Jupiter (mythology)

This article is about the Roman god. For other uses, see the gods rested.”[9] He personified the divine authority
Jupiter (disambiguation). of Rome’s highest offices, internal organization, and
“Jove” redirects here. For other uses, see Jove (disam- external relations. His image in the Republican and
biguation). Imperial Capitol bore regalia associated with Rome’s
ancient kings and the highest consular and Imperial
[10]
Jupiter, also Jove (Latin: Iūpiter [ˈjuːpɪtɛr] or Iuppiter honours.
[ˈjʊppɪtɛr],[1] gen. Iovis [ˈjɔwɪs]), is the god of sky and
thunder and king of the gods in Ancient Roman religion
and mythology. Jupiter was the chief deity of Roman
state religion throughout the Republican and Imperial
eras, until Christianity became the dominant religion of
the Empire. In Roman mythology, he negotiates with
Numa Pompilius, the second king of Rome, to establish
principles of Roman religion such as sacrifice.
Jupiter is usually thought to have originated as a sky god.
His identifying implement is the thunderbolt and his pri-
mary sacred animal is the eagle,[2] which held precedence Triumphator in his four-horse chariot, from the Arch of Titus
over other birds in the taking of auspices[3] and became
one of the most common symbols of the Roman army The consuls swore their oath of office in Jupiter’s name,
(see Aquila). The two emblems were often combined to and honoured him on the annual feriae of the Capitol in
represent the god in the form of an eagle holding in its September. To thank him for his help (and to secure his
claws a thunderbolt, frequently seen on Greek and Ro- continued support), they offered him a white ox (bos mas)
man coins.[4] As the sky-god, he was a divine witness to with gilded horns.[11] A similar offering was made by
oaths, the sacred trust on which justice and good govern- triumphal generals, who surrendered the tokens of their
ment depend. Many of his functions were focused on the victory at the feet of Jupiter’s statue in the Capitol. Some
Capitoline Hill, where the citadel was located. He was scholars have viewed the triumphator as embodying (or
the chief deity of the early Capitoline Triad with Mars impersonating) Jupiter in the triumphal procession.[12]
and Quirinus.[5] In the later Capitoline Triad, he was the
central guardian of the state with Juno and Minerva. His Jupiter’s association with kingship and sovereignty was
sacred tree was the oak. reinterpreted as Rome’s form of government changed.
Originally, Rome was ruled by kings; after the monar-
The Romans regarded Jupiter as the equivalent of the chy was abolished and the Republic established, religious
Greek Zeus,[6] and in Latin literature and Roman art, the prerogatives were transferred to the patres, the patrician
myths and iconography of Zeus are adapted under the ruling class. Nostalgia for the kingship (affectatio regni)
name Iuppiter. In the Greek-influenced tradition, Jupiter was considered treasonous. Those suspected of harbour-
was the brother of Neptune and Pluto. Each presided over ing monarchical ambitions were punished, regardless of
one of the three realms of the universe: sky, the waters, their service to the state. In the 5th century BC, the tri-
and the underworld. The Italic Diespiter was also a sky umphator Camillus was sent into exile after he drove a
god who manifested himself in the daylight, usually but chariot with a team of four white horses (quadriga)—an
not always identified with Jupiter.[7] Tinia is usually re- honour reserved for Jupiter himself. When Marcus Man-
garded as his Etruscan counterpart.[8] lius, whose defense of the Capitol against the invading
Gauls had earned him the name Capitolinus, was accused
of regal pretensions, he was executed as a traitor by being
cast from the Tarpeian Rock. His house on the Capitoline
1 Jupiter and the state Hill was razed, and it was decreed that no patrician should
ever be allowed to live there.[13] Capitoline Jupiter found
The Romans believed that Jupiter granted them himself in a delicate position: he represented a continu-
supremacy because they had honoured him more than ity of royal power from the Regal period, and conferred
any other people had. Jupiter was “the fount of the power on the magistrates who paid their respects to him;
auspices upon which the relationship of the city with at the same time he embodied that which was now for-

1
2 1 JUPITER AND THE STATE

bidden, abhorred, and scorned.[14] Some privileges of the flamen of Jupiter may reflect the
During the Conflict of the Orders, Rome’s plebeians de- regal nature of Jupiter: he had the use of the curule
manded the right to hold political and religious office. chair,[21] and was the only priest (sacerdos) who was pre-
During their first secessio (similar to a general strike), ceded by a lictor[22] and had a seat in the senate.[23] Other
they withdrew from the city and threatened to found regulations concern his ritual purity and his separation
their own. When they agreed to come back to Rome from the military function; he was forbidden to ride a
they vowed the hill where they had retreated to Jupiter horse or see the army outside the sacred boundary of
as symbol and guarantor of the unity of the Roman Rome (pomerium). Although he served the god who em-
bodied the sanctity of the oath, it was not religiously per-
res publica.[15] Plebeians eventually became eligible for
all the magistracies and most priesthoods, but the high missible (fas) for the Dialis to swear an oath.[24] He could
not have contacts with anything dead or connected with
priest of Jupiter (Flamen Dialis) remained the preserve
of patricians.[16] death: corpses, funerals, funeral fires, raw meat. This
set of restrictions reflects the fulness of life and absolute
freedom that are features of Jupiter.[25]
1.1 Flamen and Flaminica Dialis
1.2 Augurs

The augures publici, augurs were a college of sacerdotes

who were in charge of all inaugurations and of the per-
forming of ceremonies known as auguria. Their creation
was traditionally ascribed to Romulus. They were consid-
ered the only official interpreters of Jupiter’s will, thence
they were essential to the very existence of the Roman
State as Romans saw in Jupiter the only source of state
authority.

1.3 Fetials

The fetials were a college of 20 men devoted to the re-

ligious administration of international affairs of state.[26]
Detail of relief from the Augustan Altar of Peace, showing
Their task was to preserve and apply the fetial law (ius fe-
flamines wearing the pointed apex
tiale), a complex set of procedures aimed at ensuring the
protection of the gods in Rome’s relations with foreign
Main article: Flamen Dialis states. Iuppiter Lapis is the god under whose protection
they act, and whom the chief fetial (pater patratus) in-
Jupiter was served by the patrician Flamen Dialis, the vokes in the rite concluding a treaty.[27] If a declaration
highest-ranking member of the flamines, a college of fif- of war ensues, the fetial calls upon Jupiter and Quirinus,
teen priests in the official public cult of Rome, each of the heavenly, earthly and chthonic gods as witnesses of
whom was devoted to a particular deity. His wife, the any potential violation of the ius. He can then declare
Flaminica Dialis, had her own duties, and presided over war within 33 days.[28]
the sacrifice of a ram to Jupiter on each of the nundinae, The action of the fetials falls under Jupiter’s jurisdiction
the “market” days of a calendar cycle, comparable to a as the divine defender of good faith. Several emblems
week.[17] The couple were required to marry by the ex- of the fetial office pertain to Jupiter. The silex was the
clusive patrician ritual confarreatio, which included a sac-
stone used for the fetial sacrifice, housed in the Temple
rifice of spelt bread to Jupiter Farreus (from far, “wheat, of Iuppiter Feretrius, as was their sceptre. Sacred herbs
grain”).[18] (sagmina), sometimes identified as vervain, had to be
[29]
The office of Flamen Dialis was circumscribed by several taken from the nearby citadel (arx) for their ritual use.
unique ritual prohibitions, some of which shed light on
the sovereign nature of the god himself.[19] For instance,
the flamen may remove his clothes or apex (his pointed 1.4 Jupiter and religion in the secessions of
hat) only when under a roof, in order to avoid showing the plebs
himself naked to the sky—that is, “as if under the eyes of
Jupiter” as god of the heavens. Every time the Flaminica The role of Jupiter in the conflict of the orders is a re-
saw a lightning bolt or heard a clap of thunder (Jupiter’s flection of the religiosity of the Romans. Whereas the
distinctive instrument), she was prohibited from carrying patricians were able to claim the support of the supreme
on with her normal routine until she placated the god.[20] god quite naturally being the holders of the auspices of the
2.1 Birth 3

State, the plebeians argued that as Jupiter was the source

of justice he was on their side since their cause was just.
The first secession was caused by the excessive burden
of debts that weighed on the plebs. Because of the le-
gal institute of the nexum a debtor could become a slave
of his creditor. The plebeians argued the debts had be-
come unsustainable because of the expenses of the wars
wanted by the patricians. As the senate did not accede to
the proposal of a total debt remission advanced by dicta-
tor and augur Manius Valerius Maximus the plebs retired
on the Mount Sacer, a hill located three Roman miles to
the North-northeast of Rome, past the Nomentan bridge
on river Anio.[30] The place is windy and was usually the
site of rites of divination performed by haruspices. The
senate in the end sent a delegation composed of ten mem-
bers with full powers of making a deal with the plebs,
of which were part Menenius Agrippa and Manius Va-
lerius. It was Valerius, according to the inscription found
at Arezzo in 1688 and written on the order of Augustus as
well as other literary sources, that brought the plebs down
from the Mount, after the secessionists had consecrated
it to Jupiter Territor and built an altar (ara) on its sum-
mit. The fear of the wrath of Jupiter was an important
element in the solution of the crisis. The consecration
of the Mount probably referred to its summit only. The
ritual requested the participation of both an augur (pre-
sumably Manius Valerius himself) and a pontifex.[31]
The second secession was caused by the autocratic and ar- Jupiter in a wall painting from Pompeii, with eagle and globe
rogant behaviour of the decemviri who had been charged
by the Roman people with writing down the laws in use
till then kept secret by the patrician magistrates and the iconography reinterpreted the myths of Zeus in depic-
sacerdotes. All magistracies and the tribunes of the plebs tions and narratives of Jupiter. In the legendary history
had resigned in advance. The task resulted in the XII Ta- of Rome, Jupiter is often connected to kings and king-
bles, which though concerned only private law. The plebs ship.
once again retreated to the Sacer Mons: this act besides
recalling the first secession was meant to seek the protec-
tion of the supreme god. The secession ended with the 2.1 Birth
resignation of the decemviri and an amnesty for the re-
bellious soldiers who had deserted from their camp near Jupiter is depicted as the twin of Juno in a statue at
Mount Algidus while warring against the Volscians, aban- Praeneste that showed them nursed by Fortuna Primige-
doning the commanders. The amnesty was granted by nia.[34] An inscription that is also from Praeneste, how-
the senate and guaranteed by the pontifex maximus Quin- ever, says that Fortuna Primigenia was Jupiter’s first-born
tus Furius (in Livy’s version) (or Marcus Papirius) who child.[35] Jacqueline Champeaux sees this contradiction
also supervised the nomination of the new tribunes of the as the result of successive different cultural and religious
plebs, then gathered on the Aventine Hill. The role played phases, in which a wave of influence coming from the
by the pontifex maximus in a situation of vacation of pow- Hellenic world made Fortuna the daughter of Jupiter.[36]
ers is a significant element underlining the religious basis The childhood of Zeus is an important theme in Greek
and character of the tribunicia potestas.[32] religion, art and literature, but there are only rare (or du-
bious) depictions of Jupiter as a child.[37]

2 Myths and legends 2.2 Numa

A dominant line of scholarship has held that Rome Faced by a period of bad weather endangering the har-
lacked a body of myths in its earliest period, or that this vest during one early spring, King Numa resorted to the
original mythology has been irrecoverably obscured by scheme of asking the advice of the god by evoking his
the influence of the Greek narrative tradition.[33] After presence.[38] He succeeded through the help of Picus and
the Hellenization of Roman culture, Latin literature and Faunus, whom he had imprisoned by making them drunk.
4 3 CULT

The two gods (with a charm) evoked Jupiter, who was tolium Vetus. Macrobius writes this issued from his
forced to come down to earth at the Aventine (hence Samothracian mystery beliefs.[43]
named Iuppiter Elicius, according to Ovid). After Numa
skilfully avoided the requests of the god for human sacri-
fices, Jupiter agreed to his request to know how lightning 3 Cult
bolts are averted, asking only for the substitutions Numa
had mentioned: an onion bulb, hairs and a fish. More-
over, Jupiter promised that at the sunrise of the following
day he would give to Numa and the Roman people pawns
of the imperium. The following day, after throwing three
lightning bolts across a clear sky, Jupiter sent down from
heaven a shield. Since this shield had no angles, Numa
named it ancile; because in it resided the fate of the im-
perium, he had many copies made of it to disguise the real
one. He asked the smith Mamurius Veturius to make the
copies, and gave them to the Salii. As his only reward,
Mamurius expressed the wish that his name be sung in
the last of their carmina.[39] Plutarch gives a slightly dif-
ferent version of the story, writing that the cause of the
miraculous drop of the shield was a plague and not linking
it with the Roman imperium.[40]

2.3 Tullus Hostilius

Throughout his reign, King Tullus had a scornful attitude

towards religion. His temperament was warlike, and he
disregarded religious rites and piety. After conquering
the Albans with the duel between the Horatii and Curi-
atii, Tullus destroyed Alba Longa and deported its inhabi-
tants to Rome. As Livy tells the story, omens (prodigia) in
the form of a rain of stones occurred on the Alban Mount
because the deported Albans had disregarded their ances-
tral rites linked to the sanctuary of Jupiter. In addition to Emperor Marcus Aurelius, attended by his family, offers sacri-
the omens, a voice was heard requesting that the Albans fice outside the Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus after his victories
perform the rites. A plague followed and at last the king in Germany (late 2nd century AD). Capitoline Museum, Rome
himself fell ill. As a consequence, the warlike character
of Tullus broke down; he resorted to religion and petty,
superstitious practices. At last, he found a book by Numa
3.1 Sacrifices
recording a secret rite on how to evoke Iuppiter Elicius.
The king attempted to perform it, but since he executed
Sacrificial victims (hostiae) offered to Jupiter were the
the rite improperly the god threw a lightning bolt which
ox (castrated bull), the lamb (on the Ides, the ovis idulis)
burned down the king’s house and killed Tullus.[41]
and the wether (on the Ides of January).[44] The animals
were required to be white. The question of the lamb’s
gender is unresolved; while a lamb is generally male, for
2.4 Tarquin the Elder the vintage-opening festival the flamen Dialis sacrificed a
ewe.[45] This rule seems to have had many exceptions, as
When approaching Rome (where Tarquin was heading to
the sacrifice of a ram on the Nundinae by the flaminica
try his luck in politics after unsuccessful attempts in his
Dialis demonstrates. During one of the crises of the Punic
native Tarquinii), an eagle swooped down, removed his
Wars, Jupiter was offered every animal born that year.[46]
hat, flew screaming in circles, replaced the hat on his head
and flew away. Tarquin’s wife Tanaquil interpreted this as
a sign that he would become king based on the bird, the 3.2 Temples
quadrant of the sky from which it came, the god who had
sent it and the fact it touched his hat (an item of clothing 3.2.1 Temple of Capitoline Jupiter
placed on a man’s most noble part, the head).[42]
The Elder Tarquin is credited with introducing the Capi- Main article: Temple of Jupiter (Capitoline Hill)
toline Triad to Rome, by building the so-called Capi-
3.3 Iuppiter Latiaris and Feriae Latinae 5

The temple to Jupiter Optimus Maximus stood on the

Capitoline Hill.[47] Jupiter was worshiped there as an in-
dividual deity, and with Juno and Minerva as part of the
Capitoline Triad. The building was supposedly begun
by king Tarquinius Priscus, completed by the last king
(Tarquinius Superbus) and inaugurated in the early days
of the Roman Republic (September 13, 509 BC). It was
topped with the statues of four horses drawing a quadriga,
with Jupiter as charioteer. A large statue of Jupiter stood
within; on festival days, its face was painted red. [48] In
(or near) this temple was the Iuppiter Lapis: the Jupiter
Stone, on which oaths could be sworn.
Jupiter’s Capitoline Temple probably served as the archi-
tectural model for his provincial temples. When Hadrian
built Aelia Capitolina on the site of Jerusalem, a temple
to Jupiter Capitolinus was erected in the place of the de-
stroyed Temple in Jerusalem.

3.2.2 Other temples in Rome

There were two temples in Rome dedicated to Iuppiter

Stator; the first one was built and dedicated in 294 BC
by Marcus Atilius Regulus after the third Samnite War.
It was located on the Via Nova, below the Porta Mu-
gonia, ancient entrance to the Palatine.[49] Legend has
attributed its founding to Romulus.[50] There may have
been an earlier shrine (fanum), since the Jupiter’s cult is Altar to Jupiter on the outskirts of legionary fortress, 2nd–3rd
attested epigraphically.[51] Ovid places the temple’s ded- century AD. Inscription: “Dedicated by L. Lollius Clarus for him-
ication on June 27, but it is unclear whether this was the self and his family”
original date,[52] or the rededication after the restoration
by Augustus.[53]
A second temple of Iuppiter Stator was built and dedi- After the destruction of Alba by king Tullus Hostilius
cated by Quintus Caecilus Metellus Macedonicus after the cult was forsaken. The god manifested his discontent
his triumph in 146 BC near the Circus Flaminius. It was through the prodigy of a rain of stones: the commission
connected to the restored temple of Iuno Regina with a sent by the Roman senate to inquire was also greeted by
portico (porticus Metelli).[54] a rain of stones and heard a loud voice from the grove on
the summit of the mount requesting the Albans perform
Iuppiter Victor had a temple dedicated by Quintus Fabius the religious service to the god according to the rites of
Maximus Gurges during the third Samnite War in 295 their country. In consequence of this event the Romans
BC. Its location is unknown, but it may be on the Quiri- instituted a festival of nine days (nundinae). Nonethe-
nal, on which an inscription reading D]iovei Victore[55] less a plague ensued: in the end Tullus Hostilius himself
has been found, or on the Palatine according to the Noti- was affected and lastly killed by the god with a lightning
tia in the Liber Regionum (regio X), which reads: aedes bolt.[58] The festival was reestablished on its primitive site
Iovis Victoris. Either might have been dedicated on April by the last Roman king Tarquin the Proud under the lead-
13 or June 13 (days of Iuppiter Victor and of Iuppiter ership of Rome.
Invictus, respectively, in Ovid’s Fasti).[56] Inscriptions
from the imperial age have revealed the existence of an The feriae Latinae, or Latiar as they were known
[59]
otherwise-unknown temple of Iuppiter Propugnator on originally, were the common festival (panegyris) of the
the Palatine.[57] so-called Priscan Latins[60] and of the Albans.[61] Their
restoration aimed at grounding Roman hegemony in this
ancestral religious tradition of the Latins. The original
3.3 Iuppiter Latiaris and Feriae Latinae cult was reinstated unchanged as is testified by some ar-
chaic features of the ritual: the exclusion of wine from the
The cult of Iuppiter Latiaris was the most ancient known sacrifice[62] the offers of milk and cheese and the ritual
cult of the god: it was practised since very remote times use of rocking among the games. Rocking is one of the
near the top of the Mons Albanus on which the god was most ancient rites mimicking ascent to Heaven and is very
venerated as the high protector of the Latin League under widespread. At the Latiar the rocking took place on a
the hegemony of Alba Longa. tree and the winner was of course the one who had swung
6 4 RELIGIOUS CALENDAR

the highest. This rite was said to have been instituted by 4.2 Nundinae
the Albans to commemorate the disappearance of king
Latinus, in the battle against Mezentius king of Caere: The nundinae recurred every ninth day, dividing the cal-
the rite symbolised a search for him both on earth and endar into a market cycle analogous to a week. Mar-
in heaven. The rocking as well as the customary drinking ket days gave rural people (pagi) the opportunity to sell
of milk was also considered to commemorate and ritually in town and to be informed of religious and political
reinstate infancy.[63] The Romans in the last form of the edicts, which were posted publicly for three days. Ac-
rite brought the sacrificial ox from Rome and every par- cording to tradition, these festival days were instituted by
ticipant was bestowed a portion of the meat, rite known the king Servius Tullius.[75] The high priestess of Jupiter
as carnem petere.[64] Other games were held in every par- (Flaminica Dialis) sanctified the days by sacrificing a ram
ticipant borough. In Rome a race of chariots (quadrigae) to Jupiter.[76]
was held starting from the Capitol: the winner drank a
liquor made with absynth.[65] This competition has been
compared to the Vedic rite of the vajapeya: in it seven- 4.3 Festivals
teen chariots run a phoney race which must be won by
the king in order to allow him to drink a cup of madhu, See also: Roman festivals
i. e. soma.[66] The feasting lasted for at least four days,
possibly six according to Niebuhr, one day for each of the During the Republican era, more fixed holidays on the
six Latin and Alban decuriae.[67] According to different Roman calendar were devoted to Jupiter than to any other
records 47 or 53 boroughs took part in the festival (the deity.[77]
listed names too differ in Pliny NH III 69 and Dionysius
of Halicarnassus AR V 61). The Latiar became an im-
portant feature of Roman political life as they were feriae 4.3.1 Viniculture and wine
conceptivae, i. e. their date varied each year: the con-
suls and the highest magistrates were required to attend Festivals of viniculture and wine were devoted to Jupiter,
shortly after the beginning of the administration, origi- since grapes were particularly susceptible to adverse
nally on the Ides of March: the Feriae usually took place weather.[78] Dumézil describes wine as a “kingly” drink
in early April. They could not start campaigning before with the power to inebriate and exhilarate, analogous to
its end and if any part of the games had been neglected the Vedic Soma.[79]
or performed unritually the Latiar had to be wholly re- Three Roman festivals were connected with viniculture
peated. The inscriptions from the imperial age record the and wine.
festival back to the time of the decemvirs.[68] Wissowa
remarks the inner linkage of the temple of the Mons Al- The rustic Vinalia altera on August 19 asked for good
banus with that of the Capitol apparent in the common weather for ripening the grapes before harvest.[80] When
association with the rite of the triumph:[69] since 231 BC the grapes were ripe,[81] a sheep was sacrificed to Jupiter
some triumphing commanders had triumphed there first and the flamen Dialis cut the first of the grape harvest.[82]
with the same legal features as in Rome.[70] The Meditrinalia on October 11 marked the end of the
grape harvest; the new wine was pressed, tasted and
mixed with old wine[83] to control fermentation. In the
Fasti Amiternini, this festival is assigned to Jupiter. Later
4 Religious calendar Roman sources invented a goddess Meditrina, probably
to explain the name of the festival.[84]
See also: Roman calendar At the Vinalia urbana on April 23, new wine was offered
to Jupiter.[85] Large quantities of it were poured into a
ditch near the temple of Venus Erycina, which was lo-
cated on the Capitol.[86]

4.1 Ides
4.3.2 Regifugium and Poplifugium
The Ides (the midpoint of the month, with a full moon)
was sacred to Jupiter, because on that day heavenly light See also: Regifugium and Poplifugia
shone day and night.[71] Some (or all) Ides were Feriae Io-
vis, sacred to Jupiter.[72] On the Ides, a white lamb (ovis The Regifugium (“King’s Flight”)[87] on February 24 has
idulis) was led along Rome’s Sacred Way to the Capitoline often been discussed in connection with the Poplifugia
Citadel and sacrificed to him.[73] Jupiter’s two epula Iovis on July 5, a day holy to Jupiter.[88] The Regifugium
festivals fell on the Ides, as did his temple foundation rites followed the festival of Iuppiter Terminus (Jupiter of
as Optimus Maximus, Victor, Invictus and (possibly) Sta- Boundaries) on February 23. Later Roman antiquarians
tor.[74] misinterpreted the Regifugium as marking the expulsion
 7

of the monarchy, but the “king” of this festival may The Ludi Plebei took place in November in the Circus
have been the priest known as the rex sacrorum who Flaminius.[101] Mommsen argued that the epulum of
ritually enacted the waning and renewal of power as- the Ludi Plebei was the model of the Ludi Romani,
sociated with the New Year (March 1 in the old Ro- but Wissowa finds the evidence for this assumption
man calendar).[89] A temporary vacancy of power (con- insufficient.[102] The Ludi Plebei were probably estab-
strued as a yearly "interregnum") occurred between the lished in 534 BC. Their association with the cult of Jupiter
Regifugium on February 24 and the New Year on March 1 is attested by Cicero.[103]
(when the lunar cycle was thought to coincide again with
the solar cycle), and the uncertainty and change during
the two winter months were over.[90] Some scholars em- 4.3.5 Larentalia
phasize the traditional political significance of the day.[91]
The feriae of December 23 were devoted to a major
The Poplifugia (“Routing of Armies”[92] ), a day sacred
ceremony in honour of Acca Larentia (or Larentina), in
to Jupiter, may similarly mark the second half of the
which some of the highest religious authorities partici-
year; before the Julian calendar reform, the months were
pated (probably including the Flamen Quirinalis and the
named numerically, Quintilis (the fifth month) to Decem-
pontiffs). The Fasti Praenestini marks the day as feriae
ber (the tenth month).[93] The Poplifugia was a “primi-
Iovis, as does Macrobius.[104] It is unclear whether the
tive military ritual” for which the adult male population
rite of parentatio was itself the reason for the festival of
assembled for purification rites, after which they ritually
Jupiter, or if this was another festival which happened to
dispelled foreign invaders from Rome.[94]
fall on the same day. Wissowa denies their association,
since Jupiter and his flamen would not be involved with
4.3.3 Epula Iovis the underworld or the deities of death (or be present at a
funeral rite held at a gravesite).[105]
See also: Epulum Jovis

There were two festivals called epulum Iovis (“Feast of 5 Name and epithets
Jove”). One was held on September 13, the anniver-
sary of the foundation of Jupiter’s Capitoline temple. The Latin name Iuppiter originated as a vocative com-
The other (and probably older) festival was part of the pound of the Old Latin vocative *Iou and pater (“fa-
Plebeian Games (Ludi Plebei), and was held on Novem- ther”) and came to replace the Old Latin nominative
ber 13.[95] In the 3rd century BC, the epulum Iovis be- case *Ious. Jove[106] is a less common English forma-
came similar to a lectisternium.[96] tion based on Iov-, the stem of oblique cases of the Latin
name. Linguistic studies identify the form *Iou-pater
as deriving from the Indo-European vocative compound
4.3.4 Ludi *Dyēu-pəter (meaning “O Father Sky-god"; nominative:
*Dyēus-pətēr).[107]
See also: Ludi
Older forms of the deity’s name in Rome were Dieus-
pater (“day/sky-father”), then Diéspiter.[108] The 19th-
The most ancient Roman games followed after one day century philologist Georg Wissowa asserted these names
(considered a dies ater, or “black day”, i. e. a day which are conceptually- and linguistically-connected to Diovis
was traditionally considered unfortunate even though it and Diovis Pater; he compares the analogous formations
was not nefas, see also article Glossary of ancient Roman Vedius-Veiove and fulgur Dium, as opposed to fulgur
religion) the two Epula Iovis of September and Novem- Summanum (nocturnal lightning bolt) and flamen Dialis
ber. (based on Dius, dies).[109] The Ancient later viewed them
The games of September were named Ludi Magni; origi- as entities separate from Jupiter. The terms are similar in
nally they were not held every year, but later became the etymology and semantics (dies, “daylight” and Dius, “day-
annual Ludi Romani[97] and were held in the Circus Max- time sky”), but differ linguistically. Wissowa considers
imus after a procession from the Capitol. The games the epithet Dianus noteworthy.[110][111] Dieus is the ety-
were attributed to Tarquinius Priscus,[98] and linked to mological equivalent of ancient Greece's Zeus and of the
the cult of Jupiter on the Capitol. Romans themselves ac- Teutonics’ Ziu (genitive Ziewes). The Indo-European de-
knowledged analogies with the triumph, which Dumézil ity is the god from which the names and partially the the-
thinks can be explained by their common Etruscan origin; ology of Jupiter, Zeus and the Indo-Aryan Vedic Dyaus
the magistrate in charge of the games dressed as the tri- Pita derive or have developed.[112]
umphator and the pompa circensis resembled a triumphal The Roman practice of swearing by Jove to witness an
procession. Wissowa and Mommsen argue that they were oath in law courts[113] is the origin of the expression “by
a detached part of the triumph on the above grounds[99] Jove!"—archaic, but still in use. The name of the god
(a conclusion which Dumézil rejects).[100] was also adopted as the name of the planet Jupiter; the
8 5 NAME AND EPITHETS

mount had two tops that were both destined to the dis-
charge of acts of cult related to Jupiter. The northern and
higher top was the arx and on it was located the observa-
tion place of the augurs (auguraculum) and to it headed
the monthly procession of the sacra Idulia.[116] On the
southern top was to be found the most ancient sanctu-
ary of the god: the shrine of Iuppiter Feretrius allegedly
built by Romulus, restored by Augustus. The god here
had no image and was represented by the sacred flint-
stone (silex).[117] The most ancient known rites, those of
the spolia opima and of the fetials which connect Jupiter
with Mars and Quirinus are dedicated to Iuppiter Fere-
trius or Iuppiter Lapis.[118] The concept of the sky god
was already overlapped with the ethical and political do-
main since this early time. According to Wissowa and
Dumézil[119] Iuppiter Lapis seems to be inseparable from
Iuppiter Feretrius in whose tiny templet on the Capitol the
stone was lodged.
Another most ancient epithet is Lucetius: although the
Ancients, followed by some modern scholars such as
Wissowa,[109] interpreted it as referring to sunlight, the
carmen Saliare shows that it refers to lightning.[120] A fur-
ther confirmation of this interpretation is provided by the
sacred meaning of lightning which is reflected in the sen-
sitivity of the flaminica Dialis to the phenomenon.[121]
To the same atmospheric complex belongs the epithet
Elicius: while the ancient erudites thought it was con-
nected to lightning, it is in fact related to the opening
of the rervoirs of rain, as is testified by the ceremony
Neo-Attic bas-relief sculpture of Jupiter, holding a thunderbolt of the Nudipedalia, meant to propitiate rainfall and de-
in his right hand; detail from the Moncloa Puteal (Roman, 2nd voted to Jupiter.[122] and the ritual of the lapis manalis,
century), National Archaeological Museum, Madrid the stone which was brought into the city through the
Porta Capena and carried around in times of drought,
which was named Aquaelicium.[123] Other early epithets
adjective "jovial" originally described those born under connected with the atmospheric quality of Jupiter are Plu-
the planet of Jupiter[114] (reputed to be jolly, optimistic, vius, Imbricius, Tempestas, Tonitrualis, tempestatium div-
and buoyant in temperament). inarum potens, Serenator, Serenus[124][125] and, referred to
Jove was the original namesake of Latin forms of the lightning, Fulgur,[126] Fulgur Fulmen,[127] later as nomen
weekday now known in English as Thursday[115] (orig- agentis Fulgurator, Fulminator:[128] the high antiquity of
inally called Iovis Dies in Latin). These became jeudi the cult is testified by the neutre form Fulgur and the use
in French, jueves in Spanish, joi in Romanian, giovedì of the term for the bidental, the lightning well dug on the
in Italian, dijous in Catalan, Xoves in Galician, Joibe in spot hit by a lightning bolt.[129]
Friulian, Dijóu in Provençal. A group of epithets has been interpreted by Wissowa (and
his followers) as a reflection of the agricultural or warring
nature of the god, some of which are also in the list of
5.1 Major epithets eleven preserved by Augustine.[130][131] The agricultural
ones include Opitulus, Almus, Ruminus, Frugifer, Farreus,
Main article: Epithets of Jupiter Pecunia, Dapalis,[132] Epulo.[133] Augustine gives an ex-
planation of the ones he lists which should reflect Varro’s:
The epithets of a Roman god indicate his theological Opitulus because he brings opem (means, relief) to the
qualities. The study of these epithets must consider their needy, Almus because he nourishes everything, Ruminus
origins (the historical context of an epithet’s source). because he nourishes the living beings by breastfeeding
them, Pecunia because everything belongs to him.[134]
Jupiter’s most ancient attested forms of cult belong to the Dumézil maintains the cult usage of these epithets is not
State cult: these include the mount cult (see section above documented and that the epithet Ruminus, as Wissowa
note n. 22). In Rome this cult entailed the existence and Latte remarked, may not have the meaning given by
of particular sanctuaries the most important of which Augustine but it should be understood as part of a se-
were located on Mons Capitolinus (earlier Tarpeius). The
5.1 Major epithets 9

interrupt with a clap of thunder.[137]

The epithet Dapalis is on the other hand connected to a
rite described by Cato and mentioned by Festus.[138] Be-
fore the sowing of autumn or spring the peasant offered
a banquet of roast beef and a cup of wine to Jupiter : it
is natural that on such occasions he would entreat the god
who has power over the weather, however Cato' s prayer
of s one of sheer offer and no request. The language
suggests another attitude: Jupiter is invited to a banquet
which is supposedly abundant and magnificent. The god
is honoured as summus. The peasant may hope he shall
receive a benefit, but he does not say it. This interpre-
tation finds support in the analogous urban ceremony of
the epulum Iovis, from which the god derives the epithet
of Epulo and which was a magnificent feast accompanied
by flutes.[139]
Epithets related to warring are in Wissowa’s view Iuppiter
Feretrius, Iuppiter Stator, Iuppiter Victor and Iuppiter In-
victus.[140] Feretrius would be connected with war by the
rite of the first type of spolia opima which is in fact a
dedication to the god of the arms of the defeated king of
the enemy that happens whenever he has been killed by
the king of Rome or his equivalent authority. Here too
Dumézil notes the dedication has to do with regality and
not with war, since the rite is in fact the offer of the arms
of a king by a king: a proof of such an assumption is pro-
vided by the fact that the arms of an enemy king captured
by an officer or a common soldier were dedicated to Mars
and Quirinus respectively.
Iuppiter Stator was first attributed by tradition to Romu-
lus, who had prayed the god for his almighty help at a
difficult time the battle with the Sabines of king Titus
A bronze statue of Jupiter, from the territory of the Treveri Tatius.[141] Dumézil opines the action of Jupiter is not
that of a god of war who wins through fighting: Jupiter
acts by causing an inexplicable change in the morale of
ries including Rumina, Ruminalis ficus, Iuppiter Ruminus, the fighters of the two sides. The same feature can be
which bears the name of Rome itself with an Etruscan detected also in the certainly historical record of the bat-
vocalism preserved in inscriptions, series that would be tle of the third Samnite War in 294 BC, in which consul
preserved in the sacred language (cf. Rumach Etruscan Marcus Atilius Regulus vowed a temple to Iuppiter Sta-
for Roman). However many scholars have argued that the tor if “Jupiter will stop the rout of the Roman army and
name of Rome, Ruma, meant in fact woman’s breast.[135] if afterwards the Samnite legions shall be victouriously
Diva Rumina, as Augustine testifies in the cited passage, massacred...It looked as if the gods themselves had taken
was the goddess of suckling babies: she was venerated side with Romans, so much easily did the Roman arms
near the ficus ruminalis and was offered only libations succeed in prevailing...”.[142][143] In a similar manner one
of milk.[136] Here moreover Augustine cites the verses can explain the epithet Victor, whose cult was founded in
devoted to Jupiter by Quintus Valerius Soranus, while 295 BC on the battlefield of Sentinum by Quintus Fabius
hypothesising Iuno (more adept in his view as a breast- Maximus Gurges and who received another vow again
feeder), i.e. Rumina instead of Ruminus, might be noth- in 293 by consul Lucius Papirius Cursor before a battle
ing else than Iuppiter: "Iuppiter omnipotens regum re- against the Samnite legio linteata. The religious meaning
rumque deumque Progenitor genetrixque deum...". of the vow is in both cases an appeal to the supreme god
In Dumézil’s opinion Farreus should be understood as re- by a Roman chief at a time of need for divine help from
lated to the rite of the confarreatio the most sacred form the supreme god, albeit for different reasons: Fabius had
of marriage, the name of which is due to the spelt cake remained the only political and military responsible of the
eaten by the spouses, rather than surmising an agricul- Roman State after the devotio of P. Decius Mus, Papirius
tural quality of the god: the epithet means the god was had to face an enemy who had acted with impious rites
the guarantor of the effects of the ceremony, to which and vows, i.e. was religiously reprehensible.[144]
the presence of his flamen is necessary and that he can
10 5 NAME AND EPITHETS

More recently Dario Sabbatucci has given a different in- • Jupiter Fulgur (“Lightning Jupiter”), Fulgurator
terpretation of the meaning of Stator within the frame of or Fulgens
his structuralistic and dialectic vision of Roman calendar,
identifying oppositions, tensions and equilibria: January • Jupiter Lucetius (“of the light”), an epithet almost
is the month of Janus, at the beginning of the year, in certainly related to the light or flame of lightning-
the uncertain time of winter (the most ancient calendar bolts and not to daylight, as indicated by the Jovian
had only ten months, from March to December). In this verses of the carmen Saliare.[149]
month Janus deifies kingship and defies Jupiter. More-
• Jupiter Optimus Maximus (" the best and great-
over, January sees also the presence of Veiovis who ap-
est”). Optumus[150] because of the benefits he be-
pears as an anti-Jupiter, of Carmenta who is the goddess
stows, Maximus because of his strength, according
of birth and like Janus has two opposed faces, Prorsa
to Cicero Pro Domo Sua.[151]
and Postvorta (also named Antevorta and Porrima), of
Iuturna, who as a gushing spring evokes the process of • Jupiter Pluvius, “sender of rain”.
coming into being from non-being as the god of passage
and change does. In this period the preeminence of Janus • Jupiter Ruminus, “breastfeeder of every living be-
needs compensating on the Ides through the action of ing”, according to Augustine.[152]
Jupiter Stator, who plays the role of anti-Janus, i.e. of
moderator of the action of Janus.[145] • Jupiter Stator, from stare, “to stand": “he who has
power of founding, instituting everything”, thence
also he who makes people, soldiers, stand firm and
5.1.1 Epithets denoting functionality fast[153]

Some epithets describe a particular aspect of the god, or • Jupiter Summanus, sender of nocturnal thunder
one of his functions:
• Jupiter Terminalus or Iuppiter Terminus, patron
and defender of boundaries
• Jove Aegiochus, Jove “Holder of the Goat or
Aegis”, as the father of Aegipan.[146] • Jupiter Tigillus, “beam or shaft that supports and
• Jupiter Caelus, Jupiter as the sky or heavens; see holds together the universe.”[154]
also Caelus. • Jupiter Tonans, “thunderer”
• Jupiter Caelestis, “Heavenly” or “Celestial
• Jupiter Victor, “he who has the power of conquer-
Jupiter”.
ing everything.”[154]
• Jupiter Elicius, Jupiter “who calls forth [celestial
omens]" or “who is called forth [by incantations]";
“sender of rain”. 5.1.2 Syncretic or geographical epithets

• Jupiter Feretrius, who carries away the spoils of Some epithets of Jupiter indicate his association with a
war". Feretrius was called upon to witness solemn particular place. Epithets found in the provinces of the
oaths.[147] The epithet or "numen" is probably con- Roman Empire may identify Jupiter with a local deity or
nected with the verb ferire, “to strike,” referring to a site (see syncretism).
ritual striking of ritual as illustrated in foedus ferire,
of which the silex, a quartz rock, is evidence in his • Jupiter Ammon, Jupiter equated with the Egyptian
temple on the Capitoline hill, which is said to have deity Amun after the Roman conquest of Egypt
been the first temple in Rome, erected and dedicated
by Romulus to commemorate his winning of the • Jupiter Brixianus, Jupiter equated with the local
spolia opima from Acron, king of the Caeninenses, god of the town of Brescia in Cisalpine Gaul (mod-
and to serve as a repository for them. Iuppiter Fer- ern North Italy)
etrius was therefore equivalent to Iuppiter Lapis, the
latter used for a specially solemn oath.[148] Accord- • Jupiter Capitolinus, also Jupiter Optimus Max-
ing to Livy I 10, 5 and Plutarch Marcellus 8 though, imus, venerated throughout the Roman Empire at
the meaning of this epithet is related to the peculiar sites with a Capitol (Capitolium)
frame used to carry the spolia opima to the god, the
feretrum, itself from verb fero, • Jupiter Dolichenus, from Doliche in Syria, origi-
nally a Baal weather and war god. From the time
• Jupiter Centumpeda, literally, “he who has one of Vespasian, he was popular among the Roman le-
hundred feet"; that is, “he who has the power of es- gions as god of war and victory, especially on the
tablishing, of rendering stable, bestowing stability Danube at Carnuntum. He is depicted as standing
on everything”, since he himself is the paramount on a bull, with a thunderbolt in his left hand, and a
of stability. double ax in the right.
6.2 Jovian theology 11

• Jupiter Indiges, “Jupiter of the country,” a ti- provides glimpses into Varro’s theological system and
tle given to Aeneas after his death, according to authentic Roman theological lore in general. Accord-
Livy[155] ing to Augustine,[160] Varro drew on the pontiff Mucius
Scaevola's tripartite theology:
• Jupiter Ladicus, Jupiter equated with a Celtiberian
mountain-god and worshipped as the spirit of Mount
Ladicus in Gallaecia, northwest Iberia,[156] pre- • The mythic theology of the poets (useful for the
served in the toponym Codos de Ladoco. [157] theatre)

• Jupiter Laterius or Latiaris, the god of Latium • The physical theology of the philosophers (useful for
understanding the natural world)
• Jupiter Parthinus or Partinus, under this name
was worshiped on the borders of northeast Dalmatia • The civil theology of the priests (useful for the
and Upper Moesia, perhaps associated with the local state)[161]
tribe known as the Partheni.

• Jupiter Poeninus, under this name worshipped in

the Alps, around the Great St Bernard Pass, where 6.2 Jovian theology
he had a sanctuary.
Georg Wissowa stressed Jupiter’s uniqueness as the
• Jupiter Solutorius, a local version of Jupiter wor- only case among Indo-European religions in which the
shipped in Spain; he was syncretised with the local original god preserved his name, his identity and his
Iberian god Eacus. prerogatives.[109] In this view, Jupiter is the god of heaven
and retains his identification with the sky among the Latin
• Jupiter Taranis, Jupiter equated with the Celtic poets (his name is used as a synonym for “sky”.[162] ) In
god Taranis. this respect, he differs from his Greek equivalent Zeus
• Jupiter Uxellinus, Jupiter as a god of high moun- (who is considered a personal god, warden and dispenser
tains. of skylight). His name reflects this idea; it is a derivative
of the Indo-European word for “bright, shining sky”. His
residence is found atop the hills of Rome and of moun-
In addition, many of the epithets of Zeus can be found tains in general; as a result, his cult is present in Rome
applied to Jupiter, by interpretatio romana. Thus, since and throughout Italy at upper elevations.[163] Jupiter as-
the hero Trophonius (from Lebadea in Boeotia) is called sumed atmospheric qualities; he is the wielder of light-
Zeus Trophonius, this can be represented in English (as ning and the master of weather. However, Wissowa ac-
it would be in Latin) as Jupiter Trophonius. Similarly, knowledges that Jupiter is not merely a naturalistic, heav-
the Greek cult of Zeus Meilichios appears in Pompeii as enly, supreme deity; he is in continual communication
Jupiter Meilichius. Except in representing actual cults in with man by means of thunder, lightning and the flight
Italy, this is largely 19th-century usage; modern works of birds (his auspices). Through his vigilant watch he is
distinguish Jupiter from Zeus. also the guardian of public oaths and compacts and the
guarantor of good faith in the State cult.Wissowa (1912),
pp. 100-101 The Jovian cult was common to the Italic
6 Theology people under the names Iove, Diove (Latin) and Iuve, Di-
uve (Oscan, in Umbrian only Iuve, Iupater in the Iguvine
Tables).
6.1 Sources
Wissowa considered Jupiter also a god of war and agri-
Marcus Terentius Varro and Verrius Flaccus[158] were the culture, in addition to his political role as guarantor of
main sources on the theology of Jupiter and archaic Ro- good faith (public and private) as Iuppiter Lapis and Dius
man religion in general. Varro was acquainted with the Fidius, respectively. His view is grounded in the sphere
libri pontificum (“books of the Pontiffs") and their ar- of action of the god (who intervenes in battle and influ-
chaic classifications.[159] On these two sources depend ences the harvest through weather).Wissowa (1912), pp.
other ancient authorities, such as Ovid, Servius, Aulus 103–108
Gellius, Macrobius, patristic texts, Dionysius of Halicar- In Georges Dumézil's view, Jovian theology (and that
nassus and Plutarch. of the equivalent gods in other Indo-European religions)
One of the most important sources which preserve the is an evolution from a naturalistic, supreme, celestial
theology of Jupiter and other Roman deities is The City god identified with heaven to a sovereign god, a wielder
of God against the Pagans by Augustine of Hippo. Au- of lightning bolts, master and protector of the commu-
gustine’s criticism of traditional Roman religion is based nity (in other words, of a change from a naturalistic ap-
on Varro’s lost work, Antiquitates Rerum Divinarum. Al- proach to the world of the divine to a socio-political
though a work of Christian apologetics, The City of God approach).[164]
12 7 RELATION TO OTHER GODS

(the most belligerent of the Roman kings), who was killed

by Jupiter with a lightning bolt (indicating that he did not
enjoy the god’s favour). Varro’s definition of Jupiter as
the god who has under his jurisdiction the full expres-
sion of every being (penes Iovem sunt summa) reflects the
sovereign nature of the god, as opposed to the jurisdiction
of Janus (god of passages and change) on their beginning
(penes Ianum sunt prima).[167]

7 Relation to other gods

7.1 Archaic Triad

Main article: Archaic Triad

The Archaic Triad is a theological structure (or system)

consisting of the gods Jupiter, Mars and Quirinus. It was
first described by Wissowa,[168] and the concept was de-
One interpretation of the lightning in Giorgione's Tempest is that veloped further by Dumézil. The three-function hypothe-
it represents the presence of Jupiter.[165] sis of Indo-European society advanced by Dumézil holds
that in prehistory, society was divided into three classes
(priests, warriors and craftsmen) which had as their reli-
In Vedic religion, Dyaus Pitar remained confined to his gious counterparts the divine figures of the sovereign god,
distant, removed, passive role and the place of sovereign the warrior god and the civil god. The sovereign func-
god was occupied by Varuna and Mitra. In Greek and tion (embodied by Jupiter) entailed omnipotence; thence,
Roman religion, instead, the homonymous gods *Diou- a domain extended over every aspect of nature and life.
and Διϝ- evolved into atmospheric deities; by their mas- The colour relating to the sovereign function is white.
tery of thunder and lightning, they expressed themselves The three functions are interrelated with one another,
and made their will known to the community. In Rome, overlapping to some extent; the sovereign function, al-
Jupiter also sent signs to the leaders of the state in the though essentially religious in nature, is involved in many
form of auspices in addition to thunder. The art of augury ways in areas pertaining to the other two. Therefore,
was considered prestigious by ancient Romans; by send- Jupiter is the “magic player” in the founding of the Ro-
ing his signs, Jupiter (the sovereign of heaven) communi- man state and the fields of war, agricultural plenty, human
cates his advice to his terrestrial colleague: the king (rex) fertility and wealth.[169]
or his successor magistrates. The encounter between the
heavenly and political, legal aspects of the deity are well
represented by the prerogatives, privileges, functions and 7.2 Capitoline Triad
taboos proper to his flamen (the flamen Dialis and his
wife, the flaminica Dialis). See also: Capitoline Triad
Dumézil maintains that Jupiter is not himself a god of war The Capitoline Triad was introduced to Rome by the
and agriculture, although his actions and interest may ex-
tend to these spheres of human endeavour. His view is
based on the methodological assumption that the chief
criterion for studying a god’s nature is not to consider his
field of action, but the quality, method and features of his
action. Consequently, the analysis of the type of action
performed by Jupiter in the domains in which he operates
indicates that Jupiter is a sovereign god who may act in the
field of politics (as well as agriculture and war) in his ca-
pacity as such, i.e. in a way and with the features proper to
a king. Sovereignty is expressed through the two aspects
of absolute, magic power (epitomised and represented by
the Vedic god Varuna) and lawful right (by the Vedic god
Mitra).[166] However, sovereignty permits action in every Capitoline Triad
field; otherwise, it would lose its essential quality. As a
further proof, Dumézil cites the story of Tullus Hostilius Tarquins. Dumézil[170] thinks it might have been an Etr-
7.5 Janus 13

uscan (or local) creation based on Vitruvius’ treatise on the primordial and sovereign level, as it finds a parallel
architecture, in which the three deities are associated as in Vedic religion.[179] The contradiction would put For-
the most important. It is possible that the Etruscans paid tuna both at the origin of time and into its ensuing di-
particular attention to Menrva (Minerva) as a goddess of achronic process: it is the comparison offered by Vedic
destiny, in addition to the royal couple Uni (Juno) and deity Aditi, the Not-Bound or Enemy of Bondage, that
Tinia (Jupiter).[171] In Rome, Minerva later assumed a shows that there is no question of choosing one of the
military aspect under the influence of Athena Pallas (Po- two apparent options: as the mother of the Aditya she
lias). Dumézil argues that with the advent of the Re- has the same type of relationship with one of his sons,
public, Jupiter became the only king of Rome, no longer Dakṣa, the minor sovereign. who represents the Creative
merely the first of the great gods. Energy, being at the same time his mother and daughter,
as is true for the whole group of sovereign gods to which
she belongs.[180] Moreover, Aditi is thus one of the heirs
7.3 Jupiter and Minerva (along with Savitr) of the opening god of the Indoiranians,
as she is represented with her head on her two sides, with
Apart from being protectress of the arts and craft as Min- the two faces looking opposite directions.[181] The mother
erva Capta, who was brought from Falerii, Minerva’s as- of the sovereign gods has thence two solidal but distinct
sociation to Jupiter and relevance to Roman state reli- modalities of duplicity, i.e. of having two foreheads and
gion is mainly linked to the Palladium, a wooden statue a double position in the genealogy. Angelo Brelich has
of Athena that could move the eyes and wave the spear. interpreted this theology as the basic opposition between
It was stored in the penus interior, inner penus of the the primordial absence of order (chaos) and the organi-
aedes Vestae, temple of Vesta and considered the most sation of the cosmos.[182]
important among the pignora imperii, pawns of domin-
ion, empire.[172] In Roman traditional lore it was brought
from Troy by Aeneas. Scholars though think it was last
taken to Rome in the third or second century BC.[173] 7.5 Janus

Main article: Janus

7.4 Juno and Fortuna
The relation of Jupiter to Janus is problematic. Varro de-
The divine couple received from Greece its matrimonial
fines Jupiter as the god who has potestas (power) over the
implications, thence bestowing on Juno the role of tute-
forces by which anything happens in the world. Janus,
lary goddess of marriage (Iuno Pronuba).
however, has the privilege of being invoked first in rites,
The couple itself though cannot be reduced to a Greek ap- since in his power are the beginnings of things (prima),
port. The association of Juno and Jupiter is of the most the appearance of Jupiter included.[183]
ancient Latin theology.[174] Praeneste offers a glimpse
into original Latin mythology: the local goddess Fortuna
is represented as milking two infants, one male and one
female, namely Jove (Jupiter) and Juno.[175] It seems 7.6 Saturn
fairly safe to assume that from the earliest times they were
identified by their own proper names and since they got Main article: Saturn (mythology)
them they were never changed through the course of his-
tory: they were called Jupiter and Juno. These gods were The Latins considered Saturn the predecessor of Jupiter.
the most ancient deities of every Latin town. Praeneste Saturn reigned in Latium during a mythical Golden Age
preserved divine filiation and infancy as the sovereign god reenacted every year at the festival of Saturnalia. Sat-
and his paredra Juno have a mother who is the primordial urn also retained primacy in matters of agriculture and
goddess Fortuna Primigenia.[176] Many terracotta stat- money. Unlike the Greek tradition of Cronus and Zeus,
uettes have been discovered which represent a woman the usurpation of Saturn as king of the gods by Jupiter
with a child: one of them represents exactly the scene was not viewed by the Latins as violent or hostile; Sat-
described by Cicero of a woman with two children of urn continued to be revered in his temple at the foot of
different sex who touch her breast. Two of the votive the Capitol Hill, which maintained the alternative name
inscriptions to Fortuna associate her and Jupiter: " For- Saturnius into the time of Varro.[184] A. Pasqualini has ar-
tunae Iovi puero...” and “Fortunae Iovis puero...”[177] gued that Saturn was related to Iuppiter Latiaris, the old
In 1882 though R. Mowat published an inscription in Jupiter of the Latins, as the original figure of this Jupiter
which Fortuna is called daughter of Jupiter, raising new was superseded on the Alban Mount, whereas it preserved
questions and opening new perspectives in the theology its gruesome character in the ceremony held at the sanc-
of Latin gods.[178] Dumezil has elaborated an interpreta- tuary of the Latiar Hill in Rome which involved a human
tive theory according to which this aporia would be an sacrifice and the aspersion of the statue of the god with
intrinsic, fundamental feature of Indoeuropean deities of the blood of the victim.[185]
14 7 RELATION TO OTHER GODS

7.7 Fides Indigitamentis.[196][197] probably referring to the Lar Fa-

miliaris. Mutunus Tutunus had his shrine at the foot of
Main article: Fides (mythology) the Velian Hill near those of the Di Penates and of Vica
Pota, who were among the most ancient gods of the Ro-
[198]
The abstract personification Fides (“Faith, Trust”) was man community of according to Wissowa.
one of the oldest gods associated with Jupiter. As guar- Dumézil opines that the attribution of a Genius to the
antor of public faith, Fides had her temple on the Capitol gods should be earlier than its first attestation of 58 BC,
(near that of Capitoline Jupiter).[186] in an inscription which mentions the Iovis Genius.[199]
A connection between Genius and Jupiter seems apparent
7.8 Dius Fidius in Plautus' comedy Amphitryon, in which Jupiter takes up
the looks of Alcmena's husband in order to seduce her:
Main article: Dius Fidius J. Hubeaux sees there a reflection of the story that Scipio
Africanus' mother conceived him with a snake that was in
fact Jupiter transformed.[200] Scipio himself claimed that
[187]
Dius Fidius is considered a theonym for Jupiter, and only he would rise to the mansion of the gods through the
sometimes a separate entity also known in Rome as Semo widest gate.[201]
Sancus Dius Fidius. Wissowa argued that while Jupiter is
the god of the Fides Publica Populi Romani as Iuppiter Among the Etruscan Penates there is a Genius Iovialis [202]
Lapis (by whom important oaths are sworn), Dius Fidius who comes after Fortuna and Ceres and before Pales.
is a deity established for everyday use and was charged Genius Iovialis is one of the Penates of the humans and
with the protection of good faith in private affairs. Dius not of Jupiter though, as these were located in region I
Fidius would thus correspond to Zeus Pistios.[188] The as- of Martianus Capella' s division of Heaven, while Genius
sociation with Jupiter may be a matter of divine relation; appears in regions V and VI along with Ceres, Favor (pos-
some scholars see him as a form of Hercules.[189] Both sibly a Roman approximation to[203] an Etruscan male mani-
Jupiter and Dius Fidius were wardens of oaths and wield- festation of Fortuna) and Pales. This is in accord with
ers of lightning bolts; both required an opening in the roof the definition of the Penates of man being Fortuna, Ceres,
of their temples.[190] Pales and Genius Iovialis and the statement in Macrobius
that the Larentalia were dedicated to Jupiter as the god
The functionality of Sancus occurs consistently within the whence the souls of men come from and to whom they
sphere of fides, oaths and respect for contracts and of the return after death.[204]
divine-sanction guarantee against their breach. Wissowa
suggested that Semo Sancus is the genius of Jupiter,[191]
but the concept of a deity’s genius is a development of the 7.10 Summanus
Imperial period.[192]
Some aspects of the oath-ritual for Dius Fidius (such as Main article: Summanus
proceedings under the open sky or in the compluvium of
private residences), and the fact the temple of Sancus had The god of nighttime lightning has been interpreted as
no roof, suggest that the oath sworn by Dius Fidius pre- an aspect of Jupiter, either a chthonic manifestation of
dated that for Iuppiter Lapis or Iuppiter Feretrius.[193] the god or a separate god of the underworld. A statue of
Summanus stood on the roof of the Temple of Capitoline
Jupiter, and Iuppiter Summanus is one of the epithets of
7.9 Genius Jupiter.[205] Dumézil sees the opposition Dius Fidius ver-
sus Summanus as complementary, interpreting it as typi-
Main article: Genius (mythology) cal to the inherent ambiguity of the sovereign god exem-
plified by that of Mitra and Varuna in Vedic religion.[206]
Augustine quotes Varro who explains the genius as “the The complementarity of the epithets is shown in inscrip-
god who is in charge and has the power to generate every- tions found on puteals or bidentals reciting either ful-
thing” and “the rational spirit of all (therefore, everyone gur Dium conditum[207] or fulgur Summanum conditum in
has their own)". Augustine concludes that Jupiter should places struck by daytime versus nighttime lightning bolts
be considered the genius of the universe.[194] respectively.[208] This is also consistent with the etymol-
ogy of Summanus, deriving from sub and mane (the time
G. Wissowa advanced the hypothesis that Semo Sancus
before morning).[209]
is the genius of Jupiter.[191] W. W. Fowler has cautioned
that this interpretation looks to be an anachronism and it
would only be acceptable to say that Sancus is a Genius 7.11 Liber
Iovius, as it appears from the Iguvine Tables.[195]
Censorinus cites Granius Flaccus as saying that “the Ge- See also: Liber
nius was the same entity as the Lar” in his lost work De
7.12 Veiove 15

Iuppiter was associated with Liber through his epithet donning of the toga virilis or libera (which marked the
of Liber (association not yet been fully explained by passage into adult citizenship by young people). Augus-
scholars, due to the scarcity of early documentation). tine relates that these festivals had a particularly obscene
In the past, it was maintained that Liber was only character: a phallus was taken to the fields on a cart, and
a progressively-detached hypostasis of Jupiter; conse- then back in triumph to town. In Lavinium they lasted
quently, the vintage festivals were to be attributed only a month, during which the population enjoyed bawdy
to Iuppiter Liber.[210] Such a hypothesis was rejected as jokes. The most honest matronae were supposed to pub-
groundless by Wissowa, although he was a supporter of licly crown the phallus with flowers, to ensure a good har-
Liber’s Jovian origin.[211] Olivier de Cazanove[212] con- vest and repeal the fascinatio (evil eye).[213] In Rome rep-
tends that it is difficult to admit that Liber (who is present resentations of the sex organs were placed in the temple
in the oldest calendars—those of Numa—in the Liberalia of the couple Liber Libera, who presided over the male
and in the month of Liber at Lavinium)[213] was derived and female components of generation and the “liberation”
from another deity. Such a derivation would find sup- of the semen.[229] This complex of rites and beliefs shows
port only in epigraphic documents, primarily from the that the divine couple’s jurisdiction extended over fertil-
Osco-Sabellic area.[214] Wissowa sets the position of Iup- ity in general, not only that of grapes. The etymology
piter Liber within the framework of an agrarian Jupiter. of Liber (archaic form Loifer, Loifir) was explained by
The god also had a temple in this name on the Aven- Émile Benveniste as formed on the IE theme *leudh- plus
tine in Rome, which was restored by Augustus and ded- the suffix -es-; its original meaning is “the one of germi-
icated on September 1. Here, the god was sometimes nation, he who ensures the sprouting of crops”.[230]
named Liber[215] and sometimes Libertas.[216] Wissowa The relationship of Jupiter with freedom was a common
opines that the relationship existed in the concept of cre- belief among the Roman people, as demonstrated by the
ative abundance through which the supposedly-separate dedication of the Mons Sacer to the god after the first se-
Liber might have been connected[217] to the Greek god cession of the plebs. Later inscriptions also show the un-
Dionysos, although both deities might not have been orig- abated popular belief in Jupiter as bestower of freedom
inally related to viticulture. in the imperial era.[231]
Other scholars assert that there was no Liber (other
than a god of wine) within historical memory.[218] O.
de Cazanove[219] argues that the domain of the sovereign 7.12 Veiove
god Jupiter was that of sacred, sacrificial wine (vinum in-
ferium),[220] while that of Liber and Libera was confined Main article: Vejovis
to secular wine (vinum spurcum);[221] these two types
were obtained through differing fermentation processes.
The offer of wine to Liber was made possible by naming Scholars have been often puzzled by Ve(d)iove (or
the mustum (grape juice) stored in amphoras sacrima.[222] Veiovis, or Vedius) and unwilling to discuss his identity,
Sacred wine was obtained by the natural fermentation claiming our knowledge of this god is insufficient.[232]
of juice of grapes free from flaws of any type, religious Most, however, agree that Veiove is a sort of special
(e. g. those struck by lightning, brought into contact Jupiter or anti-Iove, or even an underworld Jupiter. In
with corpses or wounded people or coming from an un- other words, Veiove is indeed the Capitoline god himself,
fertilised grapeyard) or secular (by “cutting” it with old who takes up a different, diminished appearance (iuvenis
wine). Secular (or “profane”) wine was obtained through and parvus, young and gracile), in order to be able to dis-
several types of manipulation (e.g. by adding honey, charge sovereign functions over places, times and spheres
or mulsum; using raisins, or passum; by boiling, or de- that by their own nature are excluded from the direct
frutum). However, the sacrima used for the offering to control of Jupiter as Optimus Maximus.[233] This conclu-
the two gods for the preservation of grapeyards, vessels sion is based on information provided by Gellius,[234] who
and wine[223] was obtained only by pouring the juice into states his name is formed by adding prefix ve (here de-
amphors after pressing.[224] The mustum was considered noting “deprivation” or “negation”) to Iove (whose name
spurcum (dirty), and thus unusable in sacrifices.[225] The Gellius posits as rooted in the verb iuvo “I benefit”). D.
amphor (itself not an item of sacrifice) permitted presen- Sabbatucci has stressed the feature of bearer of instability
and antithesis to cosmic order of the god, who threatens
tation of its content on a table or could be added to a sac-
rifice; this happened at the auspicatio vindamiae for the the kingly power of Jupiter as Stator and Centumpeda and
first grape[226] and for ears of corn of the praemetium on whose presence occurs side by side to Janus’ on January
a dish (lanx) at the temple of Ceres.[227] 1, but also his function of helper to the growth of the
young Jupiter.[235] In 1858 Ludwig Preller suggested that
Dumézil, on the other hand, sees the relationship between Veiovis may be the sinister double of Jupiter.[236]
Jupiter and Liber as grounded in the social and politi-
cal relevance of the two gods (who were both considered In fact, the god (under the name Vetis) is placed in the
patrons of freedom).[228] The Liberalia of March were, last case (number 16) of the outer rim of the Piacenza
since earliest times, the occasion for the ceremony of the Liver—before Cilens (Nocturnus), who ends (or begins
in the Etruscan vision) the disposition of the gods. In
16 7 RELATION TO OTHER GODS

Martianus Capella's division of heaven, he is found in passage (proposed by Jordan) to read aedes Veiovi instead
region XV with the dii publici; as such, he numbers of aedes duae Iovi. Such a correction concerns the tem-
among the infernal (or antipodal) gods. The location of ples dedicated on the Capitol: it does not address the
his two temples in Rome—near those of Jupiter (one on question of the dedication of the temple on the Island,
the Capitoline Hill, in the low between the arx and the which is puzzling, since the place is attested epigraphi-
Capitolium, between the two groves where the asylum cally as dedicated to the cult of Iuppiter Iurarius, in the
founded by Romulus stood, the other on the Tiber Island Fasti Praenestini of Vediove[253] and to Jupiter according
near that of Iuppiter Iurarius, later also known as temple to Ovid. The two gods may have been seen as equivalent:
of Aesculapius)[237] —may be significant in this respect, Iuppiter Iurarius is an awesome and vengeful god, parallel
along with the fact that he is considered the father[238] of to the Greek Zeus Orkios, the avenger of perjury.[254]
Apollo, perhaps because he was depicted carrying arrows.
A. Pasqualini has argued that Veiovis seems related to
He is also considered to be the unbearded Jupiter.[239] The Iuppiter Latiaris, as the original figure of this Jupiter
dates of his festivals support the same conclusion: they
would have been superseded on the Alban Mount,
fall on January 1,[240] March 7[241] and May 21,[242] the whereas it preserved its gruesome character in the cere-
first date being the recurrence of the Agonalia, dedicated mony held on the sanctuary of the Latiar Hill, the south-
to Janus and celebrated by the king with the sacrifice of ernmost hilltop of the Quirinal in Rome, which involved
a ram. The nature of the sacrifice is debated; Gellius a human sacrifice. The gens Iulia had gentilician cults
states capra, a female goat, although some scholars posit at Bovillae where a dedicatory inscription to Vediove
a ram. This sacrifice occurred rito humano, which may has been found in 1826 on an ara.[255] According to
mean “with the rite appropriate for human sacrifice”.[243] Pasqualini it was a deity similar to Vediove, wielder of
Gellius concludes by stating that this god is one of those lightningbolts and chthonic, who was connected to the
who receive sacrifices so as to persuade them to refrain cult of the founders who first inhabited the Alban Mount
from causing harm. and built the sanctuary. Such a cult once superseded on
The arrow is an ambivalent symbol; it was used in the rit- the Mount would have been taken up and preserved by
ual of the devotio (the general who vowed had to stand the Iulii, private citizens bound to the sacra Albana by
on an arrow).[244] It is perhaps because of the arrow and their Alban origin.[256]
of the juvenile looks that Gellius identifies Veiove with
Apollo[245] and as a god who must receive worship in or-
der to obtain his abstention from harming men, along 7.13 Victoria
with Robigus and Averruncus.[246] The ambivalence in
the identity of Veiove is apparent in the fact that while he See also: Victoria (mythology)
is present in places and times which may have a negative Victoria was connected to Iuppiter Victor in his role as
connotation (such as the asylum of Romulus in between
the two groves on the Capitol, the Tiberine island along
with Faunus and Aesculapius, the kalends of January, the
nones of March, and May 21, a statue of his nonethe-
less stands in the arx. Moreover, the initial particle ve-
which the ancient supposed were part of his name is it-
self ambivalent as it may have both an accrescitive and
diminutive value.[247]
Maurice Besnier has remarked that a temple to Iuppiter
was dedicated by praetor Lucius Furius Purpureo be-
fore the battle of Cremona against the Celtic Cenomani Coin with laureate head of Jupiter (obverse) and (reverse) Vic-
of Cisalpine Gaul.[248] An inscription found at Brescia tory, standing ("ROMA" below in relief)
in 1888 shows that Iuppiter Iurarius was worshipped
there[249] and one found on the south tip of Tiber Is- bestower of military victory. Jupiter, as a sovereign god,
land in 1854 that there was a cult to the god on the spot was considered as having the power to conquer anyone
too.[250] Besnier speculates that Lucius Furius had evoked and anything in a supernatural way; his contribution to
the chief god of the enemy and built a temple to him in military victory was different from that of Mars (god of
Rome outside the pomerium. On January 1, the Fasti military valour). Victoria appears first on the reverse of
Praenestini record the festivals of Aesculapius and Ve- coins representing Venus (driving the quadriga of Jupiter,
diove on the Island, while in the Fasti Ovid speaks of with her head crowned and with a palm in her hand) dur-
Jupiter and his grandson.[251] Livy records that in 192 ing the first Punic War. Sometimes, she is represented
BC, duumvir Q. Marcus Ralla dedicated to Jupiter on the walking and carrying a trophy.[257]
Capitol the two temples promised by L. Furius Purpureo,
one of which was that promised during the war against A temple was dedicated to the goddess afterwards on the
the Gauls.[252] Besnier would accept a correction to Livy’s Palatine, testifying to her high station in the Roman mind.
When Hieron of Syracuse presented a golden statuette of
7.16 Penates 17

the goddess to Rome, the Senate had it placed in the tem- lum on the festival of the goddess. Later, she was iden-
ple of Capitoline Jupiter among the greatest (and most sa- tified with the Greek Hebe. The fact that Jupiter is re-
cred) deities.[258] Although Victoria played a significant lated to the concept of youth is shown by his epithets
role in the religious ideology of the late Republic and the Puer, Iuuentus and Ioviste (interpreted as “the youngest”
Empire, she is undocumented in earlier times. A function by some scholars).[267] Dumézil noted the presence of the
similar to hers may have been played by the little-known two minor sovereign deities Bagha and Aryaman beside
Vica Pota. the Vedic sovereign gods Varuna and Mitra (though more
closely associated with Mitra); the couple would be re-
flected in Rome by Terminus and Iuventas. Aryaman is
7.14 Terminus the god of young soldiers. The function of Iuventas is to
protect the iuvenes (the novi togati of the year, who are
See also: Terminus (god) required to offer a sacrifice to Jupiter on the Capitol)[268]
and the Roman soldiers (a function later attributed to
Juno). King Servius Tullius, in reforming the Roman so-
Juventas and Terminus were the gods who, according
cial organisation, required that every adolescent offer a
to legend,[259] refused to leave their sites on the Capitol
coin to the goddess of youth upon entering adulthood.[269]
when the construction of the temple of Jupiter was un-
dertaken. Therefore, they had to be reserved a sacellum In Dumézil’s analysis, the function of Iuventas (the per-
within the new temple. Their stubbornness was consid- sonification of youth), was to control the entrance of
ered a good omen; it would guarantee youth, stability and young men into society and protect them until they reach
safety to Rome on its site.[260] This legend is generally the age of iuvenes or iuniores (i.e. of serving the state as
[270]
thought by scholars to indicate their strict connection with soldiers). A temple to Iuventas was promised in 207
Jupiter. An inscription found near Ravenna reads Iuppiter BC by consul Marcus Livius Salinator and dedicated in
[271]
Ter.,[261] indicating that Terminus is an aspect of Jupiter. 191 BC.
Terminus is the god of boundaries (public and private),
as he is portrayed in literature. The religious value of the
boundary marker is documented by Plutarch,[262] who as- 7.16 Penates
cribes to king Numa the construction of temples to Fides
and Terminus and the delimitation of Roman territory. See also: Penates
Ovid gives a vivid description of the rural rite at a bound-
ary of fields of neighbouring peasants on February 23 The Romans considered the Penates as the gods to
(the day of the Terminalia.[263] On that day, Roman pon- whom they owed their own existence.[272] As noted by
tiffs and magistrates held a ceremony at the sixth mile of Wissowa Penates is an adjective, meaning “those of
the Via Laurentina (ancient border of the Roman ager, or from the penus" the innermost part, most hidden
which maintained a religious value). This festival, how- recess;[273] Dumézil though refuses Wissowa’s interpre-
ever, marked the end of the year and was linked to time tation of penus as the storeroom of a household. As a
more directly than to space (as attested by Augustine’s nation the Romans honoured the Penates publici: Diony-
apologia on the role of Janus with respect to endings).[264] sius calls them Trojan gods as they were absorbed into the
Dario Sabbatucci has emphasised the temporal affiliation Trojan legend. They had a temple in Rome at the foot of
of Terminus, a reminder of which is found in the rite of the Velian Hill, near the Palatine, in which they were rep-
the regifugium.[265] G. Dumézil, on the other hand, views resented as a couple of male youth. They were honoured
the function of this god as associated with the legalis- every year by the new consuls before entering office at
tic aspect of the sovereign function of Jupiter. Terminus Lavinium,[274] because the Romans believed the Penates
would be the counterpart of the minor Vedic god Bagha, of that town were identical to their own.[275]
who oversees the just and fair division of goods among
The concept of di Penates is more defined in Etruria:
citizens.[266]
Arnobius (citing a Caesius) states that the Etruscan Pe-
nates were named Fortuna, Ceres, Genius Iovialis and
Pales; according to Nigidius Figulus, they included those
7.15 Iuventas of Jupiter, of Neptune, of the infernal gods and of mor-
tal men.[276] According to Varro the Penates reside in the
See also: Iuventas recesses of Heaven and are called Consentes and Com-
plices by the Etruscans because they rise and set together,
Along with Terminus, Iuventas (also known as Iuven- are twelve in number and their names are unknown, six
tus and Iuunta) represents an aspect of Jupiter (as the male and six females and are the cousellors and masters
legend of her refusal to leave the Capitol Hill demon- of Jupiter. Martianus states they are always in agreement
strates. Her name has the same root as Juno (from Iuu- among themselves.[277] While these last gods seem to be
, “young, youngster”); the ceremonial litter bearing the the Penates of Jupiter, Jupiter himself along with Juno
sacred goose of Juno Moneta stopped before her sacel- and Minerva is one of the Penates of man according to
18 9 NOTES

some authors.[278] [7] Diespiter should not be confused with Dis pater, but
the two names do cause confusion even in some pas-
This complex concept is reflected in Martianus Capella’s sages of ancient literature; P.T. Eden, commentary on
division of heaven, found in Book I of his De Nuptiis Mer- the Apocolocyntosis (Cambridge University Press, 1984,
curii et Philologiae, which places the Di Consentes Penates 2002), pp. 111–112.
in region I with the Favores Opertanei; Ceres and Genius
in region V; Pales in region VI; Favor and Genius (again) [8] Massimo Pallottino, “Etruscan Daemonology,” p. 41, and
in region VII; Secundanus Pales, Fortuna and Favor Pas- Robert Schilling, “Rome,” pp. 44 and 63, both in Ro-
tor in region XI. The disposition of these divine entities man and European Mythologies (University of Chicago
and their repetition in different locations may be due to Press, 1992, from the French edition of 1981); Giuliano
the fact that Penates belonging to different categories (of Bonfante and Larissa Bonfante The Etruscan Language:
Jupiter in region I, earthly or of mortal men in region V) An Introduction (Manchester University Press, 1983 rev.
ed. 2003), pp. 24, 84, 85, 219, 225; Nancy Thomson
are intended. Favor(es) may be the Etruscan masculine
de Grummond, Etruscan Myth, Sacred History, and Leg-
equivalent of Fortuna.[279] end (University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology
and Anthropology, 2006), pp. 19, 53–58 et passim; Jean
MacIntosh Turfa, Divining the Etruscan World: The Bron-
8 See also toscopic Calendar and Religious Practice (Cambridge Uni-
versity Press, 2012), p. 62.

• Ver sacrum [9] Mary Beard, J.A. North, and S.R.F. Price, Religions of
Rome: A History (Cambridge University Press, 1998), vol.
1, p. 59.
9 Notes [10] Orlin, in Rüpke (ed), 58.

[1] With 19th-century additions of drapery, scepter, eagle, [11] Scheid, in Rüpke (ed), 263–271; G. Dumézil ARR It. tr.
and Victory p. 181 citing Jean Bayet Les annales de Tite Live édition
G. Budé vol. III 1942 Appendix V p. 153 and n. 3.

9.1 References [12] Dumézil 1977 p. 259 note 4: cf. Servius Eclogae X
27 "unde etiam triumphantes habent omnia insignia Io-
[1] Iūpiter is thought to be the historically older form and vis, sceptrum palmatamque togam" “wherefore also the
Iuppiter to have arosen through the so-called littera-rule. triumphing commanders have all the insignia of Jupiter,
Compare Weiss (2010). the sceptre and the toga palmata'". On the interpretation
of the triumphal dress and of the triumph, Larissa Bon-
[2] Pliny Naturalis Historia X 16. A. Alföldi Zu den römis- fante has offered an interpretation based on Etruscan doc-
chen Reiterscheiben in Germania 30 1952 p. 188 and n. uments in her article : “Roman Triumphs and Etruscan
11 as cited by G. Dumézil La religion reomaine archaïque Kings: the Changing Face of the Triumph” in Journal
Paris 1974 2nd ed., It. tr. Milan 1977 (hereafter cited as of Roman Studies 60 1970 pp. 49–66 and tables I–VIII.
ARR) p. 215 n. 58. Mary Beard rehearses various views of the triumphator as
god or king in The Roman Triumph (Harvard University
[3] Servius Ad Aeneidem II 374. Press, 2007), pp. 226–232, and expresses skepticism.

[4] Dictionary of Roman Coins, see e.g. reverse of “Conse- [13] Dumézil 1977 citing Livy V 23, 6 and VI 17, 5.
cratio” coin of Emperor Commodus & coin of Ptolemy V
Epiphanes minted c. 204–180 BC. [14] G. Dumézil ARR above 1977 p. 177.

[5] Mars was a deity concerned with war and the defense of [15] Dumézil 1977 p. citing Dionysius of Halicarnassus Ro-
agriculture; Cato the Elder, On Agriculture, 141; alm, in man Antiquities VI 90, 1; Festus s.v. p. 414 L 2nd.
Rüpke (ed), 239. The Colline deity Quirinus may have
been equivalent in some way to both Mars and Jupiter: [16] Gary Forsythe, A Critical History of Early Rome: From
“Quirinus, perhaps the war god of the Quirinal settlement Prehistory to the First Punic War (University of California
or the god who presided over the assembled citizens.” Press, 2005, 2006), p. 159 et passim.
Howard Hayes Scullard, (2003), A History of the Roman
World, 753 to 146 BC, page 393. Routledge. For a sum- [17] Macrobius, Saturnalia 1.16.
mary regarding the nature, status and complex develop-
ment of Jupiter from regal to Republican era, see Beard [18] Matthew Dillon and Lynda Garland, “Religion in the Ro-
et al., Vol. 1, 59–60. For the conceptual difficulties in- man Republic,” in Ancient Rome: From the Early Republic
volved in discussion of Roman deities and their cults, see to the Assassination of Julius Caesar (Routledge, 2005),
Rüpke, in Rüpke (ed) 1–7. pp. 127, 345.

[6] Larousse Desk Reference Encyclopedia, The Book People, [19] Most of the information about the Flamen Dialis is pre-
Haydock, 1995, p. 215. served by Aulus Gellius, Attic Nights X 15.
9.1 References 19

[20] Macrobius Saturnalia I 16, 8: flaminica quotiens tonitrua [37] William Warde Fowler, The Roman Festivals of the Period
audisset feriata erat, donec placasset deos. The adjective of the Republic (London, 1908), pp. 223–225.
feriatus, related to feriae, “holy days,” pertains to keep-
ing a holiday, and hence means “idle, unemployed,” not [38] Dumézil 1977 pp. 51–52 and 197.
performing one’s usual tasks.
[39] Ovid Fasti III, 284–392. Festus s.v. Mamuri Veturi p.
[21] Livy I 20, 1–2. 117 L as cited by Dumézil 1977 p. 197.

[22] Plutarch Quaestiones Romanae 113. [40] Plutarch Numa 18.

[23] Livy XXVII 8, 8. [41] Dumézil 1977 p. 175 citing Livy I 31.
[24] Aulus Gellius, 10.15.5: item iurare Dialem fas numquam [42] R. Bloch Prodigi e divinazione nell' antica Roma Roma
est; Robert E.A. Palmer, “The Deconstruction of Momm- 1973. Citing Livy I 34, 8–10.
sen on Festus 462/464L, or the Hazards of Interpreta-
tion,” in Imperium sine fine: T. Robert S. Broughton and [43] Macrobius Saturnalia III 6.
the Roman Republic (Franz Steiner, 1996), p. 85; Francis
X. Ryan, Rank and Participation in the Republican Senate [44] Ovid Fasti I 587–588.
(Franz Steiner, 1998), p. 165. The Vestals and the Fla-
men Dialis were the only Roman citizens who could not [45] Varro LL VI 16. Sacrifices to Jupiter are also broached in
be compelled to swear an oath (Aulus Gellius 10.15.31); Macrobius Saturnalia III 10. The issue of the sacrificial
Robin Lorsch Wildfang, Rome’s Vestal Virgin: A Study of victims proper to a god is one of the most vexed topics of
Rome’s Vestal Priestesses in the Late Republic and Early Roman religion: cf. Gérard Capdeville “Substitution de
Empire (Routledge, 2006), p. 69. victimes dans les sacrifices d'animaux à Rome” in MEFRA
83 2 1971 pp. 283–323. Also G. Dumézil “Quaestiuncu-
[25] Dumézil 1977 p. 147. lae indo-italicae: 11. Iovi tauro verre ariete immolari non
licet” in Revue d'études latins 39 1961 pp. 242–257.
[26] G. Dumézil ARR above pp. 94–96, 169, 192, 502–504;
G. Wissowa Religion un Kultus der Römer Munich 1912 [46] Beard et al, Vol 1, 32–36: the consecration made this a
p. 104 Hereafter cited as RK). Dionysius of Halicarnassus “Sacred Spring” (ver sacrum). The “contract” with Jupiter
Rom. Ant. I 21, 1 ; Livy I 32, 4. See also ius gentium. is exceptionally detailed. All due care would be taken of
the animals, but any that died or were stolen before the
[27] Livy I 24, 8.
scheduled sacrifice would count as if already sacrificed.
[28] Livy I 32, 10. Sacred animals were already assigned to the gods, who
ought to protect their own property.
[29] G. Dumézil ARR above pp. 502–504 and 169. Wissowa
(1912), p. 104, citing Paulus p. 92 M.; Servius Aeneis XII [47] G. Dumézil ARR above pp. 258–261.
206; Livy I 24, 3–8; IX 5, 3; XXX 43, 9; Festus p. 321
M.; Pliny NH XXII 5; Marcianus apud Digesta I 8, 8 par. [48] Ovid, Fasti, 1.201f.
1; Servius Aeneis VIII 641; XII 120.
[49] Wissowa (1912), p. 107; Livy X 36, 1 and 37, 15 f.
[30] Varro in his Lingua Latina V writes of “Crustumerian se-
cession” ("a secessione Crustumerina"). [50] Livy I 12; Dionysius of Halicarnassus II 59; Ovid Fasti VI
793; Cicero Catilinaria I 33.
[31] F. Vallocchia “Manio Valerio Massimo dittatore ed au-
gure” in Diritto @ Storia 7 2008 (online). [51] Wissowa (1912), p. 107: CIL VI 434, 435; IX 3023,
4534; X59-4; also III 1089.
[32] C. M. A. Rinolfi “Plebe, pontefice massimo, tribuni della
plebe: a proposito di Livio 3.54.5–14” in Diritto @ Storia [52] Wissowa (1912), p. 198 and n. 1.
5 2006 (online).
[53] Based on the tradition of dedicating Jovian temples on
[33] Hendrik Wagenvoort, “Characteristic Traits of Ancient the Ides. This assumption is supported by the calendar
Roman Religion,” in Pietas: Selected Studies in Roman of Philocalus, which states on the Ides of January (13):
Religion (Brill, 1980), p. 241, ascribing the view that Iovi Statori c(ircenses) m(issus) XXIV.
there was no early Roman mythology to W.F. Otto and
his school. [54] Wissowa (1912), p. 108 and n. 1 citing Vitruvius De Ar-
chitectura (hereafter Vitruvius) III 1, 5.
[34] Described by Cicero, De divinatione 2.85, as cited by R.
Joy Littlewood, “Fortune,” in The Oxford Encyclopedia [55] CIL VI 438.
of Ancient Greece and Rome (Oxford University Press,
2010), vol. 1, p. 212. [56] Ovid Fasti IV 621 and VI 650.

[35] CIL 1.60, as cited by Littlewood, “Fortune,” p. 212. [57] Protocols of a sacerdotal collegium: Wissowa (1912), cit-
ing CIL VI 2004–2009.
[36] J. Champeaux Fortuna. Le culte de la Fortune à Rome
et dans le monde romain. I Fortuna dans la religion ar- [58] Livy I 31 1–8.
chaïque 1982 Rome: Publications de l'Ecole Française de
Rome; as reviewed by John Scheid in Revue de l' histoire [59] Macrobius I 16. This identification has though been chal-
des religions 1986 203 1: pp. 67–68 (Comptes rendus). lenged by A. Pasqualini.
20 9 NOTES

[60] Festus s.v. prisci Latini p. : “the Latin towns that existed [80] Wissowa (1912), p. 101, citing Pliny NH XVIII 289:
before the foundation of Rome”. “This festival day was established for the placation (i. e.
averting) of storms”, "Hunc diem festum tempestatibus le-
[61] L. Schmitz in W. Smith Dictionary of Greek and Roman niendis institutum".
Antiquities London 1875 s. v. Feriae p. 529.
[81] Wissowa (1912), citing Digest II 12, 4.
[62] Cicero De Divinatione I 18; Dionysius Hal. AR IV 49, 3;
Festus p. 212 L l. 30 f.; Scholiasta Bobiensis ad Ciceronis [82] G. Dumézil ARR above Milan 1977 p. 173; Wissowa
pro Plancio 23. (1912), p. 102.

[83] Wissowa (1912), pp. 101-102, citing Varro LL VI 21

[63] Festus s.v. oscillantes p. 194 M; C. A. Lobeck
Novum vetus vinum bibo, novo veteri morbo medeor.
Aglaophamus sive de theologiae mysticae Graecorum cau-
sis libri tres Königsberg 1829 p. 585. [84] G. Dumézil, Fêtes romaines d' été et d' automne, Paris,
1975, pp. 97–108.
[64] Cicero Pro Plancio 23; Varro LL VI 25; Pliny NH III 69.
[85] In Roman legend Aeneas vowed all of that year’s wine of
[65] Pliny XXVII 45. Latium to Jupiter before the battle with Mezentius: cf. G.
Dumézil ARR above p. 173 ; Ovid Fasti IV 863 ff.
[66] A. Alföldi Early Rome and the Latins Ann Arbor 1965 p.
33 n. 6 cited by O. de Cazanove above p. 252. [86] Wissowa (1912), p. 102, citing Varro LL VI 16, Pliny NH
XVIII 287, Ovid Fasti IV 863 ff., Paulus p. 65 and 374
[67] Wissowa (1912), p. 109; L. Schmitz in Dictionary of M.
Greek and Roman Antiquities London 1875 s. v. Feriae p.
529: Niebuhr History of Rome II p. 35 citing Livy V 42, [87] Gary Forsythe, A Critical History of Early Rome: From
Plutarch Camillus 42. Prehistory to the First Punic War (University of California
Press, 2005, 2006), p. 136. Populus originally meant not
[68] Wissowa (1912), p. 110. CIL 2011–2022; XIV 2236– “the people,” but “army.”
2248.
[88] Robert Turcan, The Cults of the Roman Empire (Black-
[69] Wissowa (1912), p. 110. well, 1992, 1996, 2001 printing, originally published
1989 in French), p. 75. Wissowa had already connected
[70] Livy XLII 21, 7. the Poplifugia to Jupiter: RK p. 102, citing Cassius Dio
XLVII 18 and the Fasti Amiternini (feriae Iovis).
[71] Wissowa (1912), p. 101, citing Macrobius Saturnalia I
15, 14 and 18, Iohannes Lydus De Mensibus III 7, Plutarch [89] Forsythe, A Critical History of Early Rome, p. 137.
Quaestiones Romanae 24. [90] André Magdelain “Auspicia ad patres redeunt” in Hom-
mage á Jean Bayet Bruxelles 1964 527 ff. See also Jean
[72] Rome’s surviving calendars provide only fragmentary ev-
Bayet Histoire politique et psychologique de la religion ro-
idence for the Feriae but Wissowa believes that every Ide
maine Paris 1957 p. 99; Jacques Heurgon, Rome et la
was sacred to him.
Méditerranée occcidentale Paris 1969 pp. 204–208.; Paul-
[73] Wissowa (1912), p. 101, citing Varro LL V 47; Festus M. Martin “La fonction calendaire du roi de Rome et sa
p. 290 Müller, Paulus p. 104; Ovid Fasti I 56 and 588; participation á certaines fêtes” in Annales de Bretagne et
Macrobius Sat. I 15, 16. des pays de l' Ouest 83 1976 2 pp. 239–244 part. p. 241;
and Dario Sabbatucci La religione di Roma antica: dal cal-
[74] Wissowa (1912), p. 101: the epula Iovis fell on 13 endario festivo all'ordine cosmico Milan 1988, as reviewed
September and 13 November. The temple foundation and by Robert Turcan in Revue del'histoire des religions 206
festival dates are 13 September for Jupiter Optimus Max- 1989 1 pp. 69–73 part. p. 71.
imus, 13 April for Jupiter Victor, 13 June for Jupiter In-
[91] Michael Lipka, Roman Gods: A Conceptual Approach
victus, and perhaps 13 January for Jupiter Stator.
(Brill, 2009), p. 33, note 96.
[75] Cassius and Rutilius apud Macrobius I 16, 33. Tuditanus [92] Forsythe, A Critical History of Early Rome, p. 192.
claimed they were instituted by Romulus and T. Tatius I
16, 32. [93] Jean Gagé thinks the murder of Servius Tullius occurred
on this date, as Tarquin the Proud and his wife Tullia
[76] Macrobius I 16, 30: "...flaminica Iovi arietem solet im- would have taken advtange of the occasion to claim pub-
molare"; Dumézil ARR above p. 163 and n. 42, citing licly that Servius has lost the favour of the gods (especially
A. Kirsopp Michels The Calendar of the Roman Republic Fortuna): Jean Gagé “La mort de Servius Tullius et le char
1967 pp. 84–89. de Tullia” in Revue belge de philologie et d' histoire 41 1963
1 pp. 25–62.
[77] Michael Lipka, Roman Gods: A Conceptual Approach
(Brill, 2009), p. 36. [94] Forsythe, A Critical History of Early Rome, p. 132.

[78] Wissowa Religion und Kultus der Römer Munich 1912 pp. [95] Henri Le Bonniec Le culte de Cérès á Rome Paris 1958 p.
101–102. 348, developing Jean Bayet Les annales de Tite Live (Titus
Livius AUC libri qui supersunt) ed. G. Budé vol. III Paris
[79] G. Dumézil ARR above p. 174. 1942 Appendix V pp. 145–153.
 9.1 References 21

[96] G. Dumézil ARR above pp. 485–486. [115] English Thursday, German Donnerstag, is named after
Thunor, Thor, or Old High German Donar from Germanic
[97] Mommsen Römischen Forschungen II p. 42 ff. puts their mythology, a deity similar to Jupiter Tonans
founding on 366 BC at the establishment of the curule
aedility. Cited by Wissowa (1912), p. 111. [116] Wissowa (1912), p. 108, citing Varro LL V 47 and Festus
p. 290 M. s.v. Idulia.
[98] Livy I 35, 9.
[117] Wissowa (1912), p. 108, citing Paulus p. 92 M.; Servius
[99] Wissowa (1912), pp. 111–112, citing Livy V 41, 2 ; Ter- Ad Aeneidem VIII 641.
tullian De corona militis 13; Dionysius of Halicarnassus
Antiq. Rom. VII 72. Marquardt Staatsverwaltung III 508. [118] Wissowa (1912), p. 108, citing Festus p. 189 M. s.v.
lapis; Polybius Historiae III 25, 6.
[100] G. Dumézil ARR above p. 488.
[119] G. Dumézil ARR above p. 169.
[101] G. Dumézil ARR above p. 181 citing Jean Bayet Les an-
nales de Tite Live édition G. Budé vol. III 1942 Appendix [120] G. Dumezil ARR above p. 167. The carmen Saliare has:
V p. 153 and n. 3. “cume tonas Leucesie prai ted tremonti/ quot tibi etinei
deis cum tonarem”.
[102] Wissowa (1912), p. 112, citing Mommsen CIL I 2nd p.
329, 335; Rǒmische Forschungen II 45, 4. [121] G. Dumézil ARR above pp. 167–168.

[103] In Verrem V 36 and Paulus s.v. ludi magni p. 122 M. [122] G. Dumézil ARR above p. 168 citing Petronius Satyricon
44.
[104] Macrobius I 10, 11.
[123] Paulus s. v. p. 94 L 2nd; p. 2 M; Tertullian Apologeticum
[105] Wissowa (1912), p. 102, citing Gellius X 15, 12. 24; 40.
Paulus p. 87 M.; Pliny NH XVIII 119; Plutarch Quaest.
Romanae 111. [124] Apuleius De Mundo 37; cf. Iuppiter Serenus CIL VI 431,
433,; XI 6312; Iuppiter Pluvialis CIL XI 324.
[106] Most common in poetry, for its useful meter, and in the
expression “By Jove!" [125] Iuppiter Serenus has been recognized as an interpretatio of
the Phocean god Ζευς Ούριος: F. Cenerini above p. 104
[107] “Indo-European and the Indo-Europeans”. American Her- citing Giancarlo Susini “Iuppiter Serenus e altri dei” in
itage Dictionary of the English Language (4th ed.). 2000. Epigraphica 33 1971 pp. 175–177.
Retrieved 2008-09-27.
[126] Vitruvius I 2, 5; CIL I 2nd p. 331: sanctuary in the Cam-
[108] Wissowa (1912), p. 100, citing Varro LL V 66: “The pus Martius, dedicated on October 7 according to calen-
same peculiarity is revealed even better by the ancient daries.
name of Jupiter: since once he was named Diovis and
Diespiter, that is Dies Pater (Day Father); consequently the [127] CIL XII 1807.
beings issued from him are named dei (gods), dius (god),
[128] CIL VI 377; III 821, 1596, 1677, 3593, 3594, 6342 cited
diuum (day) hence the expressions sub diuo and Dius Fid-
by Wissowa (1912), p. 107.
ius. This is why the temple of Dius Fidius has an opening
in the roof, in order to allow the view of the diuum i. e. the [129] Festus s. v. provorsum fulgur p. 229 M: "...; itaque Iovi
caelum sky” tr. by J. Collart quoted by Y. Lehmann be- Fulguri et Summano fit, quod diurna Iovis nocturna Sum-
low; Paulus p. 71:"dium (the divinised sky), who denotes mani fulgura habentur.” as cited by Wissowa (1912), p.
what is in the open air, outside the roof derives from the 107
name of Iupiter, as well as Dialis, epithet of the flamen of
Jupiter and dius that is applied to a hero descended from [130] Augustine De Civitate Dei (herafter CD) VII 11. Pecunia
the race of Jupiter” and 87 M. is tentatively included in this group by Wissowa (1912), p.
105 n. 4. Cfr. Augustine CD VII 11 end and 12.
[109] Wissowa (1912), p. 100.
[131] Frugifer CIL XII 336. Apuleius De Mundo 37.
[110] Wissowa (1912), p. 100, n. 2.
[132] Cato De Agri Cultura 132; Paulus s. v. p. 51 M.
[111] CIL V 783: Iovi Diano from Aquileia.
[133] CIL VI 3696.
[112] H. F. Müller in The Oxford Encyclopaedia of Ancient
Greece and Rome s.v. Jupiter p. 161. [134] Wissowa (1912), p. 105 n. 4 understands Pecunia as pro-
tector and increaser of the flock.
[113] Samuel Ball Platner, revised by Thomas Ashby: A Topo-
graphical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, London: Oxford [135] Bruno Migliorini s.v. Roma in Enciclopedia Italiana di
University Press, 1929 p. 293 and Der Große Brockhaus, Scienze, Lettere ed Arti vol. XXIX p. 589; A. W. Schlegel
vol. 9, Leipzig: Brockhaus 1931, p. 520 Sämtliche Werke Leipzig 1847 XII p. 488; F. Kort Römis-
che Geschichte Heidelberg 1843 p.32-3.
[114] Walter W. Skeat, A Concise Etymological Dictionary of the
English Language, Oxford: Clarendon Press 1882, OUP [136] N. G. L. Hammond & H. H. Scullard (Eds.) The Oxford
1984, p. 274 Classical Dictionary Oxford 1970 s. v. p. 940.
 22 9 NOTES

[137] Servius IV 339. [162] Wissowa (1912) cites three passages from Horace,
Carmina: I 1, 25 manet sub Iove frigido venator; I 22,
[138] Cato De Agri Cultura 132; Festus s. v. daps, dapalis, da- 20 quod latus mundi nebulae malusque Iuppiter urget; III
paticum pp. 177–178 L 2nd. 10, 7 ut glaciet nives puro numine Iuppiter.
[139] Epulo CIL VI 3696. [163] On the Esquiline lies the sacellum of Iuppiter Fagutalis
[140] Wissowa (1912), pp. 105-108. (Varro De Lingua Latina V 152 (hereafter LL), Paulus
p. 87 M., Pliny Naturalis historia XVI 37 (hereafter NH),
[141] Livy I 12, 4–6. CIL VI 452); on the Viminal is known a Iuppiter Viminius
(Varro LL V 51, Festus p. 376); a Iuppiter Caelius on the
[142] Livy X 36, 11. Caelius (CIL VI 334); on the Quirinal the so called Capi-
[143] Dumézil above pp. 174–75. tolium Vetus (Martial V 22, 4; VII 73, 4). Outside Rome:
Iuppiter Latiaris on Mons Albanus, Iuppiter Appenninus
[144] Livy X 29, 12–17; nefando sacro, mixta hominum pecud- (Orelli 1220, CIL VIII 7961 and XI 5803) on the Umbrian
umque caedes, “by an impious rite, a mixed slaughter of Appennines, at Scheggia, on the Via Flaminia, Iuppiter
people and flock” 39, 16; 42, 6–7. Poeninus (CIL 6865 ff., cfr. Bernabei Rendiconti della Re-
gia Accademia dei Lincei III, 1887, fascicolo 2, p. 363 ff.)
[145] Dario Sabbatucci above, as summarized in the review by
at the Great Saint Bernard Pass, Iuppiter Vesuvius (CIL X
Robert Turcan above p. 70.
3806), Iuppiter Ciminus (CIL XI 2688); the Sabine Iup-
[146] Astronomica, Hyginus, translated by Mary Grant, pt.1, piter Cacunus (CIL IX 4876, VI 371). Outside Italy Iup-
ch.2, sec.13 piter Culminalis in Noricum and Pannonia (CIL III 3328,
4032, 4115, 5186; Supplememtum 10303, 11673 etc.) as
[147] Der Große Brockhaus, vol.9, Leipzig: Brockhaus 1931, p. cited by Wissowa (1912), p. 102 and Francesca Cenerini
520 “Scritture di santuari extraurbani tra le Alpi e gli Appen-
nini” in Mélanges de l' École Française de Rome (hereafter
[148] Samuel Ball Platner, revised by Thomas Ashby: A Topo-
MEFRA) 104 1992 1 pp. 94–95.
graphical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, London: Oxford
University Press, 1929 p.293 [164] G. Dumézil above It. tr. pp. 167–168.
[149] cume tonas, Leucesie, prai ted tremonti...; G. Dumézil [165] Salvatore Settis, Giorgione’s Tempest: Interpreting the
above p. It. tr. Milan 1977 p.168. Hidden Subject, University of Chicago Press, 1990, p.
62, summarising this scholarly interpretation: “The light-
[150] Optimus is a superlative formed on ops [ability to help],
ning is Jove.” cf Peter Humfrey, Painting in Renaissance
the ancient form is optumus from opitumus, cf. the epithet
Venice, Yale University Press, 1997, p.118f.
Opitulus [The Helper].
[166] Dumézil above p. 239; It. Tr. p. 171.
[151] As cited by Dumézil ARR It tr. p. 177.
[167] Varro apud Augustine De Civitate Dei VII 9.
[152] St. Augustine, The City of God, Books 1-10, Pg 218
[168] Wissowa (1912), pp. 23, 133–134; Dumézil Jupiter Mars
[153] St. Augustine, The City of God, Books 1-10<
Quirinus I-IV Paris 1941–1948; ARR above pp. 137–165.
[154] Augustine CD VII 11.
[169] G. Dumézil ARR above pp. 172 and 175.
[155] Livy, Ab urbe condita Book 1.
[170] G. Dumézil ARR above p. 274 ff.
[156] CIL II, 2525; Toutain. 1920. 143ff.
[171] Dumézil ARR above p. 271 citing Ovid Fasti III 815–832.
[157] Smith, Dictionary, s.v. “Ladicus”)
[172] E. Montanari Mito e Storia nell' annalistica romana delle
[158] The work of Verrius Flaccus is preserved through the sum- origini Roma 1990 pp. 73 ff.; citing Cicero Pro Scauro 48:
mary of Sextus Pompeius Festus and his epitomist Paul the "pignus nostrae salutis atque imperii"; Servius Ad Aenei-
Deacon. dem II 188, 16: "Illic imperium fore ubi et Palladium";
Festus s.v. p. 152 L.
[159] Georges Dumézil La religion romaine archaïque Payot
Paris 1974 2nd “Remarques preliminaires” X; It. tr. Mi- [173] E. Montanari above citing M. Sordi “Lavinio, Roma e il
lan 1977 p. 59ff.; citing Lucien Gerschel “Varron logi- Palladio” in CISA 8 1982 p. 74 ff.; W. Vollgraf “Le Pal-
cien” in Latomus 17 1958 pp. 65–72. ladium de Rome” in BAB 1938 pp. 34 ff.

[160] Augustine De Civitate Dei IV 27; VI 5. [174] G. Dumezil “Déesses latines et mythes vediques. III For-
tuna Primigenia” in Coll. Latomus 25 1956 pp. 71–78.
[161] J. Pépin “La théologie tripartite de Varron” Revue des
études augustiniennes 2 1956 pp. 265-294. Dumézil has [175] Cicero De nat. Deor. II 85-86: “Is est locus saeptus
pointed out that even though Augustine may be correct religiose propter Iovis pueri, qui lactens cum Iunone in
in pointing out cases in which Varro presented under the gremio sedens, mamma appetens, castissime colitur a ma-
civil theology category contents that may look to belong tribus": “This is an enclosed place for religious reasons
to mythic theology, nevertheless he preserved under this because of Iupiter child, who is seated on the womb with
heading the lore and legends ancient Romans considered Juno suckling, directed towards the breast, very chastely
their own. worshipped by mothers”.
 9.1 References 23

[176] G. Dumezil Déesses latines et mythes vediques p. 96 ff. [192] W. W. Fowler The Roman Festivals of the Period of the
Republic London, 1899, p. 139.
[177] CIL XIV 2868 and 2862 (mutile).
[193] O. Sacchi “Il trivaso del Quirinale” in Revue Internationale
[178] R. Mowat “Inscription latine sur plaque de bronze acquise de Droit de l'Antiquité 2001 pp. 309–311, citing Nonius
à Rome par par M. A. Dutuit” in Mem. de la Soc. nat. Marcellus s.v. rituis (L p. 494): Itaque domi rituis nostri,
des Antiquités de France 5me Ser. 3 43 1882 p. 200: CIL qui per dium Fidium iurare vult, prodire solet in complu-
XIV 2863: ORCEVIA NUMERI/ NATIONU CRATIA/ vium., 'thus according to our rites he who wishes to swear
FORTUNA DIOVO FILEA/ PRIMOCENIA/ DONOM an oath by Dius Fidius he as a rule walks to the complu-
DEDI. Cited by G. Dumezil above p. 71 ff. vium (an unroofed space within the house)'; Macrobius
Saturnalia III 11, 5 on the use of the private mensa as an
[179] G Dumezil Déesses latines et mythes vediques Bruxelles
altar mentioned in the ius Papirianum; Granius Flaccus
1956 chapt. 3.
indigitamenta 8 (H. 109) on king Numa’s vow by which
[180] Ṛg-Veda X 72, 4-5; G. Dumezil above and Mariages indo- he asked for the divine punishment of perjury by all the
européens pp. 311–312: “Of Aditi Daksa was born, and gods.
of Daksa Aditi, o Daksa, she who is your daughter”.
[194] Augustine CD VII 13, referencing also Quintus Valerius
[181] G. Dumezil Déesses latines... p. 91 n.3. Soranus. H. Wagenvoort "Genius a genendo" Mnemosyne
4. Suppl., 4, 1951, pp. 163–168. G. Dumézil ARR above
[182] A. Brelich Tre variazioni romane sul tema delle origini. I. p. 315, discussing G. Wissowa and K. Latte' s opinions.
Roma e Preneste. Una polemica religiosa nell'Italia antica
Pubbl. dell'Univ. di Roma 1955–1956. [195] W. W. Fowler The Roman Festivals of the Period of the
Republic London, 1899, p. 189.
[183] G. Dumézil ARR above p. 101 and 290. Discussed at
length by Augustine, City of God VII 9 and 10. Also Ovid [196] Censorinus De Die Natali 3, 1.
Fasti I 126.
[197] G. Dumézil ARR above p. 318.
[184] D. Briquel “Jupiter, Saturne et le Capitol” in Revue de
[198] Wissowa Kultus 1912 p. 243.
l'histoire des religions 198 2. 1981 pp. 131–162; Varro
V 42; Vergil Aeneis VIII 357-8; Dionysius Hal. I 34; Soli- [199] CIL IX 3513 from the lex templi of the temple of Iuppiter
nus I 12; Festus p. 322 L; Tertullian Apologeticum 10; Liber at Furfo, Samnium.
Macrobius I 7, 27 and I 10, 4 citing a certain Mallius. See
also Macrobius I 7, 3: the annalistic tradition attributed its [200] Aulus Gellius Noctes Atticae VI 1, 6. Silius Italicus Punica
foundation to king Tullus Hostilius. Studies by E. Gjerstad XIII 400-413. Cited by G. Dumézil ARR above p. 435,
in Mélanges Albert Grenier Bruxelles 1962 pp. 757–762; referencing J. Hubeaux Les grands mythes de Rome Paris
Filippo Coarelli in La Parola del Passato 174 1977 p. 215 1945 pp. 81–82 and J. Aymard “Scipion l' Africain et les
f. chiens du Capitol” in Revue d'études latins 31 1953 pp.
111–116.
[185] A. Pasqualini “Note sull'ubicazione del Latiar” in MEFRA
111 1999 2 p[. 784–785 citing M. Malavolta “I ludi delle [201] Cicero De Republica VI 13: = Somnium Scipionis.
feriae Latinae a Roma” in A. Pasqualini (ed.) Alba Longa.
Mito storia archeologia. Atti dell'incontro di studio, Roma- [202] Arnobius Adversus Nationes IV 40, 2.
Albano laziale 27-29 gennaio 1994 Roma 1996 pp. 257– [203] G. Capdeville “Les dieux de Martianus Capella” in Revue
273; Eusebius De laude Constantini 13, 7 = MPG XX col. de l'histoire des religions 213 1996 3. p. 285.
1403–1404; J. Rives “Human sacrifice among Pagans and
Christians” in Journal of Roman Studies LXXXV 1995 [204] Macrobius I 10, 16.
pp. 65–85; Iustinus Apologeticum II 12, 4–5; G. Pucci
“Saturno: il lato oscuro” in Lares LVIII 1992 p. 5-7. [205] E. and A. L. Prosdocimi in Etrennes M. Lejeune Paris 1978
pp. 199–207 identify him as an aspect of Jupiter. See
[186] Wissowa (1912), pp. 100–101; G. Dumézil above p. 348; also A. L. Prosdocimi "'Etimologie di teonimi: Venilia,
Cicero De Natura Deorum II 61. Summano, Vacuna” in Studi linguistici in onore di Vittore
Pisani Milano 1969 pp. 777–802.
[187] G. Dumezil La religion Romaine archaïque Paris, 1974;
It. tr. Milan 1977 p.189. [206] G. Dumézil ARR above pp. 184–185 citing his Mitra
Varuna, essai sur deux représentations indo-européennes
[188] Wissowa (1912), p. 103. de la souveraineté Paris 1940–1948.
[189] Roger D. Woodard Vedic and Indo-European Sacred [207] Wissowa (1912), p. 107, citing CIL VI 205; X 49 and
Space Chicago Illinois Un. Press 2005 p. 189. The 6423.
scholar thinks Dius Fidius is the Roman equivalent of
Trita Apya, the companion of Indra in the slaying of Vrtra. [208] Wissowa (1912), CIL VI 206.

[190] G. Dumézil ARR above p. 169. [209] G. Dumézil ARR above p. 185.

[191] G. Wissowa in Roschers Lexicon 1909 s.v. Semo Sancus [210] Ludwig Preller Rõmische Mythologie I Berlin 1881 pp.
col. 3654; Religion und Kultus der Römer Munich, 1912, 195–197; E. Aust s. v. Iuppiter (Liber) in Roscher lex-
p. 131 f. icon II column 661 f.
 24 9 NOTES

[211] Olivier de Cazanove cites Wissowa (1912), p. 120 and A. [231] "...curatores Iovi Libertati" CIL XI 657 and "Iovi Obse-
Schnegelsberg De Liberi apud Romanos cultu capita duo quenti publice" CIL XI 658 from Bagnacavallo; "Iuppiter
Dissertation Marburg 1895 p. 40. Impetrabilis" from Cremella sopra Monza published by G.
Zecchini in Rivista di studi italiani e latini 110 1976 pp.
[212] O. de Cazanove “Jupiter, Liber et le vin latin” in Revue de 178–182. The double presence of Jupiter and Feronia
l'histoire des religions 205 1988 3 p. 247 n. 4. at Bagnacavallo has led to speculation that the servile
manumissio (legal ritual action by which slaves were freed)
[213] Augustine CD VII 21. was practised in this sanctuary : Giancarlo Susini “San
Pietro in Sylvis, santuario pagense e villaggio plebano nel
[214] Inscriptions from the territory of the Frentani (Zvetaieff Ravennate” in Mélanges offertes à G. Sanders Steenbrugge
Sylloge inscriptionum Oscarum nr. 3); Vestini (CIL IX 1991 pp. 395–400. Cited in F. Cenerini above p. 103.
3513; I 2nd 756 Furfo); Sabini (Jordan Analecta epigraph-
ica latina p. 3 f.= CIL I 2nd 1838) and Campani (CIL X [232] G. Dumézil ARR It. tr. p. 188 n. 44; Kurt Latte Römis-
3786 Iovi Liber(o) Capua). che Religionsgeschichte Munich 1960 p. 81 and n. 3.; W.
Warde Fowler The Roman Festivals of the Period of the
[215] Fasti Arvales ad 1. September. Republic London 1899 pp. 121–122.

[216] Monumentum Ancyranum IV 7; CIL XI 657 Faventia; [233] G. Piccaluga “L' anti-Iupiter” in Studi e Materiali di Sto-
XIV 2579 Tusculum. ria delle Religioni XXXIV 1963 p. 229-236; E. Gierstad
“Veiovis, a pre-indoeuropean God in Rome?" in Opuscola
[217] Wissowa (1912), p. 106. Romana 9, 4 1973 pp. 35–42.

[234] Aulus Gellius V 12.

[218] Fr. Bömer Untersuchungen über die Religion der Sklaven
in Griechenland und Rom I Wiesbaden 1957 p. 127 f. [235] D. Sabbatucci above as summarised by R. Turcan above p.
cited by Olivier de Cazanove “Jupiter, Liber et le vin” in 70 and pp. 72–73. On the aspect of making Jupiter grow
Revue de l'histoire des religions 205 1988 3 p. 248. up Turcan cites the denarii struck by Manius Fonteius and
Valerian the younger of the type Iovi crescenti mentioned
[219] O. de Cazanove above p. 248 ff. by A. Alföldi in Studien zur Geschichte der Weltkrisedes 3.
Jhd. n.Chr. Darmstadt 1067 p. 112 f.
[220] Trebatius Testa apud Arnobius Ad nationes VII 31: "solum
quod inferetur sacrum..." “only that which is spilt is con- [236] Ludwig Preller Römische Mythologie I p. 262 f.
sidered sacred...";also Cato De Agri Cultura CXXXII 2;
CXXXIV 3; Servius IX 641; Isidore XX 2,7. [237] Ovid Fasti I 291–294.

[238] Ferruccio Bernini Ovidio. I Fasti (translation and com-

[221] Marcus Antistius Labeo apud Festus s. v., p. 474 L.
mentary), III 429; Bologna 1983 (reprint).
[222] Fr. Altheim Terra Mater Giessen 1931 p. 22 and n. [239] Vitruvius De Architectura IV 8, 4.
4 while acknowledging the obscurity of the etymology
of this word proposed the derivation from sacerrima as [240] Ovid above. Fasti Praenestini CIL I 2nd p. 231:
bruma from brevissima; Onomata Latina et Graeca s.v.: Aescu]lapio Vediovi in insula.
novum vinum; Corpus Glossatorum Latinorum II p. 264:
απαρχη γλεύκους. [241] Fasti Praen.: Non. Mart. F(as)...]ovi artis Vediovis inter
duos lucos; Ovid Fasti III 429–430.
[223] Columella De Re Rustica XII 18, 4 mentions a sacrifice to [242] Ovid above V 721–722. XII Kal. Iun. NP Agonia (Esq.
Liber and Libera immediately before. Caer. Ven. Maff.); Vediovi (Ven.).
[224] Paulus s. v. sacrima p. 423 L; Festus p. 422 L (mutile). [243] Wissowa on the grounds of Paulus’s glossa humanum sac-
rificium p. 91 L interprets “with a rite proper to a cere-
[225] Isidore Origines XX 3, 4; Enrico Monatanari “Funzione mony in honour of the deceased”. G. Piccaluga at n. 15
della sovranitá e feste del vino nella Roma repubblicana” and 21 pp. 231-232 though remarks that Gellius does not
in Studi e Materiali di Storia delle Religioni 49 1983 pp. state sacrificium humanum but only states...immolaturque
242–262. ritu humano capra.

[226] G. Dumézil “Quaestiunculae indo-italicae” 14-16 in Revue [244] Livy VIII 9, 6.

d' études latins XXXIX 1961 pp. 261–274.
[245] Gellius V 12, 12.
[227] Henri Le Bonniec Le culte de Cérès à Rome Paris 1958 pp.
[246] Gellius V 12. The Romans knew and offered a cult to
160–162.
other such deities: among them Febris, Tussis, Mefitis.
[228] G. Dumézil ARR above pp. 331–332. [247] G. Piccaluga “L' anti-Juppiter” in Studi e Materiali di Sto-
ria delle Religioni XXXIV 1963 p. 233-234 and notes 30,
[229] Augustine CD VII 3, 1. 31 citing Gellius V 12 and Pliny the Elder Naturalis His-
toria XVI 216: "Non et simulacrum Veiovis in arce?".
[230] “Liber et liberi” in Revue d'études latins 14 1936 pp. 52–
58. [248] Livy XXXI 21.
 25

[249] Ettore Pais CIL Supplementa Italica I addimenta al CIL V [277] Arnobius Adversus Nationes III 40, 3; Martianus Capella
in Atti dei Lincei, Memorie V 1888 n. 1272: I O M IUR De Nuptiis I 41: “Senatores deorum qui Penates fereban-
D(e) C(onscriptorum) S(ententia). tur Tonantis ipsius quorumque nomina, quoniam publicari
secretum caeleste non pertulit, ex eo quod omnia pariter
[250] CIL I 1105: C. Volcaci C. F Har. de stipe Iovi Iurario... repromittunt, nomen eis consensione perficit”.
onimentum.
[278] Arnobius Adversus Nationes III 40 4; Macrobius Saturna-
[251] Ovid Fasti I 291–295. lia III 4 9.
[252] Livy XXXV 41. [279] Gérard Capdeville “Les dieux de Martianus Capella” in
Revue de l'histoire des religions 213 1996 3 p. 285 citing
[253] Cfr. above: "Aeculapio Vediovi in insula". Carl Olof Thulin Die Götter des Martianus Capella und der
[254] Maurice Besnier “Jupiter Jurarius” in Mélanges Bronzeleber von Piacenza (=RGVV 3. 1) Giessen 1906
d'archéologie et d' histoire 18 1898 pp. 287–289. pp. 38–39. On the topic see also A. L. Luschi “Cacu,
Fauno e i venti' in Studi Etruschi 57 1991 pp. 105–117.
[255] CIL XIV 2387 = ILS 2988 = ILLRP 270=CIL I 807: Ve-
diovei patrei genteiles Iuliei leege Albana dicata.

[256] A. Pasqualini “Le basi documenatarie della leggenda di 10 Bibliography

Alba Longa” Universita' di Roma Torvergata 2012 online.
• Musei Capitolini
[257] G. Dumézil ARR above p. 408.
• Mary Beard, J.A. North, and S.R.F. Price, Religions
[258] G. Dumézil ARR above p. 413. Livy XXVII 2, 10–12.
of Rome: A History (Cambridge University Press,
[259] Dionysius of Halicarnassus Rom. Antiquities III 69, 5–6. 1998).

[260] Dionysius of Halicarnassus above III 69; Florus I 7, 9. • Dumézil, G. (1977) La religone romana arcaica.
Con un'appendice sulla religione degli Etruschi. Mi-
[261] CIL XI 351. lano, Rizzoli. Edizione e traduzione a cura di Furio
[262] Plutarch Numa 16. Jesi.

[263] Ovid Fasti II 679. • Dumézil, G. (1988). Mitra-Varuna: An essay on two

Indo-European representations of sovereignty. New
[264] Augustine CD VII 7. York: Zone Books. ISBN 0-942299-13-2
[265] D. Sabbatucci above. • Dumézil, G. (1996). Archaic Roman religion: With
an appendix on the religion of the Etruscans. Balti-
[266] G. Dumézil ARR above pp. 186–187.
more, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press. ISBN
[267] Wissowa (1912), p. 135; G. Dumezil La relig. rom. arch. 0-8018-5481-4
Paris 1974; It. tr. Milano 1977 pp. 185–186; C. W.
Atkins “Latin 'Iouiste' et le vocabulaire religieux indoeu- • Article “Jupiter” in The Oxford Classical Dictionary.
ropéen” in Mélanges Benveniste Paris, 1975, pp. 527–535. ISBN 0-19-860641-9

[268] Wissowa (1912), p. 135, citing Servius Danielis Eclogae • Smith, Miranda J., 'Dictionary of Celtic Myth and
IV 50. Legend' ISBN 0-500-27975-6

[269] Piso apud Dionysius of Halicarnassus Rom. Antiquities IV • Favourite Greek Myths, Mary Pope Osbourne Aedes
15, 5. Iovis Optimi Maximi Capitolini

[270] G. Dumézil ARR above pp. 185–186. • Platner, S. B., & Ashby, T. (1929). A topographical
dictionary of ancient Rome. London: Oxford Uni-
[271] Livy XXXV 36, 5. versity Press, H. Milford. OCLC 1061481
[272] Macrobius Saturnalia III 4, 8–9 citing Varro: “Per quos • Rüpke, Jörg (Editor), A Companion to Roman Re-
penitus spiramus”. Sabine Mac Cormack The Shadows ligion, Wiley-Blackwell, 2007. ISBN 978-1-4051-
of Poetry: Vergil in the Mind of Augustine University of
2943-5
California Press 1998 p. 77.
• Wissowa, Georg (1912). Religion und Kultus der
[273] G. Dumézil ARR above pp. 311–312.
Römer. Munich.
[274] Varro De Lingua Latina V 144; Plutarch Coriolanus
XXIX 2; Macrobius Saturnalia III 4, 11; Servius Ad
Aeneidem II 296: as cited by Dumézil ARR above p. 313. 11 External links
[275] G. Dumézil ARR above p. 313.
• Warburg Institute Iconographic Database (ca 1,700
[276] Arnobius Adversus nationes III 40. Cf. also Lucan images of Jupiter)
Pharsalia V 696; VII 705; VIII 21.
26 12 TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES

12 Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses

12.1 Text
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Tucci528, Leandrod, Paul Barlow, Mdebets, Pjamescowie, Andres, Cherkash, Csernica, EmphasisMine, Andrevan, Tb, Haukurth,
ZeWrestler, Joy, Renato Caniatti~enwiki, Wetman, Robbot, Rholton, Filemon, Nagelfar, Jyril, Lethe, Wighson, Orpheus, DO'Neil, Bac-
chiad, Alexf, Calm, Kusunose, Mamizou, Kuralyov, Pmanderson, Neutrality, Damieng, Mike Rosoft, CALR, Ham II, Jkl, Discospin-
ster, TomPreuss, Florian Blaschke, Silence, Dbachmann, Paul August, Bender235, QuartierLatin1968, Wareh, Bobo192, AmosWolfe,
Nsaa, Ranveig, Storm Rider, Alansohn, Anthony Appleyard, Chino, Free Bear, Kocio, Ross Burgess, Harej, Rhymeswithgod, Ceyockey,
Woohookitty, Nikitab, JarlaxleArtemis, WadeSimMiser, -Ril-, Fred J, Tabletop, MarcoTolo, KHM03, Thewanderer, BD2412, Maros, Kb-
dank71, Ketiltrout, Саша Стефановић, Urbane Legend, Ccson, Matt Deres, RexNL, Str1977, Stormwatch, Malhonen, Acefitt, Chobot,
DVdm, Satanael, Hairy Dude, TSO1D, RussBot, Longbow4u, Hede2000, Lexi Marie, Pigman, Kurt Leyman, Maor X, Kyorosuke, Wimt,
Burek, NawlinWiki, Wiki alf, FritzG, Bloodofox, Welsh, Brandon, Raven4x4x, Mlouns, Grafikm fr, Evrik, Botteville, Tetracube, StuRat,
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ERcheck, PrimeHunter, SchfiftyThree, Dustimagic, Can't sleep, clown will eat me, Alphathon, Rrburke, Addshore, Celarnor, Agent-
Fade2Black, Fuhghettaboutit, Jerrch, Cybercobra, Metal indo aryan, Ndouchi, Gbnogkfs~enwiki, SashatoBot, Attys, Srikeit, TheNeon,
Accurizer, CaptainVindaloo, Mathias-S, Minglex, Ocatecir, The Man in Question, A. Parrot, Xiaphias, Waggers, JamesThrower, Drieakko,
Neddyseagoon, Midnightblueowl, Novangelis, Johnny 0, Iridescent, Wjejskenewr, Igoldste, Courcelles, Ande B., Tawkerbot2, The Haunted
Angel, CRGreathouse, CmdrObot, Aherunar, JohnCD, Rwflammang, Reahad, Sax Russell, ShelfSkewed, Neelix, Cydebot, Steel, Michae-
las10, Gogo Dodo, Zginder, Anonymi, Arthurian Legend, ST47, Agne27, Tawkerbot4, Doug Weller, DumbBOT, Omicronpersei8, Sidhe-
bolg, JamesAM, Epbr123, N5iln, Tonyle, NorwegianBlue, Mentifisto, Luna Santin, Seaphoto, WikiLambo, Jlterman, Pichote, Sluzzelin,
JAnDbot, StephanieW, Andonic, Rothorpe, Knowpedia, Cynwolfe, Zero snaz, Penubag, VoABot II, Avjoska, Fusionmix, T@nn, Doug
Coldwell, 28421u2232nfenfcenc, Chris G, Paulbob, Starry maiden Gazer, B9 hummingbird hovering, MartinBot, Arkanoid0, Huzzlet
the bot, J.delanoy, Captain panda, Nev1, Numbo3, All Is One, KrytenKoro, Ulib, Johnbod, Comp25, Iman123, SJP, Treisijs, SoCalSu-
perEagle, Xiahou, Redtigerxyz, Lights, Deor, VolkovBot, Jeff G., Philip Trueman, Madmikeuk, TXiKiBoT, Oshwah, Erik the Red 2,
Paulburnett, GDonato, Rei-bot, Optio~enwiki, Martin451, Rbpolsen, Guest9999, Wiae, Gillyweed, Synthebot, Enviroboy, JesterCountess,
Burntsauce, MCTales, Monty845, Archwyrm, SieBot, StAnselm, Brenont, Work permit, Bielle, France3470, Keilana, Antonio Lopez,
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cofresco, Some jerk on the Internet, Ronhjones, TutterMouse, DrJos, Lost on Belmont, Download, Sillyfolkboy, BepBot, Favonian, Aunva6,
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