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NONNEREML COMMUNIOmON

NONNERBA COMMUNICATION

ALBERT MEHMBMN

Ö Routledge
Taylor & Francis Group
LONDON AND NEW YORK
First published 1972 by Transaction Publishers

Published 2017 by Routledge


2 Park Square, M i l t o n Park, Abingdon, O x o n O X 1 4 4 R N
711 T h i r d Avenue, N e w Y o r k , N Y 10017, U S A

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

Copyright © 1972 by A l b e r t Mehrabian.

A l l rights reserved. N o part o f this book may be reprinted or reproduced or


utilised i n any f o r m or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
k n o w n or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or i n
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission i n w r i t i n g
f r o m the publishers.

Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and
are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

Library o f Congress Catalog Number: 2006052288

Library o f Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data


Mehrabian, Albert.
Noneverbal communication / A l b e r t Mehrabian.
p. cm.
Inlcudes bibliographical references and index.
I S B N 978-0-202-30966-8 (alk. paper)
1. B o d y language. I . Title.

BF637.C45M43 2007
153.6 9--dc22

2006052288

I S B N 13: 978-0-202-30966-8 (pbk)


To
M y D e a r F r i e n d a n d Colleague
MORTON WIENER
Preface

T h i s v o l u m e deals w i t h n o n v e r b a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n and, m o r e specifically,


w i t h t h e subtle ways i n w h i c h people convey t h e i r feelings. People are
discouraged, generally, f r o m an overt ( l i n g u i s t i c ) expression of t h e i r
feelings, so t h e y convey t h e m i n less consensual a n d less easily recog­
n i z a b l e forms. Examples are subtle variations i n speech, such as t h e speech
errors n o t e d b y F r e u d , v o c a l qualities of speech, such as sarcasm, a n d
various postures, movements, a n d gestures.
I n contrast to t h e w e l l - d e f i n e d codes t h a t are available for languages,
the codes for these m o r e subtle c o m m u n i c a t i o n s r e m a i n i m p l i c i t . Never­
theless, e x p e r i m e n t a l findings show some consensus i n the e n c o d i n g as
w e l l as t h e d e c o d i n g of n o n v e r b a l signals. I n e x a m i n i n g t h e basis of this
c o m m o n , t h o u g h u n v e r b a l i z e d , consensus, our approach w i l l emphasize
feelings, attitudes, a n d evaluations as the basic referents of n o n v e r b a l
behavior. T h e thesis is that, as is the case w h e n e x a m i n i n g v e r b a l con­
cepts, m o r e t h a n h a l f the variance i n t h e significance of n o n v e r b a l signals
can be described i n terms of a t h r e e - d i m e n s i o n a l f r a m e w o r k : positiveness,
p o t e n c y or status, a n d responsiveness. I t is also r e c o g n i z e d t h a t the unac­
c o u n t e d variance bears o n other facets of n o n v e r b a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n , such
as its r e g u l a t i v e f u n c t i o n i n social i n t e r a c t i o n .
O n e i m p o r t a n t w a y i n w h i c h this a p p r o a c h differs f r o m t h a t e m p l o y e d
i n most available studies i n t h e n o n v e r b a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n l i t e r a t u r e is
n o t e w o r t h y here. A n y a t t e m p t at a comprehensive d e s c r i p t i o n of findings
i n t h e s t u d y of n o n v e r b a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n has to i n c l u d e t h e large n u m b e r s
of b e h a v i o r a l cues t h a t are s t u d i e d ( e.g., eye contact, distance, l e g a n d
foot movements, facial expressions, voice qualities ) . F u r t h e r , the descrip­
t i o n s h o u l d also account for ( 1) the relationships a m o n g these cues, ( 2 )
the relationships b e t w e e n these cues a n d t h e feelings, attitudes, a n d per­
sonalities of the c o m m u n i c a t o r s , a n d ( 3 ) the qualities of the situations
i n w h i c h t h e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s occur. D e s c r i b i n g a l l of these relationships

vii
viii Preface

for each b e h a v i o r a l cue w o u l d y i e l d an enormous c o m p e n d i u m of facts,


w i t h l i t t l e p o s s i b i l i t y for i n t e g r a t i o n . Such a c o l l e c t i o n of facts w o u l d be­
come a l l t h e m o r e confusing because of inconsistencies i n results f r o m
different studies t h a t c o u l d be due t o differences i n subject p o p u l a t i o n s
a n d e x p e r i m e n t a l methods. A catalogue of findings, t h e n , w o u l d f a i l t o
p r o v i d e the c o n c e p t u a l economy o f a scientific enterprise.
T o arrive at a parsimonious d e s c r i p t i o n of the large numbers of facts,
our a p p r o a c h uses a t h r e e - d i m e n s i o n a l f r a m e w o r k t h a t allows a succinct
c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of t h e referents of n o n v e r b a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n , a n d p r o ­
vides a basis for t h e consistent f o r m u l a t i o n a n d study of the diverse phe­
n o m e n a i n this area. T h u s , the presentation of t h e various studies a n d
results is m o r e i n terms of the proposed three-dimensional f r a m e w o r k
(positiveness, p o t e n c y or status, a n d responsiveness) t h a n i n terms of
specific cues, a l t h o u g h e x p e r i m e n t a l results are of course always based
on t h e o b s e r v a t i o n of specific cues.
T h e g e n e r a l i t y of t h e proposed f r a m e w o r k is e v i d e n t f r o m t h e fact
t h a t i n d i v i d u a l differences i n n o n v e r b a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n can be specifically
described i n terms of a characteristic a b i l i t y a n d preference for c o m m u n i ­
c a t i n g a c e r t a i n level of positiveness, potency, a n d responsiveness t o
others. Also, c o m m u n i c a t i o n behaviors can be g r o u p e d i n terms of t h e
referents t h a t t h e y most effectively convey. F i n a l l y , inconsistent c o m ­
m u n i c a t i o n s can be defined a n d measured i n terms of t h e degree of dis­
crepancy t h a t is i m p l i e d b y different behaviors simultaneously p r o d u c e d
b y a speaker. T h u s , t o t a l inconsistency for any t w o channels can be
measured i n terms of t h e distance i n t h e t h r e e - d i m e n s i o n a l space b e t w e e n
the referent of one c h a n n e l a n d t h a t of t h e other.
I hope t h a t sufficient data is p r o v i d e d f r o m diverse social situations
t o show the relevance a n d v a l u e of t h e proposed three-dimensional
scheme for studies of n o n v e r b a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n . O n e of t h e b y - p r o d u c t s
of t h i s a p p r o a c h is t h a t i t p r o v i d e s t h e b a c k g r o u n d for an e m p i r i c a l de­
s c r i p t i o n o f social i n t e r a c t i o n . T h i s d e s c r i p t i o n , e x p l o r e d later i n t h e book,
provides some measures of social b e h a v i o r t h a t can b e of value to i n ­
vestigators i n the social a n d personality areas.
Portions of this b o o k have p r e v i o u s l y b e e n p u b l i s h e d i n a different f o r m
i n " N o n v e r b a l C o m m u n i c a t i o n , " i n Nebraska Symposium on Motivation,
1971, e d i t e d b y James K . C o l e ( L i n c o l n : U n i v e r s i t y of Nebraska Press,
1972). I a m g r a t e f u l to t h e U n i v e r s i t y of Nebraska Press, as w e l l as t o t h e
A c a d e m i c Press, t h e A m e r i c a n Psychological Association, A p p l e t o n - C e n -
t u r y - C r o f t s , D u k e U n i v e r s i t y Press, Psychonomic Society, a n d W a d s w o r t h
P u b l i s h i n g C o m p a n y for t h e i r k i n d permission to use materials f r o m m y
previous p u b l i c a t i o n s .
T h e research t h a t is r e p o r t e d i n this v o l u m e w o u l d n o t have been possi­
b l e w i t h o u t t h e m a n y sources of h u m a n a n d financial assistance t h a t I
received. I n i t i a l s m a l l grants f r o m t h e U n i v e r s i t y of C a l i f o r n i a ( g r a n t
PREFACE ix

2189 a n d N a t i o n a l Science F o u n d a t i o n grant 89) a l l o w e d m e t o b e g i n


most o f this w o r k . Subsequent f u n d i n g f r o m grants M H 12629 a n d M i l
13509 f r o m the U n i t e d States P u b l i c H e a l t h Service, a n d GS 2482 f r o m
t h e N a t i o n a l Science F o u n d a t i o n , p r o v i d e d the s u p p o r t n e e d e d to r a p i d l y
accelerate our w o r k i n this area. T h e F e d e r a l W o r k - S t u d y p r o g r a m was
another i m p o r t a n t , t h o u g h i n d i r e c t , source of funds. I t was p a r t i c u l a r l y
g r a t i f y i n g to e m p l o y students i n this p r o g r a m . T h i s g r o u p i n c l u d e d
some o f the most conscientious a n d p r o m i s i n g students w i t h w h o m I have
ever h a d occasion t o come i n contact.
E v e n t h o u g h a l i s t i n g of names is h a r d l y adequate t o express m y ap­
p r e c i a t i o n , I do, nevertheless, w a n t t o m e n t i o n t h e f o l l o w i n g students
w h o assisted m e w i t h the experiments: N i k i B o o n , Jerry B r e n n a n , N a n c y
B u r k e , I r a E l l e n b o g e n , Sandy F i n k e l m a n ( G o l d h a b e r ) , C a r e y Fox, L a u r i e
G o m p e r t , C a r o l y n G o r e n , D a v i d H u m p h r e y , James L a n e , Pelayo Lasa,
R o b e r t L a w , A l l a n L o w e , E r n i e N a t h a n , Sylvia N o r m a n , H a r o l d Reznick,
Peter R o d r i g u e z , L a u r i e Snow, Stanley Sue, L a r r y W e n t i n k , Charles W e s t ,
a n d T o n y Z a n n i n i . I w a n t to especially t h a n k m y colleagues a n d g r a d u a t e
students w h o w e r e a c t i v e l y i n v o l v e d i n the design a n d c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n
of some of the experiments: N a n c y Beakel, Shirley D i a m o n d , N o r m a n
E p s t e i n , John F r i a r , Sheldon K s i o n z k y , H e n r y Reed, James Russell, M o r ­
t o n W i e n e r , M a r t i n W i l l i a m s , a n d Susan Ferris ( Z a i d e l ) . F i n a l l y , I a m
most grateful t o Sherry L e f f e l l , K a t h l e e n D a l z e n , a n d p a r t i c u l a r l y t o
L e n a C h o w , w h o h e l p e d w i t h the e d i t i n g , a n d to D r . Starkey D u n c a n , Jr.
for his h e l p f u l reactions to an earlier version of t h e m a n u s c r i p t .
Contents

