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Collectors and Collecting: A Social Psychological

Perspective
a b
WILLIAM D. McINTOSH & BRANDON SCHMEICHEL
a
Georgia Southern University , Statesboro, Georgia, USA
b
Case Western Reserve University , Cleveland, Ohio, USA
Published online: 12 Aug 2010.

To cite this article: WILLIAM D. McINTOSH & BRANDON SCHMEICHEL (2004) Collectors and Collecting: A Social Psychological
Perspective, Leisure Sciences: An Interdisciplinary Journal, 26:1, 85-97, DOI: 10.1080/01490400490272639

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Leisure Sciences, 26:85–97, 2004

Copyright C Taylor & Francis, Inc.

ISSN: 0149-0400 print / 1521-0588 online

DOI: 10.1080/01490400490272639

Collectors and Collecting: A Social

Psychological Perspective

WILLIAM D. MCINTOSH
Georgia Southern University
Statesboro, Georgia, USA
Downloaded by [University of Chicago Library] at 09:15 11 November 2014

BRANDON SCHMEICHEL
Case Western Reserve University
Cleveland, Ohio, USA

Collecting is a pervasive behavior in our culture, yet it has received little attention in the
psychological literature. We examine eight aspects of the collecting process, drawing
on existing ideas and research in social psychology as well as existing research on
collectors and collecting to describe the motivations that underlie collecting behavior.
We suggest that collectors are drawn to collecting as a means of bolstering the self by
setting up goals that are tangible and attainable and provide the collector with concrete
feedback of progress.

Keywords collecting, goals

“. . . it is clear that what a man calls me and what he simply calls mine the line is
difficult to draw. We feel and act about certain things that are ours very much as
we feel and act about ourselves.” (James, 1890, p. 291).

In 1999, baseball legend Ty Cobb’s false teeth sold at auction for $7,475. Sports memorabilia
experts had estimated that they were worth $300–500 (Bock, 1999). Recent high-profile
auctions of the possessions of John F. Kennedy, Marilyn Monroe, and Princess Diana also
resulted in startlingly high bids.
Collectors do not only pay high prices for old and one-of-a-kind items, however. During
the recent Beanie Babies craze, people paid $1,000 and more for certain “rare” Beanie Babies
soon after they were manufactured. Similar collecting frenzies have surrounded Cabbage
Patch dolls, Power Rangers figures, Pogs, and Pokemon trading cards.
While collecting is not a new phenomenon (Rigby & Rigby, 1944, date an early collec-
tion of seal impressions to the 5th century B.C.) there has been a recent surge in the number
of people who collect, the scope of objects people collect, and the prices people will pay
for these objects (Belk, 1991). Indeed it is estimated that one in three adults in the U.S.
collects something (O’Brien, 1981). Television shows like P.B.S.’s Antiques Roadshow and
internet auction sites such as Ebay have helped fuel this surge in collecting. People now
collect everything from the hair of historical figures to barbed wire, but while collecting
is a pervasive behavior in our culture, it has received little attention in the psychological

Received 6 September 2001; accepted 14 April 2002.

Address correspondence to William D. McIntosh, Department of Psychology, Georgia Southern University,
P.O. Box 8041, Statesboro, GA 30460, USA. E-mail: wmcintosh@gsvms2.cc.gasou.edu

85
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86 W. D. McIntosh and B. Schmeichel

literature. It is a complex behavior that has the potential to provide rich insight into human
social behavior. The purpose of this paper is to describe the motivations behind collecting
behavior by drawing on existing ideas and research in social psychology as well as existing
research on collectors and collecting. In our exploration of collecting we integrate a vari-
ety of ideas in social psychology. It is our hope that an exploration of collecting will not
only cultivate research on this phenomenon but also shed additional light on human social
behavior and cognition more generally.

