The word “Bilaan” could have derived from “bila,” meaning “house,” and the suffix

“an,” meaning “people,” so that the term may be taken to mean “people living in
houses.” Other terms that have been used to refer to this group are Blaan, Bira-an
Baraan, Vilanes, Bilanes. Names such as Tagalagad, Tagakogon, and Buluan have also
been used; however, these denote the kind of site where some Bilaan groups were
located. The Bilaan inhabit the southern part of South Cotabato and southeastern part
of Davao del Sur, as well as the areas around Buluan Lake in North Cotabato. Some
Bilaan live on Sarangani Island, off the coast of Davao del Sur, although they are referred
to as Sarangani Manobo. Other Bilaan groups on this island have been referred to as
Balud or Tumanao. The Bilaan share similarities in culture and physical features with
the neighboring Tagacaolo and the Tagabawa. As of 1988, the Bilaan numbered some
250,000.

History

In the 19th century, the Bilaan inhabited the hilly region behind the west coast of Davao
Gulf. Their territory extended all the way into Bagobo country to the north and
westward into the Davao-Cotabato watershed. Culturally, the Bilaan are related to the
Bagobo and the Mandaya as evidenced by pronounced similarities in architecture,
clothing, ornamentation, and socioreligious practices. By 1910, the estimated Bilaan
population was about 10,000, of whom some 1,500 lived on Sarangani. Because of the
mountainous terrain and environment, there was practically no local group organization;
houses were separated by long stretches. Whenever there was a neighborhood, the
number of houses was small. Over the years, settlers from the Visayan islands came to
Mindanao and occupied the coastal plains and foothills on the western coast of the
Davao Gulf, which was traditionally part of Bilaan country. Gradually, the Bilaan were
pushed deeper back into the interior, without much resistance on their part. In the
distant past, the Bilaan were actively engaged in warfare. Along with the Manobo,
Mandaya, Bagobo, and Tagacaolo, they had at one time or another reduced their
neighbors in southwestem Mindanao to the status of tribute-paying “colonies” (Casal
1986:55).

Economy

Swidden farming is the main agricultural method used by the Bilaan. In their rather
small clearings, they grow rice, corn, millet, sweet potato, sugarcane, banana, papaya,
pineapple, vegetables, tobacco, and abaca. What is left after domestic consumption is
brought to the market to be sold. The last two commodities are produced as barter
items, for which they get the food articles, utensils, and tools they need. The domestic
animals include a few chickens, dogs, cats, and occasionally a pig or horse. The Bilaan
fish in the river, and hunt and trap wild pigs, deer, and other animals. They also gather
rattan and almaciga from the forest to augment their income.

In recent times, the introduction of foreign articles and goods has had an effect on
traditional ways and values, a phenomenon not uncommon among other groups who
come into contact with lowland cultures. For instance, some Bilaan were known to
have consented to a barter of seven ganta of palay or unmilled rice for a can of sardines,
or two sacks of corn for 1 meter of cloth. Unscrupulous traders and merchants have
taken advantage of the Bilaan who are not familiar with exchange values in the market.

The Bilaan observe certain rituals for each major stage in the planting of rice; the mabah
or offering to the deities requesting for omens to help them choose the field for planting;
the abmigo or clearing of the fields; the amlah or planting of the fields; and the kamto
or harvest of the rice. Each place follows an established pattern.

Before the rains come, a new clearing is chosen for the planting season. Before cutting
the first bush, a ritual, the mabah, is performed to consult the gods or deities of the
fields. Altars, sacrificial animals, and food offerings are prepared to ensure the blessings
of the benevolent spirits who may be lurking somewhere in the woods and trees.
Forgiveness, for having transgressed their abode, is asked of the malevolent spirits who
can cause sickness and crop failure.

In the dead of night, a couple—both farmers—constructs a small bamboo platform with

a grass roof and slender post in the middle of the field. Only the two are allowed to
perform the mabah. Food offerings consist of cooked glutinous rice, fresh meat, fish
(when available), betel chew, and fruits. These are arranged on a red cloth on the altar
platform. Candles are lighted. These offerings are laid out at night, so that predators
such as rats, birds, wild animals, and even human beings will have difficulty locating the
future harvest. The first person who passes by the clearing at daybreak is considered
lucky, for he/she is given the rice and other goodies to eat. The one who comes in good
faith is rewarded. After the man has fulfilled all the obligations to the diwata (spirits),
he proceeds to ask for a good omen on the choice of the new swidden farm.

