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---.2003- Thawa mota. Blantyre: GME.
Micheal, Ben. 2001. ~ Ndimvereniko. " On Mayo wantauni Blantyre: Mankhamba.
Momba Hax. n.d. Samala. On Lilongwe Giants, vol. 1.
Mount Sinai Choir. 2001. Mau. Glasgow: Pamtondo.
- - - . 2007. ~Kukambirana za EdzL ~ On Tiyeni Kumwamba. Blantyre: Mt Sinai.
Mphepo, Alex Mataya. 2006. Tiona mbwadza. Blantyre: Mphepo.
---.2006. "Ukwera zobanduka. On Tiona Mbwadza. Blantyre: Mphepo.
H
Mtukudzi, Oliver. 1999. Tuku Music. Putamayo World Music.

Namoko, Alan. 1992. "Ana osiidwa." On Ana osiidwa. Glasgow: Pamtondo.
Ncheu Ingoma Group. 1996. Kulibe nthenda ina. MBC Recording.
Ndingo Brothers' Band. n.d. Anamwaliwa muwalange. MBC recording.
Nowlin, Bill. 1996. Radio Freedom: Voice of the African National Congress atld the People's Army
Umkhonto We Sizwe. Burlington, MA: Rounder Records.
Phiri, Dennis. 1998. "Tikutha." On Ulangizi. Balaka: Sounds of Malawi, IY 1098043-
- - - . 2006. "Osaiwala." On MC Mwandidolola. Lilongwe: MC Studios.
Phiri, Saleta. 1989. Iii mu ufa. Blantyre: Saleta Phiri.
REFERENCES
- - - . 1995. "Zinthu zasintha: On Ndirande Blues. Glasgow: Pamtondo.

- - - . 1997. ~Tinali ndi anzathu ife." On TIle Last Pound. Glasgow: Pamtondo.
SFPS and ACS. 1997. Afrique Live-toi. Washington, D.C.: USAID.
Skerernu Austin, and Banda ManY!Jwa. 2000. Mbuyo kucheta. Blantyre: Studio K.
The Soul of Mbira: Traditions of the Shona People of Zimbabwe. 1973. Various Artists. rec. Paul
Berliner. New York: Nonesuch Records.
Tiyamike Band. 1995 . "Edzi." On Mudawona kuwala Balaka: IY.
Young Messenger. 2004. "Get Ready for a Message: Field recording by Kathleen Noss Van
Buren. Nairobi. Kenya: September II.
FILMOGRAPHY
Afrique ave-toi (Wake Up Afiica): Les Artistes s'Engagent. 1998. SFPS (Sante FamiliaJe et
Prevention du Sida) and ACS (Artistes Assode Contre Ie SIDA). Washington, D.C:
USAID.
Born in Africa. 1990. dir. John Zaritsky. Frontline ep. 809. Frontline/WGB H in association with
the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation.
Sharp Sharp: The Kwaito Story. 2003. di!. Aryan Kaganof. South Africa-Netherlands. Featuring
Zola, TKZee, Oskido, Mzambiya, Don Laka, and MandoZ3.
Siyayinqoba!jBeat It! [DVO). Cape Town: Community Health Media Trust.
The Talking Drums Of Africa [musical Group~ L998. Video recording of National Youth World
AIDS Day Drama Festival performance provided courtesy of Edward Kabuye.
Why Must I Die? 2005 . dir. Pierre Peyrot and Vincent Moloi. prod. Patrice Barrat. Cape Town:
Mondopop Mediavision.
NOTES
C H A PTER 1
I. Sections of this introduction, in an earlier and substantially different form, appeared in
Barz and Cohen 2008 .
2. On October 30, 2009. Barack Obama lifted the United States' twenty·two-year-old ban on
HIV-positive people visiting or immigrating into the country.
3- IOAAe (Integrated Development and AIDS Concern).
4. See www.aids2oo6.org. www.aids2oo8.org, www.aids2olo,org, www,aids2oI2.org.
CH A PTER 3
1. Frontline episode #809. originally aired April 3, 1990. This transcription comes from the
90-minute version of the broadcast; a Go-minute version, broadcast at a later date. exists as
well.
Permission to publish this transcript courtesy ofWGBH Boston. Born in Africa is a K. A.
Production for FRONTLINE/WGBH in association with the Canadian Broadcasting
Corporation, © 1990 WGS H Educational Foundation.
Many thanks to John Zaritsky, Gerald Bareebe, Stephen Ssendi, Anna Batcheller, and Lynn
Mason for their assistance.
2. The firs t broadcast of Born in Africa was hosted and narrated by Peter Jennings (who also
spoke what became the episode's starting titles). Subsequent airings of the episode replaced
Jennings' narration with a nearly identical narration by actor Will Lyman (who became "the
voice of Frontline" in '1984 and has served as the main narrator of the series ever since).
This transcript comes from a video copy of the film, with Lyman 's narration.
3. The n ame of this organization is actually the National Council of Women.
4. MajUta mingi refers to Uganda's well-connected urban upper-middle class. Some political
scientists note that this class arose in the 1970s, when Idi Amin's regime turned over land
and business confiscated from expelled Asians to political associates, thus giving Lutaaya's
reference here Significant historical resonance.
S. According to King's College's Web site (http://www.kcbudo.sc.ug). the school was founded
in 1906.
6. ConSidering that the capacity of Nakivubc stadium is between 12,000 and 18,000, it is
likely that the actual attendance figure for Lutaaya's concert was conSiderably less.
C H A PT ER 6
1. The other two countries that have experienced declines in HIV prevalence are Uganda and
Zimbabwe. See UNAIDS 2007b.
2. Portions of this chapter have previously appea red in Van Buren 2006. See also Van
Buren 2007 and 2009, which offer further information on some of the groups and issues
mentioned h ere. Two comm ents should be made on spelling and translations. First,
names of musicians are freque ntly spelled multiple ways in the Kenyan media and by the
NOTES TO PAGES 71-81
individuals themselves (for example. the hip hop group Border Klan also spells its name
Border Clan). Second. thanks are extended to the musicians discussed in this chapter as
well as to Philip Noss and Chacha Leonard Mwita for assistance with printed song texts
and translations.
3. Within Kenya. for instance. Nyumbani Children's Home was instrumental in lobbying the
government to enable Kenyans to access generic drugs (Achieng ZOOI, Blomfield 2001).
4. As described by Peter Piot (zo05, 7), former executive director of the Joint United Nations
Programme on HIV /AIDS, the uThree Ones" approach is based on the following princi-
ples for action: ~one agreed AIDS action framework that provides the basis for
coordina ting the work of all partners"; uone national AIDS coordinating authority, with
a broad-based multisectoral mandate"; and "one agreed country· level monitoring and
evaluation system. ~
5. A zo08 report by the UNAIDS/WHO Working Group on Global HIV/AIDS and STI
Surveillance suggests that rales among young women may be at least three times higher than
rates among young men. Rates among other parts of the population are also alarming; for
example, rates among pregnant women in some rural areas are estimated to be as high as
z6 percent (UNAIDSjWHO Working Group on Global HIV /AIDS and STI Surveillance zo08).
6. I have not been able to find details on the size and location of the test group for this National
AIDS Control Council study.
7. Robert Neuwirth (2005, zz) critiques use of the term "slum," which he suggests carries
connotations of despair, criminality, and disorganization, and which he argues masks the
innovation and strength often visible in such spaces. I concur, and join other scholars
(Neuwirth zo05, 17, Amuyunzu-Nyamongo and Taffa zo03) in combining the terms
informal/low income and community/settlement (Le., low-income community or low-
income settlement) rather than using the term "slum:
8. Also see www.gadonet.com.
9. Differences between rural and urban programming can include, for instance, increased
used of vernacular languages and traditional music in rural areas. For examples of work on
arts and HIV /AIDS outside Nairobi, see Gibson (2000), who also addresses historical con·
nections between music and healing; and Mjomba (zooz and 2005). Barz (2006) makes
brief reference to Kenya.
10. Benga is a popular music style originally associated with the Luo of western Kenya.
II. ~Artiste~ is a common spelling of the word -artist" in Kenyan media.
12. NBalaa" is an unreleased 2004 single provided by Border Klan.
13. This English translation is by Border Klan. The musicians note that ~mabeste · can also
refer to a friend.
14. For more on the history of the Kenya Music Festival, see Ogot 2002 and Kidula 1996.
15. Other Kenya Music Festival themes have included immunization, prevention of drug and
other substance abuse, child labor, and corruption.
16. Non-formal schools differ from formal schools in that they are not funded by the government
and sometimes offer more flexible arrangements to students (for instance, on unifonns.
school books. and attendance), yet they often still follow the formal curriculum.
17. TIle tenn "youth~ is used broadly. Projects such as the one in Kawangware may involve
young people (such as Martin) in their early and mid-20S.
18. As reflected in this chapter, and as asserted by many musicians and scholars, music is often
combined with other arts (dance, drama, puppetry, acrobatics, etc.) in performances in
Nairobi and other parts of Africa.
