohh`ld-
`hx,`,ld<m`<o` `h<fhx` k,`kn ohh,`,ld
bite-FPT-3sDECL=NOM=ASS ‘ai’=CTRST say-B.SS be-FPT-3sDECL
40
‘When one of these men arrived, saying “let me kill (the pig)”, and then as (the)
pig, pushing the man, pinned (him) against a tree and bit him, he was saying
“ai!”’
4.10 Clitics
Clitics constitute a small closed class of forms which occur sometimes free and some-
times bound to the preceding element. Clitics are used to signal many grammatical and se-
mantic relationships, both within a clause and between clauses and carry a heavy functional
load in the language. These clitics do not occur in fixed positions relative to any word class
but migrate to the position immediately following the last morpheme of the syntactic unit
upon which they operate, which may be a word, phrase or clause. Thus all Lembena clitics
are enclitics. I refer to the constituent upon which a clitic operates as the scope of the clitic.
Since clitics do not behave the same as suffixes, I use an equal sign (<) in the interlinear
examples to designate the boundary between a clitic and the syntactic constituent upon which
it operates. Note that the equal sign marks the boundary between the clitic and the entire pre-
ceding constituent that is the scope of the clitic, not just the immediately preceding word. I
also precede clitics with the equal sign when citing them in isolation. In each of the following
examples, the scope of the clitic is shown by underlining.
4.10.1 Nominalizing Clitics
The three nominalizing clitics, <m`, ‘nominalizer’ (NOM), <kòt, ‘dual nominalizer’
(DNM), and <at, ‘plural nominalizer’ (PNM), indicate that the preceding constituent is
functioning as a nominal argument in the clause. All three can occur on words and phrases,
but only <m` occurs on clauses in which case it embeds those clauses as arguments in other
clauses.
At the word level the nominalizing clitics can occur on adjectives, directionals and nomi-
nals (including pronouns, locative nouns, common nouns and proper nouns). However, <m`
does not occur on nominals except when they occur as predicate nominals, in which case it is
followed by the equative clitic <d. (See section 4.10.4, below)
Example 68 illustrates the use of <m` with word level scope, in this case on the adjective
j`lnd, ‘good’.
68) J`lndm` oh`vd-
j`lnd<m` oh,`,vd
good=NOM do-FPT-1sDECL
‘I made good ones.’
Example 69 illustrates the proper noun C`hohshod as a predicate nominal followed by the
unmarked nominalizer and equative clitic.
69) Idrhod mxdfd C`hohshodm`d-
Idrh,od mxdfd C`hohsh,od<m`<d
Jesse-REFM son David-REFM=NOM=EQ
‘Jesse’s son was David.’
Example 70 illustrates the use of <m` with phrase level scope, in this case on the noun
phrase j`kh ldd, ‘a man’, and example 71 illustrates the noun phrase vhc` n, ‘that woman’,
with the dual nominalizer <kòt.
70) J`kh lddm` a`` và` ohh`ld-
j`kh ldd<m` a`` và` ohh,`,ld
man a=NOM he before be-FPT-3sDECL
‘There once was a man.’
41
71) Vhc` nkòt c`kn no` k`j`k`ld-

vhc` n<kòt c,`kn no` k,`j`k,`,ld
woman that=DNM see-B.SS thus say-BENX-FPT-3sDECL
‘Seeing the two women, he spoke to them in that way.’
Example 72 illustrates the plural nominalizer <at with phrase level scope on the noun
phrase nn ohh n’, ‘that word’.
72) Nn ohh nat mà`k`l` kdkdvd-
n ohh n<at mà`k`<l` k,dkd,vd
that talk that=PNM I=ERG say-PRT-1sDECL
‘I am saying those words.’
Example 73 illustrates the use of =m` with clause level scope, in this case on the clause
Mnkh m`` onm`ld, ‘game was not evident’.
73) Mnkh m`` onm`ldmò` `hx` lddm` o`kn lhm`
mnkh m`` onm,`,ld<m`<o` `hx` ldd<m` o,`kn lh,`m`
animal NEG be.clearly.visible-FPT-3S=NOM=ASS cuscus a=NOM kill-B.SS get-S.SS
otr`kn m`kn `khòhmd-
otr,`kn m,`kn `kh,`,oh,md
cook.in.ground-B.SS consume-B.SS sleep-FPT-23d-DECL
‘As there was no game, they killed a cuscus, got it, cooked it, ate it and slept.’
The use of <m` on clauses is very common in Lembena. Since a clause with <m` is
functioning as an argument within another clause with the clause embedded as head of a noun
phrase, it may be followed by one of the case marking clitics, as appropriate. If the clause is
embedded as direct object or non-ergative subject it will be unmarked for case as in example
74.
74) J`c`r`kn lhrh ohh h`ld nm` onk`kn kdkdvd-
j`c`r,`kn lhrh ohh h,`,ld n<m` onk,`kn k,dkd,vd
start-B.SS religion talk come-FPT-3sDECL that=NOM proclaim-B.SS say-PRT-1sDECL
‘I am telling forth that religious talk (Christianity) started and came (to us).’
4.10.2 Case Marking Clitics

Lembena has three case marking clitics: <o`+ <f`+ and <l`, which are restricted in
their distribution to noun phrases. <O` marks the associative case, which encodes the sense
that the constituent on which it operates is in some way associated with another constituent.
This association could be commitive10, temporal or logical. When used to relate two noun
phrase constituents, <o` has a commitive sense, indicating that the two referents are in-
volved in the event encoded by the predicate together with one another. The associative clitic
may occur on both or only one of the two constituents.
Example 75 illustrates the associative clitic with commitive sense on the noun mxdfd,
‘son’, one of two noun phrases filling the subject slot in the clause.
75) J`kh lddm` mxdfdo` ohhòhmd-
j`kh ldd<m` mxdfd<o` ohh,`,oh,md
man a=NOM son=ASS be-FPT-23d-DECL
‘There were a man and (his) son.’
10
As used in this paper, commitive refers to a relationship between two constituents characterized by being or
acting together. It is similar to but not identical to the additive sense of the conjunctive relationship. In English,
‘John built the house with Bill’ expresses a commitive relationship. ‘John and Bill built the house’ expresses a
conjunctive relationship.
42
The associative clitic frequently occurs on temporal noun phrases as in example 76. In
these cases it signals that the event of the clause occurs at the time indicated by the temporal
expression.
76) Hotkh fhh lddmò` nlds`j` nm` a`` snd` jnr`kn o`v`k`
hotkh fhh ldd<m`<o` nlds`j` n<m` a`` snd` jnr,`kn o,
`v`k`
place time a=NOM=ASS child that=NOM he lizard look.for-B.SS strike-
P.SS
t`ld-
t,`,ld
go-FPT-3sDECL
‘At a certain time, the child went to find and kill lizards.’
The use of <o` on a nominalized clause, as in example 77, embeds that clause as an ar-
gument in the main clause. This is a common way to relate two associated events when each
event has a different subject. (If there is no change of subject a medial verb with SAME
SUBJECT marking will normally be used. See section 4.5.6.1 Basic medial verbs.)
77) Tkt c`ldmò` snd` nldfd lddm` m`h xnhkh
ohhld-
t,`kn c,`,ld<m`<o` snd` nldfd ldd<m` m`h xnh,`kn ohh,d,
ld
go-B.SS see-FPT-3sDECL=NOM=ASS lizard offspring a=NOM sun bask-B.SS be-
NPT-3sDECL
‘As he went and looked, a baby lizard was basking in the sun.’
Note that although the English free translation encodes this as a subordinate and main clause,
in Lembena one clause is embedded as an argument within another clause.
<F` marks the referential case, which encodes the sense that a constituent or an event
should be understood in reference to another constituent. This reference could be spatial,
logical or possessive. If <f` is used in a logical sense it marks a reason-result relationship
between two constituents, with the reason being marked by <f`.
The following example illustrates the use of <f` to embed a nominalized clause as the
reason in a clause expressing the result. The fact that the piece of wood is short is the reason
for the command to go get another one.
78) Hr` `m` ltt chjdkdld nm`f` v`j`kd
hr` `<m` lt chj,dkd,ld n<m`<f` v`j`kd
wood this=NOM short become-PRT-3sDECL that=NOM=RFR another
lddm` lhv`k` t`-
ldd<m` lh,`v`k` t,`
a=NOM get-P.SS go-2sIMP
‘This piece of wood is short so go get another one.’
Example 79 illustrates <f` on a noun phrase consisting of the pronoun a`, ‘he’, with
possessive sense.
79) A`f` vhc`fdmt cdd mxdfdmt xò` `h o`j`v`k` t`lhmd-
a`<f` vhc`fd<mt cdd mxdfd<mt xò` `h o`j,`v`k` t,`,lh,md
he=RFR wife=PLR and son=PLR quickly sago cut-P.SS go-FPT-23p-DECL
‘His wives and sons quickly went to cut sago.’
Example 80 illustrates <f` on the noun phrase hotkh r`t, ‘mountain’, encoding spatial
reference.
43
80) Hotkh r`tf` lnjno`kd x`k`ld-

Hotkh r`t<f` lnjno`kd x,`k`,ld
ground mountain=RFR cloud exist-IPT-3sDECL
‘Clouds were on the mountain.’
<L` marks the ergative case, which encodes the sense that the marked constituent has
an agent, instrument or causal role in the clause. Example 81 illustrates a noun phrase with a
clause as head embedded by <l` as the cause in a clause expressing the effect. The fact that
it rained is the direct cause of the ground being wet.
81) @odkd h`ld nm`l` hotkh `m` snad kdkdld-
òdkd h,`,ld n<m`<l` hotkh `<m` snad k,dkd,ld
rain come-FPT-3sDECL that=NOM=ERG ground this=NOM wet say-PRT-
3sDECL
‘Because it rained this ground is wet.’
Example 82 illustrates two uses of <l`: the first on the noun phrase j`kh ldd, ‘a man’,
marking it as agent; the second on the noun phrase v`, ‘ax’, marking it as instrument. In
cases like this, semantic features such as animacy help to differentiate between the roles of
similarly marked constituents. Word order also influences the interpretation since agent nor-
mally precedes instrument.
82) J`kh lddm`l` v`l` hr` o`jdkdld-
j`kh ldd<m`<l` v`<l` hr` o`j,dkd,ld
man a=NOM=ERG ax=ERG tree cut.down-PRT-3sDECL
‘A man is cutting down a tree with an ax.’
The following two examples illustrate the collocation of the dual and plural nominalizing
clitics with the ergative case marking clitic.
83) Jnlt cdd J`tdmd nkòtl` lddm` lddmò` odh k`kn
jnlt cdd j`tdmd n<kòt<l` ldd<m` ldd<m`<o` odh k,`kn
crocodile CORJ cassowary that=DNM=ERG a=NOM a=NOM=ASS pull say-B.SS
s`c` otot mòhmd-
s`c`-otot m,`,oh,md
difficulty consume-FPT-23d-DECL
‘Crocodile and Cassowary those two pulled with a great struggle one with the
other.’
84) M`m`v` Otm` Otkh J`kho` cdd Vnfhlnkn nat j`kh sdonl`m`
M`m`v` Otm` Otkh J`kho` cdd Vnfhlnkn n<at j`kh sdonl`m`
Nanawa Puna Puli Kalipa CORJ Wogimolo that=PNM man three
natl` lì`lhmd-
n<at<l` l`ch,`,lh,md
that=PNM=ERG bear-FPT-23p-DECL
‘Nanawa, Puna, Puli, Kalipa and Wogimolo, these (sons) the three men begat.
4.10.3 Attributive Clitic
The attributive clitic (ATTR) <dfd encodes the sense that the constituent upon which it
operates denotes a non-incidental attribute of a referent or is inseparably connected (literally
or figuratively) to that referent. The scope of the attributive clitic can be an adjective which
specifies an inherent quality. These include adjectives denoting physical shapes, sizes, colors
and other qualities, as in TABLE 23.
44
Lembena Adjective English Gloss Lembena Adjective English Gloss

with Attributive clitic with Attributive clitic
`mhfd real nkhfd hard2
dkda`fd vertical nonx`fd crooked
fdfd huge odsdfd flat, wide
ho`fd unripe và`fd old
j`vò`ktfd round vdmdfd new
jdx`fd clean, pure x`m`fd narrow
jhmhfd true lnlnfnfd red1
khfd weak onfd red2
kncnfd long vàtfd black
ncdfd hard1 jdv`fd white
nfdodfd bad
TABLE 23: Lembena adjectives with attributive clitic

The scope of the attributive clitic can also be a noun denoting a referent that is somehow
inseparably linked to or identified with another referent, specifically body parts and kinship
terms. These are displayed in TABLE 24 through TABLE 27.
45
Lembena Human English Gloss Lembena Human English Gloss

Body Part Body Part
`kdfd ear ltr`fd back
òdfd fat ltr`khfd backbone
fòthfd chin mdfd tooth
f`stfd jawbone ncdfd head
hfd hair nfn kdfd ankle
j`v`fd head nkhfd bone
jdm`v`fd shoulder nkhl`fd shin
jhjn kdfd wrist o`k`fd digit
jnfòtfd tendon odsdfd palm, sole
k`sdfd buttocks kdd ohchfd eye brow
kdfd joint nfn sàdfd top of foot
kdd ltfd eye lid vò`kdfd knee joint
khfd viscera jhjn x`m`fd upper arm
l`kdv`fd neck x`mnfd skin
lhchfd muscle vdsnfd hip
TABLE 24: Lembena human body part names with attributive clitic
Lembena Animal English Gloss Lembena Animal English Gloss

Body Part Body Part
dsdfd tail nknlnfd pupa
hfd hair, feather nltfd carcass
khfd sdfd internal organs odadmnfd cocoon
mdfd tooth, beak odo`j`fd wing
nfnfd leg
TABLE 25: Lembena animal body part names with attributive clitic
46
Lembena Plant Part English Gloss Lembena Plant Part English Gloss
hfd blossom r`stctfd trunk
hr`fd stem snsnfd sap
k`sdfd stump stltfd growing tip
ohkhfd root xnjnfd leaf
TABLE 26: Lembena plant part names with attributive clitic
Lembena Kinship English Gloss Lembena Kinship English Gloss

Term Term
`kdc`fd husband kxdfd male’s brother’s wife,
female’s sister’s hus-
band, wife’s sister or
husband’s brother
ò`fd mother’s brother lh`fd wife’s parent or son-in-
law
òtdfd grandmother mxdfd son
òtshfd great-grandmother o`khfd male’s sister’s hus-

band, wife’s brother,
`t`fd grandfather oò`fd female’s sister
`tònfd great-grandfather ohkhmhfd husband’s sister
`xdfd father’s brother ohl`khfd male’s sister or fe-

male’s brother
`xdmhfd husband’s parent or s`dfd father
daughter-in-law
dcdfd mother v`mdfd daughter
fhs`fd father’s sister vhc`fd wife
j`hfd cross cousin x`fnfd male’s brother
TABLE 27: Lembena kinship terms with attributive clitic

There are some body parts, such as jhjn, ‘hand or arm’; hf`k`, ‘nose’; sna`, ‘belly’
which rarely take the attributive clitic when referring to human body parts. When referring to
the leg of a person nfn is used without the attributive clitic, which appears to be obligatory
when referring to the leg of an animal. Likewise, a house used by people is `c`, while an
animal’s house, nest, lair, web, etc. is `c`fd. Human offspring are nlds`j`, while animal,
bird or insect offspring are nldfd. A bird’s egg is ò`fd, an insect’s egg ò`khfd. Thus it
appears that the requirement for the use of the attributive clitic is more rigorous for animal
and plant parts than for human body parts.
Some other nouns which require the attributive clitic are:
ò`fd ‘bird’s egg’
ò`khfd ‘insect’s egg’
`tvdfd ‘self’ (Reflexive)
47
fdfd ‘name’
nldfd ‘animal, bird or insect offspring’
In the case of kinship terms, the attributive clitic does not occur when they are used as
terms of address. I am unaware of any kinship term which can occur (other than vocatively)
without the attributive clitic.
Example 85 illustrated two instances of the attributive clitic, first on the kinship noun
dcd, ‘mother’. The second instance is on the quality adjective jdx`, ‘clean’, here used in ref-
erence to water used to wash a sore.
85) Jò` nmò` dcdfdl` ho` jdx`fd lddm` lh`kn
jò` n<m`<o` dcd<dfd<l` ho` jdx`<dfd ldd<m` lh,`d,
`kn
All.right that=NOM=ASS mother=ATTR=ERG water clean=ATTR a=NOM get-PRFA-
B.SS
nmò` rnkd ldx`kn v`r` o`j`k`ld-
n<m`<o` rnkd ldx,`kn v`r` o,`j`k,`,ld
that=NOM=ASS salt throw-B.SS wash strike-BENX-FPT-3sDECL
‘All right then, (his) mother, having gotten some clean water, then throws salt in
it and washes (the sore) for him.’
The attributive clitic can also occur on a clause or sentence expressing a habitual or cus-
tomary action or state of another referent. When the attributive clitic occurs on a clause or
sentence, it occurs on the uninflected stem of what would otherwise be the finite verb of the
independent verb phrase. Such clauses or sentences bearing the attributive clitic, or attribu-
tives, have a distribution and function similar to adjectives.
Example 86 illustrates an attributive o`m`hfd, ‘think=ATTR’, preceding a noun which it
modifies as part of a noun phrase.
75( O`m`hfd j`kh nm` ohhkhld-
o`m`h<dfd j`kh n<m` ohh,dkd,ld
think=ATTR man that=NOM be-PRT-3sDECL
‘The thinking man is here.’
Attributives may in turn be nominalized by an optional directional followed by the un-
marked nominalizer <m` in which case they have a distribution and function similar to
nouns.
87) A`k`f` o`m`hfd nm` jò` v`d-
a`k`<f` o`m`h<fd n<m` jò` v`d
he=RFR think=ATTR that=NOM all.right NEQ
‘His thinking is not all right.’
4.10.4 Equative Clitic
We have already seen many instances of the equative clitic (EQ), <d, in examples in this
paper. The equative clitic occurs on nouns or other nominalized constituents. This clitic
functions to mark the constituent upon which it operates as predicate of the clause, i.e. a
predicate nominal. Example 88 illustrates two instances of the equative clitic first on a proper
noun, then on a noun phrase.
88) Mà`k` Tststldm`d+ mha`k`f` j`k`h vhc`m`d-
mà`k` Tstst,ld<m`<d mha`k`<f` j`k`h vhc`<m`<d
I Ruth-REFM=NOM=EQ you=RFR work woman=NOM=EQ
‘I am Ruth, your servant woman.’
48
Clauses with predicates formed using the equative clitic do not have verb phrases.
Equative predicates do often consist of an attributive nominalized by following <m` and end-
ing in the equative clitic, such as in example 89.
89) @h o`j`v`k` và` tkt `h cdfdm`d-
`h o`j,`v`k` và` t,`kn `h c<dfd<m`<d
sago chop.down-P.SS before go-B.SS sago see=ATTR=NOM=EQ
‘In order to chop down a sago palm, we are ones who first go and find the sago
palm.’
4.10.5 Plural Marking Clitic
<Mt is the plural marking clitic (PLR) which occurs on noun phrases. Example 90 il-
lustrates the plural marking clitic on the minimal noun phrase vhc`, ‘woman’.
90) Vhc`mt atkt vhs` oh`lhmd-
vhc`<mt atkt vhs` oh,`,lh,md
woman=PLR ‘bulu’ grass.skirt do-FPT-23p-DECL
‘Women wore ‘bulu’ grass skirts.’
Example 91 illustrates <mt on the noun phrase a`donkd nm`f` ohh nm`.
91) A`donkd nm`f` ohh nm`mt x`j` k`kn mà` sdfd
a`donkd n<m`<f` ohh n<m`<mt x`j` k,`kn mà` sdfd
Bible that=NOM=RFR talk that=NOM=PLR read say-B.SS I meaning
lhkh ohhfdm`d-
lh,`kn ohh<dfd<m`<d
get-B.SS be=ATTR=NOM=EQ
‘I am one who reads the words from the Bible and learns from them (gets mean-
ing).’
The plural marking clitic can co-occur with the case marking clitics according to the fol-
lowing formula:
⎧ pa ⎫
⎧ NOUN ⎫ ⎪ ⎪
⎨ ⎬ = nu = ⎨ga ⎬
⎩CONSTITUENT + = na ⎭ NP ⎪ma ⎪
⎩ ⎭
Example 92 illustrates <mt*<f` on the noun phrase m`x` hotkh nm`, ‘that town
ground’.
92) M`x` hotkh nm`mtf` tkt cdfdm`d-
m`x` hotkh n<m`<mt<f` t,`kn c<dfd<m`<d
town ground that=NOM=PLR=RFR go-B.SS see=ATTR=NOM=EQ
‘(We) are ones who go to the towns and see (them).’
Example 104 on page 52 is an illustration of <mt plus the ergative case marking clitic
<l`.
The clitic <at, ‘PLURAL NOMINALIZER’, and the sequence of clitics <m`<mt,
‘NOMINALIZER PLURAL’ seem to have the same meaning. Both nat and nm`mt occur in the
data, but I am unable at this time to describe the factors influencing the choice of one over the
other.
4.10.6 Context Marking Clitic
There is a context marking clitic (CTX), with the underlying form =r`, which marks the
constituent upon which it operates as context or setting for the larger constituent within which
it occurs. This context may be spatial, temporal, personal or situational. This clitic can have
word, phrase or clause level scope. Besides the most common surface form <r`, the context
49
marking clitic has two lexically determined allomorphs, <j`, which occurs only on `c`,
‘house’, resulting in the form `c`j`, and <khj`, which occurs only on dd, ‘garden’, result-
ing in the form dkhj`. A fourth allomorph, <jhr`, occurs with personal pronouns, as in ex-
ample 93. This allomorph always marks personal context and is written as a free form.
93) Nhkhvdmò` mà`k` jhr` xdmxd cdd otct nm`mt
nh,dkd,vd<m`<o` mà`k` <jhr` xdmxd cdd otct
n<m`<mt
do.like.that-PRT-1sDECL=NOM=ASS I =CTX sickness CORJ trouble
that=NOM=PLR
m`` hfdm`d-
m`` h<dfd<m`<d
NEG come=ATTR=NOM=EQ
‘As I do like that, sickness and troubles are ones that do not come to me.’
Example 94 illustrates two occurrences of the context marking clitic, both with word level
scope and both marking spatial context, specifically destination.
94) Dj` nm` l`kn hotkhr` h`ldmò` lhm` `c`j`
dj` n<m` l,`kn hotkh<r` h,`,ld<m`<o` lh,`m`
`c`<j`
bird that=NOM die-B.SS ground=CTX come-FPT-3sDECL=NOM=ASS get-S.SS
house=CTX
t`vd-
t,`,vd
go-FPT-1sDECL
‘When the bird died and came (fell) to the ground, I took it home.’
Example 95 illustrates the context marking clitic with word level scope and marking tem-
poral context.
95) Và` nlds`j`r` ho` ltc`f` v`r` o`chv`k` k`lhmò`
và` nlds`j`<r` ho` ltc`<f` v`r` o,`ch,`v`k` k,`,
lh<m`<o`
before child=CTX water pool=RFR wash strike-BENI-P.SS say-FPT-
23p=NOM=ASS
j`k` `j`vd-
j`k` `j,`,vd
fear fear-FPT-1sDECL
‘Before, (when I was) a child, when they spoke of washing me in a pool of water,
I was afraid.
Example 96 illustrates <r` with clause level scope and marking situational context.
96) A`k`l` j`k`h ohkhvd`j` k`ldr` xnkd jto`kd
a`k`<l` j`k`h oh,dkd,vd<`j` k,`,ld<r` xnkd jto`kd
he=ERG work do-PRT-1sDECL=+DEG say-FPT-3sDECL=CTX pay much
j`k`l`md-
j`k,`,l`,md
giveEXCL-FPT-1p-DECL
‘In light of what he said, ‘I am really working,’ we gave him a lot of pay.’
The context marking clitic has not been observed to occur on the same constituent with
<m`, or with <m`*z<o`.<f`.<l`|, or with either <o` or <l` alone- The referen-
tial case marking clitic <f` has been attested on `c`, ‘house’, and dd, ‘garden’, when these
50
two forms are marked with their special allomorphs of the context marking clitic. These cases
are illustrated in examples 97 and 98 .
97) O`kn lhm` `c`j`f` otr`vd-
o,`kn lh,`m` `c`<j`<f` otr,`,vd
strike-B.SS get-S.SS house=CTX=RFR cook.in.ground-FPT-1sDECL
‘I struck/killed (it) brought (it) (home) and cooked (it) at home.’
98) S`dkdld nmò` mdd vnhfd lhm` tkt dkhj`f`
s,`d,dkd,ld n<m`<o` mdd vnhfd lh,`m` t,`kn
d<khj`<f`
shine -PRFA-PRT-3sDECL that=NOM=ASS food seed
11 get-S.SS go-B.SS
garden=CTX=RFR
vhxdfdm`d-
vhx<dfd<m`<d
plant=ATTR=NOM=EQ
‘When (the new garden) has burned, (we are ones who) get food seeds and go and
plant them in the garden.’
In each of these cases, the noun marked with both the context marker and the referential
marker functions as an argument with respect to two different verbs in the clause. In example
97, `c`, ‘house’, is both destination with respect to lhm` 'hkh(, ‘bringing’, and location with
respect to otr,, ‘cook in ground’. In example 98, d, ‘garden’, is both destination with respect
to tkt, ‘go’, and location with respect to vhx,, ‘plant’. This dual function may be the expla-
nation for the double cliticization.
4.10.7 Intensifier Clitic
The intensifier clitic (+DEG) <`j` occurs on words, phrases or clauses. It encodes the
sense of greater intensity or higher degree. It may on different occasions be glossed in Eng-
lish as ‘more and more’, ‘in addition to’, ‘over again’, or ‘that very…’. The following four
examples illustrate various uses of the intensifier clitic.
99) A`k` j`k`h ohkh`j` ohhkhld-
a`k` j`k`h oh,`kn<`j` ohh,kd,ld
he work do-B.SS=+DEG be-PRT-3sDECL
‘He is continuing to work more and more.’
100) J`kh và` `c`j` h`ld-
j`kh và` `c`<j` h,`,ld
man first house=CTX come-FPT-3sDECL
‘The man came home first.’
Cdd vhc`fd mdsdo` h`ld`j`-
cdd vhc`fd mdsdo` h,`,ld<`j`
CORJ wife later come-FPT-3sDECL=+DEG
‘And later his wife came home, too.’
101) Mà`k`l` ohh nm``j` k``vd
mà`k`<l` ohh n<m`<`j` k,`d,`,vd
I=ERG talk that=NOM=+DEG say-PRFA-FPT-1sDECL
‘I had said that very same thing.’
11
The verb s, glossed ‘shine’ has a range of meaning which includes ‘cook’, ‘burn’, become evident’, manifest’.
51
102) @kdat j`kh nm` h`ld`j` nm` vhx`m` cdd m``

