The Indian Army’s Land Warfare Doctrine

2018: A Critical Analysis

Dr Masood Ur Rehman Khattak*
Abstract
The Indian military is continuously transforming its doctrines to fill operational
gaps, create synergy and integration in its tri-services, and execute realistic
conventional limited war-fighting strategies. Its Land Warfare Doctrine-2018
(LWD-18) is a renewed form of previous limited war doctrines. Pakistan’s
nuclear deterrence and effective conventional counter measures have confined
the India’s military from any large-scale offensives. This is the reason why it is
constantly looking for a gap between the nuclear and conventional capabilities
of Pakistan to launch limited but intense quick and swift operations under the
nuclear umbrella without invoking Pakistan’s nuclear threshold. Through in-
depth primary interviews supported by secondary sources, this study finds that
the new LWD-18 has put greater emphasis on the restructuring of the Indian
Strike formations into small Integrated Battle Groups (IBGs) equipped with
offensive elements for shallow manoeuvres in protracted, rapid and nimble
warfare scenarios. The LWD-18 also focuses on force modernisation; synergy
& integration; flexibility; agility and greater manoeuvrability to fill operational
gaps; shorten mobilisation time; and execute limited war concepts against
Pakistan. It also stresses the significance of hybrid warfare threats in modern
times, Intelligence Surveillance and Reconnaissance capabilities for real-time
information about the adversary and enhanced battlefield transparency for
precision strikes. All these capabilities are required for any quick and swift
specialised operations in the South Asian strategic milieu. Such doctrinal
transformation in the Indian Army is taking place rapidly and is going to put
extreme strain on Pakistan’s military to manage growing conventional
asymmetries, counter hybrid nature of threats, and employ credible counter
measures along with pragmatic conventional strategies backed by nuclear
weapons, to ensure territorial integrity, manage internal security and deter
aggression at all levels to maintain deterrence stability in South Asia.
Keywords: Land Warfare Doctrine-2018, Force Modernisation, Conventional
Asymmetries, Surgical Strikes, Hybrid Warfare, Limited War.

*
The author is Assistant Professor at the Department of Politics and International
Relations, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan. He can be contacted
at: masood.rehman@iiu.edu.pk.
_____________________

@2020 by the Islamabad Policy Research Institute.

IPRI Journal  XX (1): 105-134.
https://doi.org/10.31945/iprij.200105.

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Masood Ur Rehman Khattak

Introduction

I
ndia’s strategic thinking has revolved around China and Pakistan since
its independence. It propagates China as a primary threat but its force
modernisation and military orientation is aimed at Pakistan. Therefore,
India competes with China at the system level and challenges Pakistan at
the regional level because the latter is a stumbling block to New Delhi’s
hegemonic ambitions. India’s relationship with Pakistan has always
suffered from mistrust, intrigue, suspicion and persistent rivalries over
unresolved issues including Kashmir, water distribution, Siachen, Sir Creek
or proxy wars. Both states fought three wars and a small-scale conflict over
Kargil in 1999, changing the dynamics of warfare in South Asia. After its
1962 defeat, India never pursued aggressive policies against China except
a small-scale skirmish at Doklam.1
However, after the 1965 and 1971 wars with Pakistan, it
consolidated its position against the conventionally weaker Pakistan and
adopted an aggressive force posture under which it not only re-organised
the military’s force deployment, but also focused on deep thrusts inside the
country.2 New Delhi has always been trying to work out a military way to
restrain Pakistan’s alleged aggression and terrorism in Indian Occupied
Jammu and Kashmir (IOJ&K) or on India’s soil.3 Since, it cannot militarily
defeat Pakistan without risking nuclear war, it introduced several military
doctrines  from the Sunderji Doctrine or mechanisation period in the
1980s to the post-1999 Limited War under the nuclear overhang; from Cold
Start Doctrine (CSD)/Proactive Doctrine to surgical strikes or hybrid
warfare.
Such doctrinal development is a continuous process in the Indian
Army. A major shift in the Indian Army’s offensive doctrinal development

1
Jonathan Marcus, “China-India Border Tension: Satellite Imagery Shows Doklam
Plateau Build-Up,” BBC.com, January 26, 2018, https://bbc.in/2VuLLZP.
2
Jo Inge Bekkevold, Ian Bowers and Michael Raska, eds., Security, Strategy and
Military Change in the 21st Century: Cross-Regional Perspectives (New York:
Routledge, 2015), 101, http://opac.lib.idu.ac.id/unhan-ebook/assets/uploads/files/c40a4-
031.security-strategy-and-military-change-in-the-21st-century.pdf.
3
Sunil Dasgupta and Stephen P. Cohen, “Is India Ending its Strategic Restraint
Doctrine?” Washington Quarterly 34, no. 2 (2011):172, http://bit.ly/2Vc31xO.

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 The Indian Army’s Land Warfare Doctrine-2018: A Critical Analysis

took new shape in 1975 under the Government of Indira Gandhi. She tasked
three Generals to formulate the Indian Army’s Land Warfare Strategy
against Pakistan.4 Subsequently, the Army focused on three Strike Corps;
mechanised infantry; and armour divisions to carry out deeper attacks
within Pakistan. India tried to operationalise the Sunderji Doctrine in 1986-
87 in the Brasstacks wargames.5 Following Pakistan’s conventional and
non-conventional counter measures the Indian Army could not cross the
border.6
In the post- nuclearisation phase, the Kargil conflict in 1999
between both states brought a huge shift in India’s strategic thinking; and
the concept of ‘limited war under the nuclear overhang’ was born.7 This
thinking received further impetus from the wider strategic community in
India after the failure of Operation Parakram in 2001-02. It took almost
three weeks for the Indian Strike Corps to reach the border.8 During this
period, Pakistan established its defences on the border and India could do
nothing because of three things: first, nuclear factor/deterrence; second,
international pressure; and third, the element of surprise was lost. The
failure of Operation Parakram gave birth to the Cold Start Doctrine (CSD)
in 2004.9 The CSD aimed at quick, swift, Blitzkrieg type shallow
manoeuvres. The reaction time under CSD was set at 72-96 hours after any
alleged terrorist attack in IOJ&K. Aims and objectives were kept limited to
only hold small-scale territory, take out Pakistan’s military outposts to

4
Ian Cardozo, The Indian Army: A Brief History (New Delhi: United Service Institution
of India, 2005), 159.
5
Ali Ahmed, India’s Doctrine Puzzle: Limiting War in South Asia (New Delhi:
Routledge, 2014), 44.
6
Feroz Hassan Khan, Eating Grass: The Making of the Pakistani Bomb (California:
Stanford University Press, 2012), 222.
7
V.P. Malik, “Fighting Limited Wars: A Major Challenge for the Military,” Centre for
Land Warfare Studies, July 3, 2010, https://archive.claws.in/385/fighting-limited-wars-
a-major-challenge-for-the-military-gen-v-p-malik-retd.html.
8
Verghese Koithara, Managing India’s Nuclear Forces (Washington, D.C.: Brookings
Institution Press, 2012), 28.
9
Ibid.

