DR Bhandarkar Volume-History
DR Bhandarkar Volume-History
- BHANDARKAR
VOLUME
EDITED BY
BIMALA CHURN LA W,
M.A., B.L., Ph.D., F.R A.S.B., F.R.G.S.
Honorary Correspondent, Archeological Survey of Iadia.
Authvl', 4. History of Pali Literature, Geography of Early Buddhism,
Some Kfiatriya Tribes of A.ncient India., etc., etc.
Published by the
INDIAN RESEARCH INSTITUTE,
170, MANICKTOLLA STREET.
CALCUTTA.
1:94 0 .
Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, M.A., Ph.D., F.R.A.S.B.
D. R.- BHANDARKAR
VOLUME
EDITED BY
BIMALA CHURN LA W,
M.A., B.L., Ph.D., F.R A.S.B., F.R.G.S.
Honorary Correspondent, Archeological Survey of Iadia.
Authvl', 4. History of Pali Literature, Geography of Early Buddhism,
Some Kfiatriya Tribes of A.ncient India., etc., etc.
Published by the
INDIAN RESEARCH INSTITUTE,
170, MANICKTOLLA STREET.
CALCUTTA.
1:94 0 .
THIS VOLUME OF ARTICLES
CONT\.IBUTED BY HIS ADMIRERS. FRIENDS. AND PUPILS.
IS PRESENTED TO
DR. D. R. BHANDARKAR, M.A., PH.D., F.R.A.S.B.
CONTENTS
Page
I. 'ARYAN INVASION OF INDIA'-IS IT A MYTH?
By MM. DR. GANGANATHA JHA, M.A., D.LITT., C.I.E. .• I
2. THE TRIBHUVANAM SANSKRIT INSCRIPTION OF KUI1>TTU~GA
III
By PROF. K. A. NII,AKANTA SASTRI, M.A. 3
3. THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE WORKS OF KHA~J;)ADEVA
By MR. P. K. GoDE, M.A. 9
4. AYODHYA, THE CITY OF THE GODS
By DR. R. SHAMASASTRY, B.A., PH.D. 17
5. PURVACARYAS IN PA~INI
By DR. BATAKRISHNA GHOSH, D.PHIL., D.LITT. 21
6. THE FAILURE OF TIPU SULTAN
By KHAN BAHADUR A. F. M. ABDUL ALI, M.A. 25
7. VILLAGE"'ORGANIZATION IN SOUTH INDIA AT THE ADVENT
OF BRITISH RUI,E
By RAO SAHIB PROF. C. S. SRINIVASACHARI, M.A. 33
B. THE SEARCH OF MANUSCRIPTS
By MR. AMARANATHA JHA, M.A. 41
9. BHATTA JAYANTA AND YASOVARMAN OF KASHMIR
By PROF. M. RAMAKRISIDlfA KAVI, M.A. 45
roo NEW LIGHT ON THE MEDI'£VAL HISTORY OF GUJARAT
By PROF. V. V. M!RASH1, M.A. . . 53
II. A NOTE ON THE COMPOSITION OF SABHA AT UTTARAMERttR
By MR. V. R. RAMACHANDRA DIKSHITAR, M.A. 59
12. INDIAN .£STHETICS: A CRITICAL STUDY
By MR. P. B. ADHIKARI, M.A.
13. NEW LIGHT ON THE EARLY LIFE OF RANA S~GA
By PROF. SUBlMAL CHANDRA DUff, M.A., P.R.S. 69
14. PALAKAPY A
By DR. S. K. DE, M.A., D.LITT..• 73
IS. A TANTRA WORK ON THE CULT OF P~CANANA
By PROF. CHINT~RAN CHAKRAVARTI, M.A. 77
16. STRUGGLE BETWEEN DELHI AND MEWAR IN THE
THIRTEENTH CENTURY
By MR. ANn, CHANDRA BAND]JCJC, M.A. 83
vi CONTENTS
Pap
17. IMPERIAUSM OF SULTAN BAHA-DUR OF GUJARAT
By SBAMS-UI.- 'UI.AMX', KHAN BAHADUR DR. M. HIDAYAT HOSAtN,
M.A., PH.D., F.R.A.S.B. .. .. 91
18. REALITY OF FICTION IN HINDU THOUGHT
By DR. MISS BETTY HEIMANN, PH.D. 97
19. THE COMING TO BIRTH OF THE SPIRIT
By DR. ANANDA K. COOMARASWAMY, D.Sc. .. .. 103
20. THE RACIAL AFFINITY BETWEEN THE BRAHUIS AND THE
DRAVIDIANS
By MR. C. R. Roy, M.A., B.L. .. .. !IS
21. A PROTO-INDIAN REPRESENTATION OF THE FERTILITY GOD
By REV. H. HERAS, S.]., M.A. .. .. 121
22. THE ROLE OF ALA~KARA IN INDIAN PHILOSOPHY
By DR. DOROTHY A. L. STEDE, M.A., PH.D. .'. 131
.23. TIVA AND PARAMATMAN
By DR. OTTO STRAUSS, PH.D. .. 141
.,
24. THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE CAMPAIGNS OF GOVINDA III OF
THE RASHTRAKnTA DYNASTY
By PROF. A. S. ALTEKAR, M.A., LI.... B., D.LIT'f. .. 153
25. KAVlNDRACARYA SARASVATI
By DR. V. RAGHAVAN, M.A., PH.D. 159
26. GLEANINGS FROM SOME HOME DEPARTMENT RECORDS
By DR. SURENDRA NATH SEN, M.A., PH.D., B.I.ITT. 167
27· AN OLD HERO-STONE OF KATHIAWA1;)-GUJARkl'
By DR. HIRANANDA SHASTRI, M.A., M.O.I,., D.LITT. .. 173
28. IWIGRAPHIC NOTES
By PROF. KSHETRIt§ACHANDRA CHA'r'r0PXOi!iAVA, M.A. .. 177
29. VAI~~AVISM IN VIJAYANAGARA
By DR. B. A. SALETORE, M.A., PH.D., D.PHH.. .. 183
30 • FREEDOM OF MIND (CETOVIMUTTI) AND A CHANGING
PITAKAN VALUE
By MISS I. B. HORNER, M.A.