Taking four bamboo sticks, each about 60 centimeters long, he chooses a part of the
forest where he silently awaits the call of the almugan bird. The almugan’s call
determines whether the place is suitable for good crops or not. It may take a while
before he hears the omen call from an almugan perched on a tree. When he does, he
quickly drives the four sticks side by side into the ground, their ends diagonally
pointing towards the source of the call. If he finds that the sticks stand almost
vertically, he is sure of harvest that will be tall and bountiful. If the sticks point
diagonally too low and almost close to the ground, he should move on to another place
and await a more propitious omen. When the place has been identified, he expresses his
gratitude to the deities by preparing two sets of chew, one for the gods which he puts
on a tree stump, the other for himself.

The man then announces to his neighbors and friends how the almugan bird helped him
choose his clearing. Now he calls upon them to help him undertake the abmigo or
clearing a site of shrubs, trees, grass, and underbrush (it is customary for Bilaan farmers
to ask the help of others in working new fields). As work progresses, the women come
to the kaingin site to bring food and water for the men. With the trees felled and the
grass and bush piled up to dry, the farmer starts a ceremonial fire by rubbing two
bamboo pieces together. The ritual burning of the branches is called amtan abmigo.

The field is now cleared and ready for planting. Musicians carry a whole tangungo set
to the new field, so that they can play the gongs as accompaniment to the amlah, a
dance performed while planting. Men use planting sticks called ahak to drill holes in
the ground, moving quickly forward. Women with alban (grain baskets) tucked to their
sides follow the men, bending down and accurately dropping several palay seeds in each
hole. There are definite patterns or lines followed in planting. Two or three women
carrying bigger baskets filled with grains replenish the empty alban of the women. All
the while the tangungo music is being played. Each one works to the rhythm of the
music, prancing, skipping, stomping in time with it. Even the musicians dance to the
music they create. The burden of work is greatly lightened by this interplay of manual
work and music. Before the planters realize it, the entire field has been planted with
palay seeds. At the end of the day, the farmers leave. There is no monetary
compensation for having helped plant the new field, but each is assured of the same
kind of help when their turn comes.

After three or four months of patient wait, the rice grains fatten and ripen. It is now
time for the kamto (harvest). The women take primary responsibility for this work.
They come carrying big baskets on their backs, supported with straps slung around
their foreheads. The rice stalks are gathered one by one, using a small hand scythe, and
swiftly, effortlessly collected in the baskets. The women always look forward to
harvest time because this is the season when other women from neighboring fields or
villages come to help in the work. This makes for a grand reunion. The mdel, a flat
board with a bottom resonator, is pounded simultaneously by three or four men and
women who produce a syncopated sound which can be heard in distant villages. It is an
invitation for people in those villages to come join the harvest. As compensation, these
guest harvesters are paid with palay or other items.

Political System

Bilaan communities are dispersed into small clusters of houses over great distances.
This has inhibited the evolution of a central authority system. The long stretch between
two river valley settlements never allowed easy communication. Instead of a central
authority, what developed was a settlement-based strong local leader. The position is
hereditary. A local leader can be succeeded by his son. But if the latter proved to be
incapable, someone else, a courageous man known as a lebe (“renowned warrior”) who
is analogous to the magani, bagani, or bahani in other lumad groups, can take his place.
In the past, in order to gain the highly prized status of lebe, raids were undertaken to
take captives for slavery or human sacrifice. The local leader acts as an arbiter in disputes.

Social Organization and Customs

The single, nuclear family is common, but the man who can afford to raise the bride-
price can have as many wives as he wishes. Ordinarily, a man below 20 years of age
tells his parents about his choice. A preliminary move is made to find out whether the
man is acceptable to the prospective bride and her family. When this is ascertained, the
bride-price is negotiated, and the marriage celebration is held. The highlight of the
ceremony is reached when the man and the woman feed each other. The newlyweds
stay with the woman’s parents, and after the birth of a child, may decide to have their
own house where they can raise their family.

Mutual assistance is characteristic of Bilaan culture, as manifested in the building of a

house, clearing of a swidden, and in the formation of an avenging party to exact
retribution on aggressors or offenders.