Overview
We consider eight aspects of collecting behavior. For ease of extrapolation we present these
aspects in a chronological fashion, as the steps taken by a hypothetical collector in building
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a collection. The aspects are as follows. First, people decide to collect some classification
of things. Second, they gather information about the objects. Then they “court” one or more
of the objects by forming an attachment to them and devising a plan to obtain them. Next,
they hunt for the object(s), followed by acquisition of the object(s), then reaction to the
acquisition. Finally, they display and catalogue the object(s) and move on to other objects
that are classified as belonging in the collection.
Although we describe collecting in a chronological progression, we are not implying
that these aspects of collecting necessarily take place in the same sequence for all collectors
or that the behavior of every collector includes all of these aspects. For example, gathering
information about an object to be collected need not occur solely at one point in the process.
However, collecting is a complex activity that entails a sequence of behaviors, and presenting
these behaviors in a hypothetical sequence aids us in describing collecting behaviors and
the motivations underlying these different aspects.
In addition, we recognize that collecting reflects sociological, psychological, economic,
and possibly biological (Humphrey, 1984; Pavlov, 1928) motives. We focus primarily on the
social-psychological motives. Further, we recognize that collecting may have served differ-
ent motives in humanity’s distant past and limit our scope to collecting in the present time.
We postulate that collecting can be understood as a means of cultivating a positive sense
of self by setting up a process of goal formation and attainment that is clear and attainable.

What is a Collector?
We define a collector as a person who is motivated to accumulate a series of similar objects
where the instrumental function of the objects is of secondary (or no) concern and the
person does not plan to immediately dispose of the objects. Thus a person who accumulates
a variety of toasters but does not use them to make toast is a collector of toasters. A person
who buys and sells old books but never sets aside any of them for a personal collection is
not a collector. Collectors of both fine art and bottle caps fit our definition, and we suggest
that while the resources at the disposal of those who collect these two classes of objects
differs greatly, the social-psychological motivations underlying their behavior do not.
As expressed in our definition a collector must also be motivated to accumulate these
objects. If for some reason a person’s friends and family keep buying her salt shakers as
gifts, but she doesn’t have any particular affinity for these objects, she is not a collector of
salt shakers.

Why Do People Collect?

Why do people collect things? Like most complex human social behavior the answer to this
question is multifaceted. Unity Marketing (Saari, 1997) identified four types of collectors:
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Collectors and Collecting 87

1. Passionate collectors, who are obsessive and emotional. They will pay any price for the
right item (see also Belk, 1991, on irrational aspects of collecting behavior).
2. Inquisitive collectors, who see collecting as an investment.
3. The hobbyist, who collects purely for enjoyment.
4. Expressive collectors, who collect as a statement of who they are. These types suggest
some overt motivations for collecting: profit, the emotional thrill of acquisition (intense
but short-lived positive affect), pleasure (mild but consistent positive affect), and self
expression or aggrandizement.

Pearce (1992) offered 17 far-ranging motivations for collecting: leisure, aesthetics,

competition, risk, fantasy, a sense of community, prestige, domination, sensual gratification,
sexual foreplay, desire to reframe objects, the pleasing rhythm of sameness and difference,
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ambition to achieve perfection, extending the self, reaffirming the body, producing gender
identity, and achieving immortality. Notice that nearly all of these motivations reflect self-
fulfilling or self-enhancement needs.
The final motivation on Pierce’s list, achieving immortality, is echoed by a number
of researchers (e.g., Rigby & Rigby, 1944; Behrman, 1952), and more generally is con-
gruent with terror management theory. Terror management theory (Solomon, Greenberg,
& Pyszczynski, 1991) maintains that people are motivated to participate in culturally ap-
proved activity in order to ward off the awareness of their mortality. Culture may reduce
death-related anxiety by offering the hope of immortality, either symbolically or literally,
to those who engage in culturally valued activity. Monuments, children, or an impressive
collection may all serve a symbolic immortality function. Hillier (1981) suggests that the
frailty of some collectibles may be seen as emblematic of the very human impermanence
that catalyzes terror management theory.
Terror management theory maintains that engaging in culturally proscribed behavior
bolsters self-esteem. Self-esteem in turn defends the self from the threat of mortality, and
allows one to successfully navigate death anxiety. In a consumer culture investing and buying
serve a culturally valued function. Collecting allows people to participate in a culture’s
economic script. This participation ensures that the collector is a valued member of the
culture’s economy (Gelbner, 1992).
Belk, Wallendorf, Sherry, and Holbrook (1991) note that collectors often maintain that
the artistic, historic, and for some collections scientific legacy of their collections benefit
current and future generations. While this may not be an accurate argument in many instances
it imbues collecting with a heightened sense of purpose and destiny that is consistent with
terror management’s notion of striving for symbolic immortality.
Also, the objects people collect often are closely connected to their culture in a positive
way. War relics are reminders of a nation’s victories, items from a collector’s childhood
are reminders of the nation’s successful past (i.e., the good old days), stamps and coins
are symbols of a nation’s prosperity, and art objects signify a culture’s creative spirit and
enlightened nature.
While the motivations behind collecting are clearly complex and multifaceted, it is
notable that many of the motives offered as central to collecting revolve around the self, and
especially the development of a more positive sense of self. We suggest that collectors are
drawn to collecting as a means of bolstering the self by setting up goals that are tangible,
attainable, and provide the collector with concrete feedback of progress.
People often have lives where there is little objective feedback that they are doing well.
Martin’s ID Compensation theory (1999) suggests that people prefer frequent feedback
and will seek out situations where frequent feedback is available. Collecting affords an
opportunity for people to set out a concrete task, receive feedback as they make progress
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88 W. D. McIntosh and B. Schmeichel