197
31 . EIN BESONDERS BEACHTENSWERTES STOCK OSTASIATISCHER
FRAUEN KUNST
By DR. JOSEF STRZYGOWSKI
205
32 • COPPER COINS OF THE SAL~KAYANA KING CHA~I;>AVARMAN
By MR. T. N. RAKACHANDMN, M.A. .. • f ••
21 3
CONTltN'TS vii
Page
33. THE GREEK KINGDOMS AND INDIAN LITERATURE
By DR. A. B. KluTH, M.A., D.C.L., D.LITT., LL.D., BAR-AT-LAW,
F.B.A. .. 219
34. OFFICE OF UPARlXA
By DR. B. CR. CRHABRA, M.A., PH.D. .. 231
35. ART AND SCIENCE OF ARCHITECTURE
By DR. P. K. ACHARVA, M.A., PH.D., D.LITT. .. 235
36. TAYIN, TAYI, TAD!
By DR. P. V. BAPAT, M.A., PH.D. .. 249
37. HISTORY OF THE KALACHURIS OF SOUTHERN KOSALA
By MR. AMALANANDA GHOSH, M.A. .. 259
38. LE PROBLEME DU SOMA
By DR. JRAN PRZYLUSKI, PH.D. .. .. 277
39. THE ERA OF THE MAHARAJA AND THE MAHARAJA
RAJATIRAJA
By DR. H. LiiDERS, PH.D. .. 281
40. MAIREYA IN PA~INI
By MP, VASUDEVA S. AORAWAI,A, M.A. " 291
41. A MISSING LINK
By DR. E. ]. THOMAS, M.A., D.LITT. .. 295
42. PROTOTYPES (?) OF ~IVA IN WESTERN ASIA
By DR. H. C. RAVCHAUDHURI, M.A., PH.D ... " 30 t
43. A NEW CHARSADDA INSCRIPTION
By DR. STEN KONOW, PH.D. " 30 5
44. GUHILOT ORIGINS
By MR. G. C. RAVCHAUDHURI, M.A. .. 3It
45. VASU UPARICHARA AND ANIMAL SACRIFICE
By DEWAN BAHADUR DR. S. KRISHNASWAMI AIVANGAR, M.A.,
PH.D., F.R.A.S.B. .. 317
46. TRAVANCORE'S ANCIENT CAPITAL: PADMANABHAPURAM
By MR. R. V. PODUVAL, B.A. .. 319
47. A HISTORICAl.. CHARACTER IN THE REIGN OF A~OKA
MAURYA
By MR. C. D. CHATTERJEE, M.A.
48. PHYSICAL FEATURES OF ANCIENT BENGAL
By DR. R. C. MAJUMDAR, M.A., PH.D. .. 341
49. ON THE EDICTS OF A~OXA (SOME POINTS OF INTERPRETATION)
By DR. B. M. BARUA, M.A., D.LITT. .. 365
50. CONTEMPORANEITY OF THE KINGS OF INDIA AND CEYLON
By DR. BnlALA CHURN LAW, M.A., B.L., PH.D., F.R.A.S.B., F.R.G.S. 37t
ILLUSTRATIONS
FERTILITY CHARM FROM MOHEN]O DARO (Plates) .. To face p. 130
SEALING FROM MOHEN]O DARO .. ( " ) II 130
B. C. LAW.
43. Kailas Bose Street,
Calcutta.
June, 1940.
D. R. BHANDARKAR AS A SCHOLAR,
ARCHIEOLOGICAL OFFICER AND
UNIVERSITY PROFESSOR 1
How D. R. Bhandarkar was attracted to the study of the
history of Ancient India and how he came to join the Archaeological
Department cannot but be a subject of great interest to the Indian
scholar of to-day. He passed his B.A. Examination from the
Bombay University in 1896 from the Deccan College, Poona, and
was in a way compelled to take up the Law course of the Bombay
University. In fact, he appeared and passed the first LL.B.
Examination in the following year. But just as he was studying
for this examination, his attention was drawn to a Calendar of the
Bombay University and to a page in that volume which announced
'A brief Survey of the Ancient Towns and Cities of Maharashtra
country in the pre-Mahomedan period, i.e., 1000 A.D.', as a theme
for 1897 for the Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji Gold Medal and Prize.
He used to go to the library of his father and remain there for
upwards' of an hour in the evening when the latter was out for his
exercise or for attending meetings. There he incidentally one evening
saw the University Calendar on his father's table and also the
subject prescribed for the Bhagwanlal Indraji Gold Medal and Prize
for 1897. The subject was no doubt of ravishing interest to a young
graduate, especially to a young man in whose veins ran freely the
blood of a veteran research scholar, his own revered father. The
young Bhandarkar also knew that the information required for his
subject was to be gleaned from the Volumes of the Bombay Gazetteer,
some of which he read many an evening when his father was away
from the house. In two or three months that were at his disposal
he collected as much information as he could, completed his thesis
somehow and sent it to the Registrar, Bombay University, with a
temerity at which a grown-up man would stand aghast. The
thesis, of course, did not carry off the gold medal as it did not reach
the standard of originality, but carried a prize as it contained
exhaustive and well-presented information. When the news 'reached
the ears of the father, he was both angry and glad,--angry because
his son submitted a thesis which was not sufficiently original and
glad because his son wrote a thesis within three months' time and
without anybody's help at all, which nevertheless was of sufficient
1 The above sketch is based mainly upon the materials collected by a devoted
pupil and friend of Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, who passed away some time ago.