Social control is based mainly on fear of retaliation, hence people are constrained to
observe customs and not to stray from correct conduct. In the Bilaan system of
judgment and punishment, the thief or unfaithful spouse may be killed, unless he or she
is able to return the stolen article, or in the latter case, to come up with appropriate
fines for the damages.

The Bilaan call upon their alamoos (healer) in times of illness. She is usually a middle-
aged woman. Another practitioner on whom they rely is the local midwife.

The Bilaan on the western side of the mountain range in South Cotabato have been
influenced by the culture of the Christian settlers, although they have managed to
preserve and observe many of their age-old traditions.

The entire Bilaan life cycle—birth, growing up, love and marriage, raising a family,
struggling for survival in their swidden world, death—is depicted, recreated, and
commemorated in a wealth of rituals that form part of their daily existence.

One of the most important rituals is the koswo libon, which encompasses a long period
of time, since it involves the entire ritual process beginning with the contract between
parents to marry off their babies in the future, to the time the wedding takes place. The
first stage of this process is the aslobok aban or the exchange of cradles and blankets by
the parents. The second is the ye dayon or the singing of a love song by the grown-up
male to the woman to whom he is engaged. The third is the astalo, a ritual performed
by the parents of the betrothed. The girl must be 9 or 10 years old, the boy 12 or 13.
The kasfala (dowry or bride-price) worthy of the girl is then discussed by the
contracting parties. Bilaan parents usually prefer an early marriage. At the house of the
girl, where the parents discuss wedding arrangements, the young groom sits beside his
parents with his head bowed in submission. He observes and listens in silence. He is
not allowed to take part in the transactions. He is duty-bound to obey whatever is
decided upon by the elders.

Through the saktad, a singsong manner of speaking, the two fathers agree on what one
is prepared to give and what the other is willing to receive. The bride-price usually
consists of five agong (gongs), two water buffaloes, five horses, and two kumagi
necklaces. Other useful items such as betel boxes, paes (bolo), kabasi (knives), and
bead and gold necklaces are also thrown into the bargain. The girl’s parents demand
more if they know the boy’s parents are well-off and can afford to give more. If the
demands are too high and cannot be met, a walkout may ensue. This is prevented from
occurring by the intervention of the bangkulong or wise man of the village. He asks
the girl’s parents to lower their demands. He pacifies the boy’s parents, and requests
them to be patient. After a lengthy period of haggling over demands and
counterdemands, the two parties come to an agreement. The bangkulong summons the
boy’s relatives and instructs them to bring the gifts.

The gift giving is called kafni. The bride’s father and mother inspect the kasfala,
putting on an air of indifference, displaying dislike for the items. This attitude is
expected of the girl’s parents. If they show joy or satisfaction right away with the
dowry, they would be branded as extremely materialistic and only too glad to sell off
their daughter.

After inspecting and scrutinizing each item, the couple return to their seats apparently
satisfied. They then boastfully announce that they too have gifts for the boy’s parents.
Woven tabi materials called binlang and lasok, made from fine abaca fibers and tie-
dyed into exquisite designs, are handed over to the parents of the boy. The
reciprocation signifies that the bride’s parents have not totally “sold” their girl, because
there is an actual exchange of gifts, however lopsided. To make the union stronger, the
two fathers exchange their bolo while chanting goodwill to each other.

As the negotiations go on, the bride-to-be hides in a makeshift enclosure somewhere

inside the house, which does not have any private room. Several women friends and
relatives sit with her, keeping her company. She is not allowed to show herself to the
crowd. When the day of the wedding is finally set and announced by the bangkulong,
the people start to be noisy, commenting and laughing, conversing, passing food and
betel chew to every one inside the house.

The fourth stage is the samsung or the wedding, which takes place usually in the
afternoon at the house of the girl. A large mat is laid out in the middle of the sala, with
two square pillows covered with expensive tabi, for the bride and groom. The girl’s
family awaits the arrival of the groom’s entourage. The groom arrives with his parents,
relatives, friends, and other villagers (if he is from another village). They are led by the
bride’s parents to sit on the mat. The visitors either sit or mill around the house
socializing, talking, laughing, and joking about how the newlyweds will fare as husband
and wife. Music is played on the tangungo and the faglong or two-stringed boat-
shaped lute to add a festive touch to the cordial air. Other activities in the house
continue as usual. The bride sits in one corner, as the other women do much teasing and
giggling. The topic of conversation is the kasfala, both of this marriage and of marriages
past in both families. A malong, a piece of expensive tabi material, is spread out on the
mat, a signal for the groom to walk towards the center of the room (he has been sitting
quietly in one corner of the room with some male friends). He is accompanied by two
of his friends. As he sits on one of the pillows, an old Chinese plate with betel chew is
set in front of him.