on that task, and know when it has been completed. This concrete goal-striving process can
be described as involving eight steps.

The Collecting Process

1. Goal Formation: Deciding to Collect Something
Collectors must first decide that they will set out to collect something. This is sometimes
a passionate, spontaneous act, sometimes a reasoned process, and sometimes an accident.
Belk (1991) noted that many collections begin with little or no forethought. For instance a
collection may begin when a collector receives a gift from a friend or relative, comes across
a childhood possession, or buys an item on a whim at a flea market. A collection may also
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begin as a reasoned, carefully planned pursuit. Collectors may identify objects that appear
to be undervalued and collect with the intent of ultimately turning a profit. A collection
that originates as a reasoned investment may eventually become an emotional pursuit and
vice-versa.
Regardless, collectors’ decision to collect something means they have either deliber-
ately or unconsciously set a goal (i.e., to add to a collection), and will strive to fulfill that
goal.
As with any goal collecting may be construed as a process of tension accretion and
tension reduction. Danet and Katriel (1989) note that collectors often “intentionally create
an agenda for the production of, and reduction of, manageable tension” (p. 264). Setting
a goal serves to increase tension within the self-system. An unmet goal creates tension by
defining a desired state that is discrepant from the self’s current state (Carver & Scheier,
1981). Successfully completing the goal serves to release the tension acquired in the goal-
setting and striving process.
A dark side to establishing collecting-related goals is the highly materialistic focus
that it may cultivate. Kasser and Ryan (1993) found that if materialistic aspirations become
more central to people than other social and self-relevant goals they are likely to be less
vital and self actualized, and more depressed and anxious, than if this were not the case.
Aligning the self too closely with material things can have negative effects. An extreme
example related by Muensterberger (1994) described Sir Thomas Phillips, a nineteenth-
century book collector. After the death of his wife Sir Thomas happily collected until he
ran out of money, then remarried only as a means to procure more money to continue to
buy books.

2. Gathering Information
In order to effectively pursue the goal collectors must become knowledgeable. Thus after
people decide what to collect the next step is to discover what they can about the objects of
interest.
A number of questions must be addressed before collecting can begin in earnest. Where
are these items located? What are they worth? What factors influence their condition, and
therefore value? Who are the experts in this field? How do you preserve and display these
items?
In answering these and a host of other questions collectors begin to attain knowledge
that confers “expert” status upon them. It is the first step in building an identity as a “collector
of . . .”
This acquisition of knowledge has benefits for the self. Other collectors may seek a
collector out for information, thus affording him or her status. These new experts may
also be better able to identify good and bad deals, thereby gaining an advantage in the
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Collectors and Collecting 89