`kdat j`kh n<m` h,`,ld<`j` n<m` vhx`m` cdd m``
2.days.ago man that=NOM come-FPT-3sDECL=+DEG that=NOM tomorrow again NEG
hnld-
h,non,ld
come-FUT-3sDECL
‘That very man who came yesterday will not come again tomorrow.’
See also example 109 under section 4.10.9.
4.10.8 Conjunction Clitic
The conjunction clitic (CNJ), <oh, marks constituents as coordinately conjoined. The
conjoined constituents may be noun phrases or verb phrases and the scope of the conjunction
may cross sentence boundaries. Example 103 illustrates two nouns as conjoined subjects
marked with the conjunction clitic.
103) Và` m`mha`k` `tv`fdoh cdd s`dfdoh nm`mtl` `m`
và` m`mha`k` `tv`fd<oh cdd s`dfd<oh n<m`<mt<l` `m`
before we ancestor=CNJ and father=CNJ that=NOM=PLR=ERG stone
v`` nm`l` dd o`j`kn cdd `c` ohkh ohh`lhmd-
v`` n<m`<l` dd o`j,`kn cdd `c` oh,`kn ohh,`,lh,md
ax that=NOM=ERG garden cut.down-B.SS then house do-B.SS be-FPT-23p-DECL
‘Before our ancestors and fathers were cutting gardens and building houses with
stone axes.’
Example 104 illustrates the conjunction clitic <oh collocated with the plural marking cli-
tic <mt on conjoined noun phrase subjects.
104) Vhc`j`kh `cho` nm`mtoh cdd `dl` lìnlh
vhc`,j`kh `cho` n<m`<mt<oh cdd `dl` l`ch,non,lh
woman-man now that=NOM=PLR=CNJ then later bear-FUT-23p
nm`mtoh mà`k` c`kn @m`rtl` lnh ohfd sdfd
n<m`<mt<oh mà`k` c,`kn @m`rt<l` lnh ohfd sdfd
that=NOM=PLR=CNJ I see-B.SS God=ERG gladness do.ATTR show.ATTR
`c`ho` nm` i`ld k`ln k`kn knnlhmd-
`c`ho` n<m` ch,`,ld <k`ln k,`kn k,non,lh,md
big that=NOM giveINCL-FPT-DECL =EVID say-B.SS say-FUT-23p-DECL
‘People of today and (people) who will be born later will see me and say that God
has obviously given a great blessing to me.’
Example 105 illustrates the conjunction clitic on a verb phrase in the second sentence. In
this case the conjunction is with another verb phrase hr` lhkh r`kn, ‘get and burn wood’, in
the previous sentence.
105) @odkd x`kn dkdcd hkhld nmò` jò` tkt
òdkd x,`kn dkdcd h,dkd,ld n<m`<o` jò` t,`kn
rain exist-B.SS rainy.season come-PRT-3sDECL that=NOM=ASS able go-B.SS
lddm`l` hr` lhkh r`kn m`dfdm`d- Cdd
ldd<m`<l` hr` lh,`kn r,`kn m,`d<dfd<m`<d cdd
a=NOM=ERG tree get-B.SS cook-B.SS not.do-PRFA=ATTR=NOM=EQ CORJ
mdd m`knoh lddm`l` jò` m`dfdm`d-
mdd m,`kn<oh ldd<m`<l` jò` m,`d,dfd<m`<d
food consume-B.SS=CNJ a=NOM=ERG able not.do-PRFA=ATTR=NOM=EQ
52
‘When there is rain and the rainy season comes, a (person) is not able to be one
who goes and gets and burns wood (makes a fire). And a (person) is not able to
be one who eats food.’
It is not obligatory that <oh occur on every one of the conjoined constituents in a series.
It is not uncommon for it to occur only on the last constituent as in example 106. This is also
true of the preceding example, where <oh is not found on the conjoined verb phrase in the
first sentence.
106) Dd `c` hotkhoh nm`mt lhmtadkdld-
dd `c` hotkh<oh n<m`<mt lhmta,dkd,ld
garden house land=CNJ that=NOM=PLR cover-PRT-3sDECL
‘He is in possession of the garden, house and land.’
4.10.9 Argumentative Clitic

The argumentative clitic (ARG) <jn marks a constituent as asserted in opposition to
something else. This clitic may have phrase or clause level scope. The next two examples
illustrate the use of the argumentative clitic. In the first, the clitic occurs directly after the
final verb of the clause upon which it is operating. In the second, the clitic occurs following
the directional n which follows the clause.
107) Vhmx` a`` cdd tkt mnkh s`sd v`j`kd v`j`kdmt lhm` hkh
vhmx` a`` cdd t,`kn mnkh s`sd v`j`kd v`j`kd<mt lh,`m` h,`kn
dog he again go-B.SS game type other other=PLR get-S.SS come-
B.SS
c`ldjn `kd x`v`kd lòt r`kn m`dld-
c,`,ld<jn `kd x`v`kd lòt r,`kn m,`d,`,ld
see-FPT-3sDECL=ARG the pig sweet.potato cook-B.SS consume-PRFA-FPT-
3sDECL
‘When the dog again went and brought back different kinds of game and looked
(as opposed to not looking) the pig had cooked and eaten (the) sweet potatoes.
108) @kd j`kh v`tj`sd h`ld c`ld njn mnkh
o`kn
`kd j`kh v`tj`,sd h,`,ld c,`,ld n<jn mnkh o,
`kn
the man night-side come-FPT-3sDECL see-FPT-3sDECL that=ARG game
strike-B.SS
lhm` m`` h`ld-
lh,`m` m`` h,`,ld
get-S.SS NEG come-FPT-3sDECL
‘When the man came (home) at night and looked (as opposed to not looking) he
(another man) had not killed any game and brought it (home).’
Example 109 illustrates <jn with noun phrase scope. Note also the collocation with the
dual nominalizer and the intensifier clitic.
109) Nm`f` k`kn `shlt ohh ddo` njnkòt`j` odkdvd-
n<m`<f` k,`kn `shlt ohh ddo` n<jn<kòt<`j` o,dkd,vd
that=NOM=RFR say-B.SS story talk little that=ARG=DNM=+DEG strike-PRT-1sDECL
‘Speaking about that, I write just these couple little stories (as opposed to others).
See also examples 114 and 115 under section 4.10.11.
53
4.10.10 Similarity Clitic

The similarity clitic (SIM) <kd marks a constituent as a standard to which something else
is compared and judged similar. It has phrase level scope.
Examples 110 to112 illustrate the similarity clitic.
110) Kdd nm` x`mtfdf` kàhx` no`kdm`d-
kdd n<m` x`mtfd<f` kàhx` n<o`<kd<m`<d
eye that=NOM body=RFR lamp that=ASS=SIM=NOM=EQ
‘The eye is like the lamp of the body.’
111) @o`kd lddm` lhm` h`
`<o`<kd ldd<m` lh,`m` h,`
this=ASS=SIM a=NOM get-S.SS come-2sIMP
‘Bring one like this (one)!’
112) Cdd no`kd ò`kd nm`mt ltmh `c`ho`m` kdkdlhmd-
cdd n<o`<kd `<o`<kd n<m`<mt ltmh `c`ho`<m` k,dkd,lh,
md
CORJ that=ASS=SIM this=ASS=SIM that=NOM=PLR money big=NOM say-PRT-
23p-DECL
‘Furthermore, regarding things like that and this, they cost a lot of money.’
The similarity clitic commonly occurs coupled with the contrast clitic to signal unreal
condition. This is discussed in section 4.10.12 below.
4.10.11 Conditional Clitic
There is a conditional clitic which marks a constituent as a real condition. This clitic has
the form <s`ln. The next three examples illustrate the use of s`ln, ‘REAL CONDITION’
(RCON). In examples 113 and 114, s`ln has clause level scope. In the two instances of
s`ln in example 115, it has phrase level scope.
113) Vhc`j`kh lddm` dkdld s`ln a`` c`kn hr` jds`d
vhc`j`kh ldd<m` ∅,dkd,ld <s`ln a`` c,`kn hr` jds`d
people a=NOM go-PRT-3sDECL =RCON he see-B.SS tree top
l`f`kn tkt x`khfdm`d-
l`f,`kn t,`kn x`kh<dfd<m`<d
fly-B.SS go-B.SS land=ATTR=NOM=EQ
‘If a person comes, he is one who sees and flies up and lands on a tree top.’
114) Mdd nm` nfdodfd s`lnjn nm` ldx`j`knod-
mdd n<m` nfdodfd <s`ln<jn n<m` ldx,`j`k,nod
food that=NOM bad =RCON=ARG that=NOM throw-BENX-FUT-2s
‘If the food is bad, throw it away.’
115) Tkt ohhkh vhc`fd nkòt k`j`k`kn nlds`j` lìnohmò`
t,`kn ohh,`kn vhc`fd n<kòt k,`j`k,`kn nlds`j` l`ch,non,
d<m`<o`
go-B.SS be-B.SS wife that=DNM say-BENX-B.SS child bear-FUT-
2s=NOM=ASS
nld s`lnjn o`kn ldxnodxd k`j`k`ld- Vhcnm`
nld <s`ln<jn o,`kn ldx,non,d,xd k,`j`k,`,ld vhcnm`
boy =RCON=ARG strike-B.SS throw-FUT-2s-HORT say-BENX-FPT-3sDECL girl
54
s`lnjn lhkh x`chodxd k`j`k`ld-

<s`ln<jn lh,`kn x,`ch,non,d,xd k,`j`k,`,ld
=RCON=ARG get-B.SS put-BENI-FUT-2s-HORT say-BENX-FPT-3sDECL
‘He was going and he spoke to his two wives and he said, “When you will bear
children, if a boy, kill him and throw him away.” “If a girl, get and put her for
me,” he said to them.’
4.10.12 Contrast Clitic
Lembena has another clitic, <x`, with an allomorph, <fhx`. This contrast clitic
(CTRST) marks the constituent upon which it operates as in focus in contrast to some other
referent or attribute. The form <x` occurs on nouns and clauses, <fhx` when the last ele-
ment in a phrase is a directional or adjective. In example 116, <fhx` operates on the phrase
fdfd x`v`kd mdo` ldd, ‘a huge ornery pig’.
116) Tkt còhmò` fdfd x`v`kd mdo` lddfhx` jò`kn
ohhld-
t,`kn c,`,oh<m`<o` fdfd x`v`kd mdo` ldd<fhx` jò,`kn ohh,d,
ld
go-B.SS see-FPT-23d=NOM=ASS huge pig ornery a=CTRST bark-B.SS be-
NPT-3sDECL
‘When they two went and looked, (the dog) was barking at a huge ornery pig (as
opposed to any ordinary pig).’
The contrast clitic has other functions including marking a constituent as a pattern to be
imitated or standard of comparison and marking real or unreal condition. Examples 117 and
118 illustrate the contrast clitic <x` with the argumentative clitic <jn marking real condi-
tion.
117) Mha`k` jhrnv` `c` nod x`jn nm` v`` lddm`
o`j`chod-
mha`k` jhrnv` `c` ∅,non,d <x`<jn n<m` v` ldd<m` o`j,
`ch,non,d
you store house go-FUT-2s =CON=ARG that=NOM axe a=NOM buy-
BENI-FUT-2s
‘If you go to the store, buy me an ax!’
118) Vhx`m` òdkd hnld x`jn nm` j`k`h m`` ohnl`md-
vhx`m` òdkd h,non,ld <x`<jn n,m` j`k`h m`` oh,non,
l`,md
tomorrow rain come-FUT-3sDECL =CON=ARG that=NOM work NEG do-FUT-1p-
DECL
‘If it rains tomorrow, we will not work.’
When the contrast clitic <x` plus the similarity clitic <kd are used together to mark un-
real condition, this compound form <x`<kd will occur on both clauses of the conditional
sentence, as in example 119.
119) Atkt nm` a`k` hihm` nm` nfd otr`ldf` x`kd
atkt n<m` a`k` hihm` n<m` nfd otr,`,ld<f` <x`<kd
plane that=NOM it engine that=NOM bad become-FPT-3sDECL=RFR =CON=SIM
nm` m`mha`k` atkt nm`l` o`ld x`kd
n<m` m`mha`k` atkt n<m`<l` o,`,ld <x`<kd
that=NOM we plane that=NOM=ERG strike-FPT-3sDECL =CON=SIM
‘If the plane’s engine had broken down, the plane would have killed us.’
55
When the compound of the contrast clitic and similarity clitic is used to mark a constitu-
ent as a pattern to imitate or standard of comparison, the form will occur only on the constitu-
ent which encodes that pattern or standard. Example 120 illustrates this usage.
120) Dj` ò`fd lhm`dkdvd x`kd`j` ohkh lhmnod-
dj` ò`fd lhm,`d,dkd,vd <x`<kd<`j` oh,`kn lhm,non,d
bird egg hold-PRFA-PRT-1sDECL =CTRST=SIM=+DEG do-B.SS hold-FUT-2s
‘Hold the eggs exactly as I am holding them.’
4.11 Numerals
Lembena numerals are rapidly being replaced by Melanesian Pidgin numerals in all but
the lowest numbers. Most young people are unfamiliar with the more complex numerals
above five and report confusion about numerals for four and five.
The following table displays the pattern of Lembena words used to express numerals
through one hundred. The alternative forms which are offered for ‘four’ and ‘five’ are in-
cluded.
1 v`lddm` 11 j`khr` cdd v`lddm`

2 k``l`m` 12 j`khr` cdd k``l`m`
3 sdonl`m` 13 j`khr` cdd sdonl`m`
4 jhstl`+ jho`jhsd and so on… …
5 jhjn o`jh+ jhlddsd 20 j`khr` k``l`m`
6 nrnjn k`kn v`lddm` 30 j`khr` sdonl`m`
7 nrnjn k`kn k``l`m` 31 j`khr` sdonl`m` cdd v`lddm`
8 nrnjn k`kn sdonl`m` 32 j`khr` sdonl`m` cdd k``l`m`
9 l`fd v`lddm` and so on… …
10 j`khr` 100 j`khr` j`khr`
TABLE 28: Lembena Numerals
The Lembena habitually use their hands and fingers when counting to visually reinforce
the verbal expression of the numerals. They begin by folding the small finger of one hand
against the palm to indicate ‘one’. Then they continue folding each adjacent finger down for
the numerals through four and tuck the thumb into the now closed fist for ‘five’. ‘Six’ is
made by inserting the thumb tip of the opposite hand into the thumb side of the fisted hand
and the numerals through ‘nine’ are made by inserting successive finger tips into the opposite
fist until only one small finger remains out. ‘Ten’ is made by placing the two fisted hands
together, palm sides together.
Multiples of ten are made by bringing the two fisted hands together twice for twenty,
three times for thirty, etc.
Ordinal expressions have been attested only for ‘first’, ‘second’, ‘middle’ and ‘last’. Ex-
ample 121 illustrates the use of the expressions ltkto`, ‘first’ and kòn ohkh, ‘second’. The
word `chm`d, ‘location between’, is used to express any ordinal position between ‘first’ and
‘last’. The notion ‘last’ is expressed by the word mdsdo`, which can also have the meanings
‘next’ or, when used as a time expression, ‘much later’. All of these expressions, when used
as ordinals, occur following the head noun of the noun phrase and preceding the directional, if
any is present.
56
121) J`kh ltkto` nm`l` l`m` l`j`ch snkò`d nm`f`

s`c`-otot
j`kh ltkto` n<m`<l` l`m` l`j`ch snkò`d n<m`<f`
s`c`-otot
man first that=NOM=ERG knowledge attempt straight that=NOM=RFR
difficulty
m`kn hotkh fhh ohs`j` oh`ld- J`kh kòn ohkh nm`
m,`kn hotkh fhh ohs`j` oh,`,ld j`kh kòn oh,`kn n<m`
consume-B.SS ground time all do-FPT-3sDECL man second do-B.SS that=NOM
s`jhr` lhfd j`khm`d-
s`jhr` lhfd j`kh<m`<d
tax get.ATTR man=NOM=EQ
‘The first man always worked very hard to live a righteous life. The second man
was a tax collector.’
4.12 Conjunctions
Lembena has three conjunctions, cdd, ‘coordinate conjunction’, hfh, ‘associative conjunc-
tion’, and o`cd (or its alternate form v`cd), ‘alternative conjunction’. The first two encode
senses very similar to the conjunction clitic <oh and the associative case marking clitic <o`,
respectively. Free conjunction and clitic often do occur together in the same construction or
one or the other may occur alone.
4.12.1 Coordinate Conjunction
The coordinate conjunction (CORJ) cdd can occur between words, phrases, clauses or
sentences. Cdd, depending on its context, may have senses approximating English and, then,
or furthermore. The following examples illustrate uses of cdd. Example 122 shows the con-
junction cdd joining verb phrases within a complex predicate.
011( Lhm` `c`j` h`kn lncn ohkh mdd j`k`kn
lh,`m` `c`<j` h,`d,`kn lncn oh,`kn mdd j`k,`kn
get-S.SS house=CTX come-PRFA-B.SS care.for do-B.SS food giveEXCL-B.SS
cdd l`fhkh o`kn j`k`kn ohh`ld-
cdd l`fhkh o,`kn j`k,`kn ohh,`,ld
CORJ rat strike-B.SS giveEXCL-B.SS be-FPT-3sDECL
ÏGùhmf aqntfgs 'hs( gnld+ 'gd( v`r b`qhmf enq 'hs(+ fhuhmf 'hs( ennc `mc
jhkkhmf q`sr `mc fhuhmf 'sgdl sn hs(-
Dw`lokd 012 rgnvr cdd joining two nouns.
123) @h `k`ldmò` j`tkt vhc`j`kh cdd nlds`jòh
`h `k,`,ld<m`<o` j`t,`kn vhc`j`kh cdd nlds`j`<oh
sago settle-FPT-3sDECL=NOM=ASS fill-B.SS people CORJ children=CNJ
lnx`kn j`k`kn lhkh nh`l`md-
lnx,`kn j`k,`kn lh,`kn nh,`,l`,md
distribute-B.SS giveEXCL-B.SS get-B.SS do.like.that-FPT-1p-DECL
‘When the sago settled, having filled (containers with it) gotten it and given it to
the people and children, we did like that.
Example 124 illustrates the use of cdd to link clauses.
57
124) Mà`k` hotkh fhh lddmò` ho`f` odd mx`kn nk`v`k`