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Masood Ur Rehman Khattak

soothe the public back home.10 However, the CSD over a period of time
could not achieve these objectives. For example, following the Mumbai
2008 attacks, the Indian Army could not operationalise the CSD against
Pakistan because of operational weaknesses; lack of adequate offensive
weapons & equipment; command and control issues; integration and
synergy between the Armed Forces; and most importantly; adequate
Intelligence Surveillance Reconnaissance (ISR) capabilities along with
required agility and training for quick and swift operations as required for
such offensive manoeuvres. Close assessment of the CSD suggests that this
doctrine has remained an aspiration of the Indian Army because of its
operational and structural deficiencies.11 However, Pakistan’s
countermeasures in the shape of conventional readiness; quick and swift
warfare concepts to reciprocate any offensive manoeuvres; and
development of Tactical Nuclear Weapons (TNWs) along with Full
Spectrum Deterrence (FSD) restricted CSD-based operations:

With a combination of Pakistan’s conventional and

nuclear capability and the advantage of military
geography since we have cantonments up there, forward-
linked cantonments with which we can react (in some
cases) within hours, we have found solutions to the Cold
Start Doctrine.12

Many experts suggest that the CSD has been just a myth:13

Indian attempts to deter sub-conventional attacks from

Pakistan via their conventional forces (e.g. Cold Start)
have not succeeded. Despite the public attention such

10
Joseph F. Pilat and Nathan E. Busch, Routledge Handbook of Nuclear Proliferation and
Policy (New York: Routledge, 2015), 90.
11
Vipin Narang and Walter C. Ladwig III, “Taking ‘Cold Start’ out of the Freezer?”
Hindu, January 11, 2017.
12
Lt. General (Retd.) Khalid Kidwai (Former Director General Strategic Plans Division),
in discussion with the author, December 6, 2017.
13
Narang and Ladwig III, “Taking ‘Cold Start’ out of the Freezer?”

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 The Indian Army’s Land Warfare Doctrine-2018: A Critical Analysis

developments garner, I do not believe that they have

affected strategic stability in and of themselves.14

The nuclear environment, proximity of border and threat of

escalation restricted the Indian military’s options against Pakistan, which
resulted in consistent doctrinal manoeuvring. According Mark Fitzpatrick,
‘Cold Start remains an aspiration by the Indian Army…I do not see this
capability as yet operationalised, and I also think, by the way, that
Pakistan’s response has neutralised this idea already.’15 It is also believed
that it was the balance of terror which prevented India from any proactive
steps:

If aggression is manifested on us, we will use all our

resources to fight back. If deterrence remains intact,
which I hope it will, it has remained intact so far and likely
to remain intact in future also. There is no likelihood of a
nuclear exchange. But, if deterrence fails, then, that can
lead to nuclear exchange because Pakistan is very clear on
saying that we will use all our resources once it comes to
aggression from an enemy. Of course we are not saying
that we will use them (TNWs) immediately. We will keep
our cards close to our chest. But, we are not going to
accept defeat. We are not going to allow them success.
That, is our doctrine.16

Since the CSD or proactive military operations entailed greater risks

of escalation, and it was difficult for the Indian Army to execute this
strategy because of operational paucities, the IAF introduced the concept of
sub-conventional warfare strategy in 2012 aimed at the possibility of

14
Walter C. Ladwig III (Assistant Professor International Relations, King’s College
London) in discussion with the author, October 18, 2017.
15
Mark Fitzpatrick (Former Executive Director, International Institute for Strategic
Studies (IISS) Americas; and head IISS Non-Proliferation and Nuclear Policy
Programme), in discussion with the author, December 6, 2017.
16
Lt. General (Retd.) Naeem Khalid Lodhi (Former Defence Secretary of Pakistan; and
Corps Commander XXXI Corps), in discussion with the author, October 22, 2017.

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Masood Ur Rehman Khattak

punitive surgical strikes against alleged terrorist camps across the border.17
This concept was further developed by the Indian military in the Joint
Armed Forces Doctrine of 2017.18 Subsequently, in 2018, the Land Warfare
Doctrine-2018 (LWD-18) was produced.19 Through primary in-depth
interviews coupled with secondary data analysis, this study focuses on
doctrinal transformation in the Indian military since 1975; and how LWD-
18 is going to impact the strategic stability of South Asia, particularly
Pakistan.

Critical Analysis of the Land Warfare Doctrine-2018 (LWD-18)

Unveiled in December 2018, the new LWD-18 mainly focuses on the
Indian Army’s threat perception and possible response in limited war
scenarios. There are certain areas where the Indian Army has focused and
improved over the past few years which needs careful examination and
response. This section discusses the salient features of LWD-18 and relate
it to the Indian military’s operationalisation and modernisation plans
(Figure 1):

17
Arjun Subramaniam, Satvinder Singh and K.K. Nair, Basic Doctrine of the Indian Air
Force 2012 (New Delhi: Indian Air Force, 2012).
18
Ministry of Defence, Joint Indian Armed Forces Doctrine-2017 (New Delhi: Integrated
Defence Staff, Government of India, April 2017), 26, https://bit.ly/2SlUFXf.
19
Indian Army, Land Warfare Doctrine-2018 (Government of India, December 2018).