marketplace and making faster progress in the pursuit of their goal. This contributes to
collectors’ self-determination and autonomy needs (Deci & Ryan, 1985).
Also, interacting with other collectors or experts in the field may facilitate the forma-
tion of a new group identity. In Formanek’s (1991) survey of collectors most collectors
named relationships with others who shared similar interests as an important factor in their
motivation to collect. Sharing a common cause or goal often has the effect of strengthening
bonds among group members (e.g., Sherif, Harvey, White, Hood, & Sherif, 1961), and be-
longingness needs are important influences on well-being (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Baumeister
& Leary, 1995)
Acquiring information and knowledge in a circumscribed area of collecting may also
expand people’s self-complexity, which has positive effects on self-esteem (Linville, 1987).
As such, the formation of a new identity as a collector may buffer the self against ego threats
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in other domains. If a collector’s identity as a good student is challenged, for example, he

or she may be able to mitigate this threat by affirming his or her status as a collector. Of
course while people may experience the benefit of increased self-complexity by collecting
there is always the potential that if they become too caught up in their collections they might
reduce their self-complexity to the single-minded pursuit of the objects they desire.

3. Planning and Courtship

After identifying a subset of items to be collected and gathering pertinent information,
collectors are ready to formulate a plan to acquire the objects. At this point collectors
know what they want and have a base of information regarding the objects. They will now
target one or more items that are needed for the collection and begin to search for them.
Formulating a plan for how and where to search for items is a largely cognitive pursuit.
Collectors may plan to attend auctions, buy from dealer catalogs, or scour the internet.1
A parallel affective process takes place during the planning phase. This process is
a form of courtship, where collectors form an attachment to the desired object, or more
appropriately, to the idea of owning the desired object. Here the self begins to align with
the notion of owning the object. Collectors imagine owning the object and the benefits that
such ownership might provide. Collectors may also anticipate searching for and purchasing
the item. The object of desire is almost within grasp, and for collectors this can be an
exhilarating and anxious time (Formanek, 1991).
The formation of this attachment may help to explain why collectibles are often related
to positive emotions (e.g., more people collect comic books than textbooks, and more collect
beer cans than aspirin bottles). Classical conditioning can contribute power to the courtship
process by infusing the idea of ownership of the desired object with additional positive
affect.
As collectors build this attachment to the collectible they begin to inject the collectible
with special significance. Although a collectible was often produced with some utilitarian
purpose in mind, by the time that object becomes part of a collection the owner views it as
valuable in symbolic terms, not utilitarian ones (Fournier & Richins, 1991; Prentice, 1987).
Many formerly utilitarian objects, once placed in a collection, have in effect been rescued
from the mass of consumer goods. As an end result the collector has taken the collectible
out of the stream of consumer products and elevated the object’s (and his or her) status.
Even in modern times objects can be perceived as possessing almost supernatural qualities.

1
There may be times when collectors purchase additions to their collections spontaneously, and
perhaps there are collectors who primarily collect in this manner. The planning and courtship aspect
to collecting will in these cases play little or no role in their collecting behavior.
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90 W. D. McIntosh and B. Schmeichel

Through the process of courtship collectibles can be perceived as talismans of a sort. They
are highly desirable, almost magical, for reasons unconnected with their utilitarian function
(Belk, 1995).
Belk (1995) has observed that collecting can produce alienation from other people.
Considered in the context of collectors’ courtship of the objects they desire, perhaps the
emotions and value that people typically direct toward other people is (at least partially)
diverted toward objects in the collection.
During the courtship phase collectors will think often about the objects that they wish
to own, because unattained goals cause people to ruminate, that is, to experience repetitive,
obsessive, intrusive thoughts related to the goal (Martin & Tesser, 1995). Sigmund Freud,
who was a passionate collector of antiquities, would often misread signs above shops in
foreign countries as “antiques” (Freud, 1914, pp. 119–120). Rumination leaves people
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primed to pursue their collecting goals.