D. R. BHANDARKAR vo~mm
Siva as Lakulisa, "the lord who bears. the club";. and that that
teacher subsequently became identified wIth the god himself, an~ was
regarded as an incarnation of the god. And such a result IS so
reasonable and fits in so well with what can be learnt from other
names th~t we could hardly refuse to accept it .. ' Dr. Bhan<l:arkar's
resear~h work in connection with Lakulisa did not stop WIth the
article in J.B.B.R.A.S., Vol. XXII, pp. 15Iff .. He visited the place
where Lakulisa was born, that is, Karvan III the ~aroda ~tat~,
and wrote another informative paper on the subJect which IS
important to the history of the rise of Saivism (A.S'!., An. Rep.,
I 906-°7, pp. 179ff.). That Bhandarkar's conclusions w:re. sound
was proved by the discovery of t~e Math~ra ~nscnp~lOn C?f
Chandragupta II, dated G.E. 61, which he edi~ed 1~ Eptgrapkta o
Indica, Vol. XXI, pp. Iff., and which now almost lll~ublta.bly proves
that Lakuli, the founder of the Pasupata sect, flounshed III the first
quarter of the second century A.D. It is not possible to write any
full and scientific account of Saivism' without being freely indebted
to one or another of these papers. This may be seen from what has
been set forth not only by R G. Bhandarkar in his Vai$'!tavism,
Saivism and Minor Religious Systems (pp. rr6 and fl.) but also by
Sir John Marshall in his Mohenjo-daro and the Indus Civilization
(Vol. I, p. 55 and n. 5)·
Ever since Bhandarkar was Honorary Assistant Superintendent
of the Ethnological Survey of Bombay and wrote his monograph on
the Ahirs in I902 he had conceived an insatiable craving for ethno-
logical studies, especially for the various foreign clans that entered
India from time to time, their migrations to the various parts of the
country and their final absorption into the Hindu population.
Another such tribe was the Gurjaras to which reference has already
been made. A third clan which was a subject of his close study was
the Guhil6ts, who are supposed to be the most exalted of the Rajput
Khamps at present going. A monographfln this clan was written
by him about 1909 and handed over to his friend, the Bengali
scholar, Mono Mohan Chakravarti, who published it in the Journal
and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. V, pp. 167 and ff.
The paper was of such great importance that it was not strange if
Dr. F. W. Thomas, who was then in charge ofthe Library, India Office
Londo~, wrote to him. as follows in his letter ~ated IIth February:
1910: I .read the article at ~nce an~ found It to be one of quite
unusual mterest, the conclUSions belllg worked out in an almost
dramatic manner and demonstrated with great force and clearness.
A:,llow me to congra~date. you uP.on your success in tracing the
history of the most illustnous family among the Rajput dynasties
back nearly to its origin in pre-Muhammadan times. I cannot help
SeHoua, UClti6OltOGleA~ ()F~ AND nOftSSOJJl x'rii
tbhlk'ing that other researches. 'starting sim.Ual'ly from modern times
and conducted on the same prlncip1e$, might considerably increase
our knowledge of m.ediaeval India'. This.1ast remark of Dt. Thomas
was perfectly true, but the idea had ever been present to the mind
of Dr. Bhandarkar. Because he became a stuaent of the Ancient
History of India as we have stated at the outset, with a study of, the
different volumes of the Bombay Gazetteer which he read critically
and with an absorbing interest every evening in his father's library
when the latter was away for meetings or for his constitutional. The
Bombay Gazetteer in his opinion was a model for all Governm~ts and
States in India to imitate in compiling their own Gazetteers, and the
credit for bringing this series to a perfection was principally due to
the late Sir James Campbell, a civilian and antiquarian, whose face
he had never seen but for whom nevertheless he entertained hero-
worship. He always maintained that nobody could pretend to be
an antiquarian and historian of India without reading at any rate the
two parts of the first volume of this Gazetteer. Yet how few students
of history before IgIS had actually studied them or even known that
they were a mine of antiquarian information. But V-olume IX
is perhaps the best part of this Gazetteer, teeming as it does with
full and extensive description of the various tribes and castes that
go to form the Gujarat popUlation, and, of this volume, the two
appendices: A-the Foreigner and B-the Gurjar, afford the most
refreshing and thought-provoking reading. These were written by
Sir James Campbell himself. And it was the critical study of these
appendices that cast the mould of D. R. Bhandarkar's intellect as
early as I897. He was no doubt a good epigraphist and a good
numismatist, but it was the ethnological studies that ravished his
mind most. It was therefore no wonder if he wrote thoughtful and
scholarly monographs on the Ahirs, Gurjaras and Guhilots which
later on culminated in his classical F01'eign Elements in the Hindu
Population (Ind. Ant., Vol. XL, pp. 7 and ft.). This was the last
of the Bhagwanlal Indraji Lectures Series which he delivered before
the Bombay University in Igo4. But for six years it had remained
unpublished. In D~mber I909, the celebrated pro-Hindu scholar
and administrator, A. M. T. Jackson, was shot down when he was
District Collector of Nllsik. Then began the brief but the ~addest
period in the archaeological career of Bhandarkar. Because the two
civilian scholars of that time, who were his friends and backed him
up against the anti-Indian policy of the Government of India in the
Archaeological Department, were Mr. A. M. T. Jackson and Mr. R. E.
Enthoven. The first fell a victim to the insane passion of the
political fanatics; and the second wason long leave in England.
The result was that the prediction of T. Bloch made to Bhandarkar
xviii D. R. BllANDA.RKAR VO:r.umt"
Ant., 19.n~ January' and says that 'what follows is practically taken
from this 1l1valuable paper with details and illustrations added to
SCHOI.AIt, ARClllSOI,OGIC~' OmCltR AND PROFltSsORld.··
,·to its .pristine glory and dignity. But ill-health compelled him to
resign the editorship about the end of 1922. Owing to the impor-
tunate entreaties, however, of Sir Richard Temple for whom he
always entertained a high regard and affection he was induced to
re-join the editorial staff which now consisted of four editors and
which was later in the leading-strings of the Council of the Royal
Anthropological Institute I Dr. Bhandarkar felt that the wings
that once carried him to empyrean heights were now clipped. And
what grieved him most was that the Indian A ntiquary expired while
he was an effete editor. Nevertheless, he was convinced that there
should spring up a younger sister to this defunct J oumal. As the
year 1934 was advancing, the ever-young mind in his old frail body
saw the vision of the Indian Cult14re wanting like Buddha to come
to life for the dissemination of knowledge. Things were not only
favourable but also propitious. And it was not long before a
quadruple holy alliance was formed between himself, Prof. B. M
Barua, Dr. B. C. Law and Mr. Satis Chandra Seal, and the Indian
I
Culture saw the light of the day in July 1~}34 as the accredited
I
~lm(!!\fd'tCi
fl."if<qCliH"41'tJ1C1IC1t: • 8 R
4. His fame shines, still growing, after having spread over the
heaven and earth, in imitation, f!.S it were, of the form of V~1;1U
(in his Vamana incarnation) for which the space of all the three
worlds was not enough.