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 The Indian Army’s Land Warfare Doctrine-2018: A Critical Analysis

Figure-1
Main Features of India’s LWD-2018

Multi-
front
Scenario
Joint Force
Operatio Modernisa
ns tion

Military
Exercises
Land Hybrid
Warfare
Warfare
Doctrine
2018

ISR
Surgical
Capabilit
Strikes
y

Military
Diplomac IBGs
y

Source: Indian Army, Land Warfare Doctrine-2018.

Multi-front Scenario: Formation of Integrated Battle Groups (IBGs)

The LWD-18 envisages rapid mobilisation and force multipliers to support
missions at high altitude (Himalayan region), plain and desert areas against
Pakistan. This denotes that the forces deployed against both Pakistan and
China would be self-reliant for any contingencies. China, Nepal and Bhutan
border India on the north; and on the western front, there is Pakistan.20
While Nepal and Bhutan are at relative peace with India, the Chinese border
is active and both states are involved in small-scale skirmishes.21 On the
ground, India and China cannot indulge in any large-scale conventional war
because of three reasons:

20
“International Land Border,” Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, accessed
January 25, 2019, https://bit.ly/2S3GYvR.
21
“Stabilizing Sino-Indian Security Relations: Managing Strategic Rivalry after Doklam,”
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, July 10, 2018, https://bit.ly/2MFmDrH.

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 There is huge conventional disparity between India and China.22

 Issues between both states are not serious enough for escalation
into a major war; and,
 Geographical limitations are not suitable for a large-scale
conventional war between the two.

Given the long-standing animosity and the unresolved Kashmir dispute, the
Indian military’s main focus is on its western front with Pakistan.

Concept of Integrated Battle Groups (IBGs)

The LWD-18 emphasises deterrence; sharp, quick and swift operations in
case of any contingencies; and deployment of Integrated Battle Groups-
IBGs.23 Since an all-out war is not possible in the nuclear environment, the
Indian Army is envisaging quick and swift limited war under the nuclear
umbrella. Any limited war in South Asian context would be a dangerous
development. At the same time, its possibility cannot be ignored:

Any limited war over Kashmir would start with either

(alleged) terrorist attack from Pakistan or the infiltration
of Pakistani forces into Kashmir. The likelihood of those
developments needs to be assessed. There could be
limited fighting/firing if the realm of combat is confined
strictly to Kashmir. Due to limitations on ammo, supplies
and equipment, neither side can sustain heavy fighting for
very long.24

Under the CSD, the Indian Army focused on reformation of forces

deployed on the western front. The concept of IBGs is not new in South
Asia’s strategic settings. Initially, the idea of IBG was coined by the Indian
Army in 2005. In the beginning, it was referred as the ‘Pivot Corps’, in

22
Harsh V. Pant and Pushan Das, “China’s Military Rise and the Indian Challenge,”
Observer Research Foundation, April 19, 2018, https://bit.ly/2CIbvWe.
23
Indian Army, Land Warfare Doctrine-2018.
24
Walter C. Ladwig III (Assistant Professor International Relations, King’s College
London) in discussion with the author, October 18, 2017.

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 The Indian Army’s Land Warfare Doctrine-2018: A Critical Analysis

which the Indian Army started work on the reorganisation/restructuring of

the Holding Corps (Defensive Corps deployed at the border), and claimed
to have strengthened its offensive defences to react within a short span of
time as compared to the mobilisation of its Strike Corps.25
In 2018, the Indian Army reinforced its commitment that it would
reorganise its strike formations into smaller IBGs for rapid mobilisation,
quick and swift multiple operations for shallow thrusts and to achieve
element of surprise against the enemy. The new force posture would entail
well-equipped troops with modern weapons and equipment which may
include immaculate air defence; and synergy between the air and ground
forces. The likely composition of IBGs would entail T-90S tanks; advance
Armor Personnel Carriers (APCs); 4-6 infantry battalions; artillery
regiments; integral logistics; highly sophisticated gunship helicopters; and
modern aircrafts for close air support, along with signal and an engineer
unit for support (see Figure 2).26
The Indian Army is planning to raise at least 9-10 IBGs against
Pakistan to launch multiple thrusts from Punjab plains and the Rajasthan
sector.27 It is expected that every IBG would have six battalions (every
Indian battalion contains approx. 800 to 1000 men), which means that every
IBG would have 8,000-10,000 men along with other support staff.28 The
restructuring of the Indian Army would provide it with greater flexibility,
manoeuvrability and faster mobilisation as compared to a Corps or
Division. The IBGs would be smaller than a Division and slightly bigger
than a Brigade. The Indian Army announced that they will test these IBGs
in wargames to execute their doctrines in flawless manner: ‘Not every
Corps, Division or Brigade will be replaced by an IBG. The terrain, threat
perception and options available to the enemy will go into deciding whether
an IBG will replace the current structure.’29

25
Vijay Mohan, “Shift in Army’s War Strategy,” Tribune India, May 12, 2005,
https://bit.ly/2HAJju3.
26
Himanil Raina, “Integrated Battle Groups Are India’s Response to Pakistan,” National
Interest, November 18, 2018, https://bit.ly/2AT88Mb.
27 Ibid.
28 Sudhi Ranjan Sen, “Integrated Battle Groups Now a Reality as Indian Army Braces for
Sweeping Changes in Combat Strategy,” Hindustan Times, October 14, 2018.
29 Ibid.

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Figure-2
Composition of IBGs under LWD-18

Source: Raina, “Integrated Battle Groups Are India’s Response to Pakistan.”

The Indian Army’s former Chief has emphasised on the induction of
Apache helicopters for close air support and joint operations: ‘We think the
Apaches are tank killers and are necessary to be grouped with strike
formations.’30 The procurement of Apache would be a force multiplier for
the Indian Army in any quick and swift warfare scenario. Rawat further
expounded that India is looking for two types of IBGs - smaller for
mountainous terrain; and bigger for plains.31
For any quick and swift operations it is necessary for the Indian
Army to cut short its mobilisation time. In the 2011 Vijayee Bhava
wargame, India claimed to have achieved the 48 hours mobilisation time as

30 “Army to Carry out Major Reform, Roll out Integrated Battle Group: General Bipin
Rawat,” Economic Times, January 10, 2019.
31 “New Battle Groups to Face Pak, Says Army Chief,” Tribune India, November 5, 2018,
https://bit.ly/2CytQVv.

