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Figure 2.5 RNR Collection & Fareeda Culture Goes Beyond The Way People Dress and The Food They Eat. It Also Stipulates

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Introduction

When you think about different cultures, you likely picture their most visible features,
such as differences in the way people dress, or in the architectural styles of their
buildings. You might consider different types of food, or how people in some cultures
eat with chopsticks while people in others use forks. There are differences in body
language, religious practices, and wedding rituals. While these are all obvious
examples of cultural differences, many distinctions are harder to see because they are
psychological in nature.

Figure 2.5 RnR Collection &


FAREEDA Culture goes beyond the way people dress and the food they eat. It also stipulates
morality, identity, and social roles. RnR Collecton & FAREEDA. By: Faizal Riza MOHD RAF
Source: Flickr CC BY-NC 2.0

Just as culture can be seen in dress and food, it can also be seen in morality, identity,
and gender roles. People from around the world differ in their views of premarital sex,
religious tolerance, respect for elders, and even the importance they place on having
fun. Similarly, many behaviors that may seem innate are actually products of culture.
Approaches to punishment, for example, often depend on cultural norms for their
effectiveness. In the United States, people who ride public transportation without
buying a ticket face the possibility of being fined. By contrast, in some other societies,
people caught dodging the fare are socially shamed by having their photos posted
publicly. The reason this campaign of “name and shame” might work in one society
but not in another is that members of different cultures differ in how comfortable they
are with being singled out for attention. This strategy is less effective for people who
are not as sensitive to the threat of public shaming.

The psychological aspects of culture are often overlooked because they are often
invisible. The way that gender roles are learned is a cultural process as is the way that
people think about their own sense of duty toward their family members. In this
module, you will be introduced to one of the most fascinating aspects of social
psychology: the study of cultural processes. You will learn about research methods for
studying culture, basic definitions related to this topic, and about the ways that culture
affects a person’s sense of self.

Learning Objectives
 Appreciate culture as an evolutionary adaptation common to all humans.
 Understand cultural processes as variable patterns rather than as fixed scripts.
 Understand the difference between cultural and cross-cultural research methods.
 Appreciate cultural awareness as a source of personal well-being, social responsibility,
and social harmony.
 Explain the difference between individualism and collectivism.
 Define “self-construal” and provide a real life example.

Social Psychology Research Methods


Social psychologists are interested in the ways that cultural forces influence psychological
processes. They study culture as a means of better understanding the ways it affects our
emotions, identity, relationships, and decisions. Social psychologists generally ask different
types of questions and use different methods than do anthropologists. Anthropologists are more
likely to conduct ethnographic studies. In this type of research, the scientist spends time
observing a culture and conducting interviews. In this way, anthropologists often attempt to
understand and appreciate culture from the point of view of the people within it. Social
psychologists who adopt this approach are often thought to be studying cultural psychology.
They are likely to use interviews as a primary research methodology.

For example, in a 2004 study Hazel Markus and her colleagues wanted to explore class culture as
it relates to well-being. The researchers adopted a cultural psychology approach and interviewed
participants to discover—in the participants own words—what “the good life” is for Americans
of different social classes. Dozens of participants answered 30 open ended questions about well-
being during recorded, face-to-face interviews. After the interview data were collected the
researchers then read the transcripts. From these, they agreed on common themes that appeared
important to the participants. These included, among others, “health,” “family,” “enjoyment,”
and “financial security.”
The Markus team discovered that people with a Bachelor’s Degree were more likely than high
school educated participants to mention “enjoyment” as a central part of the good life. By
contrast, those with a high school education were more likely to mention “financial security” and
“having basic needs met.” There were similarities as well: participants from both groups placed a
heavy emphasis on relationships with others. Their understanding of how these relationships are
tied to well-being differed, however. The college educated—especially men—were more likely
to list “advising and respecting” as crucial aspects of relationships while their high school
educated counterparts were more likely to list “loving and caring” as important. As you can see,
cultural psychological approaches place an emphasis on the participants’ own definitions,
language, and understanding of their own lives. In addition, the researchers were able to make
comparisons between the groups, but these comparisons were based on loose themes created by
the researchers.

Cultural psychology is distinct from cross-cultural psychology, and this can be confusing. Cross-


cultural studies are those that use standard forms of measurement, such as Likert scales, to
compare people from different cultures and identify their differences. Both cultural and cross-
cultural studies have their own advantages and disadvantages (see Table 1).