mà`k` hotkh fhh ldd<m`<o` ho`<f` odd mx,`kn nk,`v`k`
I ground time a=NOM=ASS water=RFR eel.trap weave-B.SS immerse-P.SS
t`vd- Odd nm` hoòdfd knl`kn ododsd dkh o`kn
t,`,vd odd n<m` ho`-odfd knl,`kn ododsd dkh o,`kn
go-FPT-1sDECL eel.trap that=NOM bamboo cut.across-B.SS strip split strike-B.SS
`c`fd oh`kn odd mx`vd- Nh`kn
`c`fd oh,`d,`kn odd mx,`,vd nh,`d,`kn
house.ATTR do-PRFA-B.SS eel.trap weave-FPT-1sDECL do.like.that-PRFA-B.SS
ho`f` nk`vd- Cdd odd k``l`m` mx`vd-
ho`<f` nk,`,vd cdd odd k``l`<m` mx,`,vd
water=RFR immerse-FPT-1sDECL CORJ eel.trap two=NOM weave-FPT-1sDECL
‘One day, I went to weave eel traps and put them in the water. (Regarding) the
eel trap, having cut bamboo, split strips and made the house (cage) I wove eel
traps. Having done like that I immersed it in the water. Furthermore I wove
two eel traps.
4.12.2 Associative Conjunction
The associative conjunction (ASSJ) hfh encodes the sense that two constituents are re-
garded as operating together in a larger syntactic unit. The associative conjunction may join
noun phrases or clauses. When used to join noun phrases the associative conjunction has a
sense similar to what is conveyed by the English word with. When used to join clauses, it has
a sense similar to English and also, or and with that….
Example 125 illustrates the use of the associative conjunction to join two noun phrases
which are indicated by underlining. The conjunction occurs after each of the associated con-
stituents.
125) xnlnkd j`lnjnoh hfh mà`k` hfh
xnlnkd j`lnjn<oh hfh mà`k` hfh
old.woman old.man=CNJ ASSJ I ASSJ
‘old women and old men with me’
Example 126 illustrates the associative conjunction joining two clauses.
126) Nh`ld hfh mà`k` `c`j` ddj`m` j`khr` lddm`
-ohh`vd
nh,`,ld hfh mà`k` `c`<r` ddj`m` j`khr` ldd<m` ohh,
`,vd
do.like.that-FPT-3sDECL ASSJ I house=CTX year ten a=NOM be-
FPT-1sDECL
‘It was like that and with that I was at home for ten years.’
4.12.3 Alternative Conjunction
The alternative conjunction o`cd, which has an alternate form v`cd, encodes a sense
similar to English (either…) or. It has not been attested at all in the narrative and descriptive,
oral and written texts upon which this analysis is based. It has been heard in spoken language
in the context of public meetings. In those contexts, it occurs fairly frequently in the expres-
sion Jhmhfd+ o`cd v`d>+ ‘Is it true or no?’
Example 127 illustrates the alternative conjunction used to join clauses. This is from elic-
ited material.
58
127) V`cd a`ktr`f` nnlhod+ v`cd j`snf` nnlhod+ mà`k`

v`cd a`ktr`<f` /,non,lh,od v`cd j`sn<f` /,non,lh,od mà`k`
ALTJ plane=RFR go-FUT-23p-INT ALTJ car=RFR go-FUT-23d-INT I
ròdkdvd>
rò,dkd,vd
ask-PRT-1sDECL
‘Will you go by plane or will you go by car, I am asking.’
Because of the infrequency of occurrence of this form, it is difficult to make a statement
about its distribution, but based on the distribution of the other conjunctions I hypothesize
that the alternative conjunction could be used to join alternative noun phrases, as well.
4.13 Interrogatives
Lembena has four interrogative roots which form the basis for numerous interrogative
surface forms which result from affixation and cliticization of these roots. These interrogative
roots include an interrogative personal pronoun, j`h, ‘who’; an interrogative adjective, j``,
‘which’; an interrogative noun ah`, ‘what’, and an interrogative verb adh,, ‘what action’.
The interrogative personal pronoun root is found in other surface forms such as j`hl`+
j`ho`+ j`hkòt+ j`h nat. This pronoun has a distribution similar to the personal pronouns.
(See section 4.2.1.) One exception is that it does not occur in apposition with a noun which
specifies a referent as this would clash with the sense inherent in the interrogative pronoun
that the referent is not known. The following three examples illustrate some of the possibili-
ties for use of the interrogative personal pronoun.
128) J`hkòt hkhohod>
j`h<kòt h,dkd,oh,od
who=DNM come-PRT-23d-INT
‘Who(dual) are coming?’
129) J`ho` knod>
j`h<o` k,non,d
who=ASS say-FUT-2s
‘Who will say (it) (with me)?’
130) Mxà`k` j`h nat hkhlhod>
mxà`k` j`h n<at h,dkd,lh,od
you/they who that=PNM come-PRT-23p-INT
‘Who(plural) are coming?’
The interrogative adjective root j`` shows up in additional surface forms including
j``r`+ j``sd+ j`ò` ctjt. The following three examples illustrate uses of the interrogative
adjective.
020( Nfd `fd nm`mt ohs`j` o`j`kn x`kn lhm`
n<dfd `<dfd n<m`<mt ohs`j` o`j,`kn x,`kn lh,`m`
that=ATTR this=ATTR that=NOM=PLR all buy-B.SS put-B.SS get-S.SS
j`` j`rdd ho`òd>
j`` j`rdd h,non,v`,od
which road come-FUT-1s~DECL-INT
‘Having bought everything and put it, (by) which road will I bring it?’
132) Mxà`k` j``sd nnlhod>
mxà`k` j``,sd ∅,non,lh,od
you/they which-side go-FUT-23p-INT
‘Where will you(pl) go?’
59
133) Mxà`k` j`ò` ctjt cdd òdj` k`kn hnlhod>

mxà`k` j``<o` ctjt cdd òdj` k,`kn h,non,lh,od
you/they which=ASS occasion CORJ turn say-B.SS come-FUT-23p-INT
‘What time will you(pl) return?’ (lit.: ‘On the occasion associated with which
(time) will you turn and come?’)
The interrogative noun root, ah`, is found in other surface forms including ah`fd+
ah`fdf`, ahò`fd. The following four examples illustrate some of the possible uses of ah`.
023( Mha`k` ah` kdkdod>
mha`k` ah` k,dkd,d,od
you what say-PRT-2s-INT
ÏVg`s `qd xnt r`xhmf>Ì
135) Ah`fd rdkd>
ah`<dfd r,dkd,d
what=ATTR cook-PRT-2s
‘What are you cooking?’
025( Ah`fdf` k`kn att `cdkdod>
ah`<dfd<f` k,`kn att `c,dkd,d,od
what=ATTR=RFR say-B.SS anger come.up-PRT-2s-INT
‘For what reason are you angry?’ (lit.: ‘Speaking about what are you angry?’)
026( Ahò`fdf` hk`dod>
ah`<o`<dfd<f` h,`k`,d,od
what=ASS=ATTR=RFR come-IPT-2s-INT
ÏNm vg`s jhmc ne 'sghmf( chc xnt bnld>Ì
The interrogative verb root, adh,, takes the same inflectional affixation as other verb
roots. Based on data analyzed so far, it can occur with stem level affixation for PERFECT
ASPECT, as in adh`kn, adh,`d,`kn, (what.action-PRFA-B.SS), ‘having done what action’, but
not with stem level affixation for CAUSATIVE or BENEFACTIVE. The following four examples
illustrate the use of adh,.
138) Adhkhod>
adh,dkd,d,od
what.action-PRT-2s-INT
‘What are you doing?’
139) Mxà`k` adh`kn nnlhod>
mxà`k` adh,`d,`kn ∅,non,lh,od
you/they what.action-PRFA-B.SS go-FUT-23p-INT
‘How will you(pl) go?’ (lit.: ‘Having done what will you go?’)
140) Mha`k` s`dfd l`mòd+ adh`mòd>
mha`k` s`dfd l,`,m`,od adh,`,m`,od
you father die-FPT-3s~DECL-INT what.action-FPT-3s~DECL-INT
‘Did your father die, or what did he do?’
141) Mxà`k` adhv`k` nnlhod>
mxà`k` adh,`v`k` ∅,non,lh,od
you/they what.action-P.SS go-FUT-23p-INT
‘In order to do what will you go?’
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5. PHRASE STRUCTURE
For the purposes of this paper, phrases are defined as grammatical structures consisting
of a word (or another phrase) which functions as a nucleus and which is called the HEAD, and
other possible optional syntactic elements which may precede or follow the HEAD and which
are related to the HEAD. A minimal phrase is one in which the HEAD occurs as the only con-
stituent of the phrase.
Phrases are the immediate constituents of clauses. With the exception of verb phrases,
phrases lack propositional structure, which is to say they lack all the elements necessary to
constitute a clause. Because Lembena permits the deletion of nominal arguments when they
are understood from context, a verb phrase can constitute a minimal clause.
Types of phrases are generally classified in terms of the constituent which occurs as the
HEAD. Lembena exhibits noun phrases, adjective phrases, numeral phrases, aspect
phrases, adjunct phrases, manner phrases and verb phrases.
5.1 Noun Phrase

A noun phrase (NP) is defined as a phrase with a common noun, pronoun, proper name
or another noun phrase as HEAD (or HEADs) and which functions as a core argument of a
clause or, with a following clitic, as an oblique argument. It should be noted here that other
grammatical structures can be nominalized by one of the nominalizing clitics and function as
nominal arguments in a clause but I have not included these under the category of NP. These
include nominalized adjectives, nominalized directionals, nominalized attributives and nomi-
nalized clauses.
The Lembena noun phrase may be realized by one of several possible structures as indi-
cated by the following rule:
⎧PRONOMINAL NP ⎫
⎪ ⎪
⎪⎪PROPER NAME NP ⎪⎪
NP → ⎨MODIFIED NP ⎬
⎪APPOSITIONAL NP ⎪
⎪ ⎪
⎪⎩CONJOINED NP ⎪⎭
Lembena NPs, as they are attested in real language, tend toward being structurally simple
in spite of the complexity that is possible based on this and the following rules. In a represen-
tative oral text containing 173 NPs, 92 of them were minimal one word expressions, 60 were
two word phrases, 11 were three word phrases and only 10 were longer than 3 words. The
longest NP was a CONJOINED NP which contained 9 words.
5.1.1 Pronominal NP
The pronominal NP is a noun phrase with a pronoun as head. It has the structure:
PRONOMINAL NP → + PRONOUN ± DIRECTIONAL
No other pre- or postmodification is possible.

Example 142 illustrates a pronominal NP in context.
142) Mx`` nat s`tmn Adsdkh`ld nm`f` hotkh Itc` nm`
mx`` n<at s`tmn Adsdkh`ld n<m`<f` hotkh Itc` n<m`
they that=PNM town Bethlehem that=NOM=RFR ground Judah that=NOM
mxò`lhmd-
mxò,`,lh,md
leave-FPT-23p-DECL
‘They left Bethlehem of Judah.’
61
5.1.2 Proper Name NP

The proper name NP is a noun phrase with a proper name as head. The structure of the
proper name NP is described by the following rules:
PROPER NAME NP → ± PREMODIFICATION + PROPER NAME ± DIRECTIONAL
⎧PROPER NAME ⎫
PREMODIFICATION → + ⎨ ⎬
⎩DIRECTIONAL ⎭
Example 143 illustrates a minimal proper name NP in context.

143) Cdd R`j`s`dxòdl` dinkd c``kn no` k`j`k`ld-
cdd R`j`s`dx`,od<l` dinkd c,`d,`kn no` k,`j`k,`,ld
CORJ Zechariah-REFM=ERG angel see-PRFA-B.SS thus say-BENX-FPT-3sDECL
‘Then Zechariah saw the angel and spoke to him in this way.’
The following examples illustrate other possibilities.
Directional as PREMODIFICATION:
144) `` Hsnodmn
` Hsnodmn-uhk
this Itopeno.village
‘Itopeno village here’
Proper name as PREMODIFICATION:
145) Xnonmh Kdmdxòd
Xnonmh Kdmdx`,od
Yoponi.clan Leneya-REFM
‘Leneya of Yoponi clan’
With following Directional:
146) Jno`ho`kt nm`
Jno`ho`kt n<m`
Kopaipalu.village that=NOM
‘Kopaipalu village’
5.1.3 Modified NP
The modified NP is distinguished by the fact that it has one HEAD, though this HEAD may
be composed of more than one nominal element, and this HEAD is expounded by members of
the class of common nouns. The structure of the MODIFIED NP is described by the following
rule:
MODIFIED NP → ± PREMODIFICATION + HEAD ± POSTMODIFICATION
HEAD is the only obligatory constituent of the MODIFIED NP. The structure of HEAD is de-
scribed by the following rules:
⎧COMMON NOUN ⎫
⎪ ⎪
HEAD → ⎨CLAUSE ⎬
⎪COMPOUND HEAD ⎪
⎩ ⎭
COMPOUND HEAD → + COMMON NOUN + (COMMON NOUN )

n ≥1
This last rule states that COMPOUND HEAD consists of two or more COMMON NOUNs joined in
a series. These COMMON NOUNs, after the first, are optionally marked by a following
CONJUNCTION CLITIC, <oh, or a preceding COORDINATE CONJUNCTION, cdd, or both.
Example 147 illustrates a minimal modified NP with a common noun as head in context.
62
Noun, mnkh, as HEAD:

147) Mnkh m`` onmdkdld-
mnkh m`` onm,dkd,ld
animal NEG be.clearly.visible-PRT-3sDECL
‘No animal was visible.’ (lit.: ‘Animal was not visible.’)
The structure of PREMODIFICATION is described by the rule:
⎧DELIMITER ⎫
⎪ ⎪
PREMODIFICATION → + ⎨POSSESSOR ⎬
⎪MODIFIER ⎪
⎩ ⎭
The structure of DELIMITER is described by the rule:

⎧ARTICLE ⎫
⎪ ⎪
DELIMITER → + ⎨DIRECTIONAL ⎬
⎪NUMERAL PHRASE⎪
⎩ ⎭
The structure of POSSESSOR is described by the rule:

⎧NOUN ⎫
⎪ ⎪
POSSESSOR → + ⎨PRONOUN ⎬
⎪PROPER NAME⎪
⎩ ⎭
The structure of MODIFIER is described by the rule:

⎧NOUN ⎫
⎪ ⎪
⎪⎪ PROPER NAME ⎪⎪
MODIFIER → + ⎨ADJECTIVE PHRASE ⎬
⎪ATTRIBUTIVE VERB PHRASE⎪
⎪ ⎪
⎪⎩CLAUSE ⎪⎭
The following examples illustrate the various possibilities for PREMODIFICATION:

Article as PREMODIFICATION/DELIMITER:
148) `kd x`c`kd
`kd x`c`kd
ART snake
‘the snake’
Directional as PREMODIFICATION/DELIMITER:
149) n j`kh nm`
n j`kh n<m`
that man that=NOM
‘that man’
Noun as PREMODIFICATION/MODIFIER:
150) hr` jtct
hr` jtct
tree hole
‘hole in a tree’
63
Proper name as PREMODIFICATION/MODIFIER:

151) L`mnv`j` j`rdd
L`mnv`j` j`rdd
Manowaka road
‘Manowaka road’, i.e. ‘the road to Manowaka’
Pronoun as PREMODIFICATION/POSSESSOR:
152) mà`k` hotkh
mà`k` hotkh
I ground
‘my ground’
Adjective phrase as PREMODIFICATION/MODIFIER:
153) fdfd x`v`kd
fdfd x`v`kd
huge pig
‘huge pig’
Numeral phrase as PREMODIFICATION/DELIMITER:
154) v`ldd ctjt
v`ldd ctjt
one time
‘once’
Attributive as PREMODIFICATION/MODIFIER:
155) `h o`j`kn mdfd j`kh
`h o`j,`kn m<dfd j`kh
sago cut.down-B.SS consume=ATTR man
‘sago cutting down and eating man’, i.e. ‘a man who knows how to cut down and
eat sago’
Clause as PREMODIFICATION/MODIFIER:
156) x`v`kdl` `hxdld j`kh
x`v`kd<l` `hx,d,ld j`kh
pig=ERG bite-NPT-3sDECL man
‘the man that the pig bit’
The structure of POSTMODIFICATION is described by the following rule:
POSTMODIFICATION → ± ADJECTIVE PHRASE ± ATTRIBUTIVE VP ± NUMERAL PHRASE ± DIRECTIONAL
The following examples illustrate possibilities for POSTMODIFICATION:

Adjective phrase as POSTMODIFICATION:
157) @m`rt vdsdd `c`ho`
@m`rt vdsdd `c`ho`
God extremely big
‘almighty God’
Numeral phrase as POSTMODIFICATION:
158) njnkh jhjn o`jh lddsd nrnjn k`kn
njnkh jhjn o`jh ldd,sd nrnjn k,`kn
moon hand altogether a-side jump say-B.SS
‘six months’
64
Directional as POSTMODIFICATION:
159) nlds`j` nm`
nlds`j` n<m`
child that=NOM
‘that child’
More that one of these structures can be present in a single NP, though, as mentioned ear-
lier, the tendency is toward structurally simple NPs. If more than one is present the order will
be according to the rule above. Examples 160 to 162 illustrate three possibilities.
Adjective phrase + directional as POSTMODIFICATION:
160) j`rdd kncnfd nm`
j`rdd kncn<dfd n<m`
road long=ATTR that=NOM
‘that long road’
Numeral phrase + directional as POSTMODIFICATION:
161) j`kh k``l` nkòt
j`kh k``l` n<kòt
man two that=DNM
‘those two men’
Adjective phrase + Attributive as POSTMODIFICATION:
162) ho` ltc` vdsdd j`lnd snsn o`dfd
ho` ltc` vdsdd j`lnd snsn o,`d,dfdw
water pool extremely good proper strike-PRFA=ATTR
‘very good proper pool of water’
5.1.4 Appositional NP
The APPOSITIONAL NP is described by the rule:
APPOSITIONAL NP → + NP + (NP) n≥1
where all NPs have a common referent. This rule states that an APPOSITIONAL NP consists of
two or more NPs in a series. APPOSITIONAL NPs with more than two immediate constituents
are very rare. There are no affixes, clitics or conjunctions which mark the NPs of the APPO-
SITIONAL NP.
A very common type of APPOSITIONAL NP has a pronoun as the exponent of the second
slot as in the following examples. The extent of each NP is shown by underlining.
163) j`kh k``l`<m` mhkh
j`kh k``l`<m` mhkh
man two=NOM they2
‘two men, they’
164) nlds`j` nm` a``
nlds`j` n<m` a`k`
child that=NOM he
‘that child, he’
This type of APPOSITIONAL NP only occurs as subject of a clause.
Further examples of APPOSITIONAL NPs are:
65
165) j`kh x`v`kdl` `hxdld j`kh

j`kh x`v`kd<l` `hx,d,ld j`kh
man pig=ERG bite-NPT-3sDECL man
‘a man, the man (whom) a pig bit’
166) jnmd Ans`mnod kdfd lhrhmd lddm`
jnmd Ans`mn,od k<dfd lhrhmd ldd<m`
white.man Brown-REFM say=ATTR missionary a=NOM
‘white man called Brown, a missionary’
167) sòtohfd O`fdxòd kdfd Xòds`khmd nm`
sòtohfd O`fdx`,od k<dfd Xòds`khmd n<m`
pastor Pangeya-REFM say=ATTR Yapetaline.clan that=NOM
‘pastor called Pangeya, that Yapetaline (man)’
168) Shshotod L`jdod Lnrdrdod j`kh nat
Shshot,od L`jd,od Lnrdrd,od j`kh n<at
Titipu-REFM Mark-REFM Moses-REFM man that=PNM
‘Titipu, Mark and Moses, those men’
169) mà`k` Shshot
mà`k` Shshot
I Titipu
‘I, Titipu’
5.1.5 Conjoined NP
The CONJOINED NP is described by the rule:
CONJOINED NP → + NP + (NP) n≥1
where the referent of each of the noun phrases is different from the others. This rule states
that a CONJOINED NP consists of two or more NPs in a series. Beginning with the second NP in
the series, the NPs which compose the CONJOINED NP are optionally marked by one of two
possible clitics, the CONJUNCTION CLITIC, <oh or the ASSOCIATIVE CLITIC, <o`, or by a
conjunction such as the COORDINATE CONJUNCTION, cdd, or the ASSOCIATIVE CONJUNCTION,
hfh, or both. This marking, when present, is the only formal difference between the
APPOSITIONAL NP and the CONJOINED NP.
Example 170 illustrates a CONJOINED NP with no explicit marking of conjunction.