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 The Indian Army’s Land Warfare Doctrine-2018: A Critical Analysis

compared to three weeks in Operations Prakaram.32 While wargames are

different from real warfare scenarios, the Indian Army’s force posture,
military acquisitions and consistent exercises depict that it is seriously
vying to operationalise its limited war doctrine against Pakistan:

I see limited war. There is a probability of limited war

because India’s entire military build-up is to fight a limited
war, Cold Start Doctrine, Military purchases, talking about
Surgical Strikes.33

In this context, re-formation and restructuring of the strike

formations is a necessary element for the operationalisation of any limited
war doctrine. Once the restructuring or formation of the IBGs takes place,
the next step would be to equip these forces with adequate advance weapons
and equipment to achieve stated goals. The idea behind re-formation of the
Strike Corps into smaller IBGs is to conduct quick and swift operations
against Pakistan, and perhaps the Chinese border. According to an Indian
Army official:

We carried out an exercise to test the Integrated Battle

Groups concept under the Western Command. The
feedback from the formations and top commanders has
been very positive and that is why we are going to start by
raising two to three IBGs along Pakistan border by
October this year.34

The Indian Army commanders in the post-wargame meeting asked

the commanders-in-chief to raise the IBGs in their respective areas of
responsibilities. Three IBGs will be composed of elements from the

32
Suman Sharma, “Army Mobilization Time: 48 hours,” DNA India, May 16, 2011,
https://bit.ly/2HpxKWv.
33
Dr Zafar Nawaz Jaspal (Professor, School of Politics and International Relations,
Quaid-i-Azam University, Pakistan), in discussion with the author, October 24, 2017.
34
“Army to Raise New Battle Formations along Pakistan Border by October,” Economic
Times, June 19, 2019, https://m.economictimes.com/news/defence/army-to-raise-new-
battle-formations-along-pakistan-border-by-october/articleshow/69855566.cms.

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Western Command and their primary areas of operations would be against

Pakistan. The Army tested two types of IBGs in their wargame on the
border. First category of IBGs would have offensive element to initiate or
cross the border or Line of Control (LoC) to take out targets as planned.
However, other types of IBGs would play the role of a holding corps to stop
enemy advance. A similar concept was also practiced in 2005 when Pivot
Corps was introduced having offensive and defensive role. IBGs of the
future would have different orientation as far as their size, composition,
capabilities and offensive elements are concerned.
According to one source, the IBGs would be commanded by a Major
General and consist of about 5,000 troops in each battle group, which is a
shallower force than the previous estimations under CSD (Division-sized
IBGS 20,000 estimated force).35 India envisages that the IBGs will change
the nature of warfare in South Asia between two nuclear powers. It wants
to utilise the gap between nuclear and conventional capabilities and remain
well below the nuclear red-lines of Pakistan.
The Pakistan Army must study and carefully observe the
developments related to the formation of IBGs and develop an adequate
conventional response to deter India from any adventurism under the
nuclear umbrella. To validate the concept of manoeuvre warfare in the
mountainous region, the Indian Army conducted an exercise at an altitude
of 10,000 ft (Figure 3):

35
“Army to Raise New Battle Formations along Pakistan Border by October,” Economic
Times.

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Figure-3
IA Exercise at Chandi Mandir (Western Command)

Chandi Mandir

Western Command

Source: From Google Maps, composed by author.

The Indian Army airlifted three Mountain IBGs extracted from 17
Corps to the forward areas. Although, details of the military exercise were
kept confidential, it can be assumed that the Indian Army practiced how to
‘interdict a strategic highway, make an initial bridgehead for launching
further offensives, seize an area posing a threat to the Chumbi Valley or
launch an offensive across a frozen river to capture posts.’36
These drills in the mountainous region may also come in play in any
future attack against Pakistan across the LoC or international border. Since
2016, Pakistan and India have been involved in low intensity conflict along
the LoC. Since then, it has been reported that the Indian Army is,
‘restocking missiles, tank and artillery ammunition to be able to fight a 10-
day intensive war, or what it calls 10-(I) scales,’ and that the Director
General of Military Operations (DGMO) has commenced learning the

36
Sandeep Unnithan, “The New Strike Strategy,” India Today, October 5, 2019,
https://www.indiatoday.in/magazine/the-big-story/story/20190916-the-new-strike-
strategy-1595666-2019-09-06.

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topography from Jammu and Kashmir to the Rann of Kutch to see how well
these IBGs could be deployed and used against Pakistan.37 On the
possibility of the limited war question, Rawat has claimed:

You don’t announce a war…..nobody would want to go

to war, but if the (situation) were to go out of hand, we
won’t hesitate to do some limited action…….Out of hand
is a clear reference to an act of grave provocation. For
instance, a mass casualty terrorist attack originating from
across the border.38

The Indian Army plans to have about ‘a dozen IBGs along the
western border with Pakistan, in the next four to five years’ to not only
move quickly and break Pakistan’s defence lines within a few hours not
days, but to also seize small-scale territory, or to establish ‘launch pads’ for
the remaining forces to join in for consolidated action. 39
The Western Command looks after four primary areas of interest:
Haryana, Punjab, Himachal Pradesh and New Delhi. The Indian Army will
reorganise the IBGs keeping in mind terrain and areas of operations –
‘sector- and terrain-specific IBGs’ equipped after assessing the Threat,
Terrain, Task and Resources (TTTR).40 It could be assumed that on the
Punjab border (which is a heavily defended border with anti-tank units,
strong defensive bunkers and armour units), the Indian Army may pitch its
modern T-90S tanks for rapid thrusts, advance infantry combat vehicles,
strong air defence system, and lethal Apache helicopters along with close
air support.
However, in the Rajasthan desert, where opposition is not likely to
be as taut, the main threat will come from Pakistan’s tanks, artillery and
anti-tank units. Here, the Indian Army can pitch its long-range advance
artillery for back-up along with gunship helicopters and air force for close
air support to the rapidly moving tanks and mechanised infantry.

37
Unnithan, “The New Strike Strategy.”
38
Ibid.
39
Ibid.
40
Ibid.

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Figure-4
Efficacy of IBGs for the Indian Army

IBG is much Smaller,

more Flexible and • Quick Mobilisation
easier to Manoeuvre Efficacy of
IBGs for the
Indian Army

Greater Synergy • Joint

and Integration Operations

Enhanced • Offensive
Firepower and
Lethality
Punch

Source: Author’s own.