Preface vii

1. A Semantic Space for N o n v e r b a l B e h a v i o r 1

2. T h e L a n g u a g e of Posture a n d P o s i t i o n 16

3. Language w i t h i n Language 31

4. I m p l i c i t Rhetoric 54

5. Nonverbal Betrayal of Feeling 84

6. Inconsistent Messages a n d Sarcasm 104

7. Styles a n d A b i l i t i e s i n I m p l i c i t C o m m u n i c a t i o n 133

8. Categories o f Social B e h a v i o r 147

9. Child Communication 159

10. Overview 178

APPENDIX A : Scoring C r i t e r i a for Some Categories of N o n v e r b a l


and I m p l i c i t Verbal Behavior 191

APPENDIX B : Personality Measures R e l a t i n g t o Affective

Communication 199

Bibliography 206

Index 218
1

A Semantic Space For


Nonverbal Behavior

Defining Nonverbal Behavior and its Functions

T h e last decade has seen a tremendous upsurge i n research a n d p o p u l a r


interest i n t h e p h e n o m e n a o f n o n v e r b a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n . W h e n e v e r any
t o p i c stimulates a r a p i d a c c u m u l a t i o n of research evidence, p e r i o d i c over­
v i e w a n d i n t e g r a t i o n become essential to c o n t i n u e d progress a n d under­
s t a n d i n g . Such is t h e a t t e m p t of this v o l u m e , t o r e v i e w t h e m o r e subtle
aspects o f h u m a n c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d t o p r o v i d e a c o n c e p t u a l i n t e g r a t i o n
for one segment of recent findings o n t h e subject.
I n its n a r r o w a n d m o r e accurate sense, " n o n v e r b a l b e h a v i o r " refers to
actions as d i s t i n c t f r o m speech. I t thus includes facial expressions, h a n d
a n d a r m gestures, postures, positions, a n d various m o v e m e n t s of t h e b o d y
or t h e legs a n d feet ( B i r d w h i s t e l l , 1952, 1970; E f r o n , 1941; E k m a n a n d
Friesen, 1969b; E x l i n e a n d W i n t e r s , 1965; H a l l , 1959, 1963, 1966; K e n d o n ,
1967a; M e h r a b i a n , 1971c, 1972; Scheflen, 1964,1965,1966; Sommer, 1 9 6 9 ) .
I n t h e b r o a d e r sense i n w h i c h t h e concept has been used t r a d i t i o n a l l y ,
h o w e v e r , t h e t e r m " n o n v e r b a l b e h a v i o r " is a misnomer, for a v a r i e t y of
subtle aspects o f speech f r e q u e n t l y have been i n c l u d e d i n discussions of
n o n v e r b a l p h e n o m e n a . These i n c l u d e p a r a l i n g u i s t i c or v o c a l phenomena,
such as f u n d a m e n t a l frequency range a n d i n t e n s i t y range, speech errors
or pauses, speech rate, a n d speech d u r a t i o n ( f o r example, Boomer, 1963;
C r y s t a l a n d Q u i r k , 1964; D a v i t z , 1964; D i t t m a n n a n d L l e w e l l y n , 1969;
D u n c a n , 1969; G o l d m a n - E i s l e r , 1968; H u t t a r , 1967; M a h l a n d Schulze,
1964; M a t a r a z z o , W i e n s , a n d Saslow, 1965; M e h r a b i a n , 1965; Pittenger
a n d S m i t h , 1957; R u b e n s t e i n a n d C a m e r o n , 1968; Starkweather, 1964;

This chapter includes r e w r i t t e n segments from m y article, " A Semantic Space for
N o n v e r b a l Behavior," Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 35 ( 1 9 7 0 ) ,
2 4 8 - 5 7 , c o p y r i g h t ( 1 9 7 0 ) b y the A m e r i c a n Psychological Association. Reproduced
b y permission.

1
2 CHAPTER ONE

Trager, 1958). I n our discussions, w e shall refer t o these v o c a l qualities


as " i m p l i c i t " aspects of speech.
Also i n c l u d e d i n discussions of n o n v e r b a l b e h a v i o r are c o m p l e x c o m ­
m u n i c a t i o n p h e n o m e n a , such as sarcasm, w h e r e inconsistent c o m b i n a t i o n s
of v e r b a l a n d n o n v e r b a l b e h a v i o r take o n special significance i n s u b t l y
c o n v e y i n g feelings ( A r g y l e , Salter, N i c h o l s o n , W i l l i a m s , a n d Burgess,
1970; Beakel a n d M e h r a b i a n , 1969; H a l e y , 1963; M e h r a b i a n , 1970e;
Schuham, 1967; W e a k l a n d , 1 9 6 1 ) .
I t is m o r e t h e subtlety, t h e n , of a c o m m u n i c a t i o n f o r m t h a n its v e r b a l
versus n o n v e r b a l q u a l i t y w h i c h determines its consideration w i t h i n the
n o n v e r b a l l i t e r a t u r e . N o n v e r b a l behaviors per se f o r m t h e backbone of
this l i t e r a t u r e . T h e i r s u b t l e t y can be a t t r i b u t e d t o the lack of e x p l i c i t
c o d i n g rules f o r these behaviors i n most cultures. W h e r e a s v e r b a l cues
are definable b y an e x p l i c i t d i c t i o n a r y a n d b y rules of syntax, there are
o n l y vague a n d i n f o r m a l explanations o f the significance o f various n o n ­
v e r b a l behaviors. S i m i l a r l y , t h e r e are no e x p l i c i t rules for e n c o d i n g or
d e c o d i n g p a r a l i n g u i s t i c p h e n o m e n a or t h e m o r e c o m p l e x c o m b i n a t i o n s
of v e r b a l a n d n o n v e r b a l b e h a v i o r i n w h i c h t h e n o n v e r b a l elements con­
t r i b u t e h e a v i l y t o t h e significance of a message.
D e s p i t e t h e absence of e x p l i c i t c o d i n g rules, t h e r e is some degree of
consistency b o t h w i t h i n a n d b e t w e e n cultures ( E k m a n , 1972; E k m a n a n d
Friesen, 1971) i n t h e use of subtle behaviors t o convey a c e r t a i n state,
r e l a t i o n , or f e e l i n g ( e n c o d i n g ) , a n d i n t h e inference of another's state,
r e l a t i o n , or a t t i t u d e f r o m such behaviors ( d e c o d i n g ) . A l t h o u g h t h e exact
degree o f this consistency cannot be established r e a d i l y because i t differs
for different persons, situations, a n d types of behaviors, i t is nevertheless
l e g i t i m a t e t o consider such behaviors communicative.
T h e e x p l i c i t - i m p l i c i t d i c h o t o m y seems q u i t e s u i t e d for d i s t i n g u i s h i n g
these subtle c o m m u n i c a t i o n p h e n o m e n a f r o m v e r b a l - l i n g u i s t i c cues. U s u ­
ally, an i d e a or f e e l i n g is m a d e e x p l i c i t w i t h w o r d s , a n d remains i m p l i c i t
w h e n the speaker refrains f r o m t a l k i n g , or w h e n he says t h e w o r d s i n a
voice t h a t conveys a subtle, or even c o n t r a d i c t o r y , shade o f m e a n i n g . T h e
e x p l i c i t - i m p l i c i t d i c h o t o m y also r e m i n d s us of t h e i d e a t h a t t h e c o d i n g
rules for v e r b a l - l i n g u i s t i c p h e n o m e n a are e x p l i c i t a n d t h a t t h e c o d i n g
rules for subtle c o m m u n i c a t i o n p h e n o m e n a are i m p l i c i t . I n this v o l u m e ,
t h e n , t h e concept of i m p l i c i t c o m m u n i c a t i o n is used i n preference t o the
misnomer, n o n v e r b a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n .