The bride then makes her dramatic entrance. She is to be seen for the first time. There
is a commotion in her corner. The bride refuses to leave her corner. Everybody sees her
kicking, pushing, fighting, and screaming at her attendants and relatives who forcibly
lead her out of the corner. They scold her and tell her to behave like a good girl and do
what she is told. Her mother joins in, looks balefully at her, and angrily pulls her
daughter from her seclusion. After many tense moments of refusal, persuasion, and
physical struggle, the young bride is carried bodily and dumped in her place on the mat.
At times the bride attempts a walkout, only to be restrained by her relatives. Crying,
she throws a tantrum aimed at the groom and everyone else. Tradition dictates that a
bride-to-be must show strong refusal to a wedding. But a nine-year-old about to get her
life radically changed by marriage to an equally young groom may in fact be experiencing
genuine terror. Her violent reactions eventually subside as the ceremony proceeds. Her
fears, however, may not.

The wedding commences as the bangkulong stands behind the couple. He puts their
heads together, holds their long hair, and ties them into a knot, symbolizing union.
Uttering incantations, he parts them halfway and passes between them, as he prays,
“May this union be blessed and no sickness befall them.” As the couple sits in silence,
they are exhorted to be faithful to one another, live happily as husband and wife, and
accept the responsibilities of raising a new family. The homily done, the bangkulong
motions the groom to stand and put his right foot on the left shoulder of his bride,
leaving it there for a few seconds. Then he sits again. The bride likewise stands and
puts her left foot on the right shoulder of her groom. But instead of resting her foot, she
gives him a kick, and dejectedly drops back to her seat. This act of defiance makes
everyone laugh and joke. “She’s really still a child, but in time she will learn,” they
usually say.

The bangkulong prepares two sets of betel chew from the ingredients on the plate, and
gives one each to the couple. The tangungo rises to a crescendo, signalling the start for
everyoneto perform the maral (generic name for all Bilaan dances). The visitors are
expected to dance. The newlyweds are helped up so they can join in the festivities.
The groom executes a unique dance sequence in imitation of a rooster pursuing his
ladylove. One by one, the dancers get tired and stop. Soon, the visitors leave, and the
newlyweds are left to start a new life together.

There are two important rituals related to death and burial, narong and asfuk tu falame
el. Narong is a death ritual which includes the preparation of the corpse, activities
accompanying the wake, and the final disposal of the body. The Bilaan, by tradition,
keep their dead for no longer than 24 hours. Embalming is not familiar to them, so the
corpse is disposed of as early as possible. There are cases, however, of bodies being
kept for as long as two to three weeks, as a show of deep attachment, despite the great
discomfort of having to live with a decomposing body.
While all Philippine groups have unique practices in their death rituals, the Bilaan
probably stand out for the unusual ritual of “ambushing” and “stealing” a corpse as it is
being carried by relatives and villagemates to its final resting place. During the
“ambush,” relatives attempt to grab, pull away, and hide the body from the other
grieving relatives. This is supposed to be a manifestation of their love for the departed,
to show how much they want the person to stay longer with them. In the process, the
corpse may be torn apart and dismembered, but this is done in the name of filial piety.
After this show of affection, the body is rolled in a mat, bundled, and hoisted up a
branch of the tallest tree available, there to hang and decompose with time. Some would
prefer the corpse to be laid in a nest on a treetop, away from pests and carrion-eating
animals. The tree burial brings the dead closer to heaven, making it easier for the gods to
welcome their spirits. A less popular way to dispose of the corpse is burying it in
natural cracks of big tree trunks, where it is inserted standing up. Rocks and stones are
used to seal the hole, and a bamboo fence surrounds the trunk as a warning, and as a sign
that the place is hallowed.