Goal pursuit can be understood as a cybernetic system. The cycle of test, operate,
test, and exit (TOTE) refers to the process of comparing the self to a relevant standard,
operating on the self to reduce discrepancies between one’s current state and the desired
state, testing again, and continuing the process until the desired state or standard has been
achieved (Carver & Scheier, 1981). In terms of collecting, collectors desire to own objects,
and navigate the TOTE process until the items are acquired. Mere ownership of items may
not accurately represent the desired end-state, however. Instead collectors may perceive an
“ideal collector self,” imagining what they will be like when they possess an impressive
collection and how this will enrich their identity as a collector.
This ideal self is used as the standard of comparison while pursuing items for the col-
lection. Test phases leading to the desired state facilitate self-focused awareness, including
feelings of lack, which then lead to outward focus to reduce the discrepancy (which involves
movement into the next phase of collecting, the hunt). On occasion collectors refocus on the
self (i.e., shift back to the planning and courtship phase), test to determine if the discrepancy
has been reduced, experience positive or negative affect depending on progress, then return
to the pursuit and external focus until the desired end state has been achieved. If it appears
that the desired end state will not be achieved collectors may diminish their notion of the
“ideal collector” self or abandon the pursuit altogether (Martin & Tesser, 1995).
Knowing when they have removed the discrepancy between their actual collecting self
and ideal collecting self may be more straightforward for collectors who are pursuing a
finite collection than for those pursuing an infinite collection of objects. That is, a collector
who sets owning the entire 1952 Topps baseball card set as her goal has a clearer picture of
what her “ideal collector self” looks like than a collector of fine Jazz recordings.
Rumination and the promise of greater self-esteem help to explain the high prices that
collectors are often willing to pay for desired objects. Purchasing a prized collectible does
not just mean gaining ownership of that object. It will also mean moving closer to the ideal
collecting self, a reduction in tension and rumination, and a surge of positive affect and
increased self-esteem. And the more rare the collectible that is acquired, the greater the
anticipated payoff (Belk, 1995, p. 74).
This expected payoff is not wholly unconscious; indeed, the top motive to collect
reported by collectors is “gaining feelings of mastery, competence, or success” (Belk,
1995, p. 87). However it would be naive to argue that collectors are fully aware of why
they collect. People tend to have little access to the cognitive processes that drive behavior
(Nisbett & Wilson, 1977).
Whether all of the benefits that people anticipate (either consciously or unconsciously)
from collecting will really come to pass is also questionable. People often anticipate that
goal attainment will lead to affective or self-related benefits (such as greater long term
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Collectors and Collecting 91

happiness; McIntosh & Martin, 1992) that do not materialize. Anticipating too much benefit
can backfire by causing people to ruminate excessively about the goal. Excessive rumination
leads to chronic negative affect, and ultimately unhappiness (McIntosh, 1995).
The process of purposely creating a state of tension (and thus inducing rumination)
by setting collecting goals seems like a masochistic practice, and to some extent perhaps it
is. However it also taps into people’s need to seek challenge. As Csikszentmihalyi (1990)
has observed, people become bored and apathetic when they are in a situation that does not
challenge them. Of course if the challenge is too great they become overly anxious. The
ideal state, which leads to the flow experience, occurs when people can attain the goal, but
just barely, given their ability. In the case of collectors financial resources constitute much
of the “ability” needed to attain the goal, thus a collector of middle-class means likely will
not attempt to collect Renaissance art. But he or she also will not choose to collect video
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game cartridges—that would be too easy. Tension built up during the pursuit of a goal may
be invigorating rather than aversive.
It should also be noted that rumination is most aversive (and may even contribute to
depression, Pyszczynski & Greenberg, 1987; Wood, Salzberg, Neale, Stone, & Rachmiel,
1990) when the goal is extremely important (and thus difficult to let go) but proves difficult
or impossible to obtain. With collecting the goal is tangible and, because it is explicitly set
by the collector, usually attainable. The tension that rumination helps to build is in effect
under collectors’ control in most instances. There are instances of collectors who get out
of control and become all but lost in rumination (e.g., see Muensterberger, 1994), but such
cases are not the norm for collectors. Collecting affords what many other activities do not—
the likelihood of being able to attain the goal, and unambiguous feedback that the goal has
been attained. Many other goals that people pursue are far more nebulous (e.g., be a good
teacher, be a good father).