S O M E FUNCTIONS OF I M P L I C I T BEHAVIORS

A l t h o u g h this b o o k focuses p r i m a r i l y o n t h e w a y s i n w h i c h i m p l i c i t c o m ­
m u n i c a t i o n behaviors relate t o feelings a n d attitudes, these behaviors also
serve other functions. A case i n p o i n t is the occurrence o f uh-huh or h e a d
nods i n conversations. A l o n g w i t h Krasner ( 1 9 5 8 ) a n d M a t a r a z z o , W i e n s ,
A Semantic Space for Nonverbal Behavior 3

a n d Saslow ( 1 9 6 5 ) , w e shall focus p r i m a r i l y o n h o w such behaviors con­


vey respect t o w a r d , a n d agreement w i t h , a listener; t h a t is, serve as social
reinforcers. These cues m i g h t also be used to regulate another's s p e e c h -
suggest t h a t t h e speaker c o n t i n u e , or p r o m p t t h e listener t o take over
w h e n t h e speaker stops t a l k i n g .
E k m a n a n d Friesen ( 1 9 6 9 b ) p r o p o s e d five major categories of n o n ­
v e r b a l b e h a v i o r t h a t i l l u s t r a t e some of these other functions. T h e first
category, emblem, refers t o t h e s m a l l class of n o n v e r b a l acts t h a t can be
accurately t r a n s l a t e d i n t o w o r d s ( f o r example, a handshake, s h a k i n g a fist
at someone, a smile, a f r o w n ) . T h e second category, illustrator, is v e r y
m u c h a p a r t of speech a n d serves t h e f u n c t i o n of emphasis. Examples
are h e a d a n d h a n d movements t h a t occur m o r e f r e q u e n t l y w i t h p r i m a r y -
stressed w o r d s ( D i t t m a n n a n d L l e w e l l y n , 1 9 6 9 ) , p o i n t i n g gestures, or
o t h e r movements t h a t r e d u n d a n t l y d r a w a p i c t u r e of t h e l i n g u i s t i c refer­
ent. I n c l u d e d i n this category are those movements t h a t seem t o serve as
a d d e d p u n c t u a t i o n or emphases, such as p o i n t i n g w i t h t h e h a n d or w i t h
a t u r n of t h e head, or t r a c i n g t h e c o n t o u r o f an object or person r e f e r r e d
to v e r b a l l y .
T h e t h i r d major category, affect display, deals w i t h t h e f u n c t i o n w e
shall b e discussing most. H o w e v e r , o u r a p p r o a c h w i l l b e different. I n s t e a d
of f o c u s i n g o n p r i m a r y affects (happiness, anger, surprise, fear, disgust,
sadness, a n d i n t e r e s t ) , w e s h a l l use a m u l t i d i m e n s i o n a l scheme t h a t sub­
sumes these p r i m a r y affects a n d t h e i r c o m b i n a t i o n s , as w e l l as m a n y
others. T h e f o u r t h category, regulator, refers to acts t h a t h e l p t o i n i t i a t e
a n d t e r m i n a t e t h e speech o f p a r t i c i p a n t s i n a social s i t u a t i o n . These
regulators m i g h t suggest t o a speaker t h a t he keep t a l k i n g , t h a t he clarify,
or t h a t he h u r r y u p a n d finish. T h e last category, adaptor, refers t o acts
t h a t are r e l a t e d to t h e satisfaction o f b o d i l y needs, such as m o v i n g i n t o a
m o r e c o m f o r t a b l e p o s i t i o n , or scratching.
Several investigators have dealt w i t h t h e various functions of i m p l i c i t
b e h a v i o r . F o r instance, studies of i l l u s t r a t o r s are e x e m p l i f i e d b y Boomer's
( 1 9 6 3 ) e x p e r i m e n t , w h i c h s h o w e d a d i r e c t c o r r e l a t i o n b e t w e e n speech
d i s t u r b a n c e ( p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e filled p a u s e ) a n d a composite measure of
head, h a n d , a n d foot movements o f a p a t i e n t . I n a m o r e elaborate a n d
precise study, D i t t m a n n a n d L l e w e l l y n e x p l o r e d t h e d i f f e r e n t i a l occur­
rence o f m o v e m e n t s at various positions o f a p h o n e m i c clause—"a s t r i n g
of w o r d s , a v e r a g i n g five i n l e n g t h , i n w h i c h there is one a n d o n l y one
p r i m a r y stress a n d w h i c h is t e r m i n a t e d b y a j u n c t u r e " (1969, p . 9 9 ) . H e a d
a n d h a n d movements o c c u r r e d m o r e f r e q u e n t l y w i t h primary-stressed
w o r d s , b u t this r e l a t i o n s h i p a c c o u n t e d for o n l y 7 percent o f t h e variance
i n b o d y m o v e m e n t . T h i s finding suggested t h a t " i f a person wishes t o
convey t h e idea t h a t w h a t he is expressing is i m p o r t a n t o r difficult to
conceptualize or e x c i t i n g , he w i l l i n t r o d u c e movements along w i t h his
4 CHAPTER ONE

speech to get this extra i n f o r m a t i o n across. T h e t i m i n g of these movements


w i l l t e n d to f o l l o w the p a t t e r n of t i m i n g he is f a m i l i a r w i t h : t h a t is, early
i n e n c o d i n g units or f o l l o w i n g hesitations i n speech" ( p . 1 0 5 ) .
O n e i m p l i c a t i o n of t h e s m a l l a m o u n t of variance t h a t was accounted for
i n D i t t m a n n a n d L l e w e l l y n ' s results is t h a t there are other determinants
of m o v e m e n t besides t h e s t r u c t u r a l qualities of t h e statements t h a t t h e y
accompany. A c c o r d i n g t o C o n d o n a n d O g s t o n (1966, 1967) a n d K e n d o n
( 1 9 6 7 b ) , one such source of movements is t h e synchronous q u a l i t y of i n ­
terpersonal i n t e r a c t i o n . These investigators a t t e m p t e d a microanalysis
of m o v e m e n t sequences of p a r t i c i p a n t s i n a conversation. Some of the
forms o f s y n c h r o n y w e r e punctuation, as i n t h e D i t t m a n n a n d L l e w e l l y n
( 1 9 6 9 ) study, movement mirroring, a n d speech analogous movements.

There is a small amount of research which suggests that when subjects are
exposed to an input that has a rhythmic organization, such as music, they
tend to move i n time to i t . . . and that i f they are already performing some
activity, such as tapping, or typing, they may bring the r h y t h m of this activity
into relation w i t h the r h y t h m of the input. . . . W e have seen here, both from
the data we have reported on, and also very strikingly from the data re­
ported by Condon and Ogston, that the synchrony of the listener's behavior to
that of the speaker may be very precise indeed. The precision of the syn­
chrony suggests that the listeners are responding to a r h y t h m w i t h w h i c h they
are thoroughly familiar. This r h y t h m is of course, largely the r h y t h m of
speech, the rhythmical character of the syllabic pulse, and for those who have
a given language i n common this r h y t h m must be familiar. . . . I t seems
plausible, thus, that the minute synchrony observable between interactants
is a product of their attention to an input where rhythmical structuring is
highly familiar to them. (Kendon, 1967b, pp. 3 6 - 3 7 )

T h e w o r k of C o n d o n a n d O g s t o n (1966, 1967) has dealt w i t h synchron­


ous relations o f a speaker's v e r b a l cues to his o w n a n d his addressee's
n o n v e r b a l behaviors. O n e i m p l i c a t i o n o f t h e i r w o r k is t h e existence of
a k i n d of coactive r e g u l a t i o n of communicator-addressee behaviors w h i c h
is an i n t r i n s i c p a r t o f social i n t e r a c t i o n a n d w h i c h is c e r t a i n l y n o t ex­
hausted t h r o u g h a c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f speech alone. K e n d o n ( 1 9 6 7 a ) recog­
n i z e d these a n d other functions t h a t are also served b y i m p l i c i t behaviors,
p a r t i c u l a r l y eye contact. H e n o t e d t h a t l o o k i n g at another person helps
i n g e t t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t h o w t h a t person is b e h a v i n g ( t h a t is, t o m o n ­
i t o r ) , i n r e g u l a t i n g t h e i n i t i a t i o n a n d t e r m i n a t i o n o f speech, a n d i n con­
v e y i n g e m o t i o n a l i t y or i n t i m a c y . W i t h r e g a r d t o t h e r e g u l a t o r y f u n c t i o n ,
Kendon's ( 1 9 6 7 a ) findings s h o w e d t h a t w h e n t h e speaker a n d his listener
are a b o u t t o change roles, t h e speaker looks i n t h e d i r e c t i o n of his listener
as he stops t a l k i n g , a n d his listener i n t u r n looks a w a y as he starts
speaking. F u r t h e r , w h e n speech is fluent, t h e speaker looks m o r e i n t h e
d i r e c t i o n o f his listener t h a n w h e n his speech is d i s r u p t e d w i t h errors
A Semantic Space for Nonverbal Behavior 5

a n d hesitations. L o o k i n g away d u r i n g these a w k w a r d moments i m p l i e s


r e c o g n i t i o n b y t h e speaker t h a t he has less t o say, a n d is d e m a n d i n g
less a t t e n t i o n f r o m his listener. I t also provides t h e speaker w i t h some
relief t o organize his t h o u g h t s .
T h e concept of r e g u l a t i o n has also b e e n s t u d i e d b y Scheflen (1964,
1965). A c c o r d i n g to h i m , a c o m m u n i c a t o r m a y use changes i n posture,
eye contact, or p o s i t i o n to i n d i c a t e t h a t ( 1 ) he is a b o u t t o m a k e a n e w
p o i n t , ( 2 ) he is assuming an a t t i t u d e r e l a t i v e t o several points b e i n g m a d e
b y h i m s e l f or his addressee, or ( 3 ) he wishes t o t e m p o r a r i l y r e m o v e
h i m s e l f f r o m t h e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s i t u a t i o n , as w o u l d be t h e case i f he w e r e
to select a great distance f r o m t h e addressee or b e g i n t o t u r n his b a c k o n
h i m . T h e r e are m a n y i n t e r e s t i n g aspects of this r e g u l a t i v e f u n c t i o n of
n o n v e r b a l cues t h a t have b e e n dealt w i t h o n l y i n f o r m a l l y .