Table 2.1: Summary of advantages and disadvantages of ethnographic study and cross-cultural
study.

Interestingly, researchers—and the rest of us!—have as much to learn from cultural


similarities as cultural differences, and both require comparisons across cultures. For example,
Diener and Oishi (2000) were interested in exploring the relationship between money and
happiness. They were specifically interested in cross-cultural differences in levels of life
satisfaction between people from different cultures. To examine this question they used
international surveys that asked all participants the exact same question, such as “All things
considered, how satisfied are you with your life as a whole these days?” and used a standard
scale for answers; in this case one that asked people to use a 1-10 scale to respond. They also
collected data on average income levels in each nation, and adjusted these for local differences in
how many goods and services that money can buy.

The Diener research team discovered that, across more than 40 nations there was a tendency for
money to be associated with higher life satisfaction. People from richer countries such as
Denmark, Switzerland and Canada had relatively high satisfaction while their counterparts from
poorer countries such as India and Belarus had lower levels. There were some interesting
exceptions, however. People from Japan—a wealthy nation—reported lower satisfaction than did
their peers in nations with similar wealth. In addition, people from Brazil—a poorer nation—had
unusually high scores compared to their income counterparts.

One problem with cross-cultural studies is that they are vulnerable to ethnocentric bias This
means that the researcher who designs the study might be influenced by personal biases that
could affect research outcomes—without even being aware of it. For example, a study on
happiness across cultures might investigate the ways that personal freedom is associated with
feeling a sense of purpose in life. The researcher might assume that when people are free to
choose their own work and leisure, they are more likely to pick options they care deeply about.
Unfortunately, this researcher might overlook the fact that in much of the world it is considered
important to sacrifice some personal freedom in order to fulfill one’s duty to the group (Triandis,
1995). Because of the danger of this type of bias, social psychologists must continue to improve
their methodology.

What is Culture?

Defining Culture
Like the words “happiness” and “intelligence,” the word “culture” can be tricky to
define. Culture is a word that suggests social patterns of shared meaning. In essence, it is a
collective understanding of the way the world works, shared by members of a group and passed
down from one generation to the next. For example, members of the Yanomamö tribe, in South
America, share a cultural understanding of the world that includes the idea that there are four
parallel levels to reality that include an abandoned level, and earthly level and heavenly and hell-
like levels. Similarly, members of surfing culture understand their athletic pastime as being
worthwhile and governed by formal rules of etiquette known only to insiders. There are several
features of culture that are central to understanding the uniqueness and diversity of the human
mind:

1. Versatility: Culture can change and adapt. Someone from the state of Orissa, in India, for
example, may have multiple identities. She might see herself as Oriya when at home and
speaking her native language. At other times, such as during the national cricket match
against Pakistan, she might consider herself Indian. This is known as situational identity
2. Sharing: Culture is the product of people sharing with one another. Humans cooperate
and share knowledge and skills with other members of their networks. The ways they
share, and the content of what they share, helps make up culture. Older adults, for
instance, remember a time when long-distance friendships were maintained through
letters that arrived in the mail every few months. Contemporary youth culture
accomplishes the same goal through the use of instant text messages on smart phones.
3. Accumulation: Cultural knowledge is cumulative. That is, information is “stored.” This
means that a culture’s collective learning grows across generations. We understand more
about the world today than we did 200 years ago, but that doesn’t mean the culture from
long ago has been erased by the new. For instance, members of the Haida culture—a First
Nations people in British Columbia, Canada—profit from both ancient and modern
experiences. They might employ traditional fishing practices and wisdom stories while
also using modern technologies and services.
4. Patterns: There are systematic and predictable ways of behavior or thinking across
members of a culture. Patterns emerge from adapting, sharing, and storing cultural
information. Patterns can be both similar and different across cultures. For example, in
both Canada and India it is considered polite to bring a small gift to a host’s home. In
Canada, it is more common to bring a bottle of wine and for the gift to be opened right
away. In India, by contrast, it is more common to bring sweets, and often the gift is set
aside to be opened later.

Understanding the changing nature of culture is the first step toward appreciating how it helps
people. The concept of cultural intelligence is the ability to understand why members of other
cultures act in the ways they do. Rather than dismissing foreign behaviors as weird, inferior, or
immoral, people high in cultural intelligence can appreciate differences even if they do not
necessarily share another culture’s views or adopt its ways of doing things.