4. The Hunt
The next step in the collecting process is to find and purchase the desired object. At this
point the tension that has been building reaches its nadir. The goal is clearly identified,
pathways to achieving the goal have been negotiated, desire to acquire the item serves as
a motivator, and all that remains is to locate and purchase the item. Finding the item and
making it one’s own is frequently considered the most enjoyable aspect of the process by
collectors (Belk et al., 1991; Long & Schiffman, 1997; Olmsted, 1991).
The challenge of searching for the object, finding a good deal, negotiating a price,
and making the purchase may lead to a flow experience (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990). People
are most likely to be in flow when they are in a challenging situation and have the ability
or expertise to meet the challenge. Flow is characterized by enjoyment, environmentally-
directed attention, and lack of self-awareness. Collectors report that other aspects of the
environment tend to recede from attention while they actively pursue a desired object (Belk
et al., 1991). Information relevant to the collector’s pursuit becomes highly salient, allowing
the collector to effectively navigate the sensory overload of a large auction or flea market
in pursuit of the desired object. Similarly a sense of intrinsic motivation (participating in
an activity for its own sake and not for external contingencies) permeates the hunt for a
collectible (Danet & Katriel, 1989). The desire to acquire an object requires an external
motivation, but collectors often report that hunting for the object is its own reward. For
example, Danet and Katriel (1989) have discussed collecting as a socially appropriate
form of adult play, or a voluntary and private leisure activity that has many aspects of
flow experiences, including a merging of action and awareness during the hunt for the
desired item. Much of people’s day-to-day activities may well be an attempt to shift from
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92 W. D. McIntosh and B. Schmeichel

self-focused attention to a more flowlike state (Martin, 1999). Collecting appears to be one
path that people take in an attempt to establish this state.
While there are internal processes associated with the hunt, there are external struggles
as well. There is a strong element of competition in collecting (Belk, 1995). The high prices
that collectors pay for desired objects is largely a result of competition within the group for
scarce items. This may explain why price records almost always occur at auctions; face-to-
face bidding wars can increase the adversarial atmosphere. The scarcer the item, the more
likely the opportunity for distinction in possessing it (Belk, 1982; Danet and Katriel, 1989),
and thus the greater people will struggle to own it.

5. Acquisition
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Setting a goal (e.g., to acquire a mint condition 1920s Hoover vacuum cleaner) and then
achieving that goal provides a sense of competence and autonomy that increases feelings of
self-worth (Deci & Ryan, 1985) and self-efficacy (Gecas, 1989; Olmsted, 1991; Belk et al.,
1991). Success in competition may further enhance feelings of self-esteem in collectors
(Storr, 1983).
The tension that has been built up in the preceding stages now finds its release in
ownership of the item. Attaining the desired goal will result in a wave of positive affect,
a “rush” that is one of the motivations to collecting, and has also been the impetus for
some to discuss collecting in terms of addictive behavior (e.g., Formanek, 1991). The goal
of obtaining the item has been attained, and this round of the self-regulatory feedback
loop has been completed. The collector’s actual “collecting self” is now one step closer to
congruence with his/her ideal “collecting self.”
The physical objects in a collection help the collector express his or her self-identity
(Prentice, 1987; Wicklund & Gollwitzer, 1986), particularly for individuals who exhibit a
strong concordance among possessions, attitudes, and values. Owning a fine work of art,
for example, can be seen by the collector as an expression of her or his excellent taste or
appreciation for culturally valued artifacts.
As the acquisition is incorporated into the collector’s self it is imparted with a sense
of sacredness. This sacredness may be enhanced through contagion, where the collector
infers a magical connection to the collectible’s creator or prior owner through ownership
and handling of the collectible (Belk, 1995). For example, a book by J. Krishnamurti that
is normally worth about $25 was recently offered for sale at a price of $400 solely because
the book was once owned by actor Marlon Brando.
Contagion allows collectors to bask in reflected glory (Cialdini & Richardson, 1980).
By purchasing a celebrated object the collector may accrue self-benefits simply by aligning
the self with the object (see Belk et al., 1991; James, 1890; Rosenberg, 1979, on possessions
as extensions of self). Owning a set of golf clubs once owned by John F. Kennedy, a print
signed by Picasso, or the pen used to sign the Declaration of Independence can boost
collectors’ self-esteem by allowing them to claim a connection to an important figure.