170) jìnkd L`hkòd Ohfòd L`shxtod
jìnkd L`hk`,od Ohf`,od L`shxt,od
councilor Maila-REFM Piga-REFM Matthew-REFM
‘Councilor Maila, Piga and Matthew’
Example 171 illustrates the use of the COORDINATE CONJUNCTION, cdd, only between
CONJOINED NPs.
171) lhrh ohh cdd m`h` j`k`h
lhrh ohh cdd m`h` j`k`h
worship talk CORJ modern work
‘Word of God and modern work’
Example 172 illustrates the use of the conjunction clitic, <oh, and the ASSOCIATIVE
CONJUNCTION, hfh.
66
172) xnlnkd j`lnjnoh hfh mà`k` hfh

xnlnkd j`lnjn<oh hfh mà`k` hfh
old.woman old.man=CNJ ASSJ I ASSJ
‘old women and old men with me’
5.1.6 Embedding of NPs

It can be seen from the rules governing the structure of both APPOSITIONAL NP and
CONJOINED NP that they each consist of NPs which in turn may be expounded by any of the
types of NPs including embedded APPOSITIONAL NPs or CONJOINED NPs. This embedding of
NPs has already been illustrated in examples 168, 170, 171 and 172. A further example is
given here:
173) Sà`hxòd Xdfhr` `tvdfd nm` hfh Xnonmh
Sà`hx`,od Xdfhr` `tvd<dfd n<m` hfh Xnonmh
Tabaiya-REFM Yegisa.village self=ATTR that=NOM ASSJ Yoponi.clan
Kdmdxòd hfh m`mha`k` - - -
Kdmdx`,od hfh m`mha`k`
Leneya-REFM ASSJ we
‘(I with) Tabaiya, the one from Yengisa with Leneya of the Yoponi clan, we’
In this example, the entire structure is analyzed as an APPOSITIONAL NP consisting of a
CONJOINED NP and a pronoun. The CONJOINED NP, in turn, consists of an APPOSITIONAL NP
and a PROPER NAME NP. This embedded APPOSITIONAL NP consists of a PROPER NAME NP and
a MODIFIED NP.
5.2 Adjective Phrase

Adjective phrases are uncommon in Lembena and when they occur tend to be minimal in
structure. Most adjective phrases consist only of an adjective as head but a few more com-
plex examples have been attested such as vdsdd `c`ho`, ‘very big’, and vdsdd j`lnd ,
‘very good’. It is difficult to make a definitive statement about the internal structure of the
adjective phrase, but, as an initial hypothesis I posit the following:
ADJECTIVE PHRASE → ± DEGREE + ADJECTIVE ± ADJECTIVE PHRASE
This rule is recursive and can thus generate a series of adjectives, each optionally modified by
an expression of degree. Options for DEGREE are defined by the rule:
⎧wetee , ' extremely'⎫
DEGREE → ⎨ ⎬
⎩eepa , ' little' ⎭
5.3 Numeral Phrase

See section 4.11 Numerals.
5.4 Verb Phrase

The Lembena Verb Phrase is a complex structure which can exhibit variation with respect
to several parameters. These parameters include the type of verb nucleus, whether the verb
phrase is finite or medial in form, whether it is positive or negative, whether or not it is
marked for phrasal aspect and whether or not it is repetitive.
The following rule gives a rough idea of the constituents of the verb phrase and their or-
der of occurrence but, as will be seen, the interaction of the various parameters with the types
of verb nucleus can modify this general structure.
VERB PHRASE → ± ADVERB PHRASE ± NEGATION + VERB NUCLEUS ± ASPECT
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In section 5.4.1, I will discuss the various parameters. Then in section 5.4.2, I will de-
scribe the various types of verb phrases which result from the interactions of these parame-
ters.
5.4.1 Parameters
5.4.1.1 Verb Nuclei: Simple vs. Adjunct vs. Manner
The verb nucleus can be one of three types: simple, adjunct or manner. The simple verb
nucleus consists of a simple verb stem which will be inflected according to whether it is finite
or medial in its function within a sentence. Following are some examples of simple verb nu-
clei:
174) cdkdvd
c,dkd,vd
see-PRT-1sDECL
‘I see’
175) ohr`kn
oh,`r,`kn
do-CAUS-B.SS
‘cause to do’
176) k`j`knnlòd>
k,`j`k,non,l`,od
say-BENX-FUT-1p-INT
‘will we tell (someone)?’
A second type of verb nucleus is the adjunct verb nucleus. This type consists of an ad-
junct plus an auxiliary verb stem. For a list of adjuncts and the auxiliaries which occur with
them, see section 4.6. Adjuncts take no inflection. The auxiliary verb stem will be inflected
according to whether the adjunct verb nucleus is finite or medial in its function within a sen-
tence. Following are some examples of adjunct verb nuclei:
177) snah kdkdld
snah k,dkd,ld
bore.a.hole say-PRT-3sDECL
‘(he) bores a hole’
178) v`cn ohonvd
v`cn oh,non,vd
dry.over.fire do-FUT-1sDECL
‘(I) will dry (something) over a fire’
179) r`jh o`dkdmd
r`jh o,`d,dkd,d,md
count strike-PRFA-PRT-2s-DECL
‘(you) have counted’
The third type of verb nucleus is the manner verb nucleus. This type consists of a manner
verb form (see section 4.5.7) plus an auxiliary verb stem. The set of auxiliaries which occur
with manner verbs is a subset of the set of auxiliaries that occur with adjuncts and is restricted
to k,, ‘say’, and oh,, ‘do’. Manner verb forms do not take any further inflection. The auxil-
iary verb stem will be inflected according to whether the manner verb nucleus is finite or me-
dial in its function within a sentence. Following are some examples of manner verb nuclei:
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180) knl`jhmhjhmh ohkh

knl,`jhmhjhmh oh,`kn
cut.across-HZRD do-B.SS
‘cut across haphazardly’
181) c`x`ftx`ft kdkdld
c,`x`ftx`ft k,dkd,ld
see-RNDM say-PRT-3sDECL
‘(it) is looking around randomly’
182) hr`jncòd ohod
hr,`jncòd oh,non,d
look.after-INTS do-FUT-2s
‘(you) look after (it) carefully’
5.4.1.2 Finite vs. Medial
If a verb phrase is functioning as a finite verb in a sentence, i.e. as the nucleus of an inde-
pendent clause, its nucleus will be inflected with tense, subject person and number, and illo-
cutionary force according to the description of finite verbs in section 4.5.5. In the case of the
simple verb nucleus, this inflection occurs on the verb stem of the simple verb nucleus. In the
cases of the adjunct verb nucleus and manner verb nucleus, the inflection will occur on the
auxiliary verb stem of each type.
Following are examples of the three types of verb nuclei with finite inflection.
Simple verb nucleus with finite inflection.
183) m`lhmd
m,`,lh,md
consume-FPT-23p-DECL
‘(they) consumed’
Adjunct verb nucleus with finite inflection.
184) `knn ohnl`md
`knn oh,non,l`,md
exchange AUX-FUT-1p-DECL
‘(we) will exchange’
Manner verb nucleus with finite inflection.
185) mhr`knkn ohkhohmd
mhr,`knkn oh,dkd,oh,md
help-RCPR AUX-PRT-23d-DECL
‘(they 2) help each other’
If the verb phrase is functioning as a medial verb, i.e. as the nucleus of a medial clause
dependent on another clause within a sentence, then its nucleus will be inflected with one of
the medial verb suffixes described in section 4.5.6. The selection of which medial verb suffix
depends on the function of the medial clause and on whether or not the verb phrase is positive
or negative. If a medial verb phrase is negative, it will take the irrealis same subject suffix
,ds`. If it is positive, it will take one of the other medial verb suffixes.
Following are cognate examples of the three types of verb nuclei with medial inflection:
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Simple verb nucleus with medial inflection, in this example purpose same subject
marking.
186) m`v`k`
m,`v`k`
consume-P.SS
‘in order to consume’
Adjunct verb nucleus with medial inflection, in this example basic same subject
marking.
187) `knn oh`kn
`knn oh,`d,`kn
exchange AUX-PRFA-B.SS
‘having exchanged’
Manner verb nucleus with medial inflection, in this example simultaneous same
subject marking.
188) mhr`knkn ohm`
mhr,`knkn oh,`m`
help-RCPR AUX-S.SS
‘while helping each other’
5.4.1.3 Positive vs. Negative
Unmarked verb phrases are interpreted as positive. Negation of verb phrases is indicated
by the presence of the negative particle m``. Its position within the verb phrase is normally
immediately preceding the final verb constituent. Thus, in the case of a verb phrase with ad-
junct or manner verb nucleus, the negative particle will be interposed between the adjunct or
manner verb and the auxiliary.
Following are the three types of verb nuclei from examples 183, 184 and 185 with their
cognate negative forms:
189) m`lhmd+ m`` m`lhmd
‘(they) consumed, (they) did not consume’
190) `knn ohnl`md+ `knn m`` ohnl`md
‘(we) will exchange, (we) will not exchange’
191) mhr`knkn ohkhohmd+ mhr`knkn m`` ohkhohmd
‘(they 2) help each other, (they 2) do not help each other’
5.4.1.4 Phrasal Aspects: Unmarked vs. Continuative vs. Completive vs. Persis-
tive
Not all Lembena verb phrases exhibit any overt marking for aspect. However, specifica-
tion of the speakers perspective toward the internal structure of an event may be encoded by
various means. In section 4.5.2, stem level aspect marking was discussed. Lembena marks
other aspects by way of phrasal constructions consisting of a basic medial form of the verb
nucleus followed by one of three aspect auxiliary verbs. The verbs which function as auxil-
iary verbs may also serve as simple verb nuclei in their own right, but when used as aspect
auxiliary verbs, each encodes a particular aspect with respect to the nucleus of the phrase.
The three phrasal aspects are continuative, encoded by the verb ohh,, ‘be’, completive, en-
coded by the verb vds,, ‘finish’, and persistive, encoded by the verb mxò,, which normally
has the meaning ‘leave’ or ‘let alone’, but in this function has the meaning ‘unceasing’.
Following are examples of the three types of verb nuclei, each illustrating a different
phrasal aspect:
70
Simple verb nucleus with continuative aspect.

192) m`kn ohh`lhmd
m,`kn ohh,`,lh,md
consume-B.SS be-FPT-23p-DECL
‘(they) were consuming’
Adjunct verb nucleus with completive aspect.
193) `knn ohkh vdsnnl`md
`knn oh,`kn vds,non,l`,md
exchange AUX-B.SS finish-FUT-1p-DECL
‘(we) will finish exchanging’
Manner verb nucleus with persistive aspect.
194) mhr`knkn ohkh mxòdkdohmd
mhr,`knkn oh,`kn mxò,dkd,oh,md
help-RCPR AUX-B.SS unceasing-PRT-23d-DECL
‘(they 2) are helping each other unceasingly.’
5.4.1.5 Repetitive vs. Non-repetitive
Lembena uses reduplication of one of the elements of the verb phrase to indicate that an
event occurs repetitively. Which element is duplicated depends on the type of verb nucleus.
In the case of a simple verb nucleus the verb stem is duplicated with basic medial verb suf-
fixation. Contrast the following two examples:
195) o`kn ohhkhld
o,`kn ohh,dkd,ld
strike-B.SS be-PRT-3sDECL
‘He is (continually) striking (something).’
196) o`kn o`kn ohhkhld
o,`kn o,`kn ohh,dkd,ld
strike-B.SS strike-B.SS be-PRT-3sDECL
‘(he) is striking (something) again and again’
A variation of this structure occurs with negation of the second instance of the verb stem.
Note that repetitive occurs in this example together with phrasal aspect.
197) o`dx`kn m`` o`dx`kn ohkh ohhkhld
o,`dx,`kn m`` o,`dx,`kn oh,`kn ohh,dkd,ld
strike-INTA-B.SS NEG strike-INTA-B.SS do-B.SS be-PRT-3sDECL
‘(he) is striking (something) intermittently but repeatedly’
In the case of an adjunct verb nucleus, the adjunct is duplicated, as in the following ex-
ample.
198) jdfd jdfd x`kn
jdfd jdfd x,`kn
lost lost AUX-B.SS
‘being repeatedly lost’
I have not found an instance of a repetitive manner verb nucleus.
5.4.2 Verb Phrase Types
It should be clear that the interaction of these parameters results in a large inventory of
possible verb phrase types. These will be described with examples in this section according
to sub-groupings based on whether the verb phrase is positive or negative and whether it is
finite or medial in form.
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5.4.2.1 Positive Finite VPs

The first group I will examine is positive finite verb phrases. Within this sub-group, verb
phrases will vary by type of nucleus and by the encoding of phrasal aspect.
5.4.2.1.1 Positive Finite Simple VP
The positive finite simple verb phrase could be viewed as a basic type. Being positive, it
lacks the negative particle m``. As a finite form, it bears suffixation on the simple verb nu-
cleus encoding the tense, person and number of the subject, and in many cases, illocutionary
force.
The structure of the positive finite simple verb phrases (PFSVP) is described by the follow-
ing rule:
PFSVP → ± ADVERB PHRASE + [ + VERB STEM + FINITE]
In this and following rules, FINITE refers to the constituents of finite verb inflection described
in section 4.5.5. Square brackets, ‘[]’, indicate that the included constituents are bound to-
gether into a single word.
Example 199 illustrates a positive finite simple verb phrase in sentence context.
199) J`kh và` `c`j` h`ld-
j`kh và` `c`<j` h,`,ld
man before house=CTX come-FPT-3sDECL
‘(The) man came home earlier.’
5.4.2.1.2 Positive Finite Adjunct VP
The positive finite adjunct verb phrase (PFAVP) differs from the preceding structure in
having an adjunct verb nucleus. Its structure is described by the following rule:
PFAVP → ± ADVERB PHRASE + ADJUNCT + [ +AUXILIARY VERB STEM + FINITE]
Example 200 illustrates a positive finite adjunct verb phrase in sentence context.
200) J`kh nm` o`m`hfd j`c` m`dkdld-
j`kh n<m` o`m`hfd j`c` m,`d,dkd,ld
man that=NOM think.ATTR lower AUX-PRFA-PRT-3sDECL
‘That man is apathetic.’ (lit.: ‘That man’s thinking has lowered.’)
5.4.2.1.3 Positive Finite Manner VP
The positive finite manner verb phrase (PFMVP) likewise differs from the positive finite
simple verb phrase by variance in the nucleus. In this case, the nucleus is a manner verb nu-
cleus. The structure of this verb phrase type is as follows:
PFMVP → ± ADVERB PHRASE + MANNER + [ +AUXILIARY VERB STEM + FINITE]
Example 201 illustrates a positive finite manner verb phrase in sentence context.
201) A`k`l` att `cdx`kd kdkdld-
a`k`<l` att `c,dx`kd k,dkd,ld
he=ERG anger grow.big-SIML AUX-PRT-3sDECL
‘He is pretending to be angry.’
5.4.2.1.4 Positive Finite Continuative VPs
If continuative aspect is encoded in positive finite verb phrases with each of the possible
nucleus types, the results are as illustrated in the following examples. Note that the verb
which would carry finite inflection now appears in basic medial form and the finite inflection
occurs on the aspect verb.
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The structure of a positive finite simple verb phrase with continuative aspect (PFSVP-
CONT) is described by the following rule:
PFSVP - CONT → ± ADVERB PHRASE + [ +VERB STEM + US] + [ + pii + FINITE]
This construction is illustrated in the following example.

202) A`k` j`k`h ohkh ohhkhld-
a`k` j`k`h oh,`kn ohh,dkd,ld
he work do-B.SS be-PRT-3sDECL
‘He is continuing to do work.’
The structure of a positive finite adjunct verb phrase with continuative aspect (PFAVP-
PFAVP - CONT → ± ADVERB PHRASE + ADJUNCT + [ +AUXILIARY VERB STEM + US] + [ + pii + FINITE]

203) M`mha`k` dk`j`hjh v`jh k`kn ohhkhl`md-
m`mha`k` dk`j`hjh v`jh k,`kn ohh,dkd,l`,md
we quietly wait AUX-B.SS be-PRT-1p-DECL
‘We are waiting quietly.’
The structure of a positive finite manner verb phrase with continuative aspect (PFMVP-
PFMVP - CONT → ± ADVERB PHRASE + MANNER + [ +AUXILIARY VERB STEM + US] + [ + pii + FINITE]

204) A`k`l` j`k`h nm` ohjncòd ohkh ohhkhld-
a`k`<l` j`k`h n<m` oh,`jncòd oh,`kn ohh,dkd,ld
he=ERG work that=NOM do-INTS do-B.SS be-PRT-3sDECL
‘He continues working very hard.’
5.4.2.1.5 Positive Finite Completive VPs
If completive aspect is encoded in positive finite verb phrases with each of the possible
nucleus types, the results are as illustrated in the following examples. Note that the verb
which would carry finite inflection now appears in basic medial form and the finite inflection
occurs on the aspect verb.
The structure of a positive finite simple verb phrase with completive aspect (PFSVP-COMP)
is described by the following rule:
PFSVP - COMP → ± ADVERB PHRASE + [ +VERB STEM + US] + [ +wet + FINITE]

205) Mxà`k` mdd m`kn vds`lhmd-
mxà`k` mdd m,`kn vds,`,lh,md
you food consume-B.SS finish-FPT-23p-DECL
‘You finished eating (the) food.’
The structure of a positive finite adjunct verb phrase with completive aspect (PFAVP-
COMP) is described by the following rule:
PFAVP - COMP → ± ADVERB PHRASE + ADJUNCT + [ +AUXILIARY VERB STEM + US] + [ +wet + FINITE]
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206) M`kha`k` hlàt x`kn vds`dkdo`md-

m`kha`k` hlàt x,`kn vds,`d,dkd,o`,md
we2 rest AUX-B.SS finish-PRFA-PRT-1d-DECL
‘We two have finished resting.’
The structure of a positive finite manner verb phrase with completive aspect (PFMVP-
PFMVP - COMP → ± ADVERB PHRASE + MANNER + [ +AUXILIARY VERB STEM + US] + [ +wet + FINITE ]

207) Vhc` nm` ohh k`jhmhjhmh ohkh vdsdkdld-
vhc` n<m` ohh k,`jhmhjhmh oh,`kn vds,dkd,ld
woman that=NOM talk say-HZRD do-B.SS finish-PRT-3sDECL
‘The woman finished speaking incoherently.’
5.4.2.1.6 Positive Finite Persistive VPs
Persistive aspect is rarer by far than either of the other two phrasal aspects. In fact only a
couple of examples have been found in the data examined for this analysis. Therefore, this
section is somewhat conjectural. If persistive aspect is encoded in positive finite verb phrases
with each of the possible nucleus types, the expected results are as illustrated in the following
rules and examples. Again, the verb which would carry finite inflection now appears in basic
medial form and the finite inflection occurs on the aspect verb.
The structure of a positive finite simple verb phrase with persistive aspect (PFSVP-PERS) is
described by the following rule:
PFSVP - PERS → ± ADVERB PHRASE + [ +VERB STEM + US] + [ +nyap + FINITE]
No example of this construction has been encountered in the available data but the following
example illustrates the expected form.
208) Nlds`j` nat m`kn mxòdkdlhmd-
nlds`j` n<at m,`kn mxò,dkd,lh,md
child that=PNM consume-B.SS unceasing-PRT-23p-DECL
‘Those children are eating unceasingly.’
The structure of a positive finite adjunct verb phrase with persistive aspect (PFAVP-PERS)
PFAVP - PERS → ± ADVERB PHRASE + ADJUNCT + [ +AUXILIARY VERB STEM + US] + [ + nyap + FINITE]

209) K`ch vnot k`kn mxò`j`k`ld-
k`ch vnot k,`kn mxò,`j`k,`,ld
bundle grasp.tightly AUX-B.SS unceasing-BENX-FPT-3sDECL
‘He grasped her tightly in a bundle without letting go.’
An example of a positive finite manner verb phrase with persistive aspect (PFMVP-PERS)
has not been encountered in available data. Manner verb phrases are in fact extremely rare in
natural language and most examples have been obtained through elicitation. Extrapolating
from attested examples, the expected structure is described by the following rule:
PFMVP - PERS → ± ADVERB PHRASE + MANNER + [ +AUXILIARY VERB STEM + US] + [ + nyap + FINITE ]
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5.4.2.2 Negative Finite VPs

The verb phrase types illustrated in section 5.4.2.1 may be negated by insertion of the
negative particle m`` before the final verbal element in each construction.
5.4.2.2.1 Negative Finite Simple VP
The negative finite simple verb phrase (NFSVP) has a structure described by the following
rule:
NFSVP → ± ADVERB PHRASE + NEGATIVE + [ +VERB STEM + FINITE]
The negative finite simple verb phrase is illustrated in example 210. Compare to example
199.
210) J`kh và` `c`j` m`` h`ld-
j`kh và` `c`<j` m`` h,`,ld
man before house=CTX NEG come-FPT-3sDECL
‘(The) man did not come home earlier.’
5.4.2.2.2 Negative Finite Adjunct VP
The negative finite adjunct verb phrase (NFAVP) has a structure described by the follow-
ing rule:
NFAVP → ± ADVERB PHRASE + ADJUNCT + NEGATIVE + [ +AUXILIARY VERB STEM + FINITE]
The negative finite adjunct verb phrase is illustrated in example 211. Note that the nega-
tive particle occurs between the adjunct and the auxiliary verb. Compare to example 200
211) J`kh nm` o`m`hfd j`c` m`` m`dkdld-
j`kh n<m` o`m`hfd j`c` m`` m,`d,dkd,ld
man that=NOM think.ATTR lower NEG AUX-PRFA-PRT-3sDECL
‘That man is not apathetic.’ (lit.: ‘That man’s thinking has not lowered.’)
5.4.2.2.3 Negative Finite Manner VP
The negative finite manner verb phrase (NFMVP) has a structure described by the follow-
ing rule:
NFMVP → ± ADVERB PHRASE + MANNER + NEGATIVE + [ +AUXILIARY VERB STEM + FINITE ]
The negative finite manner verb phrase is illustrated in example 212. Note that the nega-
tive particle occurs between the manner verb form and the auxiliary verb. Compare to exam-
ple 201.
212) A`k`l` att `cdx`kd m`` kdkdld-
a`k`<l` att `c,dx`kd m`` k,dkd,ld
he=ERG anger grow.big-SIML NEG AUX-PRT-3sDECL
‘He is not pretending to be angry.’
5.4.2.2.4 Other Negative Finite VPs
If any of these negative finite verb phrases types is modified by encoding of one of the
phrasal aspects the verb which would carry the finite inflection occurs in basic medial form
and the aspect verb receives the finite inflection. The negative particle occurs preceding the
aspect verb which is now the final verbal form in the construction. The resulting structures
are described by the following rules, using the label ASP to stand for any of the three aspect
verbs:
For the negative finite simple verb phrase with phrasal aspect (NFSVP-ASP):
NFSVP - CONT → ± ADVERB PHRASE + NEGATIVE + [ +VERB STEM + US] + [ +ASP + FINITE ]
For the negative finite adjunct verb phrase with phrasal aspect (NFAVP-ASP):
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NFAVP - CONT → ± ADVP + ADJUNCT + NEGATIVE + [ +AUXILIARY VERB STEM + US] + [ +ASP + FINITE ]
For the negative finite manner verb phrase with phrasal aspect (NFMVP-ASP):
NFMVP - CONT → ± ADVP + MANNER + NEGATIVE + [ +AUXILIARY VERB STEM + US] + [ +ASP + FINITE]
Examples 213 and 214 illustrate negated forms of verb phrases with phrasal aspect.
Negative finite simple verb phrase with completive aspect.
213) Mà`k` m`kn m`` vdsdkdvd-
mà`k` m,`kn m`` vds,dkd,vd
I consume-B.SS NEG finish-PRT-1sDECL
‘I am not finished eating.’
Negative finite adjunct verb phrase with continuative aspect.
214) J`kh nkòt dcd ``f`k` k`kn m`` ohhkhohmd-
j`kh n<kòt dcd ``f`k` k,`kn m`` ohh,dkd,oh,md
man that=DNM cane split AUX-B.SS NEG be-PRT-23d-DECL
‘Those two men are not continuing to split cane.’
5.4.2.3 Positive Medial VPs
The positive finite verb phrase types described in section 5.4.2.1 have cognate construc-
tions with medial inflection replacing the finite inflection. This medial inflection may take
the form of basic, desiderative, purpose, simultaneous or progressive same subject suffixes.
5.4.2.3.1 Positive Medial Simple VPs
The positive medial simple verb phrase (PMSVP) has a structure as described by the fol-
lowing rule:
⎡ ⎧BASIC SAME SUBJECT (B.SS) ⎫⎤
⎢ ⎪ ⎪⎥
⎢ ⎪⎪DESIDERATIVE SAME SUBJECT (D.SS) ⎪⎪⎥
PMSVP → ± ADVP + ⎢ + VERB STEM + ⎨PURPOSE SAME SUBJECT (P.SS) ⎬⎥
⎢ ⎪SIMULTANEOUS SAME SUBJECT (S.SS) ⎪⎥⎥
⎢ ⎪ ⎪
⎢ ⎪⎩PROGRESSIVE SAME SUBJECT (G.SS) ⎪⎭⎥⎦
⎣
The only formal difference among these variants is the substitution of one medial suffix
for another, therefore not all possibilities will be illustrated.
Example 215 illustrates a positive medial simple verb phrase, in this case with purpose
medial verb.
215) J`kh nm` dd vhx`v`k` `r` hkhld-
j`kh n<m` dd vhx,`v`k` `<r` h,dkd,ld
man that=NOM garden plant-P.SS this=CTX come-PRT-3sDECL
‘The man is coming here to plant a garden.’
5.4.2.3.2 Positive Medial Adjunct VPs
The positive medial adjunct verb phrase (PMAVP) has a structure as described by the fol-
lowing rule:
⎡ ⎧B.SS ⎫⎤
⎢ ⎪ ⎪⎥
⎢ ⎪⎪D.SS⎪⎪⎥
PMAVP → ± ADVP + ADJUNCT + ⎢ + AUXILIARY VERB STEM + ⎨P.SS ⎬⎥
⎢ ⎪S.SS ⎪⎥⎥
⎢ ⎪ ⎪
⎢ ⎪⎩G.SS ⎪⎭⎥⎦
⎣
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Example 216 illustrates a positive medial adjunct verb phrase.