~lI ... C{,,-.s:IC:fcfa'(iB mr- ~ ~
.Tlt ~I q(l .... f~J\ ~ SjI"'C('IJI~..l1
~ :ISlIiit'Cij4c?\ ~; ,(qf~(ft;Ifii('i'JI.if
~ lI'Uft ~·\:"lWz:it:1 ~ ~ • 'U
5. In loveliness of form, he is the god of love; in giving gifts,
the all-yielding heavenly tree; in forbearance, the earth; in anger,
the god of death; and m display of valour, where are ParaSurama
and Arjuna (before him) ? In statesmanship, he is both Sukra and
Brhaspati; in the manner of guarding the three worlds, Indra; and
6 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOltUME
in music, the sage Bharata. How can this brave king (of such
manifold gifts) be described ?
~, Q'flti4lQiitlctfd
f41('t1iIll~ ~ "If I
11,,,,,(,,4 "If mmr 'tJi
~W~:.t(.
6. Having built the mukhama1.1Q.apa of Sabhapati and the
gopura and the golden harmya in the Prakara of the goddess
Girindraja, the king, the unrivalled devotee of the god and goddess,
felt gratified.
~~Sjjj(f~llI Q 'ii "~(I "'~ ("~ '(fOI'~ Q
~ 'Q'n1' "If (f'!IT ~1II(,<i1'1i40t I
ct~"'.'Ii4(~Qt ~ fimft ~ ~ ~
~.,ft4 q'fl1lllltiR: "If ~ ~ .. "", Q(ft n~ II
7. The king built the beautiful temple of Ekamresvara; the
temple of Halahalasya at Madura; the temple at Madhyarjuna; the
temple of Sri RajarajeSvara; and the temple of Valmikesvara-all
made of gold; and also the divine sabha and the big gopura of
Valmikadhipati.
mt 00 ~cti1ci't(1lll1(it1i
q ~ ~cr~Jt~r~ I
illill"iil".fed¥l.'4i ~vi
'l"';"'9I'Qnrq.. '''enId I...., n~ n
~
q'_l,f(('t'li4(fil~" wn[ri*Jfltlot I
Eil~'Ii4(:«tJ tJ~ ~ ~
""~"'I~ mtrT: ~1{ Un
l.
9. The King pa1.1Q.yari (the enemy of the Pa1.1Q.yas) caused. the
consecration ceremony of Siva and Parvati, the parents of the
SANSKRIT INSCRIPTION OF KUIliTTuNGA In 7
world, to be performed in this great (temple) in the best manner
p'ossibie by his guru Somesvara, alias ISvara Siva, son of Srik~tha
&mbhu.
""" iPr tM\f"GJI f~iifif"al{"\li~tf'I~:'
4ImlJ;if.t fqfq8l~qf~ .. ~ f<t1t,r"vi ~: ,
t~ '" iiilC(vtllttll Nu;.il.CUJ..._
UIft qJ ~ If t1t<fJrq: ...~ an p: 1\· I
10. The learned Isvara Siva who had a thorough knowledge of
(lit. had well assayed) the 18 branches of knowledge,! who
expounded the Upani~adic doctrine that Stba1;1u (Siva) is Master
above all else, and who, with his knowledge of the Saiva school of
Philosophy, wrote the work, Siddhantaratnakara, is the guru of the
king; what need has he to seek after any other virtue?
1 Four Vedas, six angas, Mimamsa, Nyaya, DharmaSastra, PuraI)a, Ayur-
veda, Dhanurveda. Gandharva and ArthaSiistra. (BrahmaI)<;la Pur., II, ch. 35.
87-89·)
THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE WORKS OF
KHA~ADEVA
1 Part I, p. 136.
IIIbid., p. 404-Numerous MSS. of Bhattadipikii are recorded by Aufrecht.
The Bhiinarupika is a Commentary on the Mimatisiisiitra. Aufrecht records MSS.
of Commentaries on this work as follows;-
(i) By Bhaskararaja. Mysore 5.
(ii) Bhatt:adipikaprabhiivaU written in 1708 by ~ambhubhatta, a pupil of
Kha~Qadeva. Hall, p. 179, L. 2532. Burnell 83 b, etc.
8 Ibid.~.. or '111".(.... by KhaJ].Qadeva. Hall, p. 187; Bik. 550;
Burnell 85b; Rice 124; W. 1617, etc.
, Ibid., p. 456-fliil'I4i\~w a Commentary on the Mimiinsiisiitra by Kha~Qa.
deva. Hall, p. 180; L. 2300 ; Burnel183b, etc. .
IS Kane: History of D'harmasastra, Vol. I (B.O.R. Institute, Poona, 1930), p. 457.
6 Also called Bhiiskarariya Makbin. Farquhar describes him as a 'Right-hand
~ Scholar who lived at Tanjore' (Outlines, pp. 192, 358, 389). He wrote a
Bh~ya on LaUtasahasranama in A.D. 1729 and another commentary on the Vtima-
WvMa Tantra in A.D. 1733. He was a court-Paudit at Tanjore. He wrote
more than 42 works on different subjects like Vedanta, Mimailsii., Vyaka.ra~a, Nyaya,
Prosody, Xavya, Smrti, MantraSastra, Vedas, etc. His VarifJasyaranasya is an
eXposition of the ~ikta system (see' edition of Pt. S. Subrahmanya ~iistti, Adyar,
1934). His pupil Umanandaniitha composed a work called Nityots4fJa in 1775 A.D.
10 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUwt
See also p. 708 where the date of another part of the MS. is given as Sam:/Jat 1784
(=A.D.1728).
4 The Covt. MSS. Library at the B.O.R. Institute, Poona, contains two MSS.
of the Mi'miinsiikaustubha, viz. 378 and 379 of 1899-1915. No. 378 contains the
date of the copy, viz. "~1fl( tf)~ 4( " at the end of 3rd Adhyiiya, Pada 1. This
MS. contains about 489 folios. MS. No. 379 is a modern copy of some old MS. Sotne
CaratJas of the 2nd adhyiiya contain the endorsement "'~flrtCilftt"III.4'lifll"Ut1.