6. Post-Acquisition

You come out of a bookstore carrying a first edition of something or other. You
cannot explain how or why you got it, or what you paid for it. But you have it; and
when you arrive home with it you creep off to some secluded room to examine it.
Then occurs the first little burning exaltation. Just a little glow to begin with, then
by infinite gradations a consuming fire. (quoted in Rigby & Rigby, 1944, p. 317)
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Collectors and Collecting 93

The collecting process does not end with the acquisition of the object; self-benefits
persist after the collector purchases the desired object. At this point the object is clearly
incorporated/aligned with the self-concept and the line between “me” and “mine” is blurred.
Ownership confers upon the self membership in the group of collectors of a given
category of objects. Sometimes this group is a formal club or organization; collectors often
form such liaisons. Regardless of whether it is formal or informal collectors form social
networks, as people do whenever they find some common element that binds them (Tajfel,
1982). Within these networks collectors form friendships, exhibiting the positivity bias that
characterizes ingroup/outgroup behavior. However along with the cooperation that char-
acterizes most ingroups there is an inherent competition as well. Collectors may compare
their collection, and by association their collecting self, with others within the group.
Tesser’s (1988) self-evaluation maintenance model suggests that the comparison to
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other collectors will have varying results depending on the situation. If the collector com-
pares him/herself to someone who collects the same items and has a better collection (or
more collecting knowledge, Belk, 1995), this can threaten the collector’s self-esteem, es-
pecially given the concrete standards for comparison that exist when it comes to owning
collectibles (how many, how valuable, what condition?). Of course it is relatively easy for
collectors to differentiate themselves. If someone has a better collection of sheet music, the
collector may focus on only sheet music with a sports theme or with automobiles depicted
on the cover. If two people collect different objects they may easily bask in the reflected
glory of each other’s collections, boosting their self-esteem by presenting themselves as the
friend (or spouse, brother, etc.) of, for example, “one of the foremost collectors of sheet
music in the country.” According to the self-evaluation maintenance model comparisons
only take place if the other collector is close or similar to the collector in question. A
neophyte collector of sports memorabilia is unlikely to compare himself to someone who
has been collecting for 30 years and has her objects on display in a museum, except when
such an upward social comparison is used to inform the collector’s notion of his own “ideal
collector” self.
Collecting seems to serve both group membership needs and individuality needs.
Collectors often report that the friendship and camaraderie of other collectors is one of
the most rewarding aspects of collecting (e.g., Christ, 1965), but a collection can also
provide tangible evidence that one is unique and autonomous (Danet & Katriel, 1989).
Ownership of collectibles also serves to validate collectors’ sense of self through their
personal history, moving into both the past and the future. Each collectible that is acquired
will in the future serve as a memory cue for the story of how the collector acquired that
object (Belk, 1995). The entire process of collecting now constitutes a story of obtaining
the object, which collectors frequently relish in recounting. As Long and Schiffman (1997)
put it, a collectible can be “a memento of the act of acquisition.”
Collectibles also can serve as a link to the collectors’ past. People often collect objects
that are related to their past, and especially to their childhood. Comic books, gum cards,
candy containers, toys, and the like represent a large percentage of collected objects. This
sort of collecting facilitates reminiscences about the past, and typically the memories that
surface are positive goal-related experiences (Singer, 1990).
With the acquisition of each item terror management concerns are partially sated, at
least for the time being. Belk et al. (1991) and others (Rigby & Rigby, 1944) note that
collectors often are preoccupied with what will become of their collections after they die.
Only the finest collections will be accepted by museums and thrive long after the collector is
gone. In fact it is common for a museum collection to adopt the name of the collector/donor,
thereby ensuring that the collector and collection will be linked in the future, even long after
the collector is gone.
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94 W. D. McIntosh and B. Schmeichel

Collections that are not museum quality may nonetheless provide a symbolic sense of
immortality for the collector. Collectors often identify trusted others to take over and care
for the collection long before they are physically unable to do so themselves, although the
caretakers are seldom close family members, who may perceive the collection as a rival for
the collector’s affections (Belk et al., 1991). In any event, the collector is usually unwilling
to accept that the collection must end when the owner’s life ends.