Thinking about Culture


One of the biggest problems with understanding culture is that the word itself is used in different
ways by different people. When someone says, “My company has a competitive culture,” does it
mean the same thing as when another person says, “I’m taking my children to the museum so
they can get some culture”? The truth is, there are many ways to think about culture. Here are
three ways to parse this concept:

1. Progressive cultivation: This refers to a relatively small subset of activities that are
intentional and aimed at “being refined.” Examples include learning to play a musical
instrument, appreciating visual art, and attending theater performances, as well as other
instances of so-called “high art.” This was the predominant use of the word culture
through the mid-19th century. This notion of culture formed the basis, in part, of a
superior mindset on the behalf of people from the upper economic classes. For instance,
many tribal groups were seen as lacking cultural sophistication under this definition. In
the late 19th century, as global travel began to rise, this understanding of culture was
largely replaced with an understanding of it as a way of life.
2. Ways of Life: This refers to distinct patterns of beliefs and behaviors widely shared
among members of a culture. The “ways of life” understanding of culture shifts the
emphasis to patterns of belief and behavior that persist over many generations. Although
cultures can be small—such as “school culture”—they usually describe larger
populations, such as nations. People occasionally confuse national identity with culture.
There are similarities in culture between Japan, China, and Korea, for example, even
though politically they are very different. Indeed, each of these nations also contains a
great deal of cultural variation within themselves.
3. Shared Learning: In the 20th century, anthropologists and social psychologists developed
the concept of enculturation to refer to the ways people learn about and shared cultural
knowledge. Where “ways of life” is treated as a noun “enculturation” is a verb. That is,
enculturation is a fluid and dynamic process. That is, it emphasizes that culture is a
process that can be learned. As children are raised in a society, they are taught how to
behave according to regional cultural norms. As immigrants settle in a new country, they
learn a new set of rules for behaving and interacting. In this way, it is possible for a
person to have multiple cultural scripts.

Table 2.2: Culture concepts and their application

The understanding of culture as a learned pattern of views and behaviors is interesting for several
reasons. First, it highlights the ways groups can come into conflict with one another. Members of
different cultures simply learn different ways of behaving. Modern youth culture, for instance,
interacts with technologies such as smart phones using a different set of rules than people who
are in their 40s, 50s, or 60s. Older adults might find texting in the middle of a face-to-face
conversation rude while younger people often do not. These differences can sometimes become
politicized and a source of tension between groups. One example of this is Muslim women who
wear a hijab, or head scarf. Non-Muslims do not follow this practice, so occasional
misunderstandings arise about the appropriateness of the tradition. Second, understanding that
culture is learned is important because it means that people can adopt an appreciation of patterns
of behavior that are different than their own. For example, non-Muslims might find it helpful to
learn about the hijab. Where did this tradition come from? What does it mean and what are
various Muslim opinions about wearing one? Finally, understanding that culture is learned can
be helpful in developing self-awareness. For instance, people from the United States might not
even be aware of the fact that their attitudes about public nudity are influenced by their cultural
learning. While women often go topless on beaches in Europe and women living a traditional
tribal existence in places like the South Pacific also go topless, it is illegal for women in some of
the United States to do so. These cultural norms for modesty—reflected in government laws and
policies– also enter the discourse on social issues such as the appropriateness of breast-feeding in
public. Understanding that your preferences are—in many cases—the products of cultural
learning might empower you to revise them if doing so will lead to a better life for you or others.

The Self and Culture

Figure 2.6 Bowl of the Buddhist priest In a


world that is increasingly connected by travel, technology, and business the ability to understand
and appreciate the differences between cultures is more important than ever. Psychologists call
this capability “cultural intelligence”. Bowl of the Buddhist priest. Source: Flickr CCO
1.0Traditionally, social psychologists have thought about how patterns of behavior have an
overarching effect on populations’ attitudes. Harry Triandis, a cross-cultural psychologist, has
studied culture in terms of individualism and collectivism. Triandis became interested in culture
because of his unique upbringing. Born in Greece, he was raised under both the German and
Italian occupations during World War II. The Italian soldiers broadcast classical music in the
town square and built a swimming pool for the townspeople. Interacting with these foreigners—
even though they were an occupying army—sparked Triandis’ curiosity about other cultures. He
realized that he would have to learn English if he wanted to pursue academic study outside of
Greece and so he practiced with the only local who knew the language: a mentally ill 70 year old
who was incarcerated for life at the local hospital. He went on to spend decades studying the
ways people in different cultures define themselves (Triandis, 2008).