216) Ododsd dkh o`kn `c`fd oh`kn odd mx`vd-
ododsd dkh o,`kn `c`fd oh,`d,`kn odd mx,`,vd
bamboo.skin split.off AUX-B.SS house.ATTR do-PRFA-B.SS eel.trap weave-FPT-1sDECL
‘Splitting off bamboo skin and having made the house (cage) I wove (an) eel
trap.’
5.4.2.3.3 Positive Medial Manner VPs
The positive medial manner verb phrase (PMMVP) has a structure as described by the fol-
lowing rule:
⎡ ⎧B.SS ⎫⎤
⎢ ⎪ ⎪⎥
⎢ ⎪⎪D.SS⎪⎪⎥
PMMVP → ± ADVP + MANNER + ⎢+ AUXILIARY VERB STEM + ⎨P.SS ⎬⎥
⎢ ⎪S.SS ⎪⎥⎥
⎢ ⎪ ⎪
⎢ ⎪⎩G.SS ⎪⎭⎥⎦
⎣
Example 217 illustrates a positive medial manner verb phrase.

217) Mha`k`l` hr` nm` knl`jhmhjhmh ohkh j`k`h `mhfd
mha`k`<l` hr` n<m` knl,`jhmhjhmh oh,`kn j`k`h `mhfd
you=ERG wood that=NOM cut.across-HZRD do-B.SS work actual
lddm` m`` ohkhmd-
ldd<m` m`` oh,dkd,d,md
a=NOM NEG do-PRT-2s-DECL
‘Having cut that wood indiscriminately you are not doing real work.’
5.4.2.3.4 Positive Medial Continuative VPs
Positive medial verb phrases with continuative aspect are formed similarly to the positive
finite verb phrases with continuative aspect. The only difference is that the aspect verb which
is inflected with finite morphology in the latter is inflected with one of the medial verb suf-
fixes in the former. The various structures are described by these rules:
The structure of a positive medial simple verb phrase with continuative aspect (PMSVP-
⎡ ⎧B.SS ⎫⎤
⎢ ⎪ ⎪⎥
⎢ ⎪⎪D.SS⎪⎪⎥
PMSVP - CONT → ± ADVP + [ + VERB STEM + US] + ⎢ + pii + ⎨P.SS ⎬⎥
⎢ ⎪S.SS ⎪⎥
⎢ ⎪ ⎪⎥⎥
⎢ ⎪ ⎪⎭⎦
⎣ ⎩G.SS

218) Mà`k`l` j`k`h ohkh ohhkh nmò` vnod k`vd-
mà`k`<l` j`k`h oh,`kn ohh,`kn n<m`<o` vnod k,`,vd
I=ERG work do-B.SS be-B.SS that=NOM=ASS whistle say-FPT-1sDECL
‘While I was working I whistled.’
The structure of a positive medial adjunct verb phrase with continuative aspect (PMAVP-
77
⎡ ⎧B.SS ⎫⎤
⎢ ⎪ ⎪⎥
⎢ ⎪⎪D.SS⎪⎪⎥
PMAVP - CONT → ± ADVP + ADJUNCT + [ + AUXILIARY VERB STEM + US] + ⎢ + pii + ⎨P.SS ⎬⎥
⎢ ⎪S.SS ⎪⎥⎥
⎢ ⎪ ⎪
⎢ ⎪⎩G.SS ⎪⎭⎥⎦
⎣

219) V`jh k`kn ohhkh dj` o`ld-
v`jh k,`kn ohh,`kn dj` o,`,ld
wait AUX-B.SS be-B.SS bird strike-FPT-3sDECL
‘As he was waiting, he killed a bird.’
The structure of a positive medial manner verb phrase with continuative aspect (PMMVP-
⎡ ⎧B.SS ⎫⎤
⎢ ⎪ ⎪⎥
⎢ ⎪⎪D.SS⎪⎪⎥
PMMVP - CONT → ± ADVP + MANNER + [ + AUXILIARY VERB STEM + B.SS] + ⎢ + pii + ⎨P.SS ⎬⎥
⎢ ⎪S.SS ⎪⎥⎥
⎢ ⎪ ⎪
⎢ ⎪⎩G.SS ⎪⎭⎥⎦
⎣

220) J`kh nm` j`k`h ohjncòd ohkh ohhkh jdjdm` l`k`ld-
j`kh n<m` j`k`h oh,`jncòd oh,`kn ohh,`kn jdjdm` l,`k`,ld
man that=NOM work do-INTS do-B.SS be-B.SS tiredness feel-IPT-3sDECL
‘As the man was continuing to work very hard he felt tired.’
5.4.2.3.5 Positive Medial Completive VPs
The structure of a positive medial simple verb phrase with completive aspect (PMSVP-
⎡ ⎧B.SS ⎫⎤
⎢ ⎪ ⎪⎥
⎢ ⎪⎪D.SS⎪⎪⎥
PMSVP - COMP → ± ADVP + [ + VERB STEM + B.SS] + ⎢ + wet + ⎨P.SS ⎬⎥
⎢ ⎪S.SS ⎪⎥
⎢ ⎪ ⎪⎥⎥
⎢ ⎪ ⎪⎭⎦
⎣ ⎩G.SS
The structure of a positive medial adjunct verb phrase with completive aspect (PMAVP-
⎡ ⎧B.SS ⎫⎤
⎢ ⎪ ⎪⎥
⎢ ⎪⎪D.SS⎪⎪⎥
PMAVP - COMP → ± ADVP + ADJUNCT + [ + AUXILIARY VERB STEM + B.SS] + ⎢+ wet + ⎨P.SS ⎬⎥
⎢ ⎪S.SS ⎪⎥
⎢ ⎪ ⎪⎥⎥
⎢ ⎪ ⎪⎭⎦
⎣ ⎩G.SS
The structure of a positive medial manner verb phrase with completive aspect (PMMVP-
⎡ ⎧B.SS ⎫⎤
⎢ ⎪ ⎪⎥
⎢ ⎪⎪D.SS⎪⎪⎥
PMMVP - COMP → ± ADVP + MANNER + [ + AUXILIARY VERB STEM + B.SS] + ⎢ + wet + ⎨P.SS ⎬⎥
⎢ ⎪S.SS ⎪⎥⎥
⎢ ⎪ ⎪
⎢ ⎪⎩G.SS ⎪⎭⎥⎦
⎣
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The only difference between these constructions and those in the previous section is the
substitution of a different aspect verb, therefore additional examples are not provided. This is
also true of the following section.
5.4.2.3.6 Positive Medial Persistive VPs
The structure of a positive medial simple verb phrase with persistive aspect (PMSVP-PERS)
⎡ ⎧B.SS ⎫⎤
⎢ ⎪ ⎪⎥
⎢ ⎪⎪D.SS⎪⎪⎥
PMSVP - PERS → ± ADVP + [ + VERB STEM + B.SS] + ⎢ + nyap + ⎨P.SS ⎬⎥
⎢ ⎪S.SS ⎪⎥⎥
⎢ ⎪ ⎪
⎢ ⎪⎩G.SS ⎪⎭⎥⎦
⎣
The structure of a positive medial adjunct verb phrase with persistive aspect (PMAVP-
PERS) is described by the following rule:
⎡ ⎧B.SS ⎫⎤
⎢ ⎪ ⎪⎥
⎢ ⎪⎪D.SS⎪⎪⎥
PMAVP - PERS → ± ADVP + ADJUNCT + [ + AUXILIARY VERB STEM + B.SS] + ⎢ + nyap + ⎨P.SS ⎬⎥
⎢ ⎪S.SS ⎪⎥⎥
⎢ ⎪ ⎪
⎢ ⎪⎩G.SS ⎪⎭⎥⎦
⎣
The structure of a positive medial manner verb phrase with persistive aspect (PMMVP-
PERS) is described by the following rule:
⎡ ⎧B.SS ⎫⎤
⎢ ⎪ ⎪⎥
⎢ ⎪⎪D.SS⎪⎪⎥
PMMVP - PERS → ± ADVP + MANNER + [ + AUXILIARY VERB STEM + B.SS] + ⎢ + nyap + ⎨P.SS ⎬⎥
⎢ ⎪S.SS ⎪⎥
⎢ ⎪ ⎪⎥⎥
⎢ ⎪⎩G.SS ⎪⎭⎦
⎣
5.4.2.4 Negative Medial VPs

Negative medial verb phrases are formed similarly to negative finite verb phrases. The
negative particle m`` is inserted immediately preceding the final verbal constituent of the
construction. When negation occurs in a medial verb phrase the irrealis medial suffix (IS)
substitutes for the other medial verb suffixes.
5.4.2.4.1 Negative Medial Simple VPs
The negative medial simple verb phrase (NMSVP) has a structure as described by the fol-
lowing rule:
NMSVP → ± ADVP + NEGATIVE + [ +VERB STEM + I.SS]
Example 221 illustrates a negative medial simple verb phrase.

221) A`k` m`` `khs`…
a`k` m`` `kh,ds`
he NEG sleep.v-I.SS
‘He is not sleeping…’
5.4.2.4.2 Negative Medial Adjunct VPs
Negative medial verb phrases are not common in natural Lembena language texts. No
example of this verb phrase type has been attested in the data corpus. By inference from other
verb phrase types, I hypothesize the following structure for the negative medial adjunct verb
phrase (NMAVP):
79
NMAVP → ± ADVP + ADJUNCT + NEGATION + [ +AUXILIARY VERB STEM + I.SS]
5.4.2.4.3 Negative Medial Manner VPs

Likewise, no example of the negative medial manner verb phrase (NMMVP) type has been
found. I hypothesize a structure as described by the following rule:
NMMVP → ± ADVP + MANNER + NEGATION + [ +AUXILIARY VERB STEM + I.SS]
5.4.2.4.4 Other Negative Medial VPs

Presumably other negative medial verb phrase types are possible with the various phrasal
aspects included. These have not been attested in the data on which this analysis is based. In
each case, I hypothesize that the structure will be the same as for the positive types except for
the insertion of the negative particle m`` immediately preceding the last verbal constituent in
the verb phrase and the substitution of the irrealis same subject suffix for any other medial
suffix on that same verbal constituent.
80
6. CLAUSE STRUCTURE
Lembena clauses tend toward simplicity of structure in natural discourse. In one typical
oral narrative 745 words were distributed in 250 clauses for an average of less than three
words per clause. The only obligatory constituents of a clause are the predicate, which may
be either a verb phrase or an equative predicate, and the subject, though the subject reference
may only be expounded by agreement on finite verbs or even less overtly as same subject af-
fixation on medial verbs.
6.1 Main Clause Types

Lembena clauses may be divided into two main groups based on the type of predicate in
the clause. Those with predicates consisting of a verb phrase are called VP based clause
types. VP based clauses include intransitive, transitive and di-transitive clauses. There is one
type of clause which is not built around a verb phrase: the equative clause. Equative clauses
have predicates consisting of a noun, adjective, or attributive followed by the unmarked
nominalizing clitic <m` and the equative clitic <d.
Although I note a distinction between clauses based on transitivity, i.e. the number of
nominal arguments required, transitive and ditransitive clauses appear frequently in discourse
without the required arguments appearing within the clause. The required arguments will be
present, however, within the larger discourse and must be accessible to the hearer/reader from
the context.
In the following discussion, I will first deal with VP based clauses and then with equative
clauses.
6.2 Order of Elements in VP Based Clauses

Lembena VP based clauses are verb phrase final with all core arguments preceding. In
normal word ordering, subject is first. Up to two objects may occur between the subject and
the predicate. All of these statements must be taken as expressions of preference in Lembena
utterances as elements can be reordered without the loss of grammaticality. Morphology and
semantic features of verbs serve to define the role that various nominal elements play in a
predication.
6.3 Grammatical Relations in VP Based Clauses

6.3.1 Core Grammatical Relations
The first criterion for establishing core grammatical relations in VP based clauses is co-
referencing of arguments by affixation on the verb. Lembena obligatorily marks only one
argument in this way. On this basis, I establish the grammatical relation of subject as the
nominal within the clause which is obligatorily co-referenced on the verb. This relation, sub-
ject, corresponds to the semantic role of agent in transitive clauses and the semantic role of
patient or experiencer in intransitive clauses.
222) Mà`k` dkhj` t`vd-
mà`k` d<khj` t,`,vd
I garden=CTX go-FPT-1sDECL
‘I went to the garden.’
In example 222, the referent of the noun phrase consisting of the pronoun mà`k`, ‘I’, is
co-referenced on the verb by the suffix ,vd, which includes ‘1st person singular’ as part of its
meaning. On this basis, I call mà`k` the subject of the sentence in this example.
The second criterion used to establish core grammatical relations is lack of adpositional
marking. Excluding those nominals which have already been identified as subjects based on
morphological co-referencing, other nominals within VP based clauses which are unmarked
with respect to their function within the clause are classed as objects. The exception to this
is temporal nouns which sometimes occur as unmarked forms, as in example 223 .
81
223) Vhx`j`d a`k` c`t`ld-

vhx`j`d a`k` c`t,`,ld
next.day he depart-FPT-3sDECL
‘On the next day, he departed.’
In example 224, the clause contains three noun phrases. The referent of the first, j`kh
natl`, ‘those men=ERG’, is co-referenced on the verb by the suffix ,lh, which means ‘2nd
or 3rd person plural’, therefore this noun phrase is the subject of the sentence. Of the two re-
maining noun phrases, one, hr`, ‘tree’, is unmarked, therefore it is classed as a grammatical
object. V`l`, ‘ax=ERG’, haveing neither co-reference on the verb nor unmarked, encodes
the non-core grammatical relation instrument (see section 6.3.2). Although the subject noun
phrase is marked in the same way as the instrument in this example, the co-referencing in the
verb morphology unambiguously identifies that noun phrase as the core relation subject.
224) J`kh natl` v`l` hr` o`jnnlhmd-
j`kh n<at<l` v`<l` hr` o`j,non,lh,md
man that=PNM=ERG ax=ERG tree chop.down-FUT-23p-DECL
‘Those men will cut down tree(s) with ax(es).’
The marking on noun phrases which function in core grammatical relations follows an ab-
solutive-ergative pattern, i.e. the subjects of intransitive clauses and the objects of transitive
clauses marked in the same way; while the subject marking on the verb follows a nominative-
accusative pattern, i.e. the subjects of both intransitive clauses and transitive clauses marked
in the same way. For the purposes of this paper, I use the term subject to refer to the noun
phrase in a clause which has co-reference on the verb, with the understanding that that noun
phrase may be a semantic agent or a patient depending on the clause type and will be marked
accordingly.
A distinction between direct and indirect object is not possible on strictly grammatical
grounds. Lembena clauses may have up to two objects. The semantic roles of the two objects
will be determined from the semantic features of the constituents making up the clause.
225) J`kh nm`l` x`v`kd m`mha`k` i`ld-
j`kh n<m`<l` x`v`kd m`mha`k` ch,`,ld
man that=NOM=ERG pig we give.INCL-FPT-3sDECL
‘That man gave us pork.’
Example 225 illustrates a sentence with three nominals, the first being the subject of the
clause. The following two nominals are both unmarked and neither has co-reference on the
verb and are thus classed as objects. X`v`kd is semantic patient and m`mha`k` is semantic
beneficiary. The ordering of these two nominals can be reversed as seen by comparing ex-
amples 225 and 226.
226) M`mha`k` hr` lhchv`k`…
m`mha`k` hr` lh,`ch,`v`k`
we wood get-BENI-P.SS
‘…in order to get wood for us…’
If an object is a semantic beneficiary, which may be positively or negatively affected, this
is often encoded in the inclusive or exclusive benefactive marking on the verb stem. This is
seen in examples 226 and 227.
227) J`tv`mdl` vhmx` o`j`k`k`ld-
j`tv`md<l` vhmx` o,`j`k,`k`,ld
cassowary=ERG dog strike-BENX-IPT-3sDECL
‘(The) cassowary struck (the) dog.’
Based on examples like these, it is clear that a distinction between direct and indirect ob-
jects is not possible on grammatical grounds of word order or marking of the nominals. The
82
remaining possibility is co-referencing on the verb. However, benefactive marking in the

verb stem does not exclusively mark the semantic role of beneficiary. In example 226, the
benefactive inclusive co-references m`mha`k` which is a semantic beneficiary that we would
be inclined to call a grammatical indirect object based on languages like English. However,
in example 228 below, the benefactive exclusive suffix cross-references dcd snjn a semantic
patient which we would call a grammatical direct object in English. For these reasons, Lem-
bena must be considered to have a single grammatical relation object which encodes the se-
mantic roles that would normally be distributed between the grammatical relations direct ob-
ject and indirect object in many other languages.
228) Mxà`k` dcd snjn mxò`j`k`lhmd-
mxà`k` dcd snjn mxò,`j`k,`,lh,md
they rope bridge leave-BENX-FPT-23p-DECL
‘They abandoned the rope bridge.’
The Lembena grammatical relation object also subsumes semantic complements, expres-
sions which complete the sense of certain verbs such as ohh,, ‘be, remain’, chj,, ‘become1’,
fhk,, ‘become2’, and adjunct plus verb `jt k,, ‘change into’.
229) `tvdfd sòtohfd ohhkh…
`tvdfd sòtohfd ohh,`kn
self pastor be-B.SS
‘themselves being pastors…’
230) M`h` `jt k`kò`
m`h` `jt k,`kò`
modern change say-2dpIMP
‘Change into modern (people)!’
In the sections that follow, I will discuss the inventory of marked nominal constituents,
classifying them on the basis of their forms. The term nominal is used to refer to a noun
phrase or any other nominalized constituent including adjectives, attributives and clauses.
6.3.2 Ergative marked Constituents.
I have already mentioned that subjects of transitive clauses may be identified as semantic
agents by way of marking with the ergative case marking clitic <l`. However, subject as
agent is not the only relation marked in this way. In example 224, the noun phrase v`l`
includes ergative marking and is classed as a grammatical instrument. Instrument is distin-
guished from subject in that the subject has co-reference on the verb.
In example 231, two nominals are marked with <l`, and one has co-reference in the ‘3rd
person singular’ subject marking on the verb. In cases like this one, the semantic feature of
animacy determines which of the two nominals is the subject. Since ‘man’ is higher on the
scale of animacy than ‘bow’, J`kh nm`l` is subject marked as agent and x`c`l` is instru-
ment.
231) J`kh nm`l` x`c`l` x`v`kd o`ld-
j`kh n<m`<l` x`c`<l` x`v`kd o,`,ld
man that=NOM=ERG bow=ERG pig strike-FPT-3sDECL
‘The man killed (a) pig with (a) bow.’
Nominalized clauses may also be marked with the ergative clitic. These are discussed in
section 4.10.2.
6.3.3 Referential marked Constituents.
Nominals marked with the referential case marking clitic <f` occur manifesting several
different semantic roles. This grammatical relation is called reference. Within a clause ref-
erence can encode semantic topic, location in space, location in time, or beneficiary.
83
Topic may be expounded by a phrase or by a clause. Example 232 illustrated the topic
`tònfd lddm`, ‘an ancestor’, marked by the referential clitic. Nm`<f` is also a reference
to the topic which points anaphorically to the name of this ancestor given in the previous sen-
tence of the text.
232) Nm`f` `tònfd lddm`f` k`kn odkdvd-
n<m`<f` `tònfd ldd<m`<f` k,`kn o,dkd,vd
that=NOM=RFR ancestor.ATTR a=NOM=RFR say-B.SS strike-PRT-1sDECL
‘Speaking about that, about an ancestor (of ours), I am writing.’
Example 233 illustrates a noun phrase hr` k`sdfd, ‘tree bole’, as grammatical reference
encoding location in space.
233) X`v`kd `kd j`kh hr` k`sdfdf` stt k`kn `hx`ld-
x`v`kd `kd j`kh hr` k`sdfd<f` stt k,`kn `hx,`,ld
pig ART man tree base=RFR towards say-B.SS bite-FPT-3sDECL
‘(The) pig bit the man against the tree bole.’
Example 234 illustrates a noun phrase r`shsh ldd lnoddm`, ‘week after next’, as gram-
matical reference encoding location in time.
234) R`shsh ldd lnoddm`f` m`mha`k` rtjtkt k`knjnd
knnl`md-
r`shsh ldd ln,odd<m`<f` m`mha`k` rtjtkt k,`kn,jnd k,non,
l`,md
week a far.over.there-SPC=NOM=RFR we school say-B.SS-FNL say-
FUT-1p-DECL
‘The week after next we will have school for the last time.’
Example 235 illustrates a noun phrase nlds`j`, ‘child’, as grammatical reference encod-
ing beneficiary.
235) J`rdd nm` nlds`j`f` kta`j`knod-
j`rdd n<m` nlds`j`<f` kta,`j`k,nod
road that=NOM child=RFR open-BENX-2sIMP
‘Open the road (door) for the child.’
6.3.4 Associative marked Constituents.

Constituents marked with the associative case marking clitic <o` manifest the gram-
matical relation associate. Semantically this may encode either an associated event or associ-
ated time. Associated events realized by nominalized clauses are discussed in section 4.10.2.
In example 236, the noun phrase fhh nm`, ‘that time’, encodes an associated time refer-
ence.
236) Fhh nmò` @fnx` a`` mdltc`j` `d`kn ohh`ld-
fhh n<m`<o` @fnx` a`k` mdltc`j` `d,`kn ohh,`,ld
time that=NOM=ASS Angoya.man he male.initiation go.about be-FPT-3sDECL
‘At that time, Angoya was going to the male initiation.’
6.3.5 Context marked Constituents.