The Indian military believes that that modern conflicts would be
limited, intense and unlikely to be lengthy campaigns. However, the
element of surprise would be key to any limited war concept. These IBGs,
according to the Indian Army, would provide agility, rapid mobilisation and
the element of surprise against Pakistan.
Pakistan also carried out Azm-i-Nau to practice swift and quick
warfare exercises to conduct counter-offensives. The element of surprise is
a difficult thing to achieve keeping in mind Pakistan’s border proximity;
surveillance and recon capabilities through Airborne Warning and Control
System (AWACS); fighter aircrafts; Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs);
and intelligence. However, at the same time, these capabilities may not stop
advancing IBGs because of the growing conventional asymmetries in the
air defence domain (S-400 and Barak-8). Secondly, both states share a vast
border which would be difficult for Pakistan to cover from all sides.

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Masood Ur Rehman Khattak

To successfully execute their limited war options, the Indian military

must achieve overwhelming air dominance; induct advanced attack
helicopters; long-range air defence system which can cater Pakistan’s
standoff capabilities; massive armour force for rapid thrusts and quick
manoeuvres; synergy and integration (land and air force); lethal artillery
with greater range precision and firepower. The Indian Army is in the
process of plugging these gaps. Pakistan must also improve its overall
capabilities in all domains and establish conventional deterrence to make it
costly for the Indian Army to breach the LoC or international border.

IBGs Test-Bedded after LWD-2018: Operationalisation

The Indian Army has been practicing with IBG formations in wargames
close to the border with Pakistan to fine tune formations after getting the
feedback on the ground from the field commanders. The following
exercises have been undertaken (Figure 5):
 Exercise Kharga Prahar [May 27, 2019]
 Exercise HIM VIJAY [November 27, 2019]
 Exercise Winged Raider [January 16, 2020]

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 The Indian Army’s Land Warfare Doctrine-2018: A Critical Analysis

Figure-5
IBGs Test-Bedded Wargames since 2018

Source: Author’s own.

Under the LWD-18, regular military exercises would help the Indian Army
to validate their doctrines, enhance synergy and integration among all
branches and mitigate any loopholes in their overall military strategy or
execution when it comes to intense warfare scenarios.
Force Modernisation
States modernise their military capabilities with the perception that once
their armed forces are modernised, they will be able to pursue their political
objectives through military means. On the other side, they feel that
modernisation of weaponry and doctrines will strengthen their defence. In
both cases, it intensifies the security dilemma within a region which
motivates other regional actors or neighbours to modernise their armed
forces accordingly or come up with their own counter-measures in the shape
of aggressive doctrines/strategies or weapons.
The Indian Army in LWD-18 also puts greater emphasis on ‘force
modernisation, resource optimization and innovative conceptual processes

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leading to winning strategies for future wars.’41 Any swift warfare doctrine
requires agile forces and advance weaponry to achieve the element of
surprise against an adversary with greater speed, manoeuvrability and
firepower. The Indian military under Prime Minister Modi has started a
massive military modernisation programme. Although, military
modernisation is a sluggish process, the Indian Army is vying to get highly
sophisticated weapons and equipment to execute their limited war doctrine
(Table 1):
Table-1
India’s Force Modernisation to execute LWD-2018

Aircrafts Main Battle Air Spy Advance Gunship Weapon

Tanks/ATG Defence Satellites/ Artillery Helicopters Locating
Ms UAVs Radars

1 SU-30 T-90S Russian Risaat-II American Apache Long-

MKI MBTs S-400 M777- helicopters Range
Ultra Light Reconnaiss
ance &
Observatio
n Systems
2 Rafale Modern Israeli GSAT- Dhanush Chinook Swathi
APCs Barak-8 7A Artillery Helicopter Weapon
Satellite Guns- 1&2 s Locating
Radars
3 NAG GSAT-6 South Battlefield
ATGMs Korean- Surveillanc
K9 Vajra e Radars
Howitzers
4 Israeli Heron
Spike TP UAV
ATGMs
5 Harpy
UAV
Missile
6 Harop
UAV
Missile
Source: Author’s own.
India is slowly and gradually filling operational gaps in its overall
limited, quick war-fighting strategy. These force multipliers would increase
the conventional asymmetries in South Asia: ‘India’s military

41
“Indian Army, Land Warfare Doctrine-2018.

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 The Indian Army’s Land Warfare Doctrine-2018: A Critical Analysis

modernisation obviously gives New Delhi more military options.’42

However, it is also opined that increase in conventional asymmetries would
push Pakistan towards counter-measures:

Imbalance in forces whether Army, Navy or Air force

would actually make the other party apprehensive. The
best way out is to resolve your differences
politically/diplomatically. If that is not possible then any
nation which is being threatened would like to defend
itself with whatever means they can get or whatever
methods, they can get. And they will do it. There is no
doubt that Pakistanis are very resilient people, and they
will do everything to award of this kind of looming
threat.43

‘Punitive Response Options’: Possibility of Surgical Strikes?

The LWD-18 also hints at the possibility of limited strikes in case of any
alleged terrorist attack on Indian soil or IOJ&K. The Indian Army has
contextualised the volatile security situation in IOJ&K and reiterated
enhancing capabilities at the LoC to maintain dominance. Moreover, the
LWD-18 has also declared that the Indian Army will, ‘enhance punitive
response options to greater depth, effect, sophistication and precision.’ 44 In
addition, ‘the Indian Army will continue to prosecute effective Counter
Insurgency/ Counter Terrorism operations to ensure deterrence through
“punitive responses”, against state sponsored proxy war.’45 Here, the Indian
Army highlights the use of pre-emptive or surgical strikes against Pakistan.
Most Indian scholars believe that this is a possibility:

42
Ashley J. Tellis (Senior Fellow, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,
Washington D.C.), in discussion with the author, November 4, 2017.
43
Late Professor Dr Pervaiz Iqbal Cheema (Dean Faculty of Contemporary Studies,
National Defence University), in discussion with the author, October 17, 2017.
44
“Indian Army, Land Warfare Doctrine-2018, 3.
45
Ibid.