I n a d d i t i o n to s t u d y i n g the e m o t i o n - c o n v e y i n g , r e g u l a t i n g , or b o d y -
a d a p t a t i o n functions, investigators have also focused o n t h e s t r u c t u r a l
qualities o f i m p l i c i t c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , irrespective of any functions t h a t
these m i g h t have i n t h e c o m m u n i c a t i o n process. D u n c a n ( 1969) p r o v i d e d
a r e v i e w of such studies t h a t "sought t o i d e n t i f y f u n d a m e n t a l elements
( o r u n i t s ) of n o n v e r b a l behaviors, a n d t o explore t h e systematic rela­
tionships a m o n g these units . . . the questions are: (a) O u t of a l l be­
haviors w h i c h are possible t o p e r f o r m , w h i c h ones a c t u a l l y occur i n c o m ­
m u n i c a t i o n ? a n d ( b ) D o these selected c o m m u n i c a t i v e behaviors occur i n
characteristic sequences or clusters w i t h other behaviors i n t h e same or
a different m o d a l i t y ? " ( p . 1 2 1 ) . A c c o r d i n g l y , one p r i m a r y hope a n d goal
of studies of t h e s t r u c t u r a l qualities o f i m p l i c i t c o m m u n i c a t i o n s was t o
discover h o w "the pieces are o r g a n i z e d i n t o s t a n d a r d u n i t s . . . recogniz­
able at a glance a n d recordable w i t h a stroke" ( Scheflen, 1966, p . 2 7 7 ) .
I n some studies o f this k i n d , investigators have succeeded i n s h o w i n g
some sequential dependencies or c o r r e l a t e d behaviors i n different chan­
nels. T h e studies of B o o m e r ( 1963 ) a n d D i t t m a n n a n d L l e w e l l y n ( 1968,
1969) e x e m p l i f y such an approach. H o w e v e r , t h e i r findings f a l l far short
of i d e n t i f y i n g s t r u c t u r a l hierarchies s i m i l a r to those used b y linguists
w o r k i n g w i t h v e r b a l behaviors. I n d e e d , i n a recent r e v i e w D i t t m a n n
( 1971 ) s h o w e d t h a t t h e p r o b e i n t o these s t r u c t u r a l notions, for w h i c h
B i r d w h i s t e l l ( 1952, 1970 ) m u s t be g i v e n p r i m a r y c r e d i t , has b e e n q u i t e
d i s a p p o i n t i n g a n d has n o t l e d t o t h e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of any m a j o r o r g a n i ­
zational units.
O t h e r studies t h a t relate t o t h e s t r u c t u r a l a p p r o a c h are p u r e l y descrip­
t i v e ( M c Q u o w n , 1957; Pittenger, H o c k e t t , a n d D a n e h y , 1960; P i t t e n g e r
a n d S m i t h , 1957; a n d T r a g e r , 1958, f o r p h o n e m i c a n d p a r a l i n g u i s t i c t r a n ­
s c r i p t i o n systems; B i r d w h i s t e l l , 1952, 1970, f o r kinesic b e h a v i o r ) . A nota­
t i o n system t h a t was designed f o r dance is b y far t h e m o s t comprehensive
m e t h o d available for r e c o r d i n g b o d y movements ( H u t c h i n s o n , 1 9 7 0 ) . I t s
6 CHAPTER ONE

d e t a i l e d signs a l l o w t h e r e c o r d i n g o f such diverse movements as those of


the eyes a n d other parts o f t h e face a n d those of t h e toes, together w i t h
the p o s s i b i l i t y o f s p e c i f y i n g t h e speed of movements. Such n o t a t i o n sys­
tems w e r e devised for various facets o f i m p l i c i t behavior. N o a t t e m p t was
m a d e t o relate t h e categories o f each t o t h e functions w h i c h these cate­
gories m i g h t serve i n interpersonal processes. W i e n e r a n d M e h r a b i a n
( 1968 ) a r g u e d t h a t such n o t a t i o n a n d category systems generally have
f a i l e d to relate m e a n i n g f u l l y t o c o m m u n i c a t o r states, feelings, emotions,
c o m m u n i c a t o r characteristics, relations a m o n g c o m m u n i c a t o r s , or other
c o m m u n i c a t i o n behaviors. Therefore, t h e systems are seldom used b y
other investigators. I n contrast, t h e categories t h a t have b e e n e l a b o r a t e d
w i t h a v i e w t o t h e i r significance i n t h e c o m m u n i c a t i o n process ( as exem­
p l i f i e d b y t h e p r o x e m i c categories of H a l l , 1963) have b e e n far m o r e
p r o d u c t i v e i n g e n e r a t i n g research interest a n d e m p i r i c a l findings for
u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e c o m m u n i c a t i o n process.

C U L T U R A L DIFFERENCES

Recent l i t e r a t u r e also contains some c o n s i d e r a t i o n of t h e c u l t u r a l differ­


ences i n i m p l i c i t c o m m u n i c a t i o n codes. H a l l ( 1959, 1966) was one of t h e
first researchers to p o i n t o u t t h e difficulties e n c o u n t e r e d d u r i n g an i n t e r ­
a c t i o n b e t w e e n members of different cultures. Such difficulties can be
a c c o u n t e d for b y t h e u n q u e s t i o n e d a n d i m p l i c i t assumptions people m a k e
w h e n t h e y t r y t o i n t e r p r e t t h e behaviors o f others, w h e t h e r t h e l a t t e r b e
f r o m t h e i r o w n , or f r o m a different, c u l t u r e . T h e r e is u n f o r t u n a t e l y v e r y
l i t t l e e x p e r i m e n t a l evidence t o d o c u m e n t t h e differences i n t h e c o m m u n i ­
c a t i o n codes o f various cultures or subcultures. T h e available studies are
reviewed briefly below.
Efron's ( 1941 ) early observations of Jewish a n d I t a l i a n i m m i g r a n t s i n
t h e U n i t e d States s h o w e d a greater preference for closeness a n d t o u c h i n g
a m o n g t h e Jews. Whereas t h e Jews m a d e m o r e f r e q u e n t use o f emphasis-
t y p e illustrators, t h e I t a l i a n s h a d a greater preference for those illustrators
t h a t r e d u n d a n t l y describe the shape of t h e object t h a t is b e i n g r e f e r r e d
to w i t h words.
D i f f e r e n t i a l preferences of p r o x e m i c ( H a l l , 1963, 1964) or i m m e d i a c y
( M e h r a b i a n , 1967a; W i e n e r a n d M e h r a b i a n , 1968) cues have b e e n t h e
major focus o f t h e available studies of c u l t u r a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n codes.
I m m e d i a c y behaviors are those w h i c h increase t h e m u t u a l sensory s t i m u ­
l a t i o n b e t w e e n t w o persons. Several studies have s h o w n consistent c u l ­
t u r a l a n d s u b c u l t u r a l differences i n i m m e d i a c y - r e l a t e d behavior. W a t s o n
a n d Graves ( 1966 ) f o u n d A r a b students m o r e i m m e d i a t e i n t h e i r i m p l i c i t
social behaviors vis-à-vis each other t h a n A m e r i c a n students. T h e Arabs
o r i e n t e d m o r e d i r e c t l y t o w a r d each other, w e r e closer, t o u c h e d m o r e , h a d
m o r e eye contact, a n d t a l k e d l o u d e r . I n c o m p a r i n g t h e p r e f e r r e d i m ­
m e d i a c y levels o f a set o f five cultures, L i t t l e ( 1968 ) requested subjects
of various n a t i o n a l groups t o p o s i t i o n dolls r e l a t i v e to one another t o por-
A Semantic Space for Nonverbal Behavior 7

t r a y a v a r i e t y of social situations. H i s findings i n d i c a t e d that, averaging


over t h e different social situations, Greeks, A m e r i c a n s , Italians, Swedes,
a n d Scots, i n t h a t order, assigned increasing distances b e t w e e n c o m ­
municators.
T h e r e are also t w o studies of i m m e d i a c y preferences of various sub­
cultures i n t h e U n i t e d States. A m o n g his A m e r i c a n subjects, W i l l i s ( 1 9 6 6 )
f o u n d t h a t blacks greeted others at greater distances t h a n d i d w h i t e s ; this
was especially t h e case w h e n t h e persons b e i n g greeted w e r e also blacks.
Baxter ( 1 9 7 0 ) r e p l i c a t e d this finding i n t h e most t h o r o u g h e x p e r i m e n t of
i m m e d i a c y preferences a m o n g various e t h n i c groups available t o date. H i s
observations of pairs of subjects v i s i t i n g at a zoo s h o w e d t h a t Mexicans
stood closest t o one another a n d A n g l o s next closest. Blacks selected t h e
most distant positions.
T o summarize, t h e present a p p r o a c h makes t h e t r a d i t i o n a l d i s t i n c t i o n
b e t w e e n v e r b a l - l i n g u i s t i c c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d t h e p h e n o m e n a of n o n ­
v e r b a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n . H o w e v e r , t h e subtle aspects of social i n t e r a c t i o n
t h a t are discussed i n t h e n o n v e r b a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n l i t e r a t u r e s h o u l d m o r e
a p p r o p r i a t e l y a n d g e n e r i c a l l y b e t e r m e d implicit behaviors, d i s t i n c t f r o m
v e r b a l - l i n g u i s t i c , or e x p l i c i t , behaviors. T h e w o r d implicit is used b e l o w
w h e n t h e entire r e a l m o f p h e n o m e n a is t h e referent, a n d t h e concept non­
verbal is reserved for special instances w h e n actions, r a t h e r t h a n w o r d s ,
are t h e referent. A l t h o u g h i t is r e c o g n i z e d t h a t i m p l i c i t behaviors have
several functions, t h e w o r k described b e l o w deals p r i m a r i l y w i t h o n l y one
of these functions—the affect or a t t i t u d e c o m m u n i c a t i o n value. ( T h e
other functions have been d e t a i l e d b y A r g y l e , 1969; D u n c a n , 1969; a n d
E k m a n a n d Friesen, 1 9 6 9 b ) . Since people differ i n t h e i r characteristic
e m o t i o n a l reactions t o others, t h e present a p p r o a c h r e a d i l y p r o v i d e s a
means for s t u d y i n g i n d i v i d u a l differences i n i m p l i c i t c o m m u n i c a t i o n .
These i n d i v i d u a l differences are therefore a f r e q u e n t object of s t u d y i n
t h e f o l l o w i n g chapters.