Nominals and clauses occur which are marked with the context marking clitic <r`.
Clauses marked with the context clitic are not first nominalized with <m`. Constituents
marked with <r` expound the grammatical relation context. Semantically this may encode
situational context, spatial context or personal context. Situational contexts realized by
clauses are discussed in section 4.10.2.
In the following two examples, nominals marked as grammatical context with the context
marking clitic <r` encode spatial context.
84
237) Lnsnn j`rddr` nfdotr`ld-

lnsnn j`rdd<r` nfdotr,`,ld
motor.canoe road=CTX become.bad-FPT-3sDECL
‘(The) motor canoe went bad on the way.’
238) Vhc`j`kh ohs`j` fdfd hotkhr` ldx`ònlhmd-
vhc`j`kh ohs`j` fdfd hotkh<r` ldx,`d,non,lh,md
people all name ground=CTX throw-PRFA-FUT-23p-DECL
‘All people will have thrown (their) names to the ground.’
Example 239 illustrates the personal pronoun mà`k`, ‘I’, as grammatical context encod-
ing semantic personal context. <Jhr` is the unbound alternant of <r` which occurs with
personal pronouns and nouns referring to people.
239) Vdsdd ah`fd lddm` mà`k` jhr` c`dxdkdmòd>
vdsdd ah`<dfd ldd<m` mà`k` <jhr` c`dx,dkd,m`,od
extremely what=ATTR a=NOM I =CTX lack-PRT-1s~DECL-INT
‘What one thing is truly lacking in me?’
6.4 Order of Elements in Equative Clauses

As previously mentioned, equative clauses differ from other clause types in lacking verb
phrases. The nucleus of the equative clause is a nominalized constituent followed by the
equative clitic <d. This constituent is the predicate nominal. Example 240 illustrates a
typical equative clause.
240) J`dx` nm` V`jò` j`dx`m`d-
j`dx` n<m` V`jò` j`dx`<m`<d
banana that=NOM Wakapa banana=NOM=EQ
‘That banana is a V`jò` banana.’
With respect to the order of elements, the equative clause has an initial subject (which
may be deleted) followed by a predicate nominal.
6.5 Grammatical Relations of Equative Clauses

Many of the grammatical relations which were described in reference to VP based clauses
also potentially occur in equative clauses. Exceptions to this are objects which depend upon
the presence of a transitive or ditransitive verb phrase.
There is one grammatical relation that is unique to equative clauses, the predicate nomi-
nal. Predicate nominal is expounded by a nominalized constituent which may be a noun
phrase, adjective or attributive. The grammatical relation predicate nominal expresses the
semantic relations of identification or attribution.
In example 240 above the predicate nominal v`jò` j`dx`m`d, ‘V`jò` banana’ is the
identification of the subject j`dx` nm`.
The following example illustrates a predicate nominal, in this case the attributive x`v`kd
mdfdm`d, encoding semantic attribution. The practice of eating pork is attributed to the sub-
ject mhkha`k`, ‘you two’.
241) Mhkha`k` x`v`kd mdfdm`d-
mhkha`k` x`v`kd mdfd<m`<d
you.2 pig consume.ATTR=NOM=EQ
‘You two are pork eaters.’
6.6 Clause Types
85
Clause types are differentiated in terms of whether or not the clause uses a verb phrase to
express a predication. Intransitive, transitive and ditransitive clauses use verb phrases to ex-
press a predication about the subject. Equative clauses use a predicate nominal followed by
the equative clitic <d.
6.6.1 Verb Phrase Based Clauses
6.6.1.1 Intransitive Clause
The intransitive clause type has a basic structure described by the following rule:
INTRANSITIVE CLAUSE → ± SUBJECT + VERB PHRASE
SUBJECT is expounded by an unmarked nominal. VERB PHRASE can terminate in either a fi-
nite or medial verb depending on the function of the clause in a sentence. There is no distin-
guishing formal marking of verbs which can be used in intransitive clauses. Only semantic
features determine allowable verbs.
SUBJECT is grammatically optional in contexts where the referent is clear from context.
However SUBJECT is semantically obligatory.
Following are some examples of intransitive clauses:
242) Mà`k` ncdfd mdkdld-
mà`k` ncdfd m,dkd,ld
I head consume-PRT-3sDECL
‘My head hurts.’
243) Vhmx` lddm` hkh ohhkhld-
vhmx` ldd<m` h,`kn ohh,dkd,ld
dog a=NOM come-B.SS be-PRT-3sDECL
‘A dog is coming.’
244) Nlds`j` nm` `c`ld-
nlds`j` n<m` `c,`,ld
child that=NOM grow.big-FPT-3sDECL
‘The child grew big.’
6.6.1.2 Transitive Clause
The transitive clause type has a basic structure described by the following rule:
TRANSITIVE CLAUSE → ± SUBJECT ± OBJECT + VERB PHRASE
SUBJECT and OBJECT are nominals. Although semantically obligatory, they may be unreal-
ized in a given utterance if their referents are clear from context. The SUBJECT nominal will
normally be marked with the ergative case marking clitic <l`, though examples do occur
without the clitic. In any case word order normally provides a means of differentiating the
functions of the two nominals in unmarked expressions, and often semantic features of the
nominals and the verb phrase will also help to make the functions clear.
OBJECTS are unmarked. Thus the marking of core arguments of Lembena clauses follows
an absolutive-ergative pattern, in contrast to the nominative-accusative pattern of subject
agreement marking on verbs.
VERB PHRASES of TRANSITIVE CLAUSES do not differ formally from VERB PHRASES of
INTRANSITIVE CLAUSES.
Some basic examples of TRANSITIVE CLAUSES follow:

245) Vhc`j`khmt lhrh ohh m`` vhkhlhmd-
vhc`j`kh<mt lhrh ohh m`` vh,dkd,lh,md
people=PLR worship talk NEG percieve-PRT-23p-DECL
‘People do not hear worship talk.’
86
246) J`kh x`v`kd lddm` o`ld-

j`kh x`v`kd ldd<m` o,`,ld
man pig a=NOM strike=FPT-3sDECL
‘(A/the) man killed a pig.’
6.6.1.3 Ditransitive Clause
The DITRANSITIVE CLAUSE has a basic structure described by the following rule:
DITRANSITIVE CLAUSE → ± SUBJECT ± OBJECT1 ± OBJECT2 + VERB PHRASE
SUBJECT , OBJECT1 and OBJECT2 are nominals. Although semantically obligatory, they may be
unrealized in a given utterance if their referents are clear from context. The SUBJECT nominal
will normally be marked with the ergative case marking clitic <l`, though examples do oc-
cur without the clitic. In any case word order provides a means of differentiating the func-
tions of the three nominals in unmarked expressions, and often semantic features of the nomi-
nals and the verb phrase will also help to make the functions clear.
OBJECT1 and OBJECT2 nominals are unmarked. Ordering of the two object noun phrases
appears to be fairly free. Semantic features of the two nominals is an important factor in dif-
ferentiating their semantic functions.
VERB PHRASES of DITRANSITIVE CLAUSES do not differ formally from VERB PHRASES of
INTRANSITIVE or TRANSITIVE CLAUSES.
Examples of DITRANSITIVE CLAUSES follow:

247) M`mha`k` nlds`j` nm`mt sdch ohh lddm` k`j`k`l`md-
m`mha`k` nlds`j` n<m`<mt sdch ohh ldd<m` k,`j`k,`,l`,md
we child that=NOM=PLR legend talk a=NOM say-BENX-FPT-1p-DECL
‘We told a legend to those children.’
248) Anjhr` nm` a`k` j`k`-
anjhr` n<m` a`k` j`k,`
box that=NOM he give.EXCL-2sIMP
‘Give that box to him!’
In example 248, SUBJECT is not realized by any surface form. It is indicated only by the sub-
ject person and number marking on the verb.
6.6.1.4 Deletion of Core Arguments
Core arguments being realized by zero is a very common feature of Lembena. All of the
nominals indicated as elements of the various verb phrase based clause types normally have
zero realization if the preceding context is sufficient to allow the reader or hearer to ade-
quately identify their referents. Thus, the majority of Lembena clauses in texts will not ex-
hibit all of the nominal arguments indicated by the structural rules given above. The verb
phrase is really the only obligatory element of any of these three clause types. This results in
a higher proportion of verbs compared to many other languages which require surface struc-
ture exponents of the main arguments of a clause. Examinations of natural texts reveal be-
tween 41% and 50% of words in a text are verbs, even excluding all nominalized verb forms.
6.6.2 Equative Clause
The EQUATIVE CLAUSE has a basic structure described by the following rule:
EQUATIVE CLAUSE → ± SUBJECT + PREDICATE NOMINAL
SUBJECT is expounded by an unmarked nominal. Predicate nominal is expounded by a noun

phrase, adjective or attributive followed by the unmarked nominalizing clitic <m` and the
equative clitic <d. Example 249 illustrates a predicate nominal expounded by a noun.
87
249) Nm` x`v`kdm`d

n<m` x`v`kd<m`<d
that=NOM pig=NOM=EQ
‘That is a pig.’
Example 250 illustrates a predicate nominal expounded by a nominalized adjective.
250) J`kh nm` kncnfdm`d-
j`kh n<m` kncnfd<m`<d
man that=NOM long.ATTR=NOM=EQ
‘That man is a tall one.’
Example 251 illustrates a predicate nominal expounded by a nominalized attributive.
251) Mha`k` lòt mdfdm`d-
mha`k` lòt m<dfd<m`<d
you sweet.potato consume=ATTR=NOM=EQ
‘You are a sweet potato eating one.’
88
7. COMPLEX SENTENCE STRUCTURE

7.1 Conjoining of Clauses
A pair of conjoined clauses can reflect three different relationships between the two
clauses. These three relationships are coordination, association and alternation. If the rela-
tionship is coordination then it becomes significant whether or not the subjects of the two
clauses are the same or different.
7.1.1 Coordinate Clauses with Different Subjects
If coordinate clauses have different subjects, the two finite clauses can be joined by inter-
position of the coordinate conjunction <cdd. Example 252 illustrates this construction.
252) J`kh và` `c`j` h`ld cdd vhc`fd mdsdo` h`ld-
j`kh và` `c`<j` h,`,ld cdd vhc`fd mdsdo` h,`,ld-
man before house=CTX come-FPT-3sDECL CORJ wife later come-FPT-
3sDECL
‘(The) man came home first and (his) wife came home later.’
In some cases, the referents of the subjects of two succeeding clauses will be only par-
tially the same. Example 253 illustrates this case. The subject of the first clause is indicated
only by the verb affixation. The second clause has a conjoined noun phrase subject with im-
plicit reference to the speaker. Note that both subjects are 1st person plural so that the subject
marking on the verb is the same. Both subjects include the speaker but other referents of the
two subjects differ. In these cases, Lembena follows the pattern for different subjects.
253) Và` s`c`j` lhkh ohh`l`md cdd nld vhc` j`khoh o`s`fd
và` s`c`j` lh,`kn ohh,`,l`,md cdd nld vhc` j`kh<oh o`s`fd
before pain get-B.SS be-FPT-1p-DECL CORJ boy woman man=CNJ youth
l`kn ohh`l`md-
l,`kn ohh,`,l`,md
die-B.SS be-FPT-1p-DECL
‘Before, we were getting pain and boys, women, men and youths (we) were dy-
ing.’
7.1.2 Coordinate Clauses with Identical Subjects
In the case of coordination of clauses with identical subjects, the final verbal element of
the first clause will receive medial inflection. This inflection may take the form of either the
basic, irrealis, simultaneous or progressive same subject suffix depending on the relationship
between the two clauses. The latter three possibilities will be discussed first and then the ba-
sic case.
7.1.2.1 Irrealis Same Subject Coordination
If the first of two clauses with identical subjects which are related by coordination is ne-
gated, the final verbal element of the first clause will be inflected with the irrealis same sub-
ject suffix as in example 254.
254) A`k` m`` `khs` ohhkhld-
a`k` m`` `kh,ds` ohh,dkd,ld
he NEG sleep.v-I.SS be-PRT-3sDECL
‘He is not sleeping, (he) is present.’
89
7.1.2.2 Simultaneous Same Subject Coordination

When two clauses with identical subjects encode events which are simultaneous and con-
ceptually related, the finite inflection of the final verbal element of the first clause will be re-
placed by the simultaneous same subject suffix as in example 255.
255) Nlds`j` nm` anh jnr`m` dkdld-
nlds`j` n<m` anh jnr,`m` ∅,dkd,ld
child that=NOM grub look.for-S.SS go-PRT-3sDECL
‘The child is going along looking for grubs.’
The difference between this interclausal relationship and the following one is that in this
example the act of ‘going’ is seen as related to the act of ‘looking (for)’, that is, in order to
effectively look for something one must go places. In the following example, the act of ‘go-
ing’ is not perceived to be related in any way to the act of ‘talking’, that is, the two partici-
pants could as easily engage in talking whether or not they were going anywhere. The two
events are incidental to one another.
7.1.2.3 Progressive Same Subject Coordination
When two clauses with identical subjects encode one event which is in progress as an-
other event takes place, the finite inflection of the final verbal element of the first clause
which encodes the event in progress will be replaced by the progressive same subject suffix as
in example 256.
256) J`kh nkòt ohh k`l`m` dkdohmd-
j`kh n<kòt ohh k,`l`m` ∅,dkd,oh,md
man that=DNM talk say-G.SS go-PRT-23d-DECL
‘The two men are talking as they go.’
7.1.2.4 Basic Same Subject Coordination
If none of the conditions specified in the preceding three sections are true, then the finite
inflection of the final verbal element of the first of two coordinate clauses with identical sub-
jects will be replaced by the basic same subject suffix as in example 257.
257) A`k` mdd r`kn m`ld-
a`k` mdd r,`kn m,`,ld
he food cook-B.SS consume-FPT-3sDECL
‘He cooked food and ate (it).’
With basic same subject coordination, temporal sequence can be explicitly encoded by
marking the verb stem of the medial verb with perfect aspect.
258) Jno`ho`kt ohh`kn `` hotkh h`vd-
Jno`ho`kt ohh,`d,`kn ` hotkh h,`,vd
Kopaipalu.village be-PRFA-B.SS this ground come-FPT-1sDECL
‘Having been at Kopaipalu, I came to this place.’
7.1.3 Association
When two clauses are related by association rather that coordination the relationship can
be encoded in one of two ways depending on the relative prominence of the two clauses. If
the two are equal in prominence within the textual context, then the two finite clauses will
simply be joined by the associative conjunction hfh.
In example 259, the two clauses encode events which occur in association with each other
and which are equal in prominence.
90
259) Odldsh idkdld hfh atkt s`mh kta`k`ld-

odldsh ch,`d,dkd,ld hfh atkt s`mh kta,`k`,ld
permit give.INCL-PRFA-PRT-3sDECL ASSJ airplane drome open-IPT-3sDECL
‘(He) has given (us) a permit and with that (he) opened the airstrip.’
In the case that one of the clauses has lower prominence than the other, the one with
lower prominence will be nominalized and embedded within the more prominent clause using
the associative case marking clitic <o`, as in example 260.
260) @kd nlds`j` `kd x`c`kd jnod k`kn ohh`ldmò` x`c`kd
`kd nlds`j` `kd x`c`kd jnod k,`kn ohh,`,ld<m`<o` x`c`kd
ART child ART snake embrace say-B.SS be-FPT-3sDECL=NOM=ASS snake
mdfd nm`l` oàn k`ld-
mdfd n<m`<l` oàn k,`,ld
tooth that=NOM=ERG pierce say-FPT-3sDECL
‘(As) the child was embracing the snake, the snake’s tooth pierced (him).’
7.1.4 Alternation
Two clauses may be in a relation of alternation. This is encoded by use of the alternate
conjunction between the two finite clauses. Optionally, the alternate conjunction may also
precede the first of the two clauses. Example 261 illustrates this case.
261) V`cd a`ktr`f` nnlhod+ v`cd j`snf` nnlhod>
v`cd a`ktr`<f` /,non,lh,od v`cd j`sn<f` /,non,lh,od
ALTJ plane=RFR go-FUT-23p-INT ALTJ car=RFR go-FUT-23d-INT
‘Will you go by plane or will you go by car?’
7.2 Nominalized Clauses

7.2.1 Nominalized Clauses as Core Grammatical Relations
Both subject and object can be expounded by noun phrases wih nominalized clauses as
head. Example 262 illustrates a noun phrase with nominalized clause head as ergative sub-
ject.
262) J`kh x`v`kd lddm` o`ld nm`l` x`v`kd m`mha`k`
j`kh x`v`kd ldd<m` o,`,ld n<m`<l` x`v`kd m`mha`k`
man pig a=NOM strike-FPT-3sDECL that=NOM=ERG pig we
i`ld-
ch,`,ld
give.INCL-FPT-3sDECL
‘The man who killed a pig gave us pork.’ This is noun + relative clause as sub-
ject.
Example 263 illustrates a noun phrase with nominalized clause head embedded as an ob-
ject.
263) A`k`l` @m`rtl` j`k`h ohm` k`ld nm` oh`ld-
a`k`<l` @m`rt<l` j`k`h oh,dm` k,`,ld n<m` oh,`,ld
he=ERG God=ERG work do-3IMP say-FPT-3sDECL that=NOM do-FPT-
3sDECL
‘He did the work that God told him to do.’This is also noun + relative clause.
91
7.2.2 Nominalized Clauses as Oblique Arguments.

7.2.2.1 Nominalized clauses with <l`.
If a noun phrase with nominalized clause head is marked with the ergative case marking
clitic <l` and embedded as a constituent in the clause, and the verb of the independent
clause has a different subject from the subject of the embedded clause, this clause expounds
the grammatical relation instrument but the semantic notion is cause. The following example
illustrates this case.
264) Adidmd vds`ldm`l` j`sn m`` hkhld-
adidmd vds,`,ld<m`<l` j`sn m`` h,dkd,ld
petrol finish-FPT-3sDECL=NOM=ERG car NEG come-PRT-3sDECL
‘Because the petrol ran out, the car is not coming.’
7.2.2.2 Nominalized clauses with <f`.

A noun phrase with nominalized clause head marked by the referential case marking clitic
<f` encodes the semantic role reason as in example 265.
265) Hr` `m` ltt chjdkdld nm`f` v`j`kd lddm`
hr` `<m` ltt chj,dkd,ld n<m`<f` v`j`kd ldd<m`
wood this=NOM short become-PRT-3sDECL that=NOM=RFR other a=NOM
lhnld-
lh,non,ld
get-FUT-3sDECL
‘Because this wood is short, he will get another (one).’
7.2.2.3 Nominalized clauses with <o`. How is this different from 7.1.3 above?
Example 266 illustrates an associated event expressed by the clause a`k` h`ld, ‘he
came’, nominalized by the nominalizing clitic <m`, and embedded as an associate by the
clitic <o`.
266) A`k` h`ldmò` mà`k` a`k` c`vd-
a`k` h,`,ld<m`<o` mà`k` a`k` c,`,vd
he come-FPT-3sDECL=NOM=ASS I he see-FPT-1sDECL
‘When he came, I saw him.’
7.3 Complementation
7.3.1 Cognition
Cognition is expressed by use of the verb vh,, ‘perceive’, with a clause encoding the con-
tent of the cognition as object. In example 267, the verb of the clause in the complement is
explicitly marked as non-declarative, whereas in the other examples below it is either marked
as declarative, as in examples 268 and 269, or it is unmarked, as in example 270. This may
signal the difference between the expression of a belief or impression in the first example as
opposed to knowledge in the other three.
267) Mà`k` lno`` vhkhvd
mà`k` l,non,v` vh,dkd,vd
I die-FUT-1s~DECL perceive-PRT-1sDECL
‘I think that I will die.’
92
268) A`k` vhx`m` hnld vhkhvd

a`k` vhx`m` h,non,ld vh,dkd,vd
He tomorrow come-FUT-3sDECL perceive-PRT-1sDECL
‘I think he will come tomorrow.’
269) K`k`ld vhkhvd
k,`k`,ld vh,dkd,vd
say-IMM.PAST-3sDECL perceive-PRT-1sDECL
‘I understand that he spoke.’
270) Nm`mtl` j`k`h `t ohkh ohk`lh vhkhvd
nm`,mt,l` j`k`h `t oh,kn oh,`k`,lh vh,dkd,vd
that-PNP-ERG work well do-S.SS do-IPT-23p perceive-PRT-1sDECL
‘I think that they did that work well.’
7.3.2 Quotation
Quotation is not marked in any overt way in Lembena sentences. The utterance being
quoted is simply embedded as the object of the verb k,, ‘say’. Examples 271 to 273 illustrate
identical direct quotations in each of the three persons and it can be readily seen that the quote
is invariable.
271) Mà`k` honvd k`vd-
mà`k` h,non,vd k,`,vd
I come-FUT-1sDECL say-FPT-1sDECL
‘I said, “I will come”.’
272) Mha`k` honvd k`dmd-
mha`k` h,non,vd k,`,d,md
you come-FUT-1sDECL say-FPT-2s-DECL
‘You said, “I will come”.’
273) A`k` honvd k`k`ld-
a`k` h,non,vd k,`k`,ld
he come-FUT-1sDECL say-IPT-3sDECL
‘He said, “I will come”.’
7.3.3 Manipulation
Manipulative predicates follow the same pattern as quotation.
274) Mha`k`l` tdd k`dmd-
mha`k`,l` t,d k,`,d,md
you-ERG go-2sIMP.QT say-FPT-2s-DECL
‘You said, “(You) go!”’, i.e. ‘You told me to go.’
275) Mha`k` tdd k`vd-
mha`k` t,d k,`,vd
you go-2sIMP.QT say-FPT-1sDECL
‘(I) said, “You go!”’, i.e. ‘I told you to go.’
276) A`k` dm` k`vd-
a`k` ∅,dm` k,`,vd
he go-3IMP say-FPT-1sDECL
‘(I) said, “Let him go!”’, i.e. ‘I told him to go.’
93
7.3.4 Intention (Purpose)

Intention is expressed by the verb o`m`h,, ‘think’ with a clause as complement that en-
codes the intended event. The main predicate may have the same or different subject com-
pared to the subject of the complement. If the subject is the same, the sentence uses the pur-
pose same subject medial form of the verb in the complement. Example 277 illustrates the
same subject intention construction.
277) Mà`k` k`r` o`j`v`k` o`m`hkhvd-
mà`k` k`r` o`j,`v`k` o`m`h,dkd,vd
I rice buy-P.SS think-PRT-1sDECL
‘I intend to buy rice.’
If the subject of the complement is different from the subject of the main clause, the verb
in the complement can either be finite but unmarked for illocutionary force, as in example
278, or imperative, as in example 279. The complement clause is also followed by a form of
the verb k,, ‘say’.
278) Dj` nm` lhk`lh k`j`k`kn o`m`h`ld-
dj` n<m` lh,`k`,lh k,`j`k,`kn o`m`h,`,ld
bird that=NOM get-IPT-23p say-BENX-B.SS think-FPT-3sDECL
‘He intended for us to get the bird.’, (lit.: ‘Saying ‘They got the bird,’ he
thought.’)
279) Dd vhxdm` k`kn o`m`hkhl`md-
dd vhx,dm` k,`kn o`m`h,dkd,l`,md
garden plant-3IMP say-B.SS think-PRT-1p-DECL
‘We intend for them to plant a garden’, (lit.: ‘Saying ‘Let them plant a garden,’
we are thinking.’)
7.3.5 Desire
Desire is expressed by the verb l,, ‘feel’ or the verb oh,, ‘do’, with a clause as comple-
ment that encodes the desired event. The complement has the desiderative same subject me-
dial form of the verb. Example 280 illustrates the desiderative construction with l,.
280) M`kha`k` hv`mh ldkdo`md-
m`kha`k` h,`v`mh l,dkd,o`,md
we2 come-D.SS feel-PRT-1d-DECL
‘We two want to come.’
Example 281 illustrates the desiderative construction with oh,.
281) Ho` m`v`mh ohkhld-
ho` m,`v`mh oh,dkd,ld
water consume-D.SS do-PRT-3sDECL
‘He wants to drink water.’
7.3.6 Modal constructions

Ability can be expressed by complementation with the verb chj,, ‘become’, as in example
.
282) Mha`k` j`sn hf`k` lhmnodfd chj`dkdld-
mha`k` j`sn hf`k` lhm,non,dfd chj,`d,dkd,ld
you car nose hold-POT-ATTR become-PRFA-PRT-3sDECL
‘It is possible for you to drive a car.’ (lit.: ‘(To) you the attribute of the potential
to hold a car’s nose has become.’)
94
Negative ability is expressed by a similar construction with the negative verb m`,, ‘not’,
as illustrated in example 283.
283) M`mha`k` j`kh nm` lhm`kn hr`jnodfd m`dkdld-
m`mha`k` j`kh nm` lhm,`kn hr`j,non,dfd m`,dkd,ld
we man that hold-B.SS stand-POT-ATTR not-PRT-3sDECL
‘We are unable to rouse the man.’ (lit.: ‘(To) us the attribute of the potential to
hold and stand that man is not.’)
7.4 Adverbial Clauses

7.4.1 Clause with clitic <r`.
Example 284 illustrates the clause a`k`l` j`k`h oh`ld, ‘he worked’, as grammatical
context, encoding semantic situational context.
284) A`k`l` j`k`h oh`ldr` jnmdl` xnkd oh`ld-
a`k`<l` j`k`h oh,`,ld<r` jnmd<l` xnkd oh,`,ld
he=ERG work do-FPT-3sDECL=CTX white.man=ERG wages do-FPT-3sDECL
‘Since he worked, the white man paid (him) wages.’
7.4.2 Clause with clitic <f`. Also with =ya=ga.