So, what exactly were these two patterns of culture Triandis focused
on: individualism and collectivism? Individualists, such as most people born and raised in
Australia or the United States, define themselves as individuals. They seek personal freedom and
prefer to voice their own opinions and make their own decisions. By contrast, collectivists—such
as most people born and raised in Korea or in Taiwan— are more likely to emphasize their
connectedness to others. They are more likely to sacrifice their personal preferences if those
preferences come in conflict with the preferences of the larger group (Triandis, 1995).
Both individualism and collectivism can further be divided
into vertical and horizontal dimensions (Triandis, 1995). Essentially, these dimensions describe
social status among members of a society. People in vertical societies differ in status, with some
people being more highly respected or having more privileges, while in horizontal societies
people are relatively equal in status and privileges. These dimensions are, of course,
simplifications.

Neither individualism nor collectivism is the “correct way to live.” Rather, they are two separate
patterns with slightly different emphases. People from individualistic societies often have more
social freedoms, while collectivistic societies often have better social safety nets.

Table 2.3: Individualist and collectivist cultures

There are yet other ways of thinking about culture, as well. The cultural patterns of individualism
and collectivism are linked to an important psychological phenomenon: the way that people
understand themselves. Known as self-construal, this is the way people define the way they “fit”
in relation to others. Individualists are more likely to define themselves in terms of
an independent self. This means that people see themselves as A) being a unique individual with
a stable collection of personal traits, and B) that these traits drive behavior. By contrast, people
from collectivist cultures are more likely to identify with the interdependent self. This means that
people see themselves as A) defined differently in each new social context and B) social context,
rather than internal traits, are the primary drivers of behavior (Markus & Kitiyama, 1991).

What do the independent and interdependent self look like in daily life? One simple example can
be seen in the way that people describe themselves. Imagine you had to complete the sentence
starting with “I am…..”. And imagine that you had to do this 10 times. People with an
independent sense of self are more likely to describe themselves in terms of traits such as “I am
honest,” “I am intelligent,” or “I am talkative.” On the other hand, people with a more
interdependent sense of self are more likely to describe themselves in terms of their relation to
others such as “I am a sister,” “I am a good friend,” or “I am a leader on my team” (Markus,
1977).
The psychological consequences of having an independent or interdependent self can also appear
in more surprising ways. Take, for example, the emotion of anger. In Western cultures, where
people are more likely to have an independent self, anger arises when people’s personal wants,
needs, or values are attacked or frustrated (Markus & Kitiyama, 1994). Angry Westerners
sometimes complain that they have been “treated unfairly.” Simply put, anger—in the Western
sense—is the result of violations of the self. By contrast, people from interdependent self
cultures, such as Japan, are likely to experience anger somewhat differently. They are more
likely to feel that anger is unpleasant not because of some personal insult but because anger
represents a lack of harmony between people. In this instance, anger is particularly unpleasant
when it interferes with close relationships.

Culture is Learned
It’s important to understand that culture is learned. People aren’t born using chopsticks or being
good at soccer simply because they have a genetic predisposition for it. They learn to excel at
these activities because they are born in countries like Argentina, where playing soccer is an
important part of daily life, or in countries like Taiwan, where chopsticks are the primary eating
utensils. So, how are such cultural behaviors learned? It turns out that cultural skills and
knowledge are learned in much the same way a person might learn to do algebra or knit. They
are acquired through a combination of explicit teaching and implicit learning—by observing and
copying.

Cultural teaching can take many forms. It begins with parents and caregivers, because they are
the primary influence on young children. Caregivers teach kids, both directly and by example,
about how to behave and how the world works. They encourage children to be polite, reminding
them, for instance, to say “Thankyou.” They teach kids how to dress in a way that is appropriate
for the culture. They introduce children to religious beliefs and the rituals that go with them.
They even teach children how to think and feel! Adult men, for example, often exhibit a certain
set of emotional expressions—such as being tough and not crying—that provides a model of
masculinity for their children. This is why we see different ways of expressing the same
emotions in different parts of the world.