Asfuk tu falame el is the postburial ritual performed on the river bank a week after
interment. All the relatives of the dead gather for this event. They go down to a
desingated place on the river bank, wearing their finest clothes with matching body
accessories. The alamoos (female shaman) anoints everyone present, with flowers of
young betel nut and palong-manok (rooster's crown) dipped into the waters of the river.
The alamoos moves from one person to the next, striking them on the feet, knees, legs,
arms, torso, shoulders, and head, all the while supplicating the gods and asking that they
return the strength of body and mind lost during the ordeal of losing and burying a loved
one. She prays that no one in the family dies again. After the ritual, the relatives and
friends of the dead head for the home of the bereaved family, where food and music await
them.Religious Beliefs and Practices

The Bilaan who live in the forested areas of Davao and Cotabato are called kapil or
pagan by the people of Cotabato. In truth, however, their religious beliefs are
characteristic of pre-Spanish folk religion. The Bilaan are monotheistic in the sense that
they believe that there is but one supreme being ruling the cosmos. They also believe in
the existence of the soul which upon leaving the body causes illness and death. Their
concept of heaven or kaluwalhatian is under the earth. Kaluwalhatian has no space for
planting rice or processing abaca. It is also a place where the chasing of deer is not
allowed (Cuasay 1975:55).

Because of intermarriages, some Bilaan have today become Christians or Muslims

(Cuasay 1975:56).

Architecture and Community Planning

The rugged terrain of Bilaan country requires that houses be built far apart, even when
they form a compound or settlement. Houses are erected on shoulders of mountains, on
stilts some 3.6 meters above the ground, and usually provided with a single notched log
for a ladder. This is lodged against the landing or the lowest platform of the house.

The Bilaan house is invariably found very near the swidden fields and is built with stilts
which can be as high as 7 meters, with the flooring laid along 2 to 5 planes or levels, a
few centimeters between each other.

The details of the Bilaan house may be gleaned from a description made by Cole in
1913:

Small hardwood poles about twenty feet long form the uprights to
which the side beams and crossbeams are lashed. In the center of each
end beam are smaller sticks, tied to form the king posts. From the
ridgepole, small timbers extend to the side beams to form the framework
on which is laid the formal topping of flattened bamboo. This roof is of
one pitch, and overhangs the walls at the sides by about a foot. Twelve
feet above the ground, other poles are lashed to the uprights. On these
rest the cross timbers of the floor. These, in turn, are covered with broad
strips of bark. The sidewalls extend up to the roof.

In a corner of this house one finds the cooking place, with its complement of baskets
and utensils, gourds filled with grains, salt or ground pepper. On the walls of the
interior are hung spears and shields and other weapons. For girls engaged in weaving,
side rooms are provided for their looms.

An outer platform is sometimes placed halfway up the high stilts. This is where things
are kept to dry under the sun. This is also where one finds the dancalan, a wooden
plate with a handle, used in chopping meat. Under the house, there are usually cages or
pens for horses, pigs, and dogs. Around the house, sharply pointed bamboo poles are
dug into the ground. In the past these were effective defenses against interlopers, but
are today useful in catching stray wild pigs.

Visual Arts and Crafts

Both men and women wear abaca cloth for the top and bottom pieces. The women’s
blouse is heavily decorated with embroidery, beads, and buttons. The women may also
wear necklaces, anklets, and numerous tiny bells hanging around their waistline. There
may also be some aromatic root or fragrant flower decorating their waist piece. The
men’s jackets are sometimes more ornately decorated than the women’s. They wear
their tight-fitting trousers kneelength. A long red sash is wound around their waist
several times and is worn especially during certain social gatherings.

Men and women shave their eyebrows, file or cut their incisors, and blacken these
together with their tongues. The men practice tattooing of arms, legs, chest, and back,
and some still wear their hair long.

Like the Manobo and the Tboli, the Bilaan use soft thin strips of bamboo for weaving
two-tone baskets (black and natural) in varying sizes: personal carrying baskets hung
from the shoulder or larger ones which serve as containers for their crops. Another
type of basket for which both Bilaan and Bagobo are known is the wild chicken trap,
“an implement that most men in these groups would possess” (Lane 1986:192). The
actual trap or snare consists of a series of small loops made of long, thin, flexible, and
braided rattan strips. They are set on the ground by means of three stakes that have
carved finial on top. A woven looped rattan chain secures the prey to the stake, once it
takes to the bait. This wild chicken trap usually goes with another kind of basket: a
small backpack that a hunter carries when he goes to the forest. A small bamboo
internode is sometimes fitted into it for carrying bait, such as seeds, ground corn, or
grain. Elaborately carved wooden supports, feathers, horsehair, and small bells
sometimes decorate this backpack.