""" .. 1lIftl.,."'." etc." which leads me to suspect that the original MS. perhaps
12 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLU~
belonged to the celebrated ~111 through whose influence the pilgrim-tax was
abolished by Shah Jehan. [Vide Ind. Anti., Vol. XLI, I)12,p. I I - ' DakshiniPandits
at Benares' by MM. Haraprasad Shastri. Vide also lIIitl'iiI'l!tlqq(Mq'ij (G.O. Series,
Baroda, 1921) and Dr. A. S. Altekar's article on 'History of Benares' in the Journal
of Benares Hindu University, Vol. I, No.2, p. 247. lfiifl ...",1'1i(fI (a volume of addresses
to Kavindra by Benares Pandits) is edited by Dr. H. D. Sharma and Mr. M. M. Patkar
in the Poona Oriental Series, No 60.]
1 The .Karma-Mfmii1isii (Heritage of India Series), London, 1921, pp. 12, 13.
2 Ed. In the Bibliotheca Indica.
3 Ed. Conjeevaram, 1902 (I, 2 only).
4 Ed. Conjeevaram, 1900.
/) Cata. of Sanskrit MSS. in the Punjab Uni. Library, Vol. I, 1932. Pages
lIl-II2-' MS. No. 22-~fq~n of . .~ 650 leaves-Age: ~ 1697. 1-12"
written by different hands at different times.'
'rIm CHRONOLOGY OF 'rH1C wons OF KHA~l?AD~VA 13
1 In the B.O.R.I. MS., No. 584 of 1884-87 of the BD I find the following
references to MK :-
(I) Folio (1fT. ~) 25-" q"l ~ 1fT .Il'tlfllllfffi+.llf\.. ",ti fI..,qlmq~~~~ a
~'fi tfirr ti\~ ~ I II
(2) Folio (\IT. ~) 22-" '-(1l11fflrW rii1f it"llf~: "1~"'\lilfflPj'li rl\4!U" 1'ro~, etc."
(3) Folio (~T. '() 28-" '-(.t '{i+.l'lli ~~~ ~" -
... =
(4) Folio (\IT. Y ) 2 9-" ~m .1~fliIIllf: lri~m: "
In Mahadeva Sastri's printed edition of the Bhatladipikii (Vol. I, 1908), p. 13.
we find the following clear references to it1iNr .~:-
,,~ ~"!!.~til~~ QlIl~"
(p. 47)-" ..j• • jd~~~" vide also pp. 44, 68, 73, 92, 119, 128, 194 and 321;
Vol. II (1911)-PP. 208, 244, etc.
2 The B.O.R.I. MS. of BR, viz. No. 133 of 1902-07 contains the following
reference to Kaustubha:-
Folio lOb_if ~ SlI~""" wlt~ tl1f 1II1i"
8 Ibid. Folio 17b_ II Utjw \l11<lfq.I'H~"
'Ibid. Folio 40-" '{'Iil1f ~"
14 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
By R. SHAMASASTRY
with ;nectar will have long life, fame, and offspring bestow~d .on
him, by Brahma (the sun), and Brahma (the moon). Into thIs Clty
ever shining, moving, and penraded with YaSas (fame and lustre),
the Creator has entered.
May Vaisrava:Q.a (known as Kubera, L?rd of the Yakshas,
Rakshasas and Gandhanras), mount his charlot of thousand parts
and a tho~sand horses and many wheels, which is the result of
Tvashtri's magical art, and come to receive our sacrificial offerings
(for averting eclipses, or attacks made by Rakshasas on gods).
This Ayodhya city is of two kinds, microcosmic and macrocos-
mic. The human body is an Ayodhya city of eight circles, namely,
(1) Mti1~dhara, (2) Ma~iptira, (3) Svad~ishthan.a, (4) Ana~ata: (5~
V15Uddhl, (6) Agna, (7) Sahasrara, (8) B1ndu-Triko~a or Slva-saktl
in the Sahasrara. Macrocosmically it is the terrestrial sphere
(corresponding to the Celestial Circle) having two divisions, one of
eight circles and the second of 4 circles. The first division is called
the Ayodhya city. In this the eight circles are (r) the ever-shining
North Pole, and the rest (2-8) are theyeven monthly circles presided
over or illuminated by the seven Adityas with Kasyapa as the
eighth at the Pole. In the celestial sphere the seven circles are
those of the Seven Bears with Dhruva or Pole-star as the eighth
(A.V., 10,8). The seven terrestrial circles also bear the seven names,
(1) Bhfl, (2) Bhuvah, (3) Suvah, (4) Mahah, (5) Janah, (6) Tapah and
(7) Satya, and also the seven Dvipa-llames, as (r) J ambu, (2) Plaksha,
(3) KuSa, (4) Krauncha, (5) Saka, (6) Salmali, and (7) Pushkara. They
also were called the seven oceans, seven rivers, and seven svaras of the
gamut. The seven circles bear also the name of Deva1oka, Saptapuru-
shas and seven Eagles. The other four or five circles of VaisravalJ,a
bear the name of Rakshasa-Ioka, Night-world, and Five Mothers.
Later on the eight Chakras making up Ayodhya were reduced to seven
and correspondingly the Chakras of the Vaisrava~a division of the
globe were raised to five. The sacrificial ;.inimals assigned to the
seven Chakras are the cow, sheep and other domestic animals, while
those of VaisravalJ,a circles are wild animals corresponding to the
wild nature of these five Chakras. 1
Expressed in terms of time the eight Chakras represent the
cyc1~ of 20 years made up of eight minor cycles of 2k years with
one mtercalary month each (see the Vedangajyautisha on 2! years
cycle). Th~ seven months. were .,!'e!?arded as being presided over
~y seven A~ltyas and the eIghth A<!ltya named Marta~Q.a (born of
lifeless egg) 15 cast out. The seven Adityas who are the lords of the
seven intercalary month~ occurring in the cycle of 20 years reduced
------------------
1 See • Drapsa: the Vedic Cycle of Eclipses', by the author.
AYODHYA, Tim CITY OF Tim GODS 19
to 19 years are distinct from the sun or suns presiding over the
ordinary months.