Categorizing Implicit Behaviors from the


Standpoint of Their Referents

O n e of the most t r o u b l e s o m e aspects of research i n any r e l a t i v e l y u n ­


e x p l o r e d area of s t u d y is t h e d e t e r m i n a t i o n of basic categories or d i m e n ­
sions t h a t c u t across most o f t h e p h e n o m e n a o f interest. I n t h e s t u d y of
i m p l i c i t behaviors, this has b e e n an ever present p r o b l e m . N u m e r o u s
categories can be selected f r o m t h e f o l l o w i n g realms: c o m m u n i c a t i o n
behaviors, such as facial expressions, verbalizations, movements, or pos­
tures; referents, such as feelings or attitudes; c o m m u n i c a t o r or addressee
attributes, such as personality, p s y c h o l o g i c a l w e l l - b e i n g , age, sex, or
status; or c o m m u n i c a t i o n m e d i a , such as face-to-face, telephone, or v i d e o
interactions.
W h a t are t h e i m p o r t a n t behaviors t o explore i n s t u d y i n g i m p l i c i t c o m -
8 CHAPTER ONE

m u n i c a t i o n ? A l t h o u g h any b e h a v i o r is i n p r i n c i p l e communicative—since
i t is observable a n d has some significance—certain behaviors are m o r e a
p a r t o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n t h a n others ( f o r example, facial expressions i n
contrast t o foot m o v e m e n t s ) . T h e selection of i m p l i c i t cues for s t u d y has
sometimes been based o n expressive qualities—that is, p a t h o l o g y - r e l a t e d
attributes ( B r a a t o y , 1954; D e u t s c h , 1947, 1952; D e u t s c h a n d M u r p h y ,
1955; or R e i c h , 1945) or p e r s o n a l i t y - r e l a t e d attributes ( A l l p o r t a n d
V e r n o n , 1967). Such psychoanalysts as B r a a t o y or R e i c h i n t e r p r e t e d pos­
t u r a l r i g i d i t y t o i n d i c a t e obsessional tendencies a n d greater resistance t o
change. Some c l i n i c i a n s w e r e also interested i n t h e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of par­
t i c u l a r moods or feelings f r o m specific behaviors ( F r o m m - R e i c h m a n n ,
1 9 5 0 ) . E x p e r i m e n t a l investigations l e d t o t h e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of seven
affects t h a t w e r e consensually c o d e d i n t o facial a n d v o c a l expressions, b u t
f a i l e d t o p r o v i d e a general f r a m e w o r k for t h e classification o f n o n v e r b a l
b e h a v i o r ( f o r example, findings r e v i e w e d b y D a v i t z , 1964; E k m a n , 1972;
T o m k i n s a n d M c C a r t e r , 1964; or W o o d w o r t h a n d Schlosberg, 1954,
Chapter 5 ) .
I n o u r present approach, t h e basic categories are d e v e l o p e d f r o m a
d e t a i l e d consideration of t h e referents, a n d n o t o f t h e c o m m u n i c a t i o n be­
haviors or t h e communicator-addressee attributes. T h e dimensions t h a t
are used t o characterize t h e referents i n t u r n p r o v i d e a f r a m e w o r k for
classifying a n d s t u d y i n g t h e effects of t h e l a t t e r factors. Referents w e r e
chosen as t h e s t a r t i n g p o i n t because t h e existing i m p l i c i t c o m m u n i c a t i o n
l i t e r a t u r e p r o v i d e s a d e q u a t e evidence t o characterize t h e m i n a q u i t e
general w a y . C o n s i d e r i n g some o f this evidence, t h e referents are de­
s c r i b e d i n terms o f a t h r e e - d i m e n s i o n a l f r a m e w o r k : e v a l u a t i o n , p o t e n c y
or status, a n d responsiveness. Positive e v a l u a t i o n is c o m m u n i c a t e d b y
facial a n d v o c a l cues ( w h i c h express variations i n l i k i n g ) a n d also b y
several postures a n d positions ( a closer p o s i t i o n , a greater f o r w a r d lean,
increased eye contact, a n d m o r e d i r e c t o r i e n t a t i o n ) . Postural r e l a x a t i o n
conveys p o t e n c y or status, a n d increasing i m p l i c i t a c t i v i t y ( s u c h as facial
or v o c a l a c t i v i t y ) expresses responsiveness t o another person.

F A C I A L A N D V O C A L EXPRESSIONS

O n e of t h e first attempts f o r a m o r e general c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n of t h e refer­


ents of i m p l i c i t b e h a v i o r and, therefore, possibly of t h e behaviors t h e m ­
selves, was m a d e b y Schlosberg ( 1 9 5 4 ) . H e suggested a t h r e e - d i m e n s i o n a l
f r a m e w o r k i n v o l v i n g pleasantness-unpleasantness, sleep-tension, a n d at­
t e n t i o n - r e j e c t i o n . A n y f e e l i n g c o u l d be assigned a v a l u e o n each of these
three dimensions, a n d different feelings w o u l d correspond t o different
points i n this t h r e e - d i m e n s i o n a l space. T h i s shift a w a y f r o m t h e s t u d y of
isolated feelings a n d t h e i r c o r r e s p o n d i n g n o n v e r b a l cues a n d t o w a r d
a c h a r a c t e r i z a t i o n o f t h e general referents of n o n v e r b a l b e h a v i o r o n a
l i m i t e d set o f dimensions was seen as beneficial. I t was h o p e d t h a t i t
A Semantic Space for Nonverbal Behavior 9

c o u l d a i d i n t h e i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of large classes of i n t e r r e l a t e d n o n v e r b a l
behaviors.
Recent factor-analytic w o r k b y W i l l i a m s and Sundene (1965) and
O s g o o d ( 1 9 6 6 ) p r o v i d e d f u r t h e r i m p e t u s for c h a r a c t e r i z i n g t h e referents
of i m p l i c i t b e h a v i o r i n terms o f a l i m i t e d set o f dimensions. W i l l i a m s a n d
Sundene ( 1 9 6 5 ) f o u n d t h a t facial, v o c a l , or facial-vocal cues can be
categorized p r i m a r i l y i n terms o f t h r e e o r t h o g o n a l factors: general evalua­
t i o n , social c o n t r o l , a n d a c t i v i t y .
F o r facial expression o f emotions, O s g o o d ( 1 9 6 6 ) suggested t h e f o l l o w ­
i n g dimensions as p r i m a r y referents: pleasantness ( j o y a n d glee versus
d r e a d a n d a n x i e t y ) , c o n t r o l ( a n n o y a n c e , disgust, c o n t e m p t , scorn, a n d
l o a t h i n g versus dismay, b e w i l d e r m e n t , surprise, amazement, a n d excite­
m e n t ) , a n d a c t i v a t i o n ( s u l l e n anger, rage, disgust, scorn, a n d l o a t h i n g
versus despair, pity, dreamy sadness, b o r e d o m , q u i e t pleasure, com­
placency, a n d a d o r a t i o n ) .
O n e w o u l d e x p e c t t o find a close r e l a t i o n b e t w e e n t h e d i m e n s i o n s o p e r a t i n g
here a n d those repeatedly f o u n d w i t h the semantic differential technique . . .
a p p l i e d t o l i n g u i s t i c signs. Pleasantness a n d A c t i v a t i o n a p p e a r t o b e s e m a n t i -
c a l l y i d e n t i c a l w i t h E v a l u a t i o n a n d A c t i v i t y , t w o o f t h e t h r e e m a j o r factors
i n t h e g e n e r a l s e m a n t i c space; w h a t w e h a v e c a l l e d t h e C o n t r o l d i m e n s i o n is
s i m i l a r i n s e m a n t i c t o n e t o t h e P o t e n c y factor—scorn, sullen anger a n d t h e l i k e
seem t o i m p l y s t r e n g t h a n d bewilderment, surprise a n d t h e l i k e weakness—
b u t t h e r e l a t i o n is n o t as c o m p e l l i n g . ( O s g o o d , 1 9 6 6 , p . 2 7 )