Reference may encode the semantic role concession as in example 285.
285) A`k` hh và` m`` h`ldf` m`mha` ohh `t ohkh
kdkdld-
a`k` hh và` m`` h,`,ld<f` m`mha` ohh `t oh,`kn k,dkd,
ld
he very before NEG come-FPT-3sDECL=RFR we talk well do-B.SS say-
PRT-3sDECL
‘Though he did not come long ago, he speaks our language well.’
7.4.3 Constituents marked by the conditional clitic <s`ln. Also =yako.

Nominals or clauses marked with the conditional clitic <s`ln expound the grammatical
relation real condition. Example 286 illustrates an equative clause embedded by <s`ln as
real condition. Note that the nominalizing (<m`) and equative (<d) clitics are deleted. (See
section 6.6.2 Equative Clause)
286) Nm` x`v`kd s`ln nm` m`` mnonvd-
n<m` x`v`kd <s`ln n<m` m`` m,non,vd
that=NOM pig =COND that=NOM NEG consume-FUT-1sDECL
‘If that is pig (meat), I will not eat it.’
In example 287, the clause kdt snnld is embedded as grammatical real condition by the
clitic <s`ln.
287) Kdt snnld s`ln kdt `kh`-
kdt s,non,ld <s`ln kdt `kh,`
sleep.n shine-FUT-3sDECL =COND sleep.n sleep.v-2sIMP
‘If you become sleepy, go to sleep!’ (lit.: ‘If sleep manifests, sleep sleep!’)
95
8. BIBLIOGRAPHY
Crystal, David 1991. A dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics. 3rd Ed. Oxford: Basil Black-
well.
Davies, H. John and Bernard Comrie. 1985. A linguistic survey of the upper Yuat. [PNGL 22]
Pacific Linguistics, Series A, No. 63. Pp. 275-312.
Eckert, Leroy. 1985. Enga Grammar. Ms.
Foley, William A. 1986. The Papuan Languages of New Guinea. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Lang, Adrianne. 1973. Enga dictionary. Pacific Linguistics, Series C, No. 20.
96
9. APPENDIX 1: GLOSSED TEXT
Mà`k` jìnkd Hsnodmn `tvdfd nm`l` `` hotkh lhrhmd h`ldoh
Mà`k` j`chnkd Hsnodmn `tvd<dfd n<m`<l` ` hotkh lhrhmd h,`,ld<oh
I council Itopeno.vil community=ATTR that=NOM=ERG this ground mission come-FPT-3sDECL=CNJ
cdd m`h` lhkh palilime onaga meelapu Agoyape laeleme
cdd m`h` lh,`kn o`kh,dkd,ld n<m`<f` ldd<kòt @fnx`,od k,`d,dkd,ld
CORJ Western get-B.SS install-PRT-3sDECL that=NOM=RFR a=DNM Angoya-REFM say-PRFA-PRT-3sDECL
onaga jnc` ohkh k`knjn cdd @fnxòdl` knodfd
n<m`<f` jnc` oh,`kn k,`kn<jn cdd @fnx`,od<l` k,no<dfd
that=NOM=RFR add.talk do-B.SS say-B.SS=ARG CORJ Angoya.man-REFM=ERG say-POTA=ATTR
lddkòt m`` k`k`ld nm`f` jnc` ohkh `mò` kdkdvd -
ldd<kòt m`` k,`k`,ld n<m`<f` jnc` oh,`kn `<m`<o` k,dkd,vd
a=DNM NEG say-IPT-3sDECL that=NOM=RFR add.talk do-B.SS this=NOM=ASS say-PRT-1sDECL
`m`
`<m`
this=NOM
‘This (story) is that I, the councilor of the Itopeno community, am at this (time) adding a couple of
(words) about (how) the mission came to this place and (how) western ways were gotten and put (here)
to the words Angoya has said and what he could have said but didn’t say.’
Và` vdsdd mà`k` nlds`j` ddo`r` mà`k` lì`lh nm` vhkhvd

Và` vdsdd mà`k` nlds`j` ddo`<r` mà`k` l`ch,`,lh n<m` vh,dkd,vd
before extremely I child small=CTX I bear-FPT-23p that=NOM perceive-PRT-1sDECL
hfh 085/ nm`f` mà`k` lì`lhmd-
hfh 085/ n<m`<f` mà`k` l`ch,`,lh,md-
ASSJ 1960 that=NOM=RFR I bear-FPT-23p-DECL
‘Before, when I was really a child, I heard that they bore me and they bore me in 1960.’
Nh`ld hfh mà`k` `c`j` ddj`m` j`khr` lddm` ohh`vd-

Nh,`,ld hfh mà`k` `c`<j` ddj`m` j`khr` ldd<m` ohh,`,vd
do.like.that-FPT-3sDECL ASSJ I house=CTX year ten a=NOM be-FPT-1sDECL
‘It was like that and I remained at home for ten years.’
Ohh`kn c`vdmò` 0856 nm`f` Jtohnvòd kdfd lddm`

Ohh,`d,`kn c,`,vd<m`<o` 0856 n<m`<f` Jtohnv`,od k<dfd ldd<m`
be-PRFA-B.SS see-FPT-1sDECL=NOM=ASS 1967 that=NOM=RFR Kupiowa.man-REFM say=ATTR a=NOM
lhm`rdsh ohkh A`hx` `tvdfd lddm` lhrh k`kn `dx`ld-
lhm`rdsh oh,`kn A`hx` `tvd<dfd ldd<m` lhrh k,`kn `dx,`,ld
ministry do-B.SS Baiyer.place community=ATTR a=NOM worship say-B.SS go.about-FPT-3sDECL
‘Having remained, when I looked, in 1967 a man named Kupiowa doing ministry; a Baiyer man went
around holding church services.’
Nm` hkh lhrh `c`j`f` lhrh ohh onk`kn m`` k`ld-

n<m` h,`kn lhrh `c`<j`<f` lhrh ohh onk,`kn m`` k,`,ld
that=NOM come-B.SS worship house=CTX=RFR religion talk speak.out-B.SS NEG say-FPT-3sDECL
97
‘That one came and he did not preach the gospel in a church building.’
J`rdd l`kda`sdf` hkhfdm` lhkh stlt o`kn nmò`jn

J`rdd l`kda`,sd<f` h,`kn<dfd<m` lh,`kn stlt o,`kn n<m`<o`<jn
road site-side=RFR come-B.SS=ATTR=NOM get-B.SS gather strike-B.SS that=NOM=ASS=ARG
ohh lddm` k`v`m`kd hkò`d k`ld hfh mà`k` j`hjhmt
ohh ldd<m` k,`v`,m`kd h,kò`<x` k,`,ld hfh mà`k` j`hjh<mt
talk a=NOM say-1sIMP-?? come-2dpIMP=CTRST say-FPT-3sDECL ASSJ I little.one-PNM
nlds`j`r` ohh`vdmò` mà`k` dcdfd s`dfdoh nat
nlds`j`<r` ohh,`,vd<m`<o` mà`k` dcd<dfd s`d<dfd<oh n<at
child=CTX be-FPT-1sDECL=NOM=ASS I mother=ATTR father=ATTR=CNJ that=PNM
hkh mxòtx`kn l`kda`sd lnn Jno`ho`kt Hchm`j` hkn r`t
h,kh mxòtx,`kn l`kda`,sd ln Jno`ho`kt Hchm`j` hkn r`t
come-B.SS mix-B.SS site-SIDE2 farther.over.there Kopaipalu.vil Idinaka.place farther.above mountain
nm`f` lhkh jàt` o`kn lhrh ohh `jhoh Ihr`r` nhdfdm`d+
n<m`<f` lh,`kn jàt` o,`kn lhrh ohh `jhoh Ihr`r` nh,`d<dfd<m`<d
that=NOM=RFR get-B.SS group strike-B.SS worship talk sort Jesus do.like.that-PRFA=ATTR=NOM=EQ
nh`kn l`ld+ nhv`k` ohkhld k`knfdm` lhrh
nh,`d,`kn l,`,ld+ nh,v`k` oh,dkd,ld k,`kn<dfd<m` lhrh
do.like.that-PRFA-B.SS feel-FPT-3sDECL do.like.that-P.SS do-PRT-3sDECL say-B.SS=ATTR=NOM worship
ohh nm` j`c`r`kn hkh k`ldmò` nm` ah`fd
ohh n<m` j`c`r,`kn h,`kn k,`,ld<m`<o` n<m` ah`<dfd
talk that=NOM start-B.SS come-B.SS say-FPT-3sDECL=NOM=ASS that=NOM what=ATTR
kdkdmòd k`kn mà`k`l` m`` vh`vd`j`-
k,dkd,m`,od k,`kn mà`k`<l` m`` vh,`,vd<`j`-
say-PRT-3s~DECL-INT say-B.SS I=ERG NEG perceive-FPT-1sDECL=+DEG
‘About his coming to the meeting places on the road, as he gathered people he said, “Come, I will tell
you some talk.” And as I was a child and my mothers and fathers came and mixed together there at
Kopaipalu village at Idinaka up on that mountain and formed a crowd and he started talking that reli-
gious talk such as “Jesus did like that, and he died like that and he is going to do like that,” saying
“What is he saying?”, I definitely did not understand.’
Cdd dcdfd s`dfdo` nm`l` m`` vh`lhmd-

Cdd dcd<dfd s`d<dfd<o` n<m`<l` m`` vh,`,lh,md-
CORJ mother=ATTR father=ATTR=ASS that=NOM=ERG NEG perceive-FPT-23p-DECL
‘And my mother and father did not understand.’
Nhkh ohh`lhmò` 0856 j`c`r`kn 0857 nm`f` cdd `dx`kn

Nh,`kn ohh,`,lh<m`<o` 0856 j`c`r,`kn 0857 n<m`<f` cdd `dx,`kn
do.like.that-B.SS be-FPT-23p=NOM=ASS 1967 start-B.SS 1968 that=NOM=RFR CORJ go.about-B.SS
k`ld`j`-
k,`,ld<`j`-
say-FPT-3sDECL=+DEG
‘They were being like that and he started in 1967 and in 1968 he went around and spoke again.’
Fhh nmò` @fnx` òhoh `m`mt L`jdod Shshotod nm`

Fhh n<m`<o` @fnx` òhoh `<m`<mt L`jd,od Shshot,od n<m`
time that=NOM=ASS Angoya.man altogether this=NOM=PNM Mark-REFM Titipu.man-REFM that=NOM
98
nlds`j`r` ohh`lhmò` @fnx` a`` mdltc`j` `dx`kn ohh`ld-

nlds`j`<r` ohh,`,lh<m`<o` @fnx` a`` mdltc`j` `dx,`kn ohh,`,ld
child=CTX be-FPT-23p=NOM=ASS Angoya.man he male.initiation go.about-B.SS be-FPT-3sDECL
‘At that time, Agoya together with these, Mark and Titipu, were children and Agoya was going to male
initiation.’
Nh`kn ohhkh nmò` mdsdo` 0858 nm`f` @fnxòd

Nh,`d,`kn ohh,`kn n<m`<o` mdsdo` 0858 n<m`<f` @fnx`,od
do.like.that-PRFA-B.SS be-B.SS that=NOM=ASS next 1969 that=NOM=RFR Angoya.man-REFM
Xdfhr` rtjtkh k`v`k` t`ld-
Xdfhr` rtjtkh k,`v`k` t,`,ld
Yankisa.vil school say-P.SS go-FPT-3sDECL
‘When he was doing that, in the next (year) 1969 Agoya went to Yankisa to attend school.’
Ohrdmd rtjtkh k`v`k` t`ld-

Ohrdmd rtjtkh k,`v`k` t,`,ld-
Pidgin school say-P.SS go-FPT-3sDECL
‘He went to attend Pidgin school.’
Nh`kn 086/ nm`f` @fnx` a`k` Kò`k`l` rtjtkh k`v`k` t`ld-

Nh,`d,`kn 086/ n<m`<f` @fnx` a`k` Kò`k`l` rtjtkh k,`v`k` t,`,ld
do.like.that-PRFA-B.SS 1970 that=NOM=RFR Angoya.man he Lapalama.vil school say-P.SS go-FPT-3sDECL
‘He did that and in 1970 Angoya went to Lapalama to attend school.’
Nh`kn ohhkh nmò` 0860 nmò` Jtshr`l`r` nmò`

Nh,`d,`kn ohh,`kn n<m`<o` 0860 n<m`<o` Jtshr`l`r` n<m`<o`
do.like.that-PRFA-B.SS be-B.SS that=NOM=ASS 1971 that=NOM=ASS Christmas that=NOM=ASS
m`mha`k` tkt Kò`k`l` djdr`lt ohkò`m`kd hkò`d tl`m`kd k`kn
m`mha`k` t,`kn Kò`k`l` djdr`lt oh,kò`,m`kd h,kò`,x` t,l`,m`kd k,`kn
we go-B.SS Lapalama.vil exam do-2dpIMP-?? come-2dpIMP-CTRST go-1pIMP-?? say-B.SS
kdmx` t`ldmò` Shshotod L`jdod mà`k` Ohfòd
kdmx` t,`,ld<m`<o` Shshot,od L`jd,od mà`k` Ohf`,od
get.person go-FPT-3sDECL=NOM=ASS Titipu.man-REFM Mark-REFM I Pinga.man-REFM
L`shxtod m`mha`k` djdr`lt ohv`k` t`l`md-
L`shxt,od m`mha`k` djdr`lt oh,v`k` t,`,l`,md
Matthew-REFM we exam do-P.SS go-FPT-1p-DECL
‘He was doing that and in 1971 at Christmas saying “We will go to Lapalama and you come and do an
exam,’ he went to get us and Titipu, Mark, I, Pinga and Matthew, we went to do an exam.’
Tkt oh`knjn k`v`k` hnlhxd k`lhmd-

T,`kn oh,`d,`kn<jn k,`v`k` h,non,lh,xd k,`,lh,md-
go-B.SS do-PRFA-B.SS=ARG say-P.SS come-FUT-23p-HORT say-FPT-23p-DECL
‘Going and having done (the exam), they said, “You come in order to say (attend school).”’
0861 nm`f` Hfhkhr` rtjtkh k`v`k` hnlhxd k`lhmd+

0861 n<m`<f` Hfhkhr` rtjtkh k,`v`k` h,n,lh,xd k,`,lh,md+
0861 that=NOM=RFR English school say-P.SS come-FUT-23p-HORT say-FPT-23p-DECL
99
jnldmnsh rtjtkh-
jnldmnsh rtjtkh
community school
‘In 1972 they said, “You come in order to attend English school,” that is, community school.’
K`v`k` hnlh k`lhmò` 0861 nm`f` tktfdm` mà`k`

K,`v`k` h,n,lh k,`,lh<m`<o` 0861 n<m`<f` t,`kn<dfd<m` mà`k`
say-P.SS come-FUT-23p say-FPT-23p=NOM=ASS 1972 that=NOM=RFR go-B.SS=ATTR=NOM I
Ohfò` m`kha`k` jnldmnsh rtjtkh Ïfq`cd nmd& kò`md-
Ohf`<o` m`kha`k` jnldmnsh rtjtkh &fq`cd nmd& k,`,o`,md
Pinga.man=ASS we.two community school grade one say-FPT-1d-DECL
‘When they said, “You come in order to (attend school),” in 1972, our going, Pinga and I, we two at-
tended community school grade one.’
Kò`mò` L`shxt a`` nm` ohrdmd rtjtkh k`ld-

K,`,o`<m`<o` L`shxt a`` n<m` ohrdmd rtjtkh k,`,ld-
say-FPT-1d=NOM=ASS Matthew he that=NOM Pidgin school say-FPT-3sDECL
‘When we two attended (community school), Matthew attended Pidgin school.’
Nh`ld hfh 0862 nm`f` mà`k` &fq`cd svn& k`vd-

Nh,`,ld hfh 0862 n<m`<f` mà`k` Ïfq`cd svnÌ k,`,vd
do.like.that-FPT-3sDECL ASSJ 1973 that=NOM=RFR I grade two say-FPT-1sDECL
‘It was like that and in 1973 I attended grade two.’
K`m` tkt 0866 nm`f` &rs`mc`qc rhw& k`kn vds`l`mò`

K,`m` t,`kn 0866 n<m`<f` &rs`mc`qc rhw& k,`kn vds,`,l`<m`<o`
say-S.SS go-B.SS 1977 that=NOM=RFR standard six say-B.SS finish-FPT-1p=NOM=ASS
djdr`lt oh`l`mò` djdr`lt nfd otr`ld-

djdr`lt oh,`,l`<m`<o` djdr`lt nfd otr,`,ld
exam do-FPT-1P=NOM=ASS exam bad cook.in.ground-FPT-3sDECL
‘Attending and going, in 1977 when I finished standard six, we did an exam, and the exam was bad.’
Nmò` mà`k` mxò`kn h`kn `c`j` ohh`vdmò` Fnsd

n<m`<o` mà`k` mxò,`kn h,`d,`kn `c`<j` ohh,`,vd<m`<o` Fnsd
that=NOM=ASS I leave-B.SS come-PRFA-B.SS house=CTX be-FPT-1sDECL=NOM=ASS God
nm`l` `h`knfdm` `tvdfd j`k`h ohkh mhrnnlhmd
n<m`<l` `h,`d,`kn<dfd<m` `tvd<dfd j`k`h oh,`kn mhr,non,lh,md
that=NOM=ERG do.like.this-PRFA-B.SS=ATTR=NOM community=ATTR work do-B.SS help-FUT-23p-DECL
k`ld fhh nmò` cdd j`kh lhrhmdsh Nsnon Snlhrdmdod kdfd j`kh
k,`,ld fhh n<m`<o` cdd j`kh lhrhmdsh Nsnon Snlhrdmd,od k,dfd j`kh
say-FPT-3sDECL time that=NOM=ASS CORJ man missionary Rob Thompson-REFM say=ATTR man
lddm` @tr`s`khx` `tvdfd lddm`l` mà`k` jdd k`kn lh`ld+
ldd<m` @tr`s`khx` `tvd<dfd ldd<m`<l` mà`k` jdd k,`kn lh,`,ld
a=NOM Australia community=ATTR a=NOM=ERG I call say-B.SS get-FPT-3sDECL
100
Jta`sdr` ohh`kn-
Jta`sdr` ohh,`d,`kn
Kubareta.vil be-PRFA-B.SS
‘Then, when I left, came and stayed at home, at the time when God said, “Doing this, they will help with
his work,” an Australian missionary named Rob Thompson selected me, having been at Kubareta.’
Jdd k`kn lh`ldmò` tkt jònc` j`k`h ohkh ddj`m` k``l`m`

jdd k,`kn lh,`,ld<m`<o` t,`kn jònc` j`k`h oh,`kn ddj`m` k``l`<m`
call say-B.SS get-FPT-3sDECL=NOM=ASS go-B.SS carpenter work do-B.SS year two=NOM
ohhò`md-
ohh,`,o`,md
be-FPT-1d-DECL
‘Having selected (me), we two went and did carpenter work and were (together) for two years.’
Ohhkh Sdjdmd Sdkdonldmdoh Ktltr` Jvhfx` nat j`k`h ohkh ohhò`md-

Ohh,`kn Sdjdmd Sdkdonldmd<oh Ktltr` Jvhfx` n,at j`k`h oh,`kn ohh,`,o`,md
be-B.SS Tekin.vil Telefomin.vil=CNJ Lumusa.vil Kwinkya.vil that-PNM work do-B.SS be-FPT-1d-DECL
‘Being (together), we two were working at Tekin, Telefomin, Lumusa and Kwinkya villages.’
Jònc` lddm` Jtshr` Jtr`hod kdfd lddmò` v`ldd jònc` j`k`h ohkh
Jònc` ldd<m` Jtshr` Jtr`h,od k<dfd ldd<m`<o` v`ldd jònc` j`k`h oh,`kn
carpenter a=NOM Chris Kusai-REFM say=ATTR a=NOM=ASS one carpenter work do-B.SS
`dx`kn ohhò`md-
`dx,`kn ohh,`,o`,md
go.about-B.SS be-FPT-1d-DECL
‘With a carpenter named Chris Kusai I was going around doing carpentry.’
Nh`ld mà`k` j`k`h nm` `t oh`ldmò` mxò`kn `cho`