Literary Arts

The legends and myths of the Bilaan are told in the form of tales and narrative songs.
One of the most popular stories has been recorded by Mabel Cook Cole (1916). It tells
the story of Melu the Supreme Being and the creation. In the beginning of time, four
beings and a bird occupied an island no larger than a hat. These were Melu, Fiuweigh,
Diwata, Saweigh, and the bird Buswit, who was sent across the world in search of new
things. Buswit eventually returned with the following items: a handful of soil, a piece
of rattan, and a fruit. From the soil, Melu fashioned the earth. From the seeds of the
fruit, which he planted into the earth, he made trees, which filled the earth with more
trees, rattan, and fruits. But something was amiss, thought the four beings, who finally
decided to create people. Wax was used in the first instance, but was discovered to melt
when brought to to the fire. Soil was then used, and all was well except for a mistake
made by one of the beings: the noses were fashioned upside down. Melu advised one of
his companions of the danger to the people if their noses were left that way. His
companion refused the advice. Melu took the opportunity when he wasn’t looking to
turn their noses the other side up. In his haste, the root of the nose was left with a
mark, which can be seen today (Eugenio 1982:32-33).

The Bilaan have a collection of tales making up the epic which they call Kaltulos. These
have not yet been recorded, and are known only by narrators from a fast disappearing
generation. The Kaltulos is an epic about the exploits and deeds of great warriors in the
tribe’s ancient past. One of the tales in this long narrative is the “Flalok Kafay” (Story
of Kafay), which recounts the adventures of the god-hero Kafay. The tale is narrated in
a singsong manner by a few gifted old men and women of the village who have mastered
names, events, places of great importance in the tribe’s history. They thus earn the
respect and admiration of the Bilaan who listen intently and with awe to their rendition
of Bilaan oral history and heroic genealogies. Aside from the mythological Kafay, other
heroes sung about are Bagis, Maranyal Tumalong, Langanay, Lilyangay, Ulya Siliman,
and many others.

Among the narrative songs of the Bilaan are the following (Pfeiffer 1975:150): the
flalok to sawa (story of men and names of places), a series of different stories told in
the evenings to entertain visitors, or when sung during harvest time, to help the
harvesters forget the heat and fatigue and make them work faster and more vigorously;
the flalok, a song about Datu Dilam Alfo Libon who lives in a grove of limbahon (a
type of coconut), describing his house and comparing it to the moon floating in the sky,
and recounting how the Datu and his warriors were attacked and how they fought back;
the flalok dawada, a narrative which may last the entire night, and composed of four
short songs, all of them legends; the tamfang, which refers to the name of a legendary
brave warrior, and tells about his going off to war and his exploits; the maglibon, a
legend in song, which tells of a very beautiful woman who lived in a house on a hill
overlooking the sea, and of the many marvels that one may find in her enchanting house.

There are also songs with improvised texts, sung to traditional melodies, such as the
komokon, which is a song that tells why the singer has come down from the mountains,
or dalmondon, which is sung by a boy singer describing the recording session (i.e., the
recording of the song). And then there are the lullabies, such as the almalanga, which
has no words but only syllables that mean nothing in particular, akin to the “la la la”
and similar forms.

Performing Arts

The Bilaan use musical instruments extensively with their rituals and dances. The
instruments run the full range of idiophones (percussions), zithers (bamboo tubes with
strings), chordophones (wooden lutes), and aerophones (flutes and reeds).

The odol percussion instrument is a wooden sonorant plank made of molave. This is
also known to the Manobo and Tagacaolo groups of southern Davao. It produces
drumlike rhythms when it is used to accompany the dance which is part of the odol
performance. In the old days, the odol was an indispensable part of celebrations
welcoming victorious warriors on their return. It would usually be played by female
musicians. A player, holding two pieces of wood in her hands, squats in front of the
wooden plank, pounding out an ostinato of beats with a steady tempo. Two dancers,
wearing strings of belts around their colorful costumes, wrists, and ankles, dance around
the odol plank in a proud, erect, and dignified manner. From time to time, they tap the
ends of the plank with their wooden wands (Pfeiffer 1975:143).