H A N D GESTURES
I n one o f t h e f e w studies a v a i l a b l e i n t h e area of h a n d gesturing, G i t i n
( 1 9 7 0 ) presented 36 p h o t o g r a p h s o f h a n d gestures t o subjects w h o r a t e d
each o f t h e p h o t o g r a p h s o n 40 semantic d i f f e r e n t i a l scales. H e r first t h r e e
factors w e r e c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y t h e f o l l o w i n g sets of scales:
Factor I : active-passive, s h a r p - d u l l , i n t e r e s t i n g - u n i n t e r e s t i n g , tense-
sleepy, exciting-boring, curious-indifferent, meaningful-
senseless, a n d i n t e n t i o n a l - u n i n t e n t i o n a l .
Factor I I : pleasant-unpleasant, friendly-unfriendly, good-bad, and
beautiful-ugly.
Factor I I I : submissive-dominant, weak-strong, unarmed-armed, doubt­
f u l - c e r t a i n , shy-brave, a n d slow-fast.
G i t i n ' s first factor corresponds t o o u r responsiveness d i m e n s i o n , w h i c h
is r e f e r r e d t o as activation or activity i n other studies. H e r second factor
is t h e c o u n t e r p a r t o f o u r e v a l u a t i o n d i m e n s i o n . H e r t h i r d factor relates
to t h e p o t e n c y or status d i m e n s i o n . T h e semantic d i f f e r e n t i a l scales cor­
r e s p o n d i n g t o these three factors f u r t h e r h e l p c l a r i f y the- r e f e r e n t i a l sig­
nificance o f an i m p o r t a n t aspect of n o n v e r b a l b e h a v i o r ( h a n d gestures),
as w e l l as other i m p l i c i t behaviors i n general.
I t is i n t e r e s t i n g t o find t h a t , at least for facial, v o c a l a n d m a n u a l expres-
10 CHAPTER ONE

sion, s i m i l a r dimensions characterize t h e referents of i m p l i c i t as w e l l as


e x p l i c i t v e r b a l behaviors. Such a correspondence is reassuring, for i t
confirms t h e expected s i m i l a r i t y for c o g n i t i v e categories despite t h e dis­
s i m i l a r i t y of c o m m u n i c a t i o n channels. T h e s i m i l a r i t i e s f u r t h e r suggest t h e
possibility—as w i t h v e r b a l communications—of i d e n t i f y i n g other classes of
i m p l i c i t c o m m u n i c a t i o n t h a t relate p r i m a r i l y t o one o f t h e three referen­
t i a l dimensions. T h i s i n d e e d seems t o be t h e case f o r those aspects of
social i n t e r a c t i o n i n v o l v i n g stationary postures a n d positions.

POSTURE A N D P O S I T I O N

Scheflen (1964, 1965, 1966) p r o v i d e d d e t a i l e d observations of an i n f o r m a l


q u a l i t y o n t h e significance of postures a n d positions i n interpersonal situa­
tions. A l o n g s i m i l a r lines, K e n d o n ( 1 9 6 7 a ) a n d E x l i n e a n d his colleagues
e x p l o r e d t h e m a n y - f a c e t e d significance of eye contact w i t h , or observation
of, another ( E x l i n e , 1962, 1963, 1972; E x l i n e a n d E l d r i d g e , 1967; E x l i n e ,
G r a y , a n d Schuette, 1965; E x l i n e a n d W i n t e r s , 1 9 6 5 ) . These investigators
consistently f o u n d , a m o n g same-sexed pairs o f c o m m u n i c a t o r s , t h a t fe­
males generally h a d m o r e eye contact w i t h each other t h a n d i d males;
also, m e m b e r s o f b o t h sexes h a d less eye contact w i t h one another w h e n
t h e i n t e r a c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e m was aversive ( E x l i n e , G r a y , a n d Schuette,
1 9 6 5 ) . I n generally p o s i t i v e exchanges, males h a d a t e n d e n c y t o decrease
t h e i r eye contact over a p e r i o d o f t i m e , whereas females t e n d e d t o increase
i t ( E x l i n e and Winters, 1965).
O n e v e r y d i s t i n c t i v e aspect of t h e methodologies e m p l o y e d b y E x l i n e
a n d his colleagues i n some o f t h e i r studies s h o u l d be c a r e f u l l y considered
i n i n t e r p r e t i n g t h e i r findings. These investigators' e x p e r i m e n t a l confeder­
ates b e h a v e d i n specified ways w i t h subjects whose behaviors w e r e t h e
d e p e n d e n t measures i n t h e various situations. Specifically, t h e confederates
w e r e i n s t r u c t e d t o either l o o k at t h e subject w i t h a steady gaze (100 per
cent eye c o n t a c t ) or t o l o o k a w a y ( z e r o eye c o n t a c t ) . Such extreme
variations i n t h e v i s u a l b e h a v i o r o f t h e confederate can f a c i l i t a t e t h e ex­
p e r i m e n t a l c o n t r o l o f his behaviors a n d are l i k e l y t o m a x i m i z e t h e effects
of eye contact o n t h e various d e p e n d e n t measures. H o w e v e r , t h e d r a w ­
b a c k of t h e m e t h o d used i n these studies ( f o r example, E x l i n e a n d
E l d r i d g e , 1967) was t h a t t h e v i s u a l b e h a v i o r of t h e confederate was q u i t e
u n u s u a l , r a r e l y o c c u r r i n g i n e v e r y d a y social interactions. F o r instance,
extensive data p r o v i d e d b y K e n d o n ( 1 9 6 7 a ) s h o w e d t h a t observation
of another person d u r i n g a social exchange v a r i e d f r o m a b o u t 30 per cent
t o 70 p e r cent, a n d t h a t c o r r e s p o n d i n g figures for eye contact r a n g e d
f r o m 10 per cent t o 40 per cent.
M e h r a b i a n ( 1 9 6 8 d , 1969b) r e v i e w e d e x p e r i m e n t a l findings r e l a t i n g t o
t h e c o m m u n i c a t i o n of attitudes ( e v a l u a t i o n a n d l i k i n g ) a n d status ( p o ­
t e n c y or social c o n t r o l ) v i a posture a n d p o s i t i o n cues. P h y s i c a l p r o x i m i t y ,
A Semantic Space for Nonverbal Behavior 11

t o u c h i n g , eye contact, a f o r w a r d lean rather t h a n a r e c l i n i n g p o s i t i o n , a n d


an o r i e n t a t i o n o f the torso t o w a r d rather t h a n a w a y f r o m a n addressee
have a l l been f o u n d to c o m m u n i c a t e a m o r e positive a t t i t u d e t o w a r d h i m .
A second set of cues t h a t indicates p o s t u r a l r e l a x a t i o n includes a s y m m e t r i ­
c a l p l a c e m e n t of t h e l i m b s , a sideways lean a n d / o r r e c l i n i n g p o s i t i o n b y
t h e seated c o m m u n i c a t o r , a n d specific r e l a x a t i o n measures o f t h e hands
or neck. T h i s second set of cues relates p r i m a r i l y t o status differences
b e t w e e n a c o m m u n i c a t o r a n d his addressee: there is m o r e r e l a x a t i o n w i t h
an addressee of l o w e r status, a n d less r e l a x a t i o n w i t h one of h i g h e r status.
A l t h o u g h t h e r e l a x a t i o n cues are i n t e r c o r r e l a t e d a n d have b e e n extracted
as factors i n some experiments ( M e h r a b i a n a n d W i l l i a m s , 1 9 6 9 ) , t h e
p r o x e m i c ( H a l l , 1963, 1966) or i m m e d i a c y ( M e h r a b i a n , 1967a; W i e n e r
a n d M e h r a b i a n , 1968) cues are n o t i n t e r c o r r e l a t e d . H o w e v e r , insofar as
t h e set o f i m m e d i a c y cues ( 1 ) do together reflect a m o r e p o s i t i v e a t t i t u d e
t o w a r d a n addressee, ( 2 ) can be c o n c e p t u a l l y r e l a t e d as increasing t h e
p h y s i c a l p r o x i m i t y b e t w e e n a c o m m u n i c a t o r a n d his addressee, a n d
( 3 ) increase the m u t u a l sensory s t i m u l a t i o n b e t w e e n t h e c o m m u n i c a t o r s ,
t h e r e is some basis for g r o u p i n g the cues as p a r t o f a single n o n v e r b a l
dimension.
I n sum, the findings f r o m studies of posture a n d p o s i t i o n a n d subtle
variations i n v e r b a l statements ( W i e n e r a n d M e h r a b i a n , 1968) s h o w t h a t
i m m e d i a c y cues p r i m a r i l y denote e v a l u a t i o n , a n d p o s t u r a l r e l a x a t i o n
cues denote status or p o t e n c y i n a r e l a t i o n s h i p . I t is i n t e r e s t i n g to n o t e a
weaker effect: less r e l a x a t i o n of one's posture also conveys a m o r e p o s i t i v e
a t t i t u d e t o w a r d another. O n e w a y t o i n t e r p r e t this o v e r l a p i n t h e referen­
t i a l significance o f less r e l a x a t i o n a n d m o r e i m m e d i a c y i n c o m m u n i c a t i n g
a m o r e p o s i t i v e f e e l i n g is i n terms of t h e i m p l i e d p o s i t i v e connotations o f
h i g h e r status i n o u r c u l t u r e . A respectful a t t i t u d e ( t h a t is, w h e n one con­
veys t h a t t h e other is o f h i g h e r status) does i n d e e d have i m p l i e d p o s i t i v e
connotations. T h e r e f o r e i t is n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t t h e c o m m u n i c a t i o n of
respect a n d of p o s i t i v e a t t i t u d e exhibits some s i m i l a r i t y i n t h e n o n v e r b a l
cues t h a t t h e y r e q u i r e . H o w e v e r , whereas t h e c o m m u n i c a t i o n o f l i k i n g is
m o r e h e a v i l y w e i g h t e d b y variations i n i m m e d i a c y , t h a t o f respect is
w e i g h t e d m o r e b y variations i n relaxation.
T h e results for posture a n d p o s i t i o n cues r e v i e w e d above w e r e n o t
o b t a i n e d w i t h i n t h e f r a m e w o r k presently b e i n g proposed; rather, t h e
f r a m e w o r k e v o l v e d f r o m these studies. T h e general correspondence o f
these findings w i t h those o f G i t i n ( 1 9 7 0 ) , O s g o o d ( 1 9 6 6 ) , Osgood, Suci,
a n d T a n n e n b a u m ( 1 9 5 7 ) , a n d of studies r e p o r t e d i n Snider a n d O s g o o d
( 1 9 6 9 ) a n d W i l l i a m s a n d Sundene ( 1 9 6 5 ) suggested f u r t h e r e x p l o r a t i o n
of t h e a p p r o a c h for other i m p l i c i t cues. T h e r e f o r e , t h i s f r a m e w o r k is u s e d
b e l o w to discuss various aspects o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n , such as facial m o v e ­
m e n t , v o c a l expressions, a n d verbalizations.
12 CHAPTER ONE