Nh,`,ld mà`k` j`k`h n<m` `t oh,`,ld<m`<o` mxò,`kn `cho`
do.like.that-FPT-3sDECL I work that=NOM well do-FPT-3sDECL=NOM=ASS leave1-B.SS now
K`d ònsdmdrhoh nm`f` tk`kd no` k`kn sò`sò` oh`lhmò`
K`d ònsdmdrhoh n<m`<f` t,`,m`kd n,o` k,`kn sò`sò` oh,`,lh<m`<o`
Lae.town apprenticeship that=NOM=RFR go-2sIMP-?? that-way say-B.SS ready do-FPT-23p=NOM=ASS
cdd vhc`j`kh l`kn vds`lhr` Fnsd nm` adh`kn ohkhod
cdd vhc`j`kh l,`kn vds,`,lh<r` Fnsd n<m` adh,`d,`kn oh,dkd,d,od
CORJ people die-B.SS finish-FPT-23p=CTX God that=NOM what.action-PRFA-B.SS do-PRT-2S-INT
k`kn o`m`h`vdmò` Vòdm`l`c` Làhr`c` Nrhohs`k` nm`l`
k,`kn o`m`h,`,vd<m`<o` Vòdm`l`c` Làhr`c` Nrhohs`k` n<m`<l`
say-B.SS think-FPT-1sDECL=NOM=ASS Wapenamanda.town Mabi.center hospital that=NOM=ERG
ònknj`hrdmd `jhoh cnjnr` mdr` `hshoh ohkò`m`kd k`kn lhm` Xdfhr`
ònknj`hrdmd `jhoh cnjnr` mdr` `hsh<oh oh,kò`,m`kd k,`kn lh,m` Xdfhr`
application sort doctor nurse aid=CNJ do-2dpIMP-?? say-B.SS get-S.SS Yankisa.vil
h`ld-
h,`,ld-
come-FPT-3sDECL
101
‘It was like that and when I did that work well, they got ready saying, “You will leave now and go to an
apprenticeship in Lae,” and then as people were dying and I thought, saying, “How will God do (help)?”
Wapenamanda’s Mabi Center Hospital brought applications for things like doctor (APO) and nurse aid,
in order for us to do (fill them out).’
H`ld hfh mà`k` jònc` nm` k`j`k`kn ohhkh nmò`

H,`,ld hfh mà`k` jònc` n<m` k,`j`k,`kn ohh,`kn n<m`<o`
come-FPT-3sDECL ASSJ I carpenter that=NOM say-BENX-B.SS be-B.SS that=NOM=ASS
atktf` A`hx` ohh`kn hkh mxnn Xdfhr` hkhfdm`
atkt<f` A`hx` ohh,`d,`kn h,`kn mxn Xdfhr` h,`kn<dfd<m`
aeroplane1=RFR Baiyer.vil be-PRFA-B.SS come-B.SS farther.below Yankisa.vil come-B.SS=ATTR=NOM
djdr`lt nm` oh`l`md-
djdr`lt n<m` oh,`,l`,md
exam that=NOM do-FPT-1p-DECL
‘It came and when I told that carpenter I came by plane from Baiyer River down to Yankisa and coming,
we did the exam.’
Oh`knfdm` cdd lnkn Jta`sdr` t`kn ohh`vdmò`

Oh,`d,`kn<dfd<m` cdd lnkn Jta`sdr` t,`,kn ohh,`,vd<m`<o`
do-PRFA-B.SS=ATTR=NOM CORJ far.away.over.there Kubareta.vil go-PRFA-B.SS be-FPT-1sDECL=NOM=ASS
mà`k` o`r` oh`kd j`kd-
mà`k` o`r` oh,`d,dkd',vd( j`kd
I pass do-PRFA-IPT-(1sDECL) CERT
‘Doing (the exam), then having gone and remaining at Kubareta, I certainly passed.’
@ON mdr` `hsh rtjtkh k`v`k` hodxd k`kn Vòdm`l`c` rtjtkh jdd
@ON mdr` `hsh rtjtkh k,`v`k` h,non,d,xd k,`kn Vòdm`l`c` rtjtkh jdd
APO nurse aid school say-P.SS come-FUT-2s-HORT say-B.SS Wapenamanda.town school call
k`lhmd-
k,`,lh,md
say-FPT-23p-DECL
‘(The) Wapenamanda school called (me) saying, “Come in order to attend APO-Nurse Aid school.”’
Ltmh J14/ rtjtkh ohm`d k`lhmò` `c`j` hkh s`jhr`

Ltmh J14/ rtjtkh oh<m`<d k,`,lh<m`<o` `c`<j` h,`kn s`jhr`
money K250 school fee=NOM=EQ say-FPT-23p=NOM=ASS house=CTX come-B.SS tax
o``lhmò` x`v`kd otr`kn l`jds` x`kn
o,`d,`,lh<m`<o` x`v`kd otr,`kn l`jds` x,`kn
strike-PRFA-FPT-23p=NOM=ASS pig cook.in.ground-B.SS market put-B.SS
nh`lhmò` tktfdm` rtjtkh k`vd+ Vòdm`l`c`-
nh,`d,lh<m`<o` t,`kn<dfd<m` rtjtkh k,`,vd+ Vòdm`l`c`
do.like.that-FPT-23P=NOM=ASS go-B.SS=ATTR=NOM school say-FPT-1sDECL Wapenamanda.town
‘When they said the school fee was K250, coming home, they collected a tax and they ‘mumued’ pigs
and sold them and having done that, going, I attended school, at Wapenamanda.’
Nm` 087/ nm`f` Vòdm`l`c` k`v`k` t`vd-

N<m` 087/ n<m`<f` Vòdm`l`c` k,`v`k` t,`,vd
that=NOM 1980 that=NOM=RFR Wapenamanda.town say-P.SS go-FPT-1sDECL
102
‘That was in 1980 I went to Wapenamanda to attend (school).’
087/ nh`kn 0870 Vòdm`l`c` rtjtkh k`kn ohh`vd-

087/ nh,`d,`kn 0870 Vòdm`l`c` rtjtkh k,`kn ohh,`,vd
1980 do.like.that-PRFA-B.SS 1981 Wapenamanda.town school say-B.SS be-FPT-1sDECL
‘I had done that (in) 1980 and (in) 1981 I was attending school in Wapenamanda.’
0871 njnkh sdonl`m`f` c`hs` 11 nm`f` k`kn vds`l`md+ rtjtkh-

0871 njnkh sdonl`m`<f` c`hs` 11 n<m`<f` k,`kn vds,`,l`,md+ rtjtkh
1982 moon three=RFR date 22 that=NOM=RFR say-B.SS finish-FPT-1p-DECL school
nd
‘(In) 1982, on the 22 day of the third month we finished (it), school.’
Nm` @ON mdr` `hsh rtjtkh nm`f` k`kn vds``kn `c`j` hkh
n<m` @ON mdr` `hsh rtjtkh n<m`<f` k,`kn vds,`d,`kn `c`<j` h,`kn
that=NOM APO nurse aid school that=NOM=RFR say-B.SS finish-PRFA-B.SS house=CTX come-B.SS
j`k`h ohkh ohh`vd+ nm`-
j`k`h oh,`kn ohh,`,vd n<m`
work do-B.SS be-FPT-1sDECL that=NOM
‘I finished saying (studying) about APO-Nurse Aid school and came home and was doing work, that
(work).’
Ohhm` tkt `tvdfd mà`k` hotkh nm`f` j`k`h ohkh ohhkh tkt tkt
ohh,m` t,`kn `tvd<dfd mà`k` hotkh n<m`<f` j`k`h oh,`kn ohh,`kn t,`kn t,`kn
be-S.SS go-B.SS self=ATTR I ground that=NOM=RFR work do-B.SS be-B.SS go-B.SS go-B.SS
`cho` 0877 nm`f` jìnkd `cho` Vòh Knjnkn Fònl`md Jìnkd
`cho` 0877 n<m`<f` j`chnkd `cho` Vòh Knjnkn Fònl`md J`chnkd
now 1988 that=NOM=RFR council now Wapi.district local government council
Kdmdxòd lda` ohh`ld fhh nmò` lhkh `m`f`
Kdmdx`,od lda` ohh,`,ld fhh n<m`<o` lh,`kn `<m`<f`
Leneya.man-REFM Member be-FPT-3sDECL time that=NOM=ASS get-B.SS this=NOM=RFR
ldx`ldr` mà`k` j`c`r`kn nm`f` X`kho` vhc`j`kh nm`mtf`
ldx,`,ld<r` mà`k` j`c`r,`kn n<m`<f` X`kho` vhc`j`kh n<m`<mt<f`
throw-FPT-3sDECL=CTX I start-B.SS that=NOM=RFR Yalipa.clan people that=NOM=PLR=RFR
mà`k` jìnkdm`d k`kn l`jhld lhm`lhmd-
mà`k` j`chnkd<m`<d k,`kn l`jhld lhm,`,lh,md
I council=NOM=EQ say-B.SS appoint hold-FPT-23p-DECL
‘Remaining on and on, myself I was working on and on at that place until then in 1988 (our) member of
(Parliament) Leneya got the Wapi Local Government Council and as he threw it here and about my
starting, the Yalipa people, saying that I am council, elected (me).’
Vhc`j`khl` nh`lh hfh ohh`kn `cho` jìnkd ohhl`m` tkt cdd

Vhc`j`kh<l` nh,`,lh hfh ohh,`d,`kn `cho` j`chnkd ohh,l`m` t,`kn cdd
people=ERG do.like.that-FPT-23p ASSJ be-PRFA-B.SS now council be-G.SS go-B.SS CORJ
kdjdrdm` `m` tf`d ohhd`j` k`k`lhmò` ohhkhfdm` j`k`h
kdjdrdm` `<m` tf`d ohh,d,`j` k,`k`,lh<m`<o` ohh,kh<dfd<m` j`k`h
election this=NOM merely be-NPT-2s-+DEG say-IPT-23P=NOM=ASS be-B.SS=ATTR=NOM work
103
atkt s`mh `m` c`kn ohk`l`md-

atkt s`mh `<m` c,`kn oh,`k`,l`,md
aeroplane airstrip this=NOM see-B.SS do-IPT-1p-DECL
‘The people did that and remaining (council) and being (council) until this election, when they said,
“You just continue,” and remaining, seeing this airstrip work, we did (it).’
Ohk`l` fhh nmò` `cho` ohh v`j`kd m`h` Hfhkhr`l` o`dfd

oh,`k`,l` fhh n<m`<o` `cho` ohh v`j`kd m`h` Hfhkhr`<l` o,`d<dfd
do-IPT-1p time that=NOM=ASS now talk other Western English=ERG strike-PRFA=ATTR
Ohrdmdl` o`dfdoh Fnsdf` ohh nm`j` jò`jhkh k`kn
Ohrdmd<l` o,`d<dfd<oh Fnsd<f` ohh n<m`<`j` jò`jh,`kn k,`kn
Pidgin=ERG strike-PRFA=ATTR=CNJ God=RFR talk that=NOM=+DEG traslate-B.SS say-B.SS
ohhk`l`mò` `cho` Onkdod h`ld nmò` Xà`hsnjn hkh
ohh,`k`,l`<m`<o` `cho` Onkd,od h,`,ld n<m`<o` Xà`hsnjn h,`kn
be-IPT-1p=NOM=ASS now Paul-REFM come-FPT-3sDECL that=NOM=pa Yambaitoko.vil come-B.SS
t`ld-
t,`,ld
go-FPT-3sDECL
‘At the time that we did (that), then another talk, written with English and written with Pidgin, God’s ac-
tual talk - when we were saying translate (it), then when Paul came, he came and went to Yambaitoko
village.’
@` atkt s`mh oh`l`mò` mxò`kn hotkh stjt `m`f` `dx`kn

@` atkt s`mh oh,`,l`<m`<o` mxò,`kn hotkh stjt `<m`<f` `dx,`kn
this aeroplane airstrip do-FPT-1p=NOM=ASS leave1-B.SS ground middle this=NOM=RFR go.about-B.SS
c`kn hotkh stjt `m`f` ohhodfdm`d k`kn k`ldr`
c,`kn hotkh stjt `<m`<f` ohh,no<dfd<m`<d k,`kn k,`,ld<r`
see-B.SS ground middle this=NOM=RFR be-POTA=ATTR=NOM=EQ say-B.SS say-FPT-3sDECL=CTX
mxò`kn `m`f` v`ldd ohh`kn nm` atkt s`mh nm` lhkh
mxò,`kn `<m`<f` v`ldd ohh,`d,`kn n<m` atkt s`mh n<m` lh,`kn
leave1-B.SS this=NOM=RFR one be-PRFA-B.SS that=NOM aeroplane airstrip that=NOM get-B.SS
hotkhr` x``kn nmò` `cho` mà`k` jìnkd ohh`kn j`k`h nm`
hotkh<r` x,`d,`kn n<m`<o` `cho` mà`k` j`chnkd ohh,`d,`kn j`k`h n<m`
ground=CTX put-PRFA-B.SS that=NOM=ASS now I council be-PRFA-B.SS work that=NOM
Onkdodl` mhr`k`ldmò` odo` `jhoh o`kn rònkn nm`mt lhm`
Onkd,od<l` mhr,`k`,ld<m`<o` odo` `jhoh o,`kn rònkn n<m`<mt lh,m`
Paul-REFM=ERG help-IPT-3sDECL=NOM=ASS paper sort strike-B.SS shovel that=NOM=PLR get-S.SS
hkh mhr`kn mhr`ldmò`j` ohl`m` hkhfdm` odo` mhr`kn
h,`kn mhr,`kn mhr,`,ld<m`<o`<`j` oh,l`m` h,`kn<dfd<m` odo` mhr,`kn
come-B.SS help-B.SS help-FPT-3sDECL=NOM=ASS=+DEG do-G.SS come-B.SS=ATTR=NOM paper help-B.SS
o`chk`ld`j`-
o,`ch,`k`,ld<`j`
strike-BENI-IPT-3sDECL=+DEG
‘We built this airstrip, and as Paul left and went around this central area and looked and said, “I will be
at this central place,” he left (Yambaitoko) and has remained with (me) and having gotten the airstrip
and put it at (this) place, then while I have been council Paul helped this work and wrote letters and
brought shovels and helping he really helped and doing (that) till now he really wrote letters for me.’
104
Cdd rònkn nfd `fdoh nm`mt mhr`kn ohchkh`j` m`h` ohh

Cdd rònkn n<dfd `<dfd<oh n<m`<mt mhr,`kn oh,ch,`kn<`j` m`h` ohh
CORJ shovel that=ATTR this=ATTR=CNJ that=NOM=PLR help-B.SS do-BENI-B.SS=+DEG Western talk
`jhoh nm`f` l`m` k`chkh nhk`ldmò` j`k`h `m`
`jhoh n<m`<f` l`m` k,`ch,`kn nh,`k`,ld<m`<o` j`k`h `<m`
sort that=NOM=RFR knowledge say-BENI-B.SS do.like.that-IPT-3sDECL=NOM=ASS work this=NOM
ohl`m` hkhfdm` lhm` tkt `cho` atkt lhkh o`kh`kn odldsh
oh,l`m` h,`kn<dfd<m` lh,m` t,`kn `cho` atkt lh,`kn o`kh,`d,`kn odldsh
do-PROG come-B.SS=ATTR=NOM get-S.SS go-B.SS now aeroplane get-B.SS install-PRFA-B.SS permit
idkdld hfh atkt s`mh `m`f` nn hotkh fhh 02 njnkh 00
ch,`d,dkd,ld hfh atkt s`mh `<m`<f` nn hotkh fhh 02 njnkh 00
give.INCL-PRFA-PRT-3sDECL ASSJ aeroplane airstrip this=NOM=RFR that ground time 13 moon 11
ddj`m` 0885 nm`f` atkt s`mh `m` ohkh vds`kn kta`kn lhkh
ddj`m` 0885 n<m`<f` atkt s`mh `<m` oh,`kn vds,`kn kta,`kn lh,`kn
year 1996 that=NOM=RFR aeroplane airstrip this=NOM do-B.SS finish-B.SS open2-B.SS get-B.SS
hotkhr` x``kn hknsdm` 03/ lhsòh lddkòt ohodfd
hotkh<r` x,`d,`kn hkn,sd<m` 03/ lh,s`<oh ldd<kòt oh,no<dfd
ground=CTX put-PRFA-B.SS farther.above-SIDE=NOM 140 meter=CNJ a=DNM do-POT=ATTR
xdkdldmò` m`h` nh`kn lhkh o`khkh nhnl`md
x,dkd,ld<m`<o` m`h` nh,`d,`kn lh,`kn o`kh,`kn nh,non,l`,md
put-PRT-3sDECL=NOM=ASS Western do.like.that-PRFA-B.SS get-B.SS install-B.SS do.like.that-FUT-1p-DECL
k`kn nmò` ohh k`j`kdkdl` fhh nmò` rtjtkh chm`
k,`kn n<m`<o` ohh k,`j`k,dkd,l` fhh n<m`<o` rtjtkh ch,m`
say-B.SS that=NOM=ASS talk say-BENX-PRT-1p time that=NOM=ASS school give.INCL-3IMP
no` k`kn jdd kdkdvd-
n,o` k,`kn jdd k,dkd,vd
that-way say-B.SS call say-PRT-1sDECL
‘And helping us with shovels and this and that and teaching us about Western talk and doing that, hav-
ing done this work and brought it until now, having gotten planes and put them (here) he got us a permit
(airstrip license) and on the 13th day of the eleventh month of 1996, we finished making the airstrip,
opened it and having gotten it and put it in (this) place, 140 meters being left to do, saying we have got-
ten and established Western things, then at the time we are speaking to him (the governor) in order that
he give us a school, I am calling (him).’
Cdd rhjh `c` a`dr` `hsh onr` lddm` `m`f` ohchm`kd no` k`kn
Cdd rhjh `c` a`dr` `hsh onr` ldd<m` `<m`<f` oh,ch,m`,m`kd n,o` k,`kn
CORJ sickness house base aid post a=NOM this=NOM=RFR do-BENI-3IMP-?? DIST-MNR say-B.SS
jdd kdkdvd-
jdd k,dkd,vd-
call say-PRT-1sDECL
‘And in order that he make us a base aid post clinic at this (place), I am calling (him).
Cdd o`r`snkd onròh chchl`mdoh lddkòt `m`f` chk`lh k`j`k`kn

Cdd o`r`snkd onr`<oh chchl`md<oh ldd<kòt `<m`<f` ch,`k`,lh k,`j`k,`kn
CORJ patrol post=CNJ DPI.worker=CNJ a=DNM this=NOM=RFR give.INCL-IPT-23p say-BENX-B.SS
o`m`hkh jdc` ohdfd nm` `sdm` nhkh xdkdld
o`m`h,`kn jdc` oh,`d<dfd n<m` `,sd<m` nh,`kn x,dkd,ld
think-B.SS heavy do-PRFA=ATTR that=NOM this-SIDE=NOM do.like.that-B.SS put-PRT-3sDECL
105
k`knfdm` lhkh ktadkdld hotkh fhh c`hs` 02 njnkh 00 ddj`m` 0885

k,`kn<dfd<m` lh,`kn kta,dkd,ld hotkh fhh c`hs` 02 njnkh 00 ddj`m` 0885
say-B.SS=ATTR=NOM get-B.SS open-PRT-3sDECL ground time date 13 moon 11 year 1996
nm`f` jdc` ohdfd nat fònl`md jds`d j`kdkdl`md-
n<m`<f` jdc` oh,`d<dfd n<at fònl`md jds`d j`k,dkd,l`,md-
that=NOM=RFR heavy do-PRFA=ATTR that=PNM government top.side give.EXCL-PRT-1p-DECL
12
‘And wanting them to give us a patrol post and didiman at this place and saying that there are “heav-
ies” at this side, on the opening day, 13th of November 1996, these “heavies” we gave to the governor.’
12
Agricultural extension worker.
106

Lembena Grammar

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A Grammar of Lembena

4.13 Interrogatives ...................................................................................... 59

9. Appendix 1: Glossed Text ................................................................ 97

REFF Referential marker (Female)

CMPA Comprehensive Aspect

D.SS Desiderative; Same subject

+DEG Greater degree clitic

ASS Associative case clitic

CORJ Coordinate conjunction

3.1 Phonological Conventions

3.2 Morphophonemic Conventions

2- Vowel Assimilation (2): a → e V[ + HIGH ] − _ e( C ) e

TABLE 1 illustrates a very limited sample of Lembena common nouns

Lembena Noun English Gloss Lembena Noun English Gloss

`c` house ddj`m` year

`m` stone f`oth chin

`odkd rain ho` water

att anger j`k`h work

c`kdan doorway l`ot sweet potato

TABLE 1: A small sampling of typical Lembena nouns

4.1.2.1 Locative Nouns

Lembena Locative English Gloss Lembena Locative English Gloss

`jdl`d+ jdl`d+ top jhkhvnh location alongside

jds`d jnjnsd location within

c``sd interior (buildings o`s`jhkh location beside

hjhkh location close to sto`jh location underneath

hoh back or bottom stjt location in middle of

TABLE 2: Lembena locative nouns with glosses

2) C``sd tkt sdc`lt ohkh r`kn j`k`v`k` R`j`s`dx`od

Lembena Temporal English Gloss Lembena Temporal English Gloss

`c`s`j` midday hotkh fhh day (lit.: ‘place time’)

`cho` now, at this time njnkh month (lit.: moon)

`dl` later odmx` dry season

`j`ot today r`shsh+ l`cdx` week

`kd`j` afternoon v`a` time before

`kdan day before yesterday v`t evening

ctjt occasion v`tj` night

ctl` day after tomorrow vhx`j` yesterday

ddj`m` year vhx`j`d next day

dkdcd rainy season vhx`m` tomorrow

TABLE 3: Lembena temporal nouns with glosses

English Gloss Full form Shortened form

2nd singular mha`k` mha` or mhh

English Gloss Possessive form

4.3 Other Pro-forms

Lembena Direc- English Gloss Lembena Direc- English Gloss

r` nearer just there hk` nearer above

rn farther just there hkn farther above

r`m` nearer there hk`m` nearer far above

rnmn farther there hknmn farther far above

l` nearer over there mx` nearer below

ln farther over there mxn farther below

l`k` nearer way over there mx`m` nearer far below

lnkn farther way over there mxnmn farther far below

TABLE 6: Lembena directionals with English glosses

FIGURE 1: Lembena directionals

4.5.1 Verb Stems

4.5.2 Stem Level Verbal Aspect

30) A`k`l` m`a`k` ohh vh`i`ld-