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Masood Ur Rehman Khattak

I would suggest repeat strikes are not only possible, but

also quite likely within the next few years. They have
proven possible, politically successful, and
internationally accepted.46

Another senior Indian scholar sees ‘deeper surgical strikes in case of

egregious terrorist actions against India and Indian targets.’47 Harsh V. Pant
also believes that there is possibility of limited war/surgical strikes in the
future,48 while Gurmeet Kanwal opines that ‘In India, we believe there is
space for conventional conflict below the nuclear threshold.’49 Some
Western analysts also believe that there is a possibility of limited
war/surgical strikes in the South Asian strategic milieu:

There has already been a limited conventional war under the

nuclear shadow (Kargil) and there is sub-conventional
skirmishes frequently. So, the possibility is always there.50

Ladwig III agrees:

If there is another series of attacks in Kashmir by groups

linked to Pakistan, I think that is a distinct possibility. The
Indian government seems to believe the prior ‘surgical
strike’ had a positive effect at minimal cost.51

46
Shashank Joshi (Former Research Fellow, Royal United Services Institute for Defence
and Security Studies, Whitehall, London), in discussion with the author, October 2017.
47
Bharat Karnad (Research Professor, CPR and a national security expert), in discussion
with the author, October 10, 2017.
48
Harsh V. Pant (Professor International Relations, Defence Studies Department; and, the
India Institute at Kings College, London), in discussion with the author, October 11,
2017.
49
Brigadier (Retd.) Gurmeet Kanwal (Former Director, Centre for Land Warfare Studies
(CLAWS), New Delhi) in discussion with the author, October 11, 2017.
50
Michael Krepon (Co-founder, The Stimson Center), in discussion with the author,
October 13, 2017.
51
Walter C. Ladwig III (Assistant Professor, International Relations, King’s College
London), in discussion with the author, October 18, 2017.

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 The Indian Army’s Land Warfare Doctrine-2018: A Critical Analysis

The Indian Army claimed to have carried out a surgical strike against
Pakistan in 2016, but the evidence on the ground suggests that there was no
such strike across the LoC,52 and more recently on February 26, 2019,
which led to Pakistan’s counter-strikes during which the IAF lost two of its
MIG-21 and SU-30 aircrafts shot down by Pakistani missiles:

Two Indian jets were downed in Wednesday’s operation.

One fell inside Pakistan-controlled Kashmir, while another
went down in the Indian-controlled region of Kashmir.53

In the Indo-Pak context, the Indian military lacks the essential

capability to launch successful surgical strikes against Pakistan because of
several reasons: first, the de facto border (LoC) between India and Pakistan
(550km out of 740km) is fenced by the Indians, and is heavily militarised
by both states.54 Second:

… there is more talk than their actual ability to carry out

operations (surgical strikes), that is not to say that we
should not be prepared... But in my view, the Indian
military leadership very categorically know this if they
were to carry out a surgical strike or any incursion across
the LoC or across the international border or the working
boundary, Pakistan will retaliate, they are very clear on
this.55

52
“Uri Aftermath: Global Media Doubts Surgical Strike Claims,” Express Tribune,
October 4, 2016, https://bit.ly/2RR1v7n.
53
Helen Regan, Nikhil Kumar, Adeel Raja and Swati Gupta, “Pakistan Says It Shot down
Two Indian Jets as Kashmir Border Crisis Deepens,” CNN.com, February 28, 2019,
https://edition.cnn.com/2019/02/27/india/india-pakistan-strikes-escalation-
intl/index.html.
54
Encyclopaedia of India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, s.v. “Om Gupta.”
55
General (Retd.) Ehsan-ul-Haq (Former DG-MI, DG-ISI and CJCSC), in discussion with
the author, January 16, 2018.

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Masood Ur Rehman Khattak

Pakistan’s policy towards India is to deter its military equation and

for deterrence, the former needs to rely more on its missiles rather than
aircrafts. Unfortunately, given the thrust of the LWD-18, despite Pakistan’s
retaliatory capability, it must remain vigilant on the LoC and take concrete
steps to counter any misadventure by the Indian Army.

Hybrid Warfare Strategy/Grey Areas/Covert Ops

Under the LWD-18, India will also be concentrating on integrating hybrid
warfare scenarios into conventional and sub conventional domains which
could be non-declaratory and non-attributable in execution. It has also
declared that it is going to develop adequate capabilities in ‘cyber, space
and information’ to impose heavy losses on the adversary.56 Though, hybrid
war or covert operations are not new in the Indo-Pak context, but such
strategies have gained momentum in the recent past:

…when a country is unable to fight a conventional or

nuclear war then you carry out hybrid warfare.
Kulbhushan Yadav is part of such hybrid warfare. Apart
from this, cyber warfare, Artificial Intelligence, space-
based, and robotics are also very relevant in modern
times.57

The arrest of Kulbhushan Yadav was key to understanding India’s

hybrid warfare strategy which aimed at instability in the economic hub-
Karachi, funding to the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) and other insurgent
groups to disrupt the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and target
Pakistan’s assets like ports and bases near the coast.58
Given emphasis on hybrid warfare in the LWD-18, it is likely that
the Indian military’s reliance on it is likely to increase because any limited
war strategy or doctrine will take time to become operationalised in the real

56
“Indian Army, Land Warfare Doctrine-2018, 6.
57
Brigadier (Retd.) Feroz Hassan Khan (Research Professor, Department of National
Security Affairs, Naval Postgraduate School, USA), in discussion with the author,
October 16, 2017.
58
“Transcript of RAW Agent Kulbhushan’s Confessional Statement,” News, March 30,
2016.

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 The Indian Army’s Land Warfare Doctrine-2018: A Critical Analysis

sense and spirit because of operational weaknesses and threat of escalation.

Policymakers in the incumbent BJP government would prefer to maintain
pressure on Pakistan through this strategy as envisaged in the LWD-18,
which may complicate Pakistan’s internal security. It is imperative for the
state of Pakistan to take effective countermeasures to mitigate such threats
to internal security.