M O V E M E N T S A N D I M P L I C I T ASPECTS O F V E R B A L I Z A T I O N

M a h l , D a n e t , a n d N o r t o n ( 1 9 5 9 ) suggested t h a t m o v e m e n t i n f o r m a t i o n
c o m p l e m e n t s v e r b a l messages b y a n t i c i p a t i n g , c o n t r a d i c t i n g , or b e i n g
c o n c u r r e n t w i t h t h e referents of t h e v e r b a l channel. M o r e specific w o r k
b y E k m a n ( 1964, 1965 ) a n d E k m a n a n d Friesen ( 1967 ) o n t h e referents
of m o v e m e n t s of various b o d y parts s h o w e d t h a t stationary positions
c o m m u n i c a t e gross affects ( t h a t is, a t t i t u d e s ) , whereas m o v e m e n t s a n d
facial expressions c o m m u n i c a t e specific emotions.
Rosenfeld ( 1966a, 1966b ) used a r o l e - p l a y i n g p a r a d i g m i n w h i c h his
subjects w e r e requested t o i n t e r a c t w i t h someone a n d e l i c i t v a r y i n g de­
grees of l i k i n g f r o m h i m . T h e i m p l i c i t behaviors of t h e subjects w e r e t h e
d e p e n d e n t measures. H i g h e r speech rates, l e n g t h i e r c o m m u n i c a t i o n s , fre­
q u e n t v e r b a l reinforcers t o t h e addressee, gesticulation, s m i l i n g , p o s i t i v e
h e a d nods, a n d less f r e q u e n t self references w e r e f o u n d t o b e associated
w i t h the attempt to elicit more liking.
I n t h e t w o studies described b e l o w , i t was assumed t h a t i n c e r t a i n
i n t e r p e r s o n a l situations t h e i m p l i c i t c o m m u n i c a t i o n of attitudes is either
m o r e a p p r o p r i a t e or a necessary c o n c o m i t a n t of t h e c o m m u n i c a t o r ' s
affect. F o r instance, Z a i d e l a n d M e h r a b i a n ( 1969 ) f o u n d t h a t c o m m u n i ­
cators w e r e able t o express variations i n negative affect b e t t e r t h a n v a r i a ­
tions i n p o s i t i v e affect, w h e t h e r u s i n g facial or v o c a l channels. Perhaps
i m p l i c i t expressions o f negative a t t i t u d e are p r a c t i c e d m o r e t h a n are
p o s i t i v e ones, because i t is s e l d o m a p p r o p r i a t e t o express negative feelings
o p e n l y . T h u s , negative feelings are delegated t o these subtle channels
m o r e f r e q u e n t l y t h a n are p o s i t i v e feelings, a n d people become proficient
at i m p l i c i t l y expressing t h e i r negative feelings r a t h e r t h a n t h e i r p o s i t i v e
feelings.
I n stress situations, i m p l i c i t channels once a g a i n m a y become salient
indicators, p a r t i c u l a r l y w h e n t h e c o m m u n i c a t o r is u n w i l l i n g t o express his
feelings e x p l i c i t l y . E a r l y p s y c h o a n a l y t i c interest i n n o n v e r b a l b e h a v i o r
was p r i m a r i l y m o t i v a t e d b y this a s s u m p t i o n ( f o r example, D e u t s c h a n d
M u r p h y , 1955 ) . T h e recent interest i n t h e d e t e c t i o n o f deceit f r o m i m ­
p l i c i t behaviors also seems t o b e r e l a t e d ( E k m a n a n d Friesen, 1969a ) .
T h e i m p o r t a n c e o f i m p l i c i t behaviors is h i g h l i g h t e d i n situations i n
w h i c h u n f a m i l i a r persons interact, w i t h one seeking t o influence t h e
other (as i n p o l i t i c a l speeches or a d v e r t i s i n g ) . V e r b a l expression o f
feelings t o w a r d another is less p e r m i s s i b l e i n these situations t h a n is an
a r g u m e n t or i n f o r m a t i o n r e l a t i n g t o t h e t o p i c i n question. I n t h e experi­
ments s u m m a r i z e d b e l o w , t h e i n t e r a c t i o n s i n v o l v e d dyads, m o s t l y of
peers. O n e m e m b e r o f each d y a d was a confederate o f t h e experimenter.
T h i s m e m b e r e x h i b i t e d a p r e a r r a n g e d set o f behaviors designed t o seem
" n o r m a l " for t h a t s i t u a t i o n . T h e other m e m b e r o f t h e d y a d , t h e actual
subject, was observed t h r o u g h a o n e - w a y m i r r o r . H i s or her behaviors
were video recorded.
A Semantic Space for Nonverbal Behavior 13

Perceived and Intended Persuasiveness. I n t h e first t w o experiments


r e p o r t e d b y M e h r a b i a n a n d W i l l i a m s ( 1 9 6 9 ) , subjects presented messages
to someone else, e m p l o y i n g v a r y i n g degrees o f persuasion. T h e subjects'
n o n v e r b a l , v o c a l , a n d v e r b a l behaviors w e r e r e c o r d e d a n d analyzed. T h e
m o v e m e n t cues r a t e d w e r e l a t e r a l swivels i n a desk chair, r o c k i n g , h e a d
n o d d i n g , g e s t i c u l a t i o n , s e l f - m a n i p u l a t i o n such as s c r a t c h i n g or t a p p i n g
one p a r t of a h a n d w i t h another, a n d l e g a n d foot m o v e m e n t s . Measures
r e l a t i n g t o t h e facial expressions i n c l u d e d facial pleasantness a n d a c t i v i t y .
Measures r e l a t i n g to verbalizations w e r e l e n g t h o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n i n
terms o f n u m b e r o f w o r d s or d u r a t i o n , speech rate, t h e u n h a l t i n g q u a l i t y
of speech, speech error rate, v o l u m e , a n d a c t i v i t y . T h e c r i t e r i a for scoring
these categories of i m p l i c i t b e h a v i o r are s u m m a r i z e d i n A p p e n d i x A .
T h e analyses of these data l e d t o t h e p o s t u l a t i o n of an a c t i v i t y d i m e n ­
sion for i m p l i c i t behaviors. T h e variables g r o u p e d u n d e r t h i s d i m e n s i o n
i n c l u d e d facial a n d v o c a l a c t i v i t y , speech v o l u m e , a n d speech rate.
Whereas i m m e d i a c y a n d r e l a x a t i o n i n d i c a t e v a r i a t i o n s i n l i k i n g a n d status
respectively, a c t i v i t y communicates responsiveness ( n o t e Bender's 1969
data for a d j e c t i v e s ) , a n d is a f u n c t i o n of t h e salience of t h e addressee.
T h e findings f r o m these persuasion studies s h o w e d t h a t a c o m m u n i ­
cator's a c t i v i t y increased w i t h his i n t e n t i o n t o persuade, a n d t h e p e r c e i v e d
persuasiveness o f a message was c o r r e l a t e d w i t h t h e l e v e l of a c t i v i t y ex­
h i b i t e d i m p l i c i t l y b y t h e c o m m u n i c a t o r . B o t h of t h e e n c o d i n g experi­
ments y i e l d e d this major effect r e l a t i n g a c t i v i t y a n d persuasion. A second,
t h o u g h weaker, r e l a t i o n s h i p o c c u r r e d b e t w e e n a t t e m p t e d persuasiveness
a n d i m m e d i a c y : c o m m u n i c a t o r s w e r e m o r e i m m e d i a t e t o an addressee
w h e n t h e y a t t e m p t e d t o b e m o r e persuasive. F u r t h e r , m o r e i m m e d i a t e
c o m m u n i c a t i o n s w e r e also p e r c e i v e d as m o r e persuasive i n t h e t w o
experiments.
F i n d i n g s for t h e i m p l i c i t concomitants o f persuasion can be r e a d i l y
s u m m a r i z e d : p o s i t i v e responsiveness t o an addressee enhances t h e per­
ceived persuasiveness of a message. W h e n a person attempts t o b e per­
suasive, he exhibits m o r e p o s i t i v e responsiveness t o t h e addressee.
Deceit. T h r e e o f our experiments have e x p l o r e d t h e i m p l i c i t b e h a v i o r a l
concomitants o f d e c e i t f u l a n d t r u t h f u l c o m m u n i c a t i o n s ( M e h r a b i a n ,
1971a). A v a r i e t y of p a r a d i g m s w e r e used i n w h i c h a subject c o m m u n i ­
cated d e c e i t f u l l y or t r u t h f u l l y t o someone else. A l l t h e behaviors n o t e d
i n t h e p r e c e d i n g discussion of p e r c e i v e d a n d i n t e n d e d persuasiveness
w e r e r e c o r d e d a n d scored.
F i n d i n g s f r o m t w o of t h e M e h r a b i a n ( 1 9 7 1 a ) experiments i n d i c a t e d
t h a t i m m e d i a c y t o w a r d a n addressee is greater w h e n one is t r u t h f u l t h a n
d e c e i t f u l . I n t h e first e x p e r i m e n t , t h e subject was either p r o m i s e d a r e w a r d
for successful deceit or t h r e a t e n e d t h a t he w o u l d receive an electric
shock i f his deceit was detected. Subjects w h o w e r e p r o m i s e d r e w a r d
w e r e m o r e i m m e d i a t e w h e n t r u t h f u l t h a n w h e n d e c e i t f u l , b u t there was
no c o r r e s p o n d i n g significant difference w h e n subjects w e r e t h r e a t e n e d
14 CHAPTER ONE