The whole of the above twelve intercalary month-circ1es
evidently forms a cycle of 33 years divided into two parts, one part
of 19 years with seven intercalary months and a second part of 13
years with 5 intercalary months called Rakshasaloka as contrasted
with name of Devaloka given to the division of 19 years. Thus
19 + 13 years + 12 months make up 33 years. The inte;rcalary year
is called Adhi-samvatsara in the Tait. Aranyaka. The cycle of
20 years which is one-third of the 60 years cycle beginning with
Prabhava and ending with Akshaya is also referred to there in the
very beginning of the work.
Rama, the son of Dasaratha, the friend of Indra, is an incarna-
tion of Vishl.1u, the sun-god. He lives in Ayodhya which is fonned
by the seven intercalary month-circles and becoming 19 years old,
he leaves it at the behest of his father for the forest world of Dat;lQ.aka
and Lanka. He wanders there for 14 years. Reaching Lanka
on or near the equator, he destroys the Rakshasas and Ravat;la, their
chief, and returns at the completion of 33 years to Ayodhya of the
Devaloka. The same work is repeated in every cycle of 33 years.
This is the original real Kalpa which the authors of the Purat;las and
the Siddhantas magnified into 43,20,000 years. The word Zodia
or Zodiac seems to be philologically akin to Ayodhya. Accordingly
the story of the Ramayal.1a appears to be a development of an early
Zodiacal myth.
PORVACARYAS IN PA~INI
By BATAKRISHNA GHOSH
PilrvA.caryas at the end of his sutras merely suggested tb~t ,be himself
differed from them on the problems concerned. Yet tbls 19 far from
anything like positive proof. But let us consider first, what has a
fair chance of being regarded as positive proof. In other words,
let us try to ima.gine the possible circumstances under which a Pa1;li-
nian aphorism with the mention of a Purvadirya at the end cannot
be regarded as of oI?ti.onal al?plicatio,n, but as t~e st~tement of.a view
not shared by pa:t;l1n1. It is not dlfficult to 1lllagme such Circum-
stances. Suppose a rule of exception to a general sutra is followed
immediatelY by another rule of exception of the same field of applica-
tion, and that each of the two rules of exception is declared to
contain the views of a particular Purvacarya and is indeed regarded
as optional only because a revered authority is mentioned in it! If
such a case actually occurs in the k?tadhyayi it will have to be
admitted, I think, that Pa1;lini's purpose in mentioning the Pur-
vacaryas, at least in those sutras, couLd not have been merely to
suggest that the sutras concerned are not of universal application;
for had it been so, the second rule of exception would be absolutely
redundant, as it would teach us nothing new, an exception to an
exception to a general rule of single purpose amounting to a mere
repetition of the general rule.
Now, a similar, though not quite the same case actually occurs
in the ~tadhyayi. Let us consider the three sutras VIII. 3. 18-20.
The first of them declares that in the opinion of Sakatayana the
semi-vowels y and v when final in a word should be lightly pronounced
before letters of the as-pratyiihara if they are preceded by a, and
that the same will apply to the secondary final y in bhoy, bhagoy,
etc. (even though it is not preceded by a). The sutra VIII. 3. 19
seriously modifies the preceding, as it declares as interpreted in the
Kasika, that in the opinion of Sakalya the final y and v if preceded
by a should be dropped altogether. But n()w comes the enigmatic
sutra VIII. 3. 20, which declares that in the opinion of Gargya a final
y if preceded by 0 should be dropped. Patafijali commenting on
it says: na lopalt Sakalyasye 'ty eva siddham, and the KiiSika comment-
ing on it says still more clearly: yo 'yam alaghuprayatnasya vikal-
pena lopalt kriyate so 'nena nt'vartyate. It is clear that in the Maha-
bh~a and the Kasika the sutra VIII. 3. 20 has been regarded as an
exception to sutra VIII. 3. 19. But how can that be if it is true that
VIII. 3.19 deals with finaly and v preceded only by a, as the Kasika
explains it, and VIII. 3. 20 deals only with final y preceded by o?
In fact neither in the sut:ra, nor in the Bha~ya, is there anything
to suggest that in VIII. 3. 19 Pa1;lini bas in mind only the cases of
final y a~d 'IJ preceded by a .and not also the cases .of final y preceded
by 0 which are dealt wlth 111 VIII. 3. 18. Only m this light can it
PURVACARYAS IN PA~ 23
be understood that VIII. 3.20 has been regarded as an exception to
VIII. 3. I9 by the ancient commentators.
Now we shall proceed to take account of the whole situation.
PaJ#ni in VIII. 3. 18 declares that in the opinion of Sakatayana the
final secondary y in bhagoy etc. should be lightly pronounced. In
VIII. 3. 19 he again suggests (implicitly) that in the opinion of
Sakalya this final secondary y should be alt~gether dropped in
bhagoy etc. (and also when it is preceded by a). In .VIII. 3. 20
Pa~ini again (explicitly) says that in the opinion of Gargya the
secondary final y in bhagoy etc. should be altogether dropped.. Here
then we have actually a case of the mention of a Purvacarya which
must be interpreted literally and not merely to mean that the rules
concerned are optional, for in that case we would be confronted with
an unheard of redundant repetition regarding the elision of the final
secondary y in bhagoy etc. But if we interpret P3.J;rini strictly
as he expresses himself, there need be no discrepancy or redundancy
at all, for it is fully understandable that Pa~i should separately
record on a particular point the views of two of his predecessors
which were same or similar to each other but differed from his own.
It is highly instructive to see how Patafijali was compelled to throw
to the winds all Pa~inian conventions in interpreting pa~. VIII.
3. 20 and declare that the mention of Gargya in the rule renders it
not optional but absolute! This is of course absurd. It is clear
that Patafijali had to take recourse to this desperate remedy only
because he wanted to save Pa~i from the charge of a redundant
statement, forgetting however that there was absolutely no redun-
dancy at all in the sutra of Pat;tini and that the supposed redundancy
was the creation of later mechanical interpreters to whom the views
of Purvacaryas were nothing but equally valid alternatives. And
it also proves, I think, that Patafijali included also the cases of final
secondary y preceded by 0 in pa~. VIII. 3. 19 as suggested above,
for otherwise the very condition would be absent which compelled
Patafijali to declare Pa~. VIII. 3. 20, to be an absolute rule ill spite
of the mention of Gargya in it.
It would thus seem that sutra VIII. 3. 20 actually contains a
view of the Purvacarya Gargya which PaJ?ini did not share. This
in itself renders it highly probable, if not altogether certain, that in
all those cases where Pa~ini mentions a Purvacarya at the end of
his sutra his purpose was merely to record some grammatical forms
which were actually known in the language and therefore were
upheld by some grammarians-the Purvacaryas-, but which
Pat;tini himself did not accept as correct. As already explained, it
is possible to prove this only where the rule of the Purvacarya appears
as an exception to another rule of exception to a general rule. But
24 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
so suddenly that he had to evacuate the fot:t and retreat wi~ heavy
losses. The English forces returned to Co:unbatore and T1PU after
pursuing them some distance changed his tactics a~d m~r~ed
southwards taking Daraporam, Erode an.d other. strategic positions.
An English division which was proceeding to lnvade Barahmahal
and surprise Ki~tnagiri was f.oiled ip the attempt. ,Tipu's e~cellent
intelligence service had appnsed him of the enem~ s mtentlOn and
witb amazing rapidity he checkmated them. Heanng that Medows
was hastening to tbe aid of the English he withdrew his troops with
equal alacrity to the Coromandel Coast and entirely reduced the
countryside and penetrated into the heart of the English territory.
Fortune was less kind to him in the western districts where be lost
Cannanore. Thus ended the first stage of the war completely
establishing Tipu's superiority in arms. He thus proved himself
to be a skilful general, a strategist and tactician of the first order.
The rapidity of his movements testified to his boundless energy and
confounded his enemies. .
The arrival of Lord Cornwallis in December, 1790, to conduct
the campaign personally marks the second stage of the war. His
presence instilled fresh vigour in the ranks of the British army.
The allies-the Mahrattas and the Nizam-who had been lukewarm
so far stirred themselves into activity. Cornwallis was bent upon
prosecuting the war to a vigorous finish. It must not be supposed
that he underestimated the prowess of his adversary. However he
openly declared that in this war be had everything to lose and
nothing to gain and would be for ever disgraced if Tipu beat him.l
Cornwallis assumed command of the British forces at Vellout near
Vellore and made straigbt for Bangalore. He did not meet with
any resistance till he reached Bangalore and laid siege to it.
When the assault was made Tipu's garrison put up a stubborn
fight and did not surrender till their gallant commandant, Babadur
Khan, fell fighting. Cornwallis was so greatly impressed by his
gallantry that he at once took charge of his dead body, preserved it
in a coffin and offered to send it to Tipu for burial with due honour.
Tipu was filled with admiration for his lordship's chivalrous gesture
and despatched on the same day the following letter from his camp:
'I am in receipt of your lordship's friendly letter saying that
Bahadur Khan .had performed every act of bravery and courage,
loyalty and fidelity and had at length laid down his life in my service.
Befitting your own high rank and station you had caused the body
of Bahadur Khan to be preserved in a coffin. If I so wished you
would send it to my camp or else, I might depute some people'from
1 Coruwalli!';' Correspondence, Ed. Ross, Vol. II, page 52.
TIm FAn.URlt OF TIPU SULTAN 27
here to bury it at Bangalore. This act of yours has convinced me
of the perfectly noble qualities of your leadership. Doubtless, it
is incumbent on great Chiefs to pay particular attention to matters
of this nature. I therefore request that since there are Muham-
madans in Bangalore who are acquainted with the funeral rites that
have to be performed, the body may be handed to them with
directions to bury it, in one of the shrines sacred to the inemory of
the saints. Dated the 23rd March, 1791.' 1
The next objective after Bangalore was Seringapatam, Tipu's
capital, towards which Cornwallis now decided to advance. On the
way he was joined by the Nizam's forces under Raja Tejwant.
Success seemed within his grasp; but Tipu's cavalry so effectively
cut off his communications and his supplies that he had to beat a
hasty retreat to Bangalore.
Early in the following year (1792) Cornwallis once again set out
for Seringapatam accompanied by the Nizam's forces. The lessons
of the last campaign were not lost on him and this time he took every
precaution to keep his communications open. The Mahratta and
the Bombay armies were then operating in the west so successfully
that when Cornwallis moved 'towards Seringapatam Tipu was like
a person entrapped without the least hope of being rescued. He
avoided the fatal blow by immediately seeking for peace. The
victorious allies dictated their own terms. He was forced to part
with half of his dominions, pay three crores and thirty lakhs of rupees
as indemnity and surrender two of his sons as hostages.
It will be seen that Tipu held his own against his adversaries,
the English, during the first two years of the war in spite of the fact
that he had just emerged from a conflict with the Mahrattas and the
Nizam. He had beaten Medows and confounded Cornwallis. It was
not until the Mahrattas and the Nizam had entered the arena that
the Mysore Tiger was brought to bay. The cause of his ultimate
failure has therefore to be sought for in quarters other than the
field of battle.
Far and away from the theatres of war, diplomatic agents at
Poona and Hyderabad were briskly canvassing for support for one
side or another. Every argument, every inducement was employed
by them. Cornwallis was ably served in both the courts by men
who eventually carried their point. On the 29th December, 1789,
Tipu attacked the Travancore Lines and on the 8th February, 1790,
Charles Malet, the English Resident at Poona, communicated to
Cornwallis with 'patriotic delight' that the Peshwa's government
had declared its readiness to side with the English against Tipu. 1
On the 6th June a treaty was executed formally between the parties
by which the terms of mutual co-operation were fixed. While Malet
was thus engaged at Poona, Sir John Kennaway, the Resident at
Hyderabad, induced the Nizam to join this alliance of the three
powers-the English, the Nizam and the Mahrattas.
The formation of this confederacy was a great triumph for
Cornwallis as it meant the bringing together of mutually hostile
parties into the same camp. The Mahrattas and the Nizam were
jealous of each other and viewed their mutual activities with profound
suspicion. But the dread of Tipu provided the meeting ground and
hatred of the common foe held the alliance together. No wonder
that they fell out as soon as the danger was removed.
It reflects great credit to the diplomatic skill of Malet that he suc-
ceeded in inducing the Peshwa's government first to join the alliance
and then to participate actively in the w.ar, for Nana Farnavis, who
directed the affairs of the Peshwa's government, was the most difficult
person for negotiation. His tactics consisted in evasion and procras-
tination. He would keep half a dozen ambassadors hanging around
him at Poona without giving a definite reply to the point at issue.
He believed that with the passage of time every question would solve
itself. Nana was intrigued when the English proposed the alliance,
but he would have prolonged the negotiations as was his wont, had
not Tipu already taken the field. The Nizam was conspiring with
the English and in case they united firmly there would be an end
to his dreams of ultimately subjugating the Nizam. He therefore
gave his consent to the conclusion of the treaty which was soon
executed and ratified in due form. How anxious Lord Cornwallis
was to form this alliance and what importance he attached to it
may be gathered from the compliments he bestowed on Malet on the
successful conclusion of the negotiations when he said that he was
I personally obliged' to the Resident and would recommend him
for some distinguished mark of approbation from the Court of
I
Directors' .2
Again, in his letter to Kennaway he thus expressed himself:
• Without the co-operation of the Mahrattas I could not flatter
myself with a certain prospect of a speedy conclusion as well as the
decided success of the war, two events which are absolutely necessary
to save the government and indeed the English Company's affairs
from the greatest possible distress; besides that if they had not
taken part with us there would always have been reason to apprehend
had ah;eady determined to fight .to the finish and so the proposals
of an amicable settlement met Wlth no response.
Tipu then concentrated on winning over the Mahrattas. He
succeeded in enlisting the influential support of the Rasta family to
advance his cause. His envoys entered Poona with Luximan Rao
Rasta at the head of a stately procession heralded by the boom of
guns announcing the capture of the Travancore Lines by Tipu.
They brought with them liberal supplies of money and offer of
territory. 1
The negotiations opened in an atmosphere of hopefulness.
There was great excitement at Poona. It was even feared that civil
strife might break out, if Rasta was not allowed to have his own
way. Malet was alarmed. The treaty between the English and
the Peshwa, although discussed and approved, had not yet been
executed. The enemy's envoys were publicly received. The Mah-
ratta contingent that was to join the English detachment from
Bombay according to the plan agreed -upon was not yet moving.
All these circumstances joined to confirm the suspicions of double-
dealing on the part of Nana Famavis.
Malct was not the man to take all this lying down. He vehe-
mently opposed the public reception of Tipu's envoys and in every
meeting with the Peshwa's ministers urged their dismissal, pointing
out the incompatibility of their engagements with the English and
the continued residence of these envoys at Poona. His labours
bore fruit. Nana for once seemed to have made up his mind to join
the confederacy and reject the overtures of Tipu. At the same time
he was determined to extract from the envoys the money that they
had brought with them. This was however no very difficult problem
for a man of Nana's resourcefulness. A little coaxing, a little gentle
pressure and they yielded up the treasure amounting to IS lakbs
of rupees.
These poor creatures were no match for Nana's cunning. They
were so completely subjugated by his dominant personality that
they not only failed to achieve their object but also by placing IS
lakbs of rupees in the hands of Nana provided him with funds for
equipping an army against their master.
Meantime the war raged fiercely. Disappointed at Poona,
Tipu concentrated on detaching the Nizam from the confederacy.
He had already been intriguing at Hyderabad but now renewed his
efforts with greater zea1. He applied to the Nizam, bis generals and
ministers in the name of Islam to unite with him 'for the greater
strength and glory of the" true faith'. To the Nizam he wrote
1 Poona Residency Correspondence, Volume III, pages 133, 138, 159.
THJt FAIL~ OF TIPU SULTAN 31
thus: t The advantages and benefits of unity and harmony· among
the followers of Islam are certainly exposed to your full view and
indeed they cannot remain hidden from your omniscient wisdom.
Similarly, the good and evil of the circumstances of other peoples of
the present times must be clear to the presence. I am sure that
your blessed. mind is ever engaged in adopting measures to increase
the power of Islam and the splendour of the faith of Muhammad as
indeed befits the world of leadership and your good name. You
will please suggest the ways and means for affording protection to
the honour, life and property of the people who are dependent on
Muhammadan chiefs and who in fact cO.l.1stitute a unique trust held
for God, the Real Master. It is unnecessary to write more. I have
in view only the welfare of the creatures of God and the progress of
the finn faith. I have despatched Mahdi Ali Khan to seek the honour
of waiting on you and of informing you of the particulars of my
sincerity and attachment with a view to removing your displeasure.
I hope you will honour me by your letters'.1
But Mahdi Ali Khan was no diplomat. He simply acted as a
courier and impressed nobody. His feeble efforts were easily thwarted
by the circumspection of Kennaway, the English Resident at Hydera-
bad. Far .from pressing his mission he failed even to obtain an
audience with the Nizam or his minister. But Tipu was in dead
earnest. After his letter to the Nizam he wrote one to his wife,
Bakhshi Begam. This was rather an unusual step to take, for the
ladies of the harem are not supposed to take active part in politics
or interest themselves in affairs of State. Tipu was however deter-
mined to leave no stone unturned. He addressed the Begam in the
following tenns :
, Your Highness well knows the kindness and favour which
out of consideration for the attachment manifested by my late father
in the Arcot war, you were pleased to show to us and which has
suffered no diminution up to the present moment. I am fully
convinced that the foundation of the true religion of Islam derives
strength from his Highness, the Nizam and the Muhammadan
Chiefs receive support from him. It appears now that owing to
the representations of interested persons the mind of His Highness
which is bright as the sun is clouded with the dust of displeasure.
I hope that you will be pleased to make use of your friendly inter-
position so that His Highness's gracious favour may be manifested
towards me, the enemies of the true religion be overthrown and the
troops which are supposed to have been sent to their assistance be
recalled. In order to represent these points of ancient and present
1 I.R.D., Original Persian Letter Received, II January, 1792, No. 16.
32 