The tangungo is a set of eight metal gongs hung on a harness, in contrast to the Maranao
kulintangan which usually has eight gongs of graduated sizes, laid out on a horizontal
platform. The set consists of seven small-sized gongs, which produce a running
melody, with the eight and biggest gong playing in syncopation to the rest to produce a
particular rhythm. Another kind of gong played separately is called falimak, which is
of medium size and made of cast iron. The kubing or jew’s harp is known by the same
name among the Bilaan, Bagobo, Bukidnon, Maguindanao, Mansaka, and Subanon. As
with all other bamboo idiophones of this type, it uses a thin bamboo filament attached
to the body, which is vibrated by plucking with the finger.
Several stringed instruments are played by the Bilaan. The kitara is a four-stringed
plucked lute, carved out of a single piece of wood. It is not played chordally or with
several fingers of the left hand pressing down simultaneously on various parts of the
fingerboard, and with the right hand sounding multiple strings at one time; instead, the
player performs in a rapid melodic style, plucking out a distinct melody from the
strings. The kitara is either played solo, in which case a programmatic title for a
specific occasion is given to the piece played, or as an accompaniment for songs of
courtship.

The diwagay is a one-stringed bowed lute, also called a “spike fiddle,” which is known
as kagut among the Manobo and kotet among the Subanon.

The faglong, also known as kuglong, hagalong, kutyapi, is a two-stringed boat-shaped

lute. Its two strings are of metal, with one played as a drone, and the other strummed
to produce a melody using the pentatonic scale.

The sluday or sloray is a polychordal bamboo tube zither having an anhemitonic

pentatonic tuning, on which melodic patterns are repeated over long periods. (This is
the same instrument known as tangkol to the Bukidnon, takol to the Mansaka, saluray
to the Ata, and tangko to the Mangguangan.)

The most common wind instrument is the finagtong, a short bamboo flute with five
finger holes.

Apart from the odol ceremony, the Bilaan have dance dramas and dance rituals which
depict their customs and traditions. An important, and probably the longest dance
drama is the series of dances depicting the different stages of rice planting, which enacts
to music the stages already described, namely: the mabah or plea for the gods to help a
farmer choose the field to clear; the abmigo or clearing of the field; the amlah or planting
of the rice; and the kamto or harvest of the rice. The admulak is a dance depicting bird
hunting with bow and arrow. The thick rainforests of Bilaan country is haven to many
kinds of birds and game. In this dance drama, three hunters hide under an amlat (bird
shelter) built under trees of thick foliage, where birds flock to feed and rest. To provide
tempo, a faglong player describes in song the movements of the dancers. All performers
use a uniform dance step to keep in tune with the faglong, as they mime the movement
of hunters. They look up at the big trees, discussing the source of the calls. They set
thin arrows on their bows, slowly creeping towards a more propitious place, in order to
conceal themselves while intently listening to bird sounds. Seeing birds alight, the group
becomes spirited. A Bilaan standing at a distance imitates birdcalls, as he cups his
hands around his mouth. Alerted and assured of a prey, the dancers crawl to a vantage
position, arrows steadied on their bows now oriented towards the source of bird calls.
A hunter shoots an arrow, and downs a bird. There is excitement as they scuffle for the
catch. The bird is actually a bundle of dried leaves thrown in by a spectator at a given
signal.
Traditionally, whoever shoots down the first bird must cook and eat it without sharing
the catch with his companions. This is said to ensure a bountiful hunt. In the dance
drama, the two unsuccessful hunters enviously look on as their comrade eats his catch.
Suddenly, the latter gets an upset stomach, flails about, contorts, doubles over, writhes
in pain, and throws up. His confused and frightened companions try to comfort him,
then rush back to the village to fetch the alamoos.

The amti is a dance drama on fishing, which depicts a river fisher going through his daily
routine of setting traps. His dance weaves around the choice of spots where he can set
his bubo traps, where to spread dried banana leaves for his shelter, how to lure fish into
his traps, and where to sprinkle the poison sap extracted from the roots of the tubli
plant.