Military Diplomacy: Strategic Alliances with Major Powers

The LWD-18 put greater emphasis on military diplomacy or strategic
partnerships with major powers.59 The Indian military is already in strategic
partnership with the United States (US), Russia, Israel and France, and
obtaining highly sophisticated weapons and equipment from these partners.
These strategic partnerships are not confined to defence collaboration only,
but also cover diplomatic support at regional and global forums,
intelligence sharing, civil nuclear energy cooperation, joint military
exercises and training. Such collaboration is helping the Indian Armed
Forces to plug-in the gaps in their overall operational capabilities.
Moreover, the Indian military is adding essential weapons and equipment
to operationalise their limited war offensive doctrines. Such strategic
alliances can create a serious challenge for Pakistan to manage its security
and maintain conventional balance vis-à-vis India in South Asia.

Deterrence/ Military Exercises/Joint Operations

The Indian Army has also put greater emphasis on the ‘operational
preparedness of Defensive/Strike Formations, positioning of
Sectoral/Theatre Reserves, upgrading capability of Special Forces and
demonstrated capability by conduct of military exercises.’60 The Indian
Army’s LWD-18 also focuses on ‘realistic, integrated, operational-oriented
training for the Army along with threat assessment of the battlefield with
modern technologies and network-centric and electronic warfare
capabilities.’61 The army has paid special attention to operational
preparedness, synergy and integration in sync with NCW and EW
capabilities. Since 2004, the Indian military has conducted many wargames

59 “Indian Army, Land Warfare Doctrine-2018, 7.

60 Ibid., 13.
61 Ibid., 12.

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Masood Ur Rehman Khattak

on the border with Pakistan (Figure 6). Though, military exercises are
routine matter, an assessment suggests that they are trying hard to assimilate
new technologies, work on joint operations and shorten mobilisation time.

Figure-6
Indian Military Exercises (2004-18)

Source: Author’s own.

It can be argued that India has tested and experimented synergy and
integration among its Armed Forces for quick and robust operations. It has
also practiced day and night war-fighting capabilities, surveillance and
reconnaissance skills, behind enemy lines’ operations, air mobility and
logistics, mechanised Armour, Infantry and Artillery (see Figure 7). India
has also exercised NBC warfare capabilities, NCW and EW capabilities.
Navy’s marine commandos, Special Forces operations, para-dropped,
Strikes Corps, air-fire power, and Pivot Corps have also been part of these
exercises carried out in the plains of Punjab and deserts of Rajasthan.

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 The Indian Army’s Land Warfare Doctrine-2018: A Critical Analysis

Figure-7
Key Elements of India’s Military Exercises 2004-20

NBC Warfare
Capabilities
Mechanised Air Mobility &
Forces Logistics

Behind Enemy
NCW & EW
Lines
Capabilities
Operations
Key Elements
practiced in
Exercises
Surv. and 2004-2020 Heli-borne
Recon. Operations
Capability

Night Vision Synergy &

Capabilities Integeration
Shallow
Manoevres

Source: Author’s own.

The first aim of these exercises was to evolve this doctrine
of proactive military operations or CSD. Secondly, they
did some restructuring of forces, in terms of the size of
the reserves, and then the relocation of their formations,
to ensure forward deployment against Pakistan.62

It is difficult to ascertain, whether India has fully achieved offensive

capabilities or not because military exercises are totally different from real

62
General (Retd.) Ehsan-ul-Haq (Former DG-MI, DG-ISI and CJCSC), in discussion with
the author, January 16, 2018.

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Masood Ur Rehman Khattak

war scenarios. Sometimes it becomes difficult to assess an adversary’s

response from small-scale exercises. As far as Pakistan is concerned, it is a
Nuclear Weapon State with strong conventional military capabilities. So, it
is arguable that despite many military exercises on the border, the Indian
military is still far short of necessary offensive capabilities, to launch any
decisive conventional military operations against Pakistan.

Land Warfare Doctrine-2018: Implications for Pakistan

The Indian Army’s Land Warfare Doctrine-2018 is a combination of
previous doctrines with new direction and strategies for implementation.
The LWD-18 is no doubt a source of concern for Pakistan because the
Indian Army never openly admitted to having a limited war doctrine i.e.,
CSD or proactive military operations. These doctrines remained shrouded
mystery, until 2017 when the Indian Army claimed that CSD-type of
doctrines are a reality in South Asia’s strategic milieu.

Restructuring of Strike Formations: Threat of Limited Incursions

The most important thing in the LWD-18 is the restructuring of the Indian
Army from bulky Strike Corps to smaller, quicker IBGs for swift operations
at multiple places for shallow manoeuvres. The restructuring is not an easy
task but at the same time cannot be ignored. Declared policy on such issues
is a source of concern for Pakistan. The IOJ&K is facing brutal oppression
by the Indian security forces. Retaliation by the Kashmiri youth is natural
under these circumstances. It is a home-grown insurgency born out the
increasing oppression and brutality by the IAF. Pakistan has no doubt
always supported the cause of Kashmiris at all forums. The Indian
government’s allegations on Pakistan for supporting the Pathan Kot and
other attacks were nullified by their own National Investigation Agency
(NIA). It is most likely that in the near future the Indian military may try to
create a reason to carry out false flag politically motivated surgical strikes
across the LoC. In such a situation, Pakistan will be forced to give a Quid
Pro Quo Plus63 response which may escalate the situation.

63
Adil Sultan, “India’s Surgical Strike Doctrine: Implications for South Asian Strategic
Stability,” Strategic Foresight for Asia, February 26, 2020, https://strafasia.com/indias-
surgical-strike-doctrine-implications-for-south-asian-strategic-stability/.

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Two-front War Dilemma in the Making

Moreover, the restructuring of the Indian Army and likely deployment of
IBGs at several places for multiple thrusts would create a serious challenge
for Pakistan because of two reasons. First, Pakistan has already deployed
more than 200,000 troops in tribal areas for counterterror operations to
mitigate threats emanating from Afghan side of the border. After 9/11, the
western border with Afghanistan became equally dangerous for Pakistan.
The division of troops on both fronts would create a two-front war dilemma
for Pakistan. The eastern border with India has always been difficult for the
state of Pakistan, and now it has to manage its Afghan border even more
critically because of Indian presence in Afghanistan. Under LWD-18, the
Indian Army may try to capitalise on this weakness of Pakistan and initiate
hostilities on the eastern border.