w i t h shock. T h e second e x p e r i m e n t i n v o l v e d r o l e - p l a y i n g of deceit versus


r o l e - p l a y i n g of t r u t h . Subjects w e r e f o u n d to be m o r e i m m e d i a t e w h i l e
t h e y w e r e r o l e - p l a y i n g at b e i n g t r u t h f u l t h a n at b e i n g d e c e i t f u l .
R e l a x a t i o n was n o t a d i s c r i m i n a t o r b e t w e e n deceit a n d t r u t h i n any
o f t h e experiments. Subjects i n t h e first e x p e r i m e n t w h o a n t i c i p a t e d pos­
sible r e w a r d w e r e m o r e relaxed t h a n those w h o a n t i c i p a t e d possible
shock. T h e second e x p e r i m e n t i n d i c a t e d t h a t males w e r e generally m o r e
r e l a x e d t h a n females. F i n a l l y , i n t h e t h i r d experiment, the subjects w e r e
i n d u c e d t o cheat i n an ESP s t u d y b y a confederate, so t h a t t h e i r m o t i v a ­
t i o n t o be d e c e i t f u l i n a subsequent i n t e r v i e w w i t h the experimenter was
m a x i m i z e d . I n this case, extroverts w e r e f o u n d t o be m o r e relaxed t h a n
introverts.
T h u s , these deceit studies p r o v i d e d f u r t h e r v a l i d i t y for the r e l a x a t i o n
cues, a n d suggested a r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n i m m e d i a c y o f postures a n d
d e c e i t f u l versus t r u t h f u l c o m m u n i c a t i o n , w h i l e not p r o v i d i n g any rela­
t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n a c t i v i t y l e v e l a n d deceit.
T h e e x p e r i m e n t a l data r e v i e w e d thus far p r o v i d e d a p r e l i m i n a r y basis
for g r o u p i n g n o n v e r b a l a n d i m p l i c i t v e r b a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n cues, a n d
i n d i c a t e d t h e p r i m a r y significance of each o f three sets of cues i n a v a r i e t y
of social situations. These t h r e e sets o f cues p r o v i d e a w a y of o b j e c t i v e l y
c h a r a c t e r i z i n g social i n t e r a c t i o n . T o f a c i l i t a t e f u r t h e r e x p l o r a t i o n of the
i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s a m o n g these cues a n d t h e i r r e l a t i o n to the personality
of p a r t i c i p a n t s a n d t h e social situations i n w h i c h t h e y interact, the f o l l o w ­
i n g section touches o n t h e t h e o r e t i c a l significance o f these groupings.

Summary and Rationale for the Choice of


Semantic Dimensions

W h y d i d t h e t h r e e proposed r e f e r e n t i a l dimensions—positiveness, po­


t e n c y or status, a n d responsiveness—emerge as p a r t i c u l a r l y relevant i n
n o n v e r b a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n ? O u r answer is based o n the premise t h a t n o n ­
v e r b a l b e h a v i o r is a d e v e l o p m e n t a l l y earlier a n d m o r e p r i m i t i v e f o r m of
c o m m u n i c a t i o n w h i c h m a n shares w i t h animals ( f o r example, W e r n e r ,
1957; W e r n e r a n d K a p l a n , 1 9 6 3 ) . Such a premise i m p l i e s t h a t n o n v e r b a l
behaviors reflect v e r y basic social orientations t h a t are correlates of major
categories i n t h e c o g n i t i o n o f social environments (Piaget, 1960). Positive-
negative affect a n d e v a l u a t i o n are basic c o g n i t i v e distinctions m a d e f r o m
early i n f a n c y a n d r e t a i n e d i n a d u l t life—they d e t e r m i n e a p p r o a c h a n d
avoidance tendencies t o w a r d objects or persons. T h e e v a l u a t i o n of objects
a n d persons is a c r u c i a l aspect o f i n t e l l i g e n t f u n c t i o n i n g a n d even of sur­
v i v a l . I t is therefore n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t people possess b e h a v i o r a l corre­
lates f o r this c o g n i t i v e distinction—the i m m e d i a c y cues—which are ever-
present i n social i n t e r a c t i o n .
T h e second d i m e n s i o n , status or potency, relates t o social c o n t r o l . I t is
p a r t i c u l a r l y salient i n t h e social l i f e o f animals, as observed i n t h e phe-
A Semantic Space for Nonverbal Behavior 15

n o m e n o n o f t e r r i t o r i a l i t y ( f o r example, C a l h o u n , 1 9 6 2 ) , a n d is a major
d e t e r m i n e r of social i n t e r a c t i o n patterns a m o n g humans. T h i s is especially
e v i d e n t i n t h e h i g h l y stratified, a u t h o r i t a r i a n cultures b u t can be seen
i n even t h e most d e m o c r a t i c societies ( f o r example, H a l l , 1 9 6 6 ) .
Responsiveness is c o n c e p t u a l i z e d as t h e nonverbal-social c o u n t e r p a r t
of the o r i e n t i n g reflex ( f o r example, M a l t z m a n , 1 9 6 7 ) . As such i t is another
e l e m e n t a r y a n d basic aspect of social life. T h e degree of responsiveness
one person displays t o w a r d another indicates t h e o t h e r s salience for h i m .
I t is e l i c i t e d b y n o n n e u t r a l events or persons ( e x t r e m e instances b e i n g
u n u s u a l l y r e i n f o r c i n g or t h r e a t e n i n g o n e s ) . I n c o g n i t i o n (as i n respon­
siveness ) , u n u s u a l events o f either p o s i t i v e or negative q u a l i t y are g r o u p e d
a n d reacted to s i m i l a r l y , as e x e m p l i f i e d b y t h e concept o f mana i n m a n y
p r i m i t i v e cultures ( f o r example, Cassirer, 1 9 5 3 - 5 7 ) . T h e differential re­
sponsiveness of humans or animals t o various aspects of t h e i r social en­
v i r o n m e n t distinguishes t h e m f r o m t h e i n a n i m a t e w o r l d and, together
w i t h t h e p r e c e d i n g t w o c o g n i t i v e distinctions ( e v a l u a t i o n a n d j u d g m e n t
of social p o w e r ) , is a basic aspect of i n t e l l i g e n t ( a d a p t i v e , a la Piaget,
1960) f u n c t i o n i n g .
T h e r a t h e r general q u a l i t y of these c o g n i t i v e a n d b e h a v i o r a l dimensions
for b o t h a n i m a l a n d h u m a n social systems p r o v i d e s a p l a u s i b l e basis f o r
u s i n g d a t a o b t a i n e d f r o m t h e social i n t e r a c t i o n o f animals. Primates, i n
p a r t i c u l a r , can p r o v i d e c o m p l e m e n t a r y i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t c e r t a i n aspects
of affect a n d a t t i t u d e c o m m u n i c a t i o n i n humans. F o r instance, Sommer
( 1 9 6 7 ) s u m m a r i z e d some o f t h e research t h a t r e l a t e d t h e s p a t i a l arrange­
m e n t of persons i n a v a r i e t y o f social situations t o t h e i r social status. A
n u m b e r o f t h e studies Sommer r e v i e w e d w e r e m o t i v a t e d b y observations
of t h e m o r e f a m i l i a r p h e n o m e n o n of t e r r i t o r i a l i t y i n animals ( A r d r e y ,
1966; L o r e n z , 1966; M c B r i d e , 1964). E v e n an i n f o r m a l observation o f
chimpanzees l i v i n g together provides impressive differences i n t h e pos­
tures, positions, movements, a n d facial expressions o f dyads d i f f e r i n g i n
status. Since status or p o t e n c y is r e a d i l y specified i n terms o f size or
s t r e n g t h i n such a n i m a l social systems, i n v e s t i g a t i o n o f t h e n o n v e r b a l
correlates o f p o t e n c y is considerably s i m p l i f i e d a n d m a y y i e l d n o n v e r b a l
i n t e r a c t i o n cues t h a t have t r a n s c u l t u r a l relevance. M o r e generally, t h e
o b s e r v a t i o n of a n i m a l social interactions can c o m p l e m e n t t h e s t u d y o f
i n d i v i d u a l s o f a single c u l t u r e , such as A m e r i c a n college students, a n d
p r o v i d e c o r r o b o r a t i o n f o r i d e n t i f i e d dimensions o f social i n t e r a c t i o n .
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