The fisher’s trap movements are mimicked slep by step in the dance sequence: the
setting of traps, luring of the fish towards them, poisoning, and inspecting the catch.
He builds a fire to warm himself. Then he goes to the water and catches an elusive fish
between his legs. He skewers the fish and cooks it over the fire. Finally, he collects his
catch in a side basket and happily dances away with the bubo over his shoulders and his
fish in the basket.

The muhag sugon is a dance drama on gathering honey. The Bilaan woodlands abound
with beehives. Honey is a delicacy among the people and is gathered by many Bilaan
men. The dance drama muhag sugon unfolds with a man moving about in a walk-dance
sequence. He looks around constantly, searching for a beehive. He is strumming a
faglong, the music fast and melodic, soft but audible. His movements are small,
monotonous, predictable, and are as soft as the music he plays. He spots a beehive,
represented by a piece of tabi, an abaca cloth tied in a bundle. He strums the faglong
faster, indicating glee. His dance steps accordingly become more expansive. He leaps
here, skips there, as he comes closer and closer to the beehive. Putting down his
faglong, he pulls out two pieces of bamboo sticks, and starts a fire by rubbing them
vigorously against each other. He lights up a torch made from dried fiber and leaves,
and smokes out the bees from their hive. He picks up his faglong, hurriedly tears off
pieces of the hive and proceeds to sip the honey. He does this several times. Then the
bees come back and attack him, making him drop the hive. He runs, slapping his body
all over to drive the bees away. More beestings make him run faster. Mustering enough
courage, he goes back to retrieve the beehive and runs home, still slapping off the bees
and picking the dead ones off his skin.

Another dance is the asbulong which depicts a healing ritual. The asbulong is officiated
by the alamoos, also known as malong, usually female, who dances around the sick
person, shouts incantations, and brandishes a handful of leaves and flowers. With
these, she occasionally strikes the sick person’s forehead, arms, torso, legs and feet. At
times she holds his arms, and pulls him up in an effort to revive him. Putting down the
plants, she squats on one side of the sick and extends her left artn over his chest. At
this point, the alamoos is prepared to determine whether her patient will live or die.
With a dangkal (span of her right palm), she measures her extended left arm from
shoulder to middle-finger tip. Usually, she gets three to three and a half dangkal,
depending on her palm span. If her last dangkal goes beyond her left hand’s middle
finger, her patient will live. The extra finger length signifies a new lease on life. But if
her last dangkal lands squarely at the tip of her middle-finger, it means the sick is going
to die, unless sacrifices, offerings, and prayers are immediately made to the divinities
and life-giving deities. The music of the faglong, which has been playing all the time, is
slowly drowned by the music of the tangungo which is now played to a frenzy.

While the shaman is measuring life, 4 to 5 young women nervously dance behind her,
their fingers stiffly stretched, their hands moving from side to side while they skip and
bounce from left to right. The moral support they lend strengthens the healing powers
of the alamoos. Menfolk bring two altars with offerings in front of the sick. The first is
called maligay, a single bamboo pole 1 meter tall, festoned with elaborate bamboo
skewers, which feature layered shavings made by delicately whittling, without
removing, the outer skin of the stick. The shavings are formed like flowers at the top.
Guava, makopa, and other fruits of the season, as well as fillets of meat and fish, are
placed on the sharp ends of the skewers. The second is called sapak (a bamboo pole 1.3
meters tall). Its top is split into eight parts, pried open into the shape of a funnel, on
which an antique blue and white china is firmly set. Offerings of cooked rice and betel
chew are also set down nearby.

Faglong and tangungo music continues to be played during the healing ritual, creating an
atmosphere of merriment. Feeling she has done all she can to heal the sick and fatigued
by the whole process, the alamoos motions to some men to help her lift the sick. The
tangungo strikes a lilting melody, making everybody move in quick animated fashion.
Food and betel chew from the maligay and sapak altars are given to the sick. Though
weak and unable to stand unaided, he is forced to walk and take slow dance steps.
Seeing no improvement in his condition, more food is administered to him by the
alamoos. Other participants help themselves to the altar food. Feeling well or not, the
patient slowly swaggers and staggers into the dance. With great effort he tries to follow
the tempo, falling and stumbling along the way. But his participation is supposed to
signify that the power of prayer and incantation has alerted the diwata and has helped
to cure the sick. • E. Maranan/F. Prudente/R. Obusan with notes from E.A. Manuel/
Reviewed by S.K. Tan

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