Conventional Asymmetries/Security Dilemma

Another major challenge for Pakistan would be the envisaged force
modernisation in the LWD-18. Though, military modernisation is not new
in the Indian Army, but to operationalise limited warfare operations, it has
already commenced massive modernisation plans in sync with its doctrinal
transformation which focus on intense, limited and quick operations. Apart
from acquisition of the modern T-90S MBTs and SU-30 MKI aircrafts from
Russia, Barak-8 and S-400 Long Range Air Defense systems from Israel
and Russia, respectively, the Indian military is investing a lot of money in
the ISR field and launched many communication/spy satellites for defence
purposes. The real-time flow of information from space assets, along with
AWACS and UAVs would give India an information edge against Pakistan.
The Indian military will be able to capitalize on the gaps in Pakistan’s
force deployment, strategic installations, and movement of troops or
strategic assets close to the LoC or international border. The Indian military
modernisation will be a great challenge for Pakistan in coming years,
because it is difficult for the latter to match the former’s military budget
allocation. Pakistan is trying to overcome huge structural weaknesses in its
overall economic conditions; and cannot afford to indulge in any arms race
with India. If conventional balance of power tilts in India’s favour, Pakistan
would be compelled to lower the threshold and connect its conventional
strategy with nuclear weapons:

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One of the major of objectives of Pakistan’s nuclear

capability is to deter not only India’s nuclear capability,
but also their conventional aggression. That’s why our
nuclear doctrine and nuclear policy remain sensitive to
any changes in India’s conventional doctrine and force
capabilities. So, the major effect would be lowering of
nuclear threshold which is neither good for India nor good
for Pakistan.64

Possibility of Limited War: Quick and Swift Operations/Surgical Strikes

The aim under new LWD-18 is to fight a limited war under the nuclear
overhang. There are also indications of ‘punitive strikes (surgical strikes)
against state sponsored proxy war.’ Here it could be implied that the Indian
policymakers have made up their mind that every terrorist incident in India
or IOJ&K would have backing or linkage with Pakistan. Such a thinking is
aggressive and may become a precursor for escalation in South Asia. To
further create pressure, the Indians may carry out a false flag operations to
get sympathy from their masses and international backing/support for any
limited incursions or surgical strikes. Both scenarios are a threat for
Pakistan and it must be ready with countermeasures.

Renewed Hybrid Warfare/Covert Operations

The Indians have been trying to destabilise us
internally…they have accordingly enhanced into all
facets, whether psychological information, media,
cultural, economic, military, diplomatic - all these things
have been at work against Pakistan and it will continue to
be so.65

64
Brig. (Retd.) Dr Naeem A. Salik (Senior Research Fellow, CISS, Islamabad; former
Director ACDA-SPD), in discussion with the author, April 5, 2018.
65
General (Retd.) Ehsan-ul-Haq (Former DG-MI, DG-ISI and CJCSC), in discussion with
the author, January 16, 2018.

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 The Indian Army’s Land Warfare Doctrine-2018: A Critical Analysis

Since conventional asymmetries are manageable at the moment and

the chance of total war is remote because of the presence of nuclear
deterrence, conventional symmetries and associated risks of escalation,
limited war/sub-conventional or surgical strikes are also risky for India. So
the best way to disrupt Pakistan’s internal security may be to launch covert
operations, ignite sectarian violence, capitalise on the ethno-political
vulnerabilities of the country, target its premium assets like Gwadar Port,
CPEC, and deter Foreign Direct Investment (FDI):

When you can achieve this, with a few million dollars why
should you spend billions of dollars to cross into Pakistan,
face unnecessary risk and world criticism also.66

The LWD-18 entails guidelines for the Indian Army to conduct

seamless operations under the nuclear shadow and well short of Pakistan’s
nuclear threshold. These covert operations, under the hybrid warfare
strategy, are likely to continue and remain detrimental to Pakistan’s national
security.

Conclusion
The Land Warfare Doctrine-2018 of the Indian Army is inherently
aggressive in nature, focusses on quick, swift and limited war scenarios
below the nuclear threshold of Pakistan. The LWD-18 puts greater
emphasis on force modernisation; restricting strike formations into smaller,
quicker, well-equipped forces for joint operations with other arms of the
Indian military as well as hybrid warfare. The Indian Army in its third
doctrine (IAF Doctrine-2012, Joint Armed Forces Doctrine-2017 and
LWD-18) in a row has given an indication that it may carry out ‘punitive
strikes’ surgical strikes in case of any alleged terrorist attack on Indian soil
or in IOJ&K. Pursuit of such aggressive thinking will invite strong, sharp
and quick response from Pakistan which may escalate the conflict.

66
ACM Tahir Rafique Butt (Former Chief of Air Staff, Pakistan Air Force (2012-15), in
discussion with the author, November 23, 2017.

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To counter the LWD-18, Pakistan must increase the number of

indigenous JF-17 Thunder aircrafts to reduce asymmetry in the air. In
addition, Pakistan must improve the manoeuvrability, firepower and range
of Al-Khalid MBTs to counter any offensive thrusts by the Indian Army. It
is necessary for Pakistan to induct advance Anti-Tank Guided Missiles to
check-mate the Indian acquisitions of T-90S MBTs. The Indian military’s
acquisition of Apache Gunship forced Pakistan to induct modern attack
helicopters from Turkey, China, US and Russia. These acquisitions would
boost Pakistan Army’s capabilities in any joint operations.
Space is one area where Pakistan needs to put extra efforts. Real-
time information about the adversary’s movement, deployment, size,
mobilisation pattern and strategic sites/assets is vital for success in the
battlefield. Though, Pakistan possesses limited surveillance and
reconnaissance capabilities in its F-16, JF-17 Thunder Aircraft, AWACS
and UAVs etc. but what a spy satellite can do, they can’t. The Indian
Airforce is aiming for advance aircraft which may join the service in next
few years. Many Indian aircrafts possess standoff capabilities. To cater such
a threat, Pakistan needs High to Medium Air Defence (HIMAD) to ensure
security of its air space. Pakistan must also induct advance Artillery Guns
to enhance its firepower on the border and LoC to deter/slow down the
advance of tanks or APCs. Pakistan must develop such defences and
strategies which make it costlier for India to carry out any misadventure
against the country. The consolidation of conventional deterrence, smart
acquisitions, better strategies, regular military exercises and self-reliance
would help Pakistan to overcome challenges posed by doctrinal
manoeuvring by the Indian military.

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