Figure 2.7 Brazil and Colombia match at the


FIFA World Cup Culture teaches us what behaviors and emotions are appropriate or expected
in different situations. Brazil and Colombia match at the FIFA World Cup. By: Portal de Copa
Source: Wikimediacommons CC BY 3.0

In some societies, it is considered appropriate to conceal anger. Instead of expressing their


feelings outright, people purse their lips, furrow their brows, and say little. In other cultures,
however, it is appropriate to express anger. In these places, people are more likely to bare their
teeth, furrow their brows, point or gesture, and yell (Matsumoto, Yoo, & Chung, 2010). Such
patterns of behavior are learned. Often, adults are not even aware that they are, in essence,
teaching psychology—because the lessons are happening through observational learning.

Let’s consider a single example of a way you behave that is learned, which might surprise you.
All people gesture when they speak. We use our hands in fluid or choppy motions—to point
things out, or to pantomime actions in stories. Consider how you might throw your hands up and
exclaim, “I have no idea!” or how you might motion to a friend that it’s time to go. Even people
who are born blind use hand gestures when they speak, so to some degree this is a universal
behavior, meaning all people naturally do it. However, social researchers have discovered that
culture influences how a person gestures. Italians, for example, live in a society full of gestures.
In fact, they use about 250 of them (Poggi, 2002)! Some are easy to understand, such as a hand
against the belly, indicating hunger. Others, however, are more difficult. For example, pinching
the thumb and index finger together and drawing a line backwards at face level means “perfect,”
while knocking a fist on the side of one’s head means “stubborn.”

Beyond observational learning, cultures also use ritual to teach people what is important. For
example, young people who are interested in becoming Buddhist monks often have to endure
rituals that help them shed feelings of specialness or superiority—feelings that run counter to
Buddhist doctrine. To do this, they might be required to wash their teacher’s feet, scrub toilets, or
perform other menial tasks. Similarly, many Jewish adolescents go through the process
of bar and bat mitzvah. This is a ceremonial reading from scripture that requires the study of
Hebrew and, when completed, signals that the youth is ready for full participation in public
worship.

Cultural Relativism
When social psychologists research culture, they try to avoid making value judgments. This is
known as value-free research and is considered an important approach to scientific objectivity.
But, while such objectivity is the goal, it is a difficult one to achieve. With this in mind,
anthropologists have tried to adopt a sense of empathy for the cultures they study. This has led
to cultural relativism, the principle of regarding and valuing the practices of a culture from the
point of view of that culture. It is a considerate and practical way to avoid hasty judgments. Take
for example, the common practice of same-sex friends in India walking in public while holding
hands: this is a common behavior and a sign of connectedness between two people. In England,
by contrast, holding hands is largely limited to romantically involved couples, and often suggests
a sexual relationship. These are simply two different ways of understanding the meaning of
holding hands. Someone who does not take a relativistic view might be tempted to see their own
understanding of this behavior as superior and, perhaps, the foreign practice as being immoral.
Despite the fact that cultural relativism promotes the appreciation for cultural differences, it can
also be problematic. At its most extreme it leaves no room for criticism of other cultures, even if
certain cultural practices are horrific or harmful. Many practices have drawn criticism over the
years. In Madagascar, for example, the famahidana funeral tradition includes bringing bodies
out from tombs once every seven years, wrapping them in cloth, and dancing with them. Some
people view this practice as disrespectful to the body of a deceased person. Another example can
be seen in the historical Indian practice of sati—the burning to death of widows on their
deceased husband’s funeral pyre. This practice was outlawed by the British when they colonized
India. Today, a debate rages about the ritual cutting of genitals of children in several Middle
Eastern and African cultures. To a lesser extent, this same debate arises around the circumcision
of baby boys in Western hospitals. When considering harmful cultural traditions, it can be
patronizing to the point of racism to use cultural relativism as an excuse for avoiding debate. To
assume that people from other cultures are neither mature enough nor responsible enough to
consider criticism from the outside is demeaning.

Figure 2.8 Friendship Day In some cultures,


it’s perfectly normal for same-sex friends to hold hands while in others, handholding is restricted
to romantically involved individuals only. Friendship Day. By: Subharnab Majumdar
Source: Flickr CC BY-2.0

Positive cultural relativism is the belief that the world would be a better place if everyone
practiced some form of intercultural empathy and respect. This approach offers a potentially
important contribution to theories of cultural progress: to better understand human behavior,
people should avoid adopting extreme views that block discussions about the basic morality or
usefulness of cultural practices.

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