7. Manipulation/Display/Cataloging
Ownership finally permits the collector to exert control over the desired object. This may
involve efforts to restore the object to optimal condition and creating an appropriate setting to
display the object. Lavishing attention and exerting control over the objects in the collection
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can increase feelings of control and mastery (Danet & Katriel 1989/90). The object is now
owned and may be manipulated as the collector wishes.
Collectors often engage in “Possession rituals” (McCracken, 1988) that they follow
with new acquisitions. Freud first brought new acquisitions to the dining room table to be
admired while he ate. Then they were moved into his office, where he would often hold
them while working with patients (Belk, 1995).
Another aspect of this phase is cataloging. Often collectors keep a record of acquisitions.
This can vary from crossing items off a list of “wants” until there are no items left to keeping
a detailed inventory on computer. Cataloging allows the collector to track progress toward
collecting goals in an explicit and tangible manner. If a collector is trying to complete
a set of 1952 Topps baseball cards, for example, he may compile a list of all the card
numbers and player names, then cross out each card when he acquires it (Martin & Baker,
1996). This process may take on the trappings of a ritual, and may provide the collector
with much pleasure. Martin (1999) suggests that this sort of tangible feedback of goal
progress is highly fulfilling of people’s self-needs and is often lacking in their full-time
work.
It is interesting to note that many of the most popular collectibles are naturally serialized
to permit easy goal-setting and cataloguing. Coins are dated, comic books are numbered
from 1 to the current issue, gum cards come in numbered sets, and so on. The invitation
to “collect them all” is often printed right on the packaging of items manufactured as
collectibles.

8. Return to Stage 3 (Planning and Courtship) or Stage 1

(Deciding to Collect Something)
Collecting is an ongoing process, so once collectors have acquired an item for their collection
they return to the planning and courtship stage and repeat the process. That is, unless they
decide to reevaluate their collecting goals.
While making progress toward a collecting goal is rewarding, actually completing
the collection will leave the collector with no further outlet, so collectors often forestall
completion by collecting in multiple categories at once or by expanding their collecting
goals once they are close to completion (Belk et al., 1991). This means returning not to
stage three, but to stage one, where collectors reassess their collecting goals and decide to
collect other things as well.
Collectors may also reassess their goals if they decide the goals are too ambitious.
A collector may decide to collect one autograph of each president of the United States,
but after some research discover that some of the early presidents are far too expen-
sive for her budget. She may then lower her collecting goals, perhaps to include only
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Collectors and Collecting 95

twentieth-century presidents, although conceding that the goal she had set is unattainable
may result in temporary negative affect (Carver & Scheier, 1981). Once the goal has been
redefined the collector proceeds back through the other collecting stages and may repeat
this cycle for months, years, or a lifetime.

Conclusion
Early in this paper we stated that collecting is a common human social behavior, but
little psychological research has been undertaken to understand it. It is on the surface
an inexplicable behavior. People spend money (sometimes a great deal of it) to own an item
(often an old, used item) that they will not use. Instead they display or archive the item, then
seek out another item that is from the same class of items but is different from the ones they
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already have. In this manner a person might assemble one thousand different tea pots, or
two thousand different items all with images of Snoopy on them. We have posited that this
behavior is an attempt to fulfill self-needs, and that different aspects of this process fulfill
self-needs in different ways.
We hope this paper has demonstrated that collecting offers researchers a rich vein of
social behavior to explore. Fortunately, recent advances in technology provide convenient
and inexpensive access to millions of potential research participants who engage in col-
lecting behavior. Internet auction sites such as Ebay and collectors’ news groups and chat
rooms on the Internet are filled with people who love to collect, and most are more than
happy to answer questions about their hobby. Indeed, answering questions about collecting
affords them the opportunity to affirm their identity as collectors, to exhibit expertise, and
to be a good citizen of the collecting community. And as we have suggested in this paper,
this is one of the main reasons people collect.

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