47 0
19. In his book on Yoruba drumming. for instance. Akin Euba (1990. 62) notes that music functions
as "one of the principal media of general education." Francis Bebey (I975. 32). in tum. has
asserted that the basic role of musicians is to ~guide and coordinate~ members of African com-
munities. H~ Tracey (1963). J. H . Kwabena Nketia (lg82[I974J), and Ashenafi Kebede (1982),
among others, have described the use of Af-rican songs to remind communities of the past. to
teach about communal practices and values, and to communicate issues of concern.
20. For instance. when entertainment-education methods cannot directly teach literacy. they
can stimulate audiences to seek literacy courses (Singhal and Rogers 1999, 13). On the
effectiveness of programs. see also Yahaya (2000) and Ryerson (2004). For more on HIVI
AIDS programs. see Singhal and Rogers (2003).
2I. While more funding may be available for AIDS-related programs than for programs address-
ing other social issues. funding may still be restricted (i.e.• it may be minimal. not covering
rehearsal costs or material resources such as costumes needed for performances. and it may
be available for single performances, but not for lengthier programs).
22. Such sentiments about government-run HIV /A IDS programs are also discussed by Shorter
and Onyancha (1998).
C H A PTER 8
I. This chapter primarily reflects the commentary and ongoing involvement of the lead author
(Allison) in AIDS awareness. education and prevention internationally. especially in Malawi.
Southeastern Africa. Brown and Wilson were indispensable in researching. writing. and
editing the manuscript.
2. Also known as grab or opportunity sampling. a convenience sample is a type of non-
probability sampling in which individuals are selected at the convenience of the researcher.
Findings from a convenience sample are considered less definitive. Results can be qualified
by extrapolating them only to a much more targeted and narrowly defined population.
C H A PTER 9
I. Given the nature of their work as community health workers and treatment activists. I pre-
sumed that most participants wou1d be familiar with the content of the workshop. This pre-
sumption was confinned by data collected in a questionnaire that showed TAC and HOPE
Cape Town participants had on average high levels ofknowled.ge about HIV/AIDS and ART.
2. The Visual Body Map was developed by Colin Almeleh and Fiona Mendelson at the AIDS
and Society Research Unit in the Centre for Social Science Research, University of Cape
Town.
3. The failure of some exercises resulted in changing the sequence of exercises, while new
exercises such as the disclosure of HIV-positive status and ways to support ART patients
with treatment adherence were added.
4. The puzzle exercise proved to be the simplest and most accessible way of explaining the
cellu1ar structure of the human body. In the pilot workshop, two other exercises were tested
and failed. In one I used a slice of onion and food dye to highlight the cellular composition
of the onion. And in the other I tried the analogy of a house with bricks.
5. Note that some ART clinics. such as the Medecins Sans Frontieres ART programme. require
ART patients to have disclosed their status to at least one family member or to a friend who
can assist them with their treatment.
47'
6. All participant names are pseudonyms but refer to specific individuals who took part in the
project.
7. Colleagues have s uggested that drawing as a medium, as opposed to singing or drama, is
not common in Southern African culture and could be seen as essentially UWestern."
I would suggest that regardless of cultural background, people are open to visual
approaches to learning ifit is participatory and fun and not framed as ~art. "
C H APTER 10
I. Matatus, public transport vehicles in Kenya, occupy a unique cultural space. It is believed
that many of the drivers and conductors involved in this industry offer free rides to
school girls in exchange for sexual favors.
CH A PTER 12
I. I am indebted to Pia Thielmann, then of Chancellor College in Zomba, who provided the
local press documentation, and to David Kerr for translations from Chichewa. Photographs
by Eckhard Breitinger.
CH A PTER 13
I. Radio serial dramas are not the sole form of Hrv/AIDS communication; television serials
are also a factor. One of the earliest comprehensive analyses of television serials was Heidi
Noel Nariman's book Soap Operasfor Social Change: Toward a Methodology for Entertainment-
Education TdellisiM (1993). Alternative readings of television serials can be found in Rene
Smith's article ~Yizo Yizo and Essentialism: Representations of Women and Gender·Based
Violence in a Drama Series Based on Reality" (2003), and Loren Kruger's article "lheatre for
Development and TV Nation: Notes on Educational Soap Opera in South Africa" (2004J.
2. More information about HIV/AIDS serial dramas in southern African settings appears in
"Community Reinforcement of an Entertainment Education Intervention: Botswana and
Zimbabwe," a presentation delivered by Siphiwe Rametsi et a1. (2004) and "Evaluating the
Program Effects of a Radio Drama about AID S in Zambia" (1996) by Stanley P. Yoder et al.
3. The United States Department of Health and Human Services also participates in
Makgabaneng activities.
4. According to data on information and broadcasting provided in Botnvana's Nat ional
DlWelopment Plall 9 2003-04-2008-09, close to 80 percent of Batswana can access quality
Medium and FM bands on their radios (Ministry of Finance and Development Planning
2003,361-62). Additionally, statistics compiled from a 2003 national broadcasting survey
revealed that 72.3 percent of Botswana's population listens to radio on a daily basis, con-
firming the significance of radio among the public.
5. These studies were undertaken by staff at the Botswana-United States Partnership
(BOT USA), Centers for Disease Control (CDC), and the U.S. Department of Health and
Human Services.
6. David Gere looks at the Significance of the musical arts in H IVIAIDS education in How to
Make Dallces in an Epidemic: Tracking Chore.ography in the Age of AIDS (2004).
7. For more information on media in everyday life see "Wrestling with th e Present, Beckoning
the Past: Contemporary Zulu Radio Drama~ (2000a) and "Zulu Radio Drama~ (2000b) by
472
NOTES TO PAGES I 46-14 8
UZ Gunner; "Remote Audiences Beyond zooo: Radio, Everyday Ufe, and Development in
South India" by Yesudhassan Tbomas jayprakash (zooo); and Dramas oj Nationhood: nle
Politics ojTelevision in Egypt by lila Abu-Lughod (zooS).
8. Nzewi asserts that the musical arts also assist in physical fitness , stress management.
self-discovery; social bonding, virtues, ethics, social mores, spiritual disposition, humane
living, recreation, history; solidarity, mass communication, honor, reward, creativity, spon-
taneity, validation of public causes and events and peace (Nzewi zo03, 15-19).
9. james Zaffiro is one of the scholars who provided a full investigation of radio in Botswana.
Although brief, his 1991 study From Police Netwo rk to Station ofthe Natwn; A Political History
of Broadcasting in Botswana 1927-J991, provides a comprehensive history of radio in the
country.
10. Leading scholars have accentuated the need for building national awareness and conscious-
ness through the arts. Material on the arts and nationalism can be foun d in Franz Fanon's
"On National Consciousness" in Wretched oj the Earth (1963), Leopold Scdar Senghor's
"Negritude: A Humanism of the Twentieth Century" (1966), and j. H. Kwabena Nketia's
"The Scholarly Study of African Music" (1998).
II . Once RBz was established, the name of its parent station, Radio Botswana 1 (RBI), was
changed to distinguish between the two. RB2 earned a reputation for being a contemporary
radio station directed toward younger audiences.
12. Thomas Turino delves deeper into the relevance of the musical arts in promoting nation-
alism in Nationa lists, Cosmopolitans, and Popular Music in Zimbabwe (zooo).
13. Musicologist Charles Hamm provides further insights on the function of government radio
and its promotion of national ideals in his artid es M'The Constant Companion of Man':
Separate Development, Radio Bantu, and Music" (1991a) and "M usic and Radio in the
People's Republic of ChinaN (I 991b).
14. In ensuing years, entertainment education became known as "the intentional placement of
educational content in entertainment messages" (Singhal and Rogers zooz, 117). However one
of the most comprehensive definitions of entertainment-education positioned it as "the pro-
cess of purposely designing and implementing a media message to both entertain and educate,
in order to increase audience members' knowledge about an educational issue, create favorable
attitudes, shift social norms, and change overt behavior" (Singhal et aI. zooz, 4).
15. According to youth communications scholars Gita Bamezai and Archana Shukla, radio
serial drama is one of the preferred tools in HIVIAIDS entertainment-education strategies
because it "provides quick, direct contact with large populations, and can encourage dia-
logue and debate on important but sensitive health concerns in a compelling, attractive
way" (Bamezai and Shukla ' 998, T13) .
16. OveraU there are twenty-four themes featured on Makgabaneng. The ones mentioned here
are merely samples of the full range.
J7. Statistics from the National Development Pian 9 confirmed that the population was at an
estimated 1.6 million and rising at the date of publication (Ministry of Finance and
Development Planning 200), 13).
18. While it is acknowledged that the National AIDS Policy was drawn up in 1993, its printing
date reads 1998, causing a discrepancy between the actual time of printing. The Medium
Term Plan 11, uses 1993 as the original date, but the Botswana United Nations General
Assembly Special Session on HIV/A IDS (UNGASS) 2005 Progress Report refers to 1998 as the
true date (NACA zo05, 14). Another incongruous date emerges in the ACHAP Setting the
Stagefor Scaling Up HIV Prevention-Discussion Paper, which notes that the Draft Botswana
473
National Policy on HIV IA IDS was formulated in 2005 (ACHAP, 7). It can be assumed that
the policy was set for revision at this final date.
19. It is understood that this response involves the private sector, civil society, and a slew of
"multilateral~ and "bilateral" organizations working together (NACA 2005, 3). 111e individ-
uals who prepared policies have also completed the Comprehensive Health Sector Policy on
Care and Treatment (Government of Botswana 200r) and the National Policy on H IV Rapid
Testing (Ministry of Health 2005: ACHAP 2006, 7). Pertinent HIVIAI DS policies preceding
the formation of NAC include the National Population Policy (Government of Botswana
1997) and National Policy on Women in Dewiopment (Government of Botswana 1997).
20. Botswana's national monitoring and evaluation is conducted by the Botswana HIV/A IDS
Response Information Management System (BHRIMS).
2 1. The National Strategy for Behavwr Change Interventions and Communicationsfor HIV and AIDS
(2006) is also relevant to Makgabaneng, however it was not formulated until years after the
serial drama was broadcast. Nevertheless, with its focus on "stimulating community response;
building capacity for communities to provide environments conducive to HIV prevention,
treatment, and care; motivating individual desire to adopt behaviors that protect self and others
from HIV infection and related illnesses; enabling individuals with the skills for performing
HIV-protective behaviors both in sexual relations and in the provision of care for PLWHA; and
creating an institutional cu1ture that relies on evidence-based planning· (NACA 2006, 4-5).
22. For more information on self-efficacy see Self-EjJicacy: The Exercise of Control by Albert
Bandura (1997).
23. The Makgabanengstaff summarizes the writing process as "research on programs to be pro-
moted; workshop for material Development and Pathways; individual work (per cycle);
group work (for verifying and refining); [script] sent to stakeholders; meet with program
officers; Technical Advisory Committee (TAC) meeting; and scripting- (Makgaballeng, The
Writing Process).
24. This quote originally appeared in Berger's publication Scripts: Writingfor Radio and Television
(1990 ).
25. Maungo Mooki subscribes to the belief that the drama is best suited for radio because it
"makes the listener visualize" what is taking place. Despite the data on the reach of radio in
the country, she is convinced that "radio isn't about accessibility"; rather it is about "people
internalizing the message" (Interview, Jul. 29, 2004).
26. These serials were all broadcast on television, but Abu-Lughod's analysis is equally relevant
for Makgabaneng.
27. The questions used during LOGs were elaborated on during a 2003 presentation "Getting
Personal: Engaging a Mass Media Audience Through Reinforcement Activities· created by
Siphiwe Rametsi et al.
28. There was a dual interpretation of this information regarding female listening patterns.
One reading of the information was that there are more female listeners overall. The
other one was that women are more inclined to participate in Makgabaneng contests
(Tembo et al. 2003).
CHAPTER 14
I. I would like to thank Professor William Beinart, Professor Colin Bundy. Rebecca Davis,
Dr. Jacqueline Maingard and Dr. Nicoli Nattr.:lss for their numerous helpful comments on
earlier drafts of this article.
474
2. The political controversy over the use of nutrition for treating HIV mounted when lemons and
garlic cloves instead of ARVs were displayed in the South African Pavilion at the 2005 International
AIDS Conference (lAC). From 2005 onwards, Minister of Health Manto Tshabalala-Msimang
was lambasted by the medical;md activist conununities in South Africa and abroad for claiming
that a diet rich in Vitamin C, beetroot, olive oil, and garlic could prevent the onset of AIDS. Tbe
role of healthy eating in "positive living" was therefore relegated in later series of Beat It! which
placed greater emphasis on public education about the benefits of ARVs.
3. The Health Minister praised Uganda's PMTCf successes as an example of the efficacy and
necessity of African solutions to HIV /AI DS. The stress on "home-grown" solutions became
increasingly notable in the struggle to obtain a national HAART program in South Africa,
as political leaders attempted to contrast the western scientific enterprise of'biomedica1iza-
tion' with indigenous, "African" solutions. (See Ek 2005, 8, for further analysis of the min-
ister and president's response.)
4. MSF had begun the pilot program to prove that patients in resource-constrained settings
could adhere well to antiretroviral treatment in spite of its clinical complexities. The adher-
ence rates documented in the study were the highest on record when the results were pub-
lished, debunking the notion that patients adhered better to ARVs in rich world contexts
(Medecins Sans Frontieres 2003, 2).
5. Tbe Medicines Control Council is South Africa's medicines approval body, under the aegis
of the Department of Health.
6. The reference to the FDA was misleading as it had not refused to register nevirapine. In
March 2002, Boehringer-Ingelheim had withdrawn its registration application for the drug
for the purposes of PMTCf of HIV. The reason for this did not concern the drug's efficacy
or safety, but rather stemmed from the clinical trials which had taken place in Uganda, and
which did not comply with standards of the FDA. For further details, see Heywood (2003,
307). For a discussion of the details around the Health Minister and MCC's opposition to
nevirapine, see D'Adesky 20°4,181-84.
CHAPTER 15
I. The author is responsible for all translations from French into English in this article.
2. HIV /AIDS edutainment campaigns in Francophone Africa not covered in this article but
that will be addressed in a more develope<!. version of this study include Yamba -Songo: Les
Cles de la Vie (Keys to tife, http)/ www.comminit.com/en/node/1699/38); Reaching Men
(http://www.jhuccp.org/topics/enteced/eeprojects/05-26.shtml), 100% Jeune (roo%
Young, http://www.reglo.org!), Nous Sommes les Tams-tams (We Are the Drums, http://
www.tg.undp.org/tamtam/tamtam.htm), Rien Que la Verite (Nothing But the Truth, http://
www.comminit.com/en/node/301344/38).andMaVie.MaDecision (My tife, My Decision,
http://www.comminit.com/en/node/264I07/38 ).
3. In the late 1990s, ORSTOM's name changed to l' Institut de recherche pour Ie develope-
ment (IRD).
4. Jula is one of the core Mande languages-a language family including Maninkakan (Malinke),
Mandinka, and Bamanankan (Bambara), among otbers. These languages are similar enough so
as to be (to greater or lesser degrees) mutually intelligible. Thus, some residents of other franco-
phone countries in the West African region (such as Mali, Burkina Faso, Guinea, and Senegal)
would likely be able to understand the text ofa ~ong in French and Jula. Still the pairing of
French and this particular Mande language suggests a primary target audience of Ivorians.
475
NOTES TO PAGES r84-213
5. SFPS focuses on health development assistance in Francophone Africa. A central office is
located in Abidjan, and regional offices and initiatives have been established in Burkina
Faso, Cote d' Ivoire, Togo, Cameroon, Niger, Benin, Mauritania and Congo· Kinshasa (http://
www.jhuccp.org/africa/regional/FHA.shtml, accessed October 2, 2009).
6. I wish to offer an expression of thanks to Jane Brown for loaning me archival copies of
Wake Up! Africa materials and for agreeing to talk with me about the project. Information
from Brown was obtained during an interview conducted on November 2, 2009.
C H A PTER 16
I. A pseudonym.
2. This version was recorded by Canadian journalists at ANC headquarters in Lusaka. Zambia.
in 1985 and later appeared as track 7 on the commemorative Radio Freedom CD (Rounder
Records USA n 661- 4019-2). .
3. HIV prevalence in Uganda decreased from 9.5 percent of the population in 1997 to 5 per·
cent in 2001 (UNAI DS 2003 in Barz 2006, II). Other data from antenatal clinics in Uganda
suggest that the figures have fallen from 29-4 percent in 1992 to 11.25 percent in 2000
(O'Manique 2004). It is sobering to compare this to comparable statistics for South Africa;
from 12.9 percent in 1997 to 20.1 percent in 2001 (ibid.), although in the two national set·
tings, very divergent nationalisms, economic contexts and markeHiriven change interact to
produce rather different overall settings.
4. See for example Heald 1995. 2006; Ingstad 1990; De Bruyn 1992; McDonald and Shatz
2005. Farmer (1990. 1994. 2006) has documented the ways in which AIDS became incor·
porated into the preexisting folk model of iUness in Haiti. His work is particularly inter·
esting as he conducted research on the subject there before AI DS was known in the area,
and documented the ways in which it was incorporated and the role of narrative and rumor
in the reaching of consensus. He looks mainly at AIDS as a Nsent illness" in terms of sor·
cery accusations. Although he does provide an analysis of blood related illness and female
morality (1988), he does not connect this directly with etiology of AIDS as much of the
material on southern Africa has.
5. This extract is taken from McNeill (2007), in which the entire 17 minutes and over 200 lines
of~Zwidzumbe" is translated in Appendix B. The line numbers refer to that appendix.
6. Gokhonya is usually found in women after a difficult or problematic birth such as that
induced by caesarean section. Symptoms include the child refu sing the mother's milk and
red marks on the child's head and neck. White pimples will be found inside the mother's
vagina. and the conventional cure involves the inyanga scraping the vaginal sores with a
razor and mixing the resultant fluid with the mother's urine and a mixture of three herbs.
This is then given to the child in a milky drink and it will be healed. The m other. however,
must undergo several more rites of purification. Gokhonya often starts with zwilonda: open
sores on and in the vagina that resemble the third phase of syphilis.
7. This refers to a specific group of traditional healers called maine. They are comparable to
family doctors and specialize in treating spedfic ailments.
C H APTE R 17
1. Recorded by Gregory Barz in 2001 with the Namirembe Post-Test Club. a support organiza-
tion for those who have received the results of HI V blood tests that reveal a positive result.
2. Recorded by the TASO Mbarara Drama Group c. 2004 and distributed on the group's
album Fight Against AI DSfTurwanise Silimu: Songs For Our Communit}'fEb}'l:Shongoro Byeitu.
Transcribed by Judah M. Cohen. Words in square brackets indicate a choral echo sung
overlapping the end of the previous phrase.
CHAPTER 18
1. An earlier version of this article was published in 2007 in Art South Africa 5 (2).
2. Quoted from Cape Tinws, May 29, 2002.
C H APTE R 19
1. Transcribed from Barz's original recording and translation (2006).
2. When comparing the stanzas about the ideal woman and man, the only difference is in the
placement of statements about loving family members, and that the ideal of cleanliness
only appears in the description of an ideal woman in this version of the song.
3. In this analysis I focus largely on the community experience and how this contributes to
Vilimina's critical perspective. Attention could also be paid to Vilimina's individual experi-
ence. As an HIV·positive woman who has seen explosive social changes in her lifetime, her
personal experiences are no doubt deeply relevant to how her critique has developed.
4. ~Things are different nowadays" could also be read as related to Westernization. Locally,
Westernization is often seen as deeply intertwined with discourses about AIDS and gender;
commentary on Westernization at this musical juncture would be extremely relevant.
5. HIV cannot be spread by sharing food or by contact with spittle, but may other viruses can.
AIDS does often travel with multiple other infections and viruses. Perhaps that other diseases
can be transmitted through food and quotidian contact is one origin of these cultural taboos.
6. Westernization is an intriguing trope in Vilimina's song. In her own life, Vilimina has seen
dramatic Westernizing trends, and her song is replete with images that may be seen as
commenting on Westernization: drinking from gowds that were already drunk from versus
eating with Western-style forks and cups, women crossing their legs, and sitting on Western·
style chairs rather than on ground mats. Indeed, even wearing half a gomesi could poten·
tially be tied to rural women often not wearing coverings on their torso. Moreover, Vilimina
also comments on the age of marriage, which in many areas has been deeply influenced by
Westernization. Perhaps most notably, in certain areas of Uganda Western-influenced
schooling has begun teaching girls to play men's musical instruments. Westernizing influ-
ences have been one cause of dramatic shifts in gender roles in Uganda. In the context of
this analysis, it is important to ask whether Vilimina sees women actively choosing these
changes for themselves, or whether she sees women's roles being redefined through exter-
nally imposed Westernization. Analyzing the dynamics around Westernization may deeply
impact how we understand Vilimina's portrayal of women's agency with respect to sexuality
and AIDS.
7. The role of Westernization is extremely complex in this interaction. Certainly hierarchical
social rank is one dynamic associated with Western traditions, which people who have talked
with Vilimina about the song see as important. However, many valences are plausible.
8. Interestingly, the international and medical communities are also beginning to recognize
how these dynamics are related, with AIDS infecting those who are poor and marginalized
at significantly higher rates.
477
9. Why does Vilimina focus on abstinence rather than condoms or other approaches to pre-
venting AIDS? One might ask if she feels that women do not have enough power to nego-
tiate using condoms and abstinence is seen as more culturally acceptable or more passive
than actively negotiating a male partner's condom compliance. If women do not feel that
they can negotiate condom use and therefore Vilimina is resorting to promoting abstinence
as more realistic, this paints a more delimited picture of the extent of women's power.
IO. Radically, Vilimina uses mostly post-traditional arguments. If a "traditional argument"
grounds validity in the presumptive force of history and tradition (e.g. ~because my pastor
says it is right: or "this is what we have done for years"), a ·post-traditional argument~ by
contrast grounds itself on a rationally accessible argument which aU may engage in, and
whose claims only have weight in so far as they touch the goals of the participants in the
argument. Vilimina's central argument takes the latter [ann. She sets out her main moral
imperatives (saving lives from AIDS and improving the agency of marginalized women)
and her whole argument flows from there. Anyone can access and engage with her
argument, inside or outside oflocal custom. In an amusing turn, Vilimina's one authority-
based argument does draw on authority-her authority as an HI V-positive woman. Far
from reinforcing the traditional loci of communal authority it puts forth herself, one village
woman, as a person with the authority to be making claims about how the community
should function. lbis occurs in large part because she sadly has personal knowledge of the
ultimate devastation of AIDS-and again her argument comes back to the moral claim of
saving lives.
II. Large-scale change can be as important when grappling with marginalization as it is when
grappling with AIDS. Since marginalization is a societal phenomenon, to effectively address
it a sense not only of individual agency but of collective potency must be gained, and recog-
nized by wider society. For the disenfranchised more than anyone, the ability to see ones'
self as part of a greater, powerful collective is indispensable in combating and reversing
marginalization. Vilimina's use of symbols to lay the groundwork for a social movement
could be extremely potent here.
12. Indeed the power imbued in this musical language may be another reason why Vilimina
chose to communicate her message through song. Perhaps as a musician she can "get
away" with saying things that otherwise would be too shocking, donning the cultural role of
a musician sodal commentator.
C H A PTER 20
J. literally, "by he who paid your bride wealth."
2. The word muteuro may be interpreted either as a traditional ritual offering or as a Christian
prayer, depending on context.
3. Mtukudzi's description of marital rape is given additional cultural depth by the wording he
uses in the second iteration of this line, which literally reads, "how does it feel to be raped
by he who paid your brideprice?"
4. Jiti is a rural drum and dance entertainment genre. It is performed outside at ritual events
including funerals and the kurova guva post-funerary rite. Thomas Turino has documented
the developmentofjiti, and the associated urban popular tousic ofjit, in his work on nation-
alism and popular music in Zimbabwe (Twino 2000, 229). For more on music at kurova
guva, see Kyker 2010.
5. Mwendamberi is the name of a particular chidao, or sub-clan, of the Shava, or eland, totem.
6. MTozeza Baba, ~ a strong condemnation of domestic vio!ence, describes the fear experienced
by children who witness their mother's abuse at the hands of their father. "Nhaka
Sandibonde" discusses customary practices of wife inheritance, where a brother of the
deceased is chosen to inherit his widowed si~ter-in-I aw. The song emphasizes that this prac-
tice is meant to provide for the family of the deceased, and should not serve as an opportu-
nity fo r the deceased's brother to claim sexual rights over the widow for whom he is chosen
to provide. In the song's title, the image of a reed mat, commonly used as bedding throughout
much of Zimbabwe, stands in as a metaphor for sexual relations.
7. Personal communication, August 12, 2006.
8. This stiff maize porridge is Zimbabwe's staple food.
9. For an interpretation of this tsumo which predates the AIDS epidemic, see Hamutyinei and
Plangger (1974. 6)).
10. Aiwaiwaiwa is fonned by reduplicating the word aiwa, or "no. ~ The use of similar interjec-
tives to express grief or misfortune has been noted by Hannan (2000, 948) under the
alternate fonn "'haiwaiwa," formed by two repetitions of aiwa rather than the three successive
iterations in the text of"Mabasa."
II. This figurative use of the word mabasa was first brought to m y attention by Esau Mavindidze.
It is likewise noted in respect to "Mabasa" by Sibanda (Sibanda 2004, 52).
12. The ambiguity of the word vakurn, which could refer either to living elders or to ancestral
spirits, likewise characterizes the word mutewro, used in this song and in "Todii," and which
can refer either to a Christian prayer or to a traditional ritual offering.
13. Nicholas Kunaka.
J4. Indeed, Silindiwe Sibanda has suggested that in using the term utachiwal1tl, Mtukudzi
directly references HIV /AIDS (Sibanda 2004, 52-53).
CHAPTER 21
I. Following my research on AIDS and literarure in Bukoba Kagera (sponsored by the Kagera
AIDS Research Project since 1992), I wrote this playin collaboration with Mgunga Mnyenyerwa
of Parapanda Arts in 1993-94. Initially it was intended only for the stage, but the script got
into the hands of Medical Aid Foundation personnel, who sent it to a publisher.
2. Ebrahim Hussein (I983) writes that at one time, Aristotle's Potties influenced the art of
dlama in the whole of Europe. And when Europeans colonialists came to Africa, they
brought along this Aristotelian theory of drama.
3. C( note no. I.
4. Desis, translated as tying, is "the action in a tragedy leading to climax. Plot threads are craftily
woven together to form a more and more complex mess. At the turning point [peripeteia}
these plot threads begin to unravel in what is called lusis or denouement. Lusis, translated as
untying, is all the action in a tragedy from the climax onward. All the plot thleads that have
been woven together in the desis are slowly unravelled until we reach the conclusion of the
play (online source at http://www.sparknotes.com/philosophy/poeticsj).
CHAPTER 23
1. Estimated by UN ICEF as 0.1 percent among adults (ages 15- 49) in 2009, at http://www.
unice(org/infobycountry/morocco_statistics.html#55·
479
CHAPTER 24
I. This paper is a product of an ongoing research in South Africa made possible by the
Fulbright-Hays Fellowship from the U.S. Department of Education. I am also indebted to
the University of KwaZulu-Natal's Theology Department, Alan Paton Center and Struggles
Archives, the Killie Campbell Archives and the McCord Hospital, The Diakonia Council of
Churches, the Pietermaritzburg Agency for Christian Social Awareness, KwaMashu and
Clermont Community Resource Centers, and St. Clement Home Base Care Project for
providing me the research space. I am also indebted to all my friends and informants in
Durban for their continued help and support.
2. The Church World Service, a sister organization Lo the National Council of Churches USA,
brings churches from a variety of Christian faiths together in the service of humanitarian
projects around the world.
3. N
Umsebenzi means "work in Zulu. but is also used to refer to major ritual events in the family
during which cows are slaughtered, especially ukubuyisa-the ritual of bringing home the
dead commonly referred today as the unveiling of tombs (see Berglund 1989, 41).
4. Ndaba is the great-grandfather of Shaka the founder of the Zulu nation. Thus Nkonyane
Kandaba means the "son of Ndaba." it is also used as a praise name for the Zulu as one of
the chiefdoms in the Mthethwa confederacy. In the pre-Shaka Zulu nation. military regi-
ments were organized according to chiefdoms. but Shaka changed the formations into Age
Grade regiments (from interview with Xolani in Durban, 2007). In this battle song the sons
of the chiefdom are urged to proceed into battle with the ferocity of wounded dogs.
5. An example was the speech that Rev. Mdahe gave at the St. Clement Home Based Care
Project AIDS Awareness Function in May 2007.
6. An example is the experience I had in Clermont while making a round of home visits with
the St. Clement Home-based Care in May 2007. A young man whose sick girlfriend
admitted to us that she had AIDS rejected our advice that he and his two children receive
HIV counseling and testing. He blamed his girlfriend's sickness on the acts of witchcraft
thal was being visited upon them by their neighbors who were jealous of them.
CHAPTER 25
1. For Ghanaians, the term "culture group" often indicates a performance ensemble that
represents traditional drumming and dance from ethnic groups across the country. imitative of
the style and repertoire of well-mown national companies such as the Ghana Dance Ensemble.
CHAPTER 26
1. The names of all drama group members have been changed.
2. My experiences in TASO Mbarara's older van confirmed the difficulty involved in trans-
porting both people and props (including a full theatrical curtain in many cases) in a
limited space on unpaved roads sometimes riddled with potholes. On another occasion.
when I was able to use an associate's hired driver to go to a performance, two TASO drama
group members were more than bappy to join me, along with extra props.
3- UNICEF. for example. discussed the continuation of programs to "shaple] artistic Idrama,
dance. and songl productions to address AIDS related topics'" in Uganda-complementing
similar programs from the World Health Organization and the Uganda AIDS
Commission-in its 1991 Draft of Plan Operations (UNICEF Response to AIDS 1991, 43).
Later, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) included the
training of "more than 200 drama group members from 31 groups in the development and
execution of voluntary counseling and testing and condom efficacy scripts- as part of
its 2002-2003 HIV/AIDS prevention activities; such performances, USAID claimed,
~[rleached out to more than 200,000 persons." (USAID 2003, 27).
4. For a more detailed account of this period. see Bond and Vincent 1997a and 1997b.
5. http://www.must.ac.ug/medicine/index.htm . Accessed April 12. 2008.
6. A March 16. 2008 PubMed search for the terms "Mbarara" and "HIV" turned up thirty·one
articles, several of which were written by local researcher Fred Nuwaha and funded through
MUST. In contrast, a search for "Kampala~ and ~ HIV " turned up 325 articles, many funded
by international initiatives, including a partnership with Johns Hopkins University.
7. I owe my presence in Mbarara to the Montefiore Medical Center's Primary Care/Social
Medicine residency program, where my wife completed her internal medicine residency. At
the time, we travelled to Mbarara as part of my wife's international health elective.
8. See http://www.aicug.org/index.php?option:<Cl.isplaypage&ltemid=74&Op=page&SubMenu.
Accessed April 12, 2008, and http://www.tasouganda.org/mba.php.AccessedApril 12, 2008.
9. As opposed to other incarnations of hospice, Hospice Africa Uganda (a division of Hospice
UK) identifies its primary mission as serving "cancer and AIDS patients with severe pain"
(Hospice Africa Uganda 2003, 3; see also bttp://www.hospiceafrica.or.ug). The logo gracing
the organization's 2002-2003 annual report-a silhouette of a kneeling caregiver reaching
out to a kneeling recipient inside a straw·covered hut-emphasizes the organization's
mission as a largely rural· based one.
10. Other organizations include the Agency for Cooperation in Research and Development
(ACORD). For more. see District Response Initiative 2003. 24.
II. See http://www.thetaug.org. Accessed April 13, 2008. See also Barz 2006, 156.
12. Noticeably absent from this Mbarara AIDS landscape in 2004 was international corpo-
rate sponsorship. While Coca-Cola advertisements featured prominently in the town
(taking up a good percentage of the MUST welcome sign, for example) . health-related
materials saw little overt corporate association until 2005, when Pfizer funded half of
TASO Mbarara's new $ 700,000 "AIDS counseling and training center~ (New HIV IAIDS
Care Center 2005).
13. A 2003 sUJVeyofFaith·Based Organizations (FBOs) addressing HIV /AIDS around Mbarara
listed two Catholic groups (including the Daughters of Mary and Joseph) and the Anglican
Diocese of East Ankole. Surely others existed as well on a less fonnal basis (New HIV / AIDS
Care Center 2005).
14. The Internet cafe r describe, known as 1he Source, - prohibited pornography. named its
terminals after biblical figures, and requested Christian denomination information on its
membership application (Personal observation, July 2004).
IS. For more on the expansion of Christian evangelical activity throughout sub-Saharan Africa
at the start of the twenty-first century, see Epstein 2007, 185-201. I experienced the extent
of the Christian Evangelical presence in Mbarara one Friday night, when my wife and
I were invited to a singing group "rehearsal- ofMUTH students, only to have that rehearsal
tum into a small-scale tent meeting, complete with a sermon given by a visiting minister
from Alabama (Fieldnotes, July 10, 2004).
16. In addition to personal obseJVation by Rebecca Cohen (July 2004), see Sprenkle 2007 and
"Biblical Holistic HIV Care in Uganda ~ 2004. I wish to emphasize that the missionary
work of AIDS clinic physicians typically supplemented appropriate clinical care and did not
appear to compromise the quality of treatment. The physician present during my time in
Mbarara, Dr. Rick Goodgame, earned deep respect among both patients and medical
personnel for his decades of experience treating HIV {AIDS patients in Africa.
17. Personal observation, Rebecca Cohen; Mobile Hospice Mbarara Newsletter, December
2003. See also Mobile Hospice Newsletter, v. II, #1 (April 2004): this issue of the news-
letter, which coincided with Easter, included the words "He is risen! Alleluia" on the front
page just under the banner.
18. From the 2001 report: "Day Care Centers are places for clients to share experience ofliving
with HIV in order to cope and Jive positively with the disease. Other activities include skills
training, Music, Dance, and Drama rehearsals and Health Education Tasks. In 200r
rehearsals of songs, plays and poems by the drama groups were the main activities. Drama
groups are composed of people living with HIV JAIDS and thus have proved very instru-
mental in AIDS education in the communityn (TASO Uganda Limited 2002, 22).
19. In the village performances I viewed (which were attended by people of aU ages), questions
about sexual activity sometimes received frank responses, though several were referred
directly to the village's appointed health educator. In secondary schools, the responses were
far more general; with the director avoiding intimate discussions of sex and largely refusing
to answer questions about condoms, mostly due to religious concerns. Perhaps in her most
forward response in this setting, the director answered a student's questions about condom
effectiveness by warning that student should not have sex until marriage; but if they wanted
to "sin against God," they should use a condom (Fieldnotes) .
20. The TASO Mbarara drama group's cassette tape, which the Centre sold to me for 2000 USh
(c. $I.20) had many of the group's songs set to an electronic keyboard's chordal Afropop
"fill." This practice also occurred at the end of one rehearsal, when the music master used
an electric keyboard to accompanying one of the group's songs .
21. ABC references (A)bstinence, (B)e faithful, and the use of (C)ondoms. This system tended to
work far better as a political trope than as a reality, and did ot appear in the drama group's
musical repertoire. (And there was no little irony in listening to the chairman introduce the
concept in English to a group that appeared to speak almost exclusively in Ranyankole.) Instead,
the drama group took it upon itself to present a more nuanced understanding of human rela-
tionships in a time of AIDS. Moreover, when the drama group gave its presentation to secondary
schools, the group's director played down the use of condoms Qargely only deflecting rumors
about their ineffectivenes) in favor of an abstinence message (see note 19).
22. Cutwen, a Congregationalist minister, developed his Tonic Sol-Fa system in London; but its
reach throughout the British Empire could explain its appearance in Uganda.
23. This well-considered proposal came from the member's own past-her husband, who had
passed away from AIDS, had been a soldier-and from Uganda's history with the disease,
which was first discovered in epidemic proportions through testing of soldiers being trained
in Cuba (Bosch 2003).
24. This drama group member has since become a key publicized figure in the same organiza.
tion's more recent microfinandng initiative.
CH APTE R 27
1. Ethiopia's national language is Amharic, which is written in the same script used for Ge'ez,
the liturgical language .of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. No international standard yet
exists for transliterating the script, commonly calledfidt:l, into the Roman alphabet. In this
chapter, I transliterate Amharic into the Roman alphabet without using diacritical marks
and into a form that renders words easily readable and that approximates as closely as pos-
sible the way in which they would be pronounced in Amharic.
2. Circus Addis Ababa was founded as Circus Ethiopia, the original name reflecting both the
troupe's status as the first to be established and its location in the Ethiopian capital city.
Sometime in 2004, the name was changed to Circus Addis Ababa to correspond with most
of the other major troupes in the country, which are eponymously named for the cities in
which they are based. I shall use Circus Addis Ababa throughout this chapter, although it is
important to note that many people still refer to the troupe as Circus Ethiopia. Circus Tigrai
has not changed its name to Circus Mekelle, after the city in which it is based, nor do
I expect it to do so given the troupe's name recognition and economic security. which free
it from having to cooperate fully with Circus in Ethiopia on certain issues. for example, the
effort to rename troupes.
3. lOis chapter is closely based on an introductory article to Ethiopia's circuses that I wrote
several years ago (Niederstadt 2009).
4. In this aspect, Ethiopian circuses share many similarities with the forms of performance
considered by Kelly M. Askew in her study of cultural performance in Tanzania (2002) as
well as the various case studies presented in The Politics ofCultural Peiformance (Parkin et al
eds.1996).
5. My ongoing research into Ethiopian circus performance began in 2000 as part of a project
that examined contemporary expressive culture in Ethiopia's urban centers while a doctoral
candidate at the Institute of Social and Cultural Anthropology at the University of Oxford.
This chapter is based on fieldwork conducted in the country's two largestdties Addis Ababa
and Dire Dawa as well as visits to other cities and towns that are home to circuses. I am
grateful to the innumerable arcus performers, administrators, and fans, both Ethiopian
and foreign, whose ideas and opinions about the Ethiopian circus movement have contrib-
uted to this research. I am also thankful for the support of my mentors and colleagues at
Oxford. the University of Michigan. and Wheaton College. and to the Institute of Ethiopian
Studies at Addis Ababa University where I was a Visiting Scholar from 2001-2007. Finally,
m~ny thanks to Christopher Hyde, Visual Resource Curator, Wheaton College for his
continued patience and help with image production and to Mell Scalzi and Emma Westbrook
for research assistance and digital imagery wizardry.
6. I use the term ~theatre for development" broadly to refer to forms of performance-how-
ever diverse-that address issues of social, economic, or political importance for the
community either creating or witnessing the performance. (In doing so. I am subscribing
to a definition of the term broader than that normally abbreviated as ''TFD.'') For more on
the topic. see Banham et al. eds. 1999, Boon and Plastow eds. 1998, Boon and Plastoweds.
2004, Etherton ed. 2006. and Kerr ed. 2008.
7. In Ethiopia, wetatoch, or youths, comprise a social and legal category that differs from those
of children and adu1ts. The Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia defines "youth" as an
age-based category that extends from fifteen to twenty-seven years of age. Few Ethiopian
circus performers in their early twenties live as adults be<:ause most of them arc still engaged
in secondary schooling, live at home with the parents and siblings, and do not function
socially as gorumsewotch, or adults. It is important to note that in the rural countryside, girls
and young women take on the social responsibilities of adulthood when they are married,
often around eleven or twelve years of age, usually to older men. The compensation received
by circus performers varied from troupe to troupe and was usually only provided to those
members who performed pUblicly. In the past, this compensation has consisted of a
stipend, transport money, food, milk, health care, andlor educational support including
tutoring and school materials.
8. Ethiopian circus members regularly perform on a slack rope, which is considered to be
more difficult from a tight rope, as it moves from side to side as well as up and down when
the performer walks on it.
9. In 2007, an Israeli clowning troupe called Dream Doctor led a clowning workshop in Addis
Ababa for IT!embers of five circus troupes. r have only witnessed one circus performance
and a few rehearsals since that time so I do not yet know what, if any, impact the workshop
had on public circus shows ("Dream Doctor" in Addis 2007).
10. Reviews by foreign audience members demonstrate that they perceive an Ethiopian, or even
more generic "African," circus. The markers of ethnic identity that are so familiar to
Ethiopians are usually not recognized by foreign spectators.
II. For much of the first fifteen years of the Ethiopian circus movement, shows held as part of
international tours were usually less overtly didactic, although they occasionally incorpo-
rated generic messages about the need for peace and unity or more specific messages about
HIV IAIDS, such as spelling out H-I-V with juggling bricks (figure 27.2).
12. Neither is currently involved significantly in the Ethiopian circus movement. Andy Goldman
now lives and works as a consultant and photographer in South Africa. Marc LaChance
committed suicide in May 1999 following allegations by circus performers seeking asylum
in Australia that he had abused them.
13. I use the terms "street children~ and godana tadadtri to refer to children who both live and
work on the streets. not children who work on the streets, for example, selling gum, to help
support their families, with which they live, as many circus members have done, and con-
tinue to do. For a thorough analysis of the situation of street children in Addis Ababa, see
Heinonen 2000.
14. The process of establishing an NGO in Ethiopia is quite complex but it was the only way in
which the circus movement could legally operate within Ethiopia. unless it associated itself
with an existing institution, such as a schoo! or another NCO. Sometime in 2007 or 2008,
the organization changed its name to Circus in Ethiopia for Youth and Social Development
(CIEYSD). The reasons for the renaming remain unclear. As nearly everyone still calls the
organization Circus in Ethiopia, or CIE, I have continued to do so in this chapter.
15. Circus Jimma was established in western Ethiopia in 1992 by Bereket Tizazu, followed by
Circus Nazaret, which was founded in 1995 by Ephrem Haile. (Nazaret was the Amharic
name for the town of Adama, which is part of the Oromia Regional State. While the town is
now known as Adama, its name in Afaan Oromo, the circus still goes by the name of Circus
Nazaret.) Tesfaye Gebreyohannes founded Circus Tigrai in the northern city of Mekelle in
1993, while Circus Dire Dawa was established in eastern Ethiopia in 1996 by Meseret
Manni and Deresse Lakew. Although technically an associate member circus until
2003/2004, Circus Dire Dawa functioned as a main branch circus long before then. In
2005, plans were made toelevate two associate circuses to main branch status. but the
transition appears not to have been realized, due to funding constraints.
IG. After Marc LaChance left Ethiopia, Metmku Yohannes, a longtime Circus in Ethiopia board
member. served as executive director, although primarily in an advisory role; other Ethiopian
staff handled day-to-day affairs as Metmku then held a full -time position as senior lawyer
with the Ethiopian Electric Power Corporation. In the last ten years, at least six Ethiopians
have served sa executive director. some for as little as six months. A Dutch consultant Cees
DeGraaf also held the position for several years from 2002-2004.
17. The other exceptions are Circus Dire Dawa and Circus Hargeisa. which were directly funded
for many years by Novib, although the Circus in Ethiopia organization administered the
funds.
18. For more on Adugna Community Dance Theatre Company, see Plastow 2004.
19. Such engagement of the audience is common in many forms of African performance. See
Askew 2002 for several examples.
20. When I asked circus staff about the meaning of the show, I was told that while it appeared
to be about two families, in leality, it was about Ethiopia and Eritrea and the need for the
two countries to be reunited. Following the downfall of the Derg, Eritrea, which had been
an Ethiopian province for nearly forty years, gained independence from Ethiopia in a 1993
referendum. Eritrea's independence left Ethiopia landlocked without a port on the Red Sea
and relations between the two countries grew strained. As of 2001, the situation remained
difficult, especially after the Ethiopian-Eritrea war that began in 1998 and ended in the
summer of 2000. To address their concerns. circus performers and staff developed Selam.
21. In Ethiopia, although the husband is socially recognized (and often legally upheld) as the
head of household, the federal constitution addresses women's rights and provides for legal
equality in all areas, including education, employment, and property ownership. In reality,
however, few women (or girls) have the means to pursue their rights if they face
discrimination or threat. Even if they do, regional and federal laws often differ significantly
from long-standing social practices, thus making enforcement difficult.
22 . Due to safety concerns, circus staff, local police and de jacro security guards quickly disperse
crowds following performances, making it difficult to conduct research on what information
audience members do take away from a perfonnance or how effectively didactic messages
have been conveyed.
CHA PTER 29
I. Not his real name.
2. For general information on kwaito, see Steingo 2005.
3. In the course of a 2006 rape trial against former deputy president Jacob Zuma, Zuma said
that after having sexual intercourse with an H IV-positive woman he took a cold shower.
Zuma's statement caused much confusion among the public, many of whom were led to
believe that a cold shower after unprotected sex decreases the risk of contracting H IV.
4. For more on the issue of the political in kwaito, see Steingo 2005.
5. Bhekezizwe Peterson has also taken issue with Nuttall and Michael's editorial comments to
Stephen's chapter. His critique, however, is very different from my own. Writes Peterson:
"Commentators can draw our attention to what is perceived to be the aura of wanton crim-
inality that engulfs kwaito, but my unease concerns the analytical and socio-political conse-
quences of the flattening of what is an immensely complex, textured, variegated and
historically specific constellation between the zones ofkwaito's musical and performance
forms, its practitioners and consumers" (2003, 201).
6. In full, Allen's quote reads as follows: "In its early years, klVaito was a South Africanized
blend of hip hop with European and American dance music, especially house and techno.
and pop. The music of the top klVaito groups of this period ... was generally dominated by
an unyielding, pounding bass beat that was marginally mediated by other cyclically repeated
rhythmic modules. The instrumental backing tended to be entirely computer generated.
Snatches of catchy melodies were layered and looped around the vocal parts that tended to
be the only 'Jive: human aspects of kwaito performance ... Although the rhythmically
spoken lyrics were inspired by rap, vocal delivery tended to be much slower in kwaito, and
the lyrics consisted of a few of the latest catch phrases repeated and played against each
other~ (see Allen 2004, 82-IU).
7. Although Thandiswa continues to say that ~ Even the kind of House music we like in South
Africa is the more kind of soulful stuff, ~ I would suggest that she is referring more to the
House music of 2001 (the year she made her statement). Today, House music in South
Africa is extremely fast and exhausting to dance to.
8. The notion of "kwaito·speak" has been developed by linguist Sizwe Satyo (2001).
9. Most of the terms offered by Satyo are in a kind of aeolized version of Xhosa that he calls
"kwaito·speak," or (more conventionally) tsotsitaal.
10. Note that the letter "j" is used as a noun prefix in some cases in both Zulu and Xhosa. Note
also that both Zulu and Xhosa (along with Swazi) are in the Nguni language group and are
fairly similar.
II . Note that even though Dowling calls the group TKZ, the real name is actually TKZee. The
two ~ee's " are added after the "z" presumably to clarify pronunciation, since in South
African English the letter Z is pronounced "zed." It is likely that TKZee appropriated
American English (that is, the letter Z pronounced as "zee") for reasons of identification.
12. Wearing All·Star canvas lakkies (sneakers), for example, is a warning sign for many parents
that their children are being initiated into kwaito culture.
13. Of course this reminds us of the preceding discussion of music as a narcotic.
14. Quoted on Zola's Web page: http://www.zola7.co.za. accessed 2 November, 2009.
15. Note that in South Africa, "platinum" means that an album sold 40,000 copies.
16. See Crowe 2006. Note that Crowe erroneously refers to Zola as a "hip·hop" star.
17. Note that at the concert Zola was introduced as the "unofficial mayor of Soweto."
18. Zola wears a large number seven .lroWld his neck, and his 1V show is called Zola 7. In fact, in
casua1 conversation among black South Africans, Zola himself is often referred to as "Zola 7."
I9. Zola said this in an interview in the documentary Sharp Sharp: The Kwaito Story (dir.
Aryan K.aganof. South Africa·Netherlands. Featuring Zola. TKZee, Oskido, Mzambiya ,
Don Laka, and Mandoza. Aryan Kaganof, 2003). A transcription of the interview can be
found at: http://www .kagano(com /kagablog/ category I films I sha rp·sharp· the· kwa ito/
story.
20. Khabzela's life has been documented in meticulous detail in McGregor 2005.
21. Khabzela also released several albums. After choosing tracks that he liked, those tracks
would be licensed and then be released on a compilation under Fana's name. (See McGregor
200 5, 124,)
22. In 2005, Yfm's Web site (yfm.co.za) stated: ~Gigs and bashes have been powerful players in
the history of Yfm and establishing Kwaito music as a viable commercial genre has posi·
tioned the station as 'owning' and its artists who dominate the music charts today. Think
Kwaito, think Yfm. Since 2005, however, the Web site has changed slightly. Because kwaito
H
has lost some popularity, the Web site now presents yfm as more diverse and mentions the
station's ties to genres such as hip hop, House, R&B, and raga.
23. As McGregor writes: "The theme of[Khabzela's] intervention was an almost biblical redemp·
tion. Prisoners were encouraged to confess and apologise on 'Positive Youth of Gauteng';
the community to forgive and embrace them" (2005, 148).
24. Note, however, that Maloka also had this to say about his friend: "He didn't believe in his
limitations. He didn't allow the system to fence him in and that mindset might work for you
at a certain stage but ifit makes you stubborn, it might work against you later on."
C HA PTE R 30
1. For a description ofUlhug rhymes," see the aforementioned in the radio executives' descrip-
tion of rap rife with sexual and violent imagery. Club mixes entail rap music that is not
socially conscious, that mayor may not contain sexual and/or violent imagery, and is
intended for l'iocial gatherings.
2. "Lugaftow" is a descriptor that Ugandan MCs coined to describe rap in the Luganda lan-
guage. Ugandan hip hop group Bataka Squad, credited by many to have been the first
professional rap group in Uganda, and now relatively inactive as members have moved
away from Kampala, began their careers rapping in Lugaftow.
3. Ironically, Lumix has faired far better by touring in GuIu and in villages outside of Uganda
by sticking to the use of his home dialect.
4. These notebooks do in fact exist and not simply as notebooks either- see for example 'Ine
Uganda All-Star Aids Strnggle CD featuring Lyrical G; Tshila's "Sipping from the Nile~; the
single "One" featuring Eazy Tecs and Lyrical G; and GNL's more recent "Koi Koi" and
UStoryya Lukka."
5. All artists retained copies and ownership of their recordings. An agreement was entered
that allowed us to have first release rights. after which the complete rights would revert back
to the artists.
6. More recently. in his chapter, u1be Ethics of Representation," Kofi Agawu, in conversation
with Barbara Krader and Mark Slobin, explores what he calls the Mimpossibility~ of estab-
lishing normative content for ethics within ethnomusicology. Agawu's assessment can also
only provide a point of departure. His categories do not easily map onto thinking about the
ethical implications of producing a Ugandan rap album with limited appeal that is arguably
derivative of music from the United States. Though Agawu addresses the ironic resistance
to popular music studies within ethnomusicological circles. nowhere does he speak of hip
hop. Agawu does. however, mention the "potency~ of popular music and laments the acad-
emy's resistance to take seriously its study within ethnomusicology (2003, 170-'71).
7. See for example Lomax 1993 and Work et al. 2005 in this regard.
8. For Kampala Flow, beats were made by studios in which the tracks were recorded-those
owned by GK (with some beats made by GK's studio technician Daddyskills), Dawoo, and
Lumix. Other beats were purchased from beatmakers such as Sam. For work on "beat" pro-
duction see Walser 1995, which refers to the "beat" as a "groove~ and discusses its
construction.
9. The initial tracks were recorded and laid down in Kampala. Uganda in several different
recording studios based on beats also created in Uganda. The album was mixed down by
Quanie Cash, a rap artist and producer in Nashville, TN. The album was published with a
label in Los Angeles.
10. Admittedly, the use and definition of the term "religion" has been extensively problema-
tized (see J. Z. Smith 1982, xi). "Religion is solely the creation of the scholar's study."
Despite its long history in university education and the continued and pervasive effects of
faith and religion in the public sphere, theology's place in the academy has long been ques-
tioned. While this longstanding suspicion of theology and these definitional debates and
NOTES TO PAGE 367
cautions regarding usage of religion are critical for scholarship that is careful and self-con-
scious of what Fitzgerald calls its own ~semantic and ideological bias[esr (.2.000, 53) such
discussions exceed the scope of this essay. It should also be noted that definitional debates
have likewise problematized the use of the term "ethnomusicology" since the nineteenth
century. Without dismissing the complexity of suggesting that Ugandan rap music and rap·
pers have religious dimensions, commitments, and expressions worth analysis, Liu sug-
gests that the theologically based portions of this essay may become more tenable if the line
of argumentation in these sections is viewed as another method, as subject to emendation
and critique as any other, and if the assertions be seen as catechresticaUy constructed. This
essay at first uses religion, theology, and their cognates interchangeably and uncritically
(with the exception of this footnote). As the confessional language of the artist interview
becomes more prominent and relevant to the recommendations for more religiously and
theologically oriented ethnomusicology, Liu will use theology and its cognates with more
frequency for two reasons; (I) to acknowledge an analysis of the artists' statements on their
own terms (no pun intended) and (z) to acknowledge interdisciplinary link to his home dis-
cipline of Homiletics and Liturgics.
II. Calvinist minister Jean de Lery's 1578 writings about the music of indigenous Brazilians
may also be an earlier account of religiously linked ethnomusicology. ~ De I.ery's Calvinist
beliefs allowed him to be skeptical of the emerging scientific paradigm. He sought religiOUS
truth, not scientific objectivity, and though in his mind the native Brazilains were mistaken,
de Ury seemed sensitve to their efforts to express belief systems in ritual forms~ (Barz and
Cooley zo08, 6).
12. See Wong 2001 and Shelemay 199z. See also Shelemay's writings on Ethiopian Jewish
music (1991), and the three volumes of Ethiopian Christian Liturgical Chant edited by
Shelemay and Peter Jeffrey (1993, 1994, 1997). For the North American context, see also
Barz zo03, Bohlman, Blumhofer, and Chow 2006, and Marini zo03.
13. In Mtk Some Noise, Timothy Rommen c!evelops what he calls an "ethics of style~ to assert
the importance of belief as a necessary and fruitful starting point for ethnomusicological
analysis. He writes, "I am increasingly convinced that belief, values, faith-that is, convic-
tion-have been held for too long, to borrow from Sartre, in bad faith. Belief-whether
placed in ip.stitutions, theories, cosomologies, or markets-permeates our lives, and yet we
often w~ar our beliefs quite uncomfortably. After all, when it gets right down to it, they con-
figure themselves in terms of right and wrong, good and evil-in terms of ethics" (Rommen
2007, z7). For Rommen, his ethics of style takes the ~foundation" of conviction ~se riously"
to both interpret Trinidadian full gospel lyrics and the culture they effect with more than a
political, social, or aesthetic reading, but also "nuance the political, social, and aestethic
implications of gospel dancehall" (30). With Rommen, we want to acknowledge the vital
link. between belief and ethics in its social, political, and aesthetic dimensions. In contrast
to him, however, we do not want to reduce ethnomusicological consideration of belief to
ethical discourse. Also, though Rommen, by way of Levinas, admits that his analytical
framework is an ~act of identification" whereby he too becomes "implicated ~ and a part of
the othered "discourses surrounding style in full gospel Trinidad," such admission does not
make a claim regarding the believability of the beliefs or ethics of style in musics like "gos-
pelypso" or its participants and performers (168-170). Nor is Rommen's admission
expressly theological. It is not expressly theological because ethical discourses surrounding
style as he describes seem confined to analysis of dialogue in which only humans partici-
pate. The theological trajectory of this chapter, however, aims to suggest that the self-
descriptive language, lyrics, and lives ofTafash and Twig o{f~r ways Lo reconceive convictions
about HIV IA IDS relief, music, and ethics, and the presence or absence of God in their lives
and perhaps ours as well.
14. Sarah Coakley writes, "If this is a real possibility [that "dying Christians" enter into 'Christ's
pain'] of which contemporary medicine should be taking account, then we need to be asking
how its effects could be measured scientifically" (2007, 92). Though Coakley does speak of
"secular impoverishment ~ related to medical meanings, deciphering whether theology
functions as an extra or integral ingredient to treating such epistemological lack depends
upon how one interprets words such as "plea,"' "enrich," and "consideration."' 1"0 say this
in any way is not to condone the continuation of curable pain or to invite medical neglect;
rather it is a plea to enrich medical reflection on pain and pain management with a deep
consideration of the ethical and spiritual questions that narratives such as the Carmelites'
lay before us· (ibid.). Though there exists in this chapter a shared concern for addressing
what Coakley calls the "secular impoverishmentn of medical ways ofknowing, our theologic:l1
analysis differs from one like Coak1ey's in three ways. First, it begins with the ethnographic,
and particularly engages the medical ethnomusicological, rather than the historical.
medical. and theological. Second, we also provocatively suggest that theological analysis is
requisite for the ethnomusicological study ofTafash and Twig described in this chapter.
Thirdly, theological analysis of Tafash and Twig may also suggest ways of knowing God
for this chapters' readers as well.
15. Again, Rommen's study is no exception. Mek Some Noise focuses upon Trinidadian full
gospel worship musics and congregational locations like Mt. Beulah Evangelical
Baptist Church in Point Fortin, Trinidad. Other authors outside the field of ethnomu-
sicology, including Jeremy Begbie, Teresa Berger, Ed Foley, and Mary McCann,
attempt to make Christian theological claims about God based upon music. McGann's
work in particular incorporates congregational ethnography (2004). For writing that
makes general claims of spirituality as deriving from music, but does not use ethnog-
raphy, see Cobussen 2008.
16. Not until the month of June did the artists know that Liu would be conducting exit inter-
views regarding their theological and spiritual outlooks and whether their perspectives
effected their mUSic-making. Neither did the artists know that Liu was a doctoral student in
Homiletics and Liturgics or associated with theology at all.
17. Note that CK was uncertain of the spelling of okuhingira or okuhinjere, CK's studio
(Interview with Liu, June 17, 2008).
18. Students in Form 6 are typically 17-18 years old.
19. Tshila. mentioned earlier, features as a singer on the compilation. She also does not
consider herself a rapper.
20. English translation of ~ Ukimwi, · Barz.
21. Peter Tosh (Winston Hubert Mcintosh, Oct. 19th, I944-Sept. lIth 1987) had a prominent
career as a solo reggae perfonner. He was also a popular advocate of Rastafarianism. He
was a former member of reggae group, The Wallers.
22. liu, exit interview, June, 2008.
23 . E-mail correspondence with Gerald Liu Jan. 10, 2009.
24. Though she directs her rap at "you, ~ I am suggesting that it is a plural audience that she has
in mind, something like what southern vernacular might phrase as "y'all."
25. Perhaps her point about "jingle" AIDS relief advertising is warranted when conSidering
examples such as the recent theme for World AIDS Day and its accompanying slogan. The
2007 and 2008 theme was "leadership. ~ This theme has been promoted with the slogan,
"Stop AIDS. Keep the Promise: See http://www.worldaidscampaign.orgjenjKey-eventsj
World-AIDS-DayjWorld-AIDS-DaY-2008, last accessed Nov. 23, 2009.
26. "Coinherence suggests a type of coalescence between religious belief, personal identity,
R
and musical endeavor for Tafash and Twig. The connection between these three attrib-
utes of belief, identity, and musical endeavor do not, however, constitute a seamless unity.
Rather. the three are inherent to the artists' identities and are made to cooperate with one
another through the artists' subjective negotiation. Coinherence also contrasts with the
theological use of "dialectic." Belief, identity, and musical endeavor are neither suspended
in relationship where all three contribute equally to a fulsome sense of self. Nor do they
cancel one another resulting in a distillation of some notion of personhood. Rather, for
Tafash and Twig. we suggest that they arrive at a sense of self by continually negotiating
the related and opposing spheres of religious belief. personal identity. and musical
endeavor.
27. Twig then seems to provide her own particular answer to Marion's question, and perhaps
another version of his answer. Marion asks, "Does God give himself [sicJ to be known
according to a more radical horizon than being?~ (Marion 1991, xxiv). Marion answers by
suggesting the God offers Godself as gift. Though some, in recognizing Marion as a
Catholic theologian and the hellenistic roots of terms such as "homiletics" and "litur-
gics," may now be questioning the academic integrity of mixing Christian-oriented
scholarship with African female rappers, I first suggest that far from determining the
interpretation of interview responses from Twig and Tafash, the selection of Christian
texts in this article intends to emphasize their religious particularity and in no way pre-
sumes any type of religious etiology or seeks to prevent religiOUS multivocality. Secondly,
though every effort should and will be made to take the artists' words in their own right,
but as Bruno Nettl admits, ideology is necessarily a part of ethnomusicology's intellec-
tual history (2005, 4).
28. See Heidegger '962, 30: ~Theology is seeking a more primordial interpretation of man's
being towards God, prescribed by the meaning of faith itself and remaining within it."
[Italics from printed version, masculine language from original.]
29. Bar2 2006a, 170. Italicization ofJuturt: from this chapter.
30. What is still needed in academic studies of disease and health care are field-based research
studies, such as on the culture of AIDS-specific transinstitutional efforts to study religion,
medicine, and music with a focus on the interaction between faith, expressive culture, and
healing within local conceptualizations of disease and healing in sub-Saharan Africa
(Barz. 2006a, 153).
31. There are, however, numerous contributions that explore homologous aspects of religion in
prayer/meditation, spirituality, shamanism. Native American healing, and possession in
Islamic culture (see especially Roseman 2008, Koen 2008, Bahn 2008, Olsen 2008,
During 2008, Locke and Koen 2008).
32. For more on the practice of radical hope in the face of cultural devastation, see Lear 2006.
33. For more regarding "alterity" and the ethical advantages of proceeding from a position of
alterity, see Bhabha 1994, 175: "'The postcolonial perspective forces us to rethink the pro-
found limitations of a consensual and collusive 'liberal' sense of cultural community. It
insists that cultural and political identity are constructed through a process of alterity."
34. See Kampala road intelview abuve.
35. For more on the importance of divergence as a practice of faith, see de Certeau 1998.
49 0
C HAPTER 31
l. The dates used in the music otations refer to the date of the recording and may not be the
original date of recording in cases of licensed or compilation works.
z. After the arrival of a multiparty dispensation in Malawi, Saleta complained that he had
never been paid for composing upublic health~ songs for cholea (cholera) or HIV/AIDS
(Saleta Phiri 1995).
3- Constraints of space dictate that I cannot discuss the critical role of radio and DJs in pro-
moting HIV/AIDS awareness in this chapter. The power of DJs and radio stations can
make or break a musician.
CHAPTER 32
I. Originally published in the International Studies Quarterly (2007) 51, 139-63. Thanks are
due to John Ballard, Thomas Bernauer. Gerard Holden, Emma Hutchison. Subhash Jaireth,
and Hanspeter Kriesi as well as the ISQ editorial team and their anonymous referees for
insightful comments on .earlier drafts of this essay. We would also like to acknowledge the
generous help of Eric Gottesman, who repeatedly took the time and care to respond to our
inquiries. Much of the background information about our case study on pluralist photog-
raphy is based on these interviews, which took place either by phone or e-mail between June
2004 and July 2006. Rather than citing the interviews individually throughout the text, we
acknowledge them here collectively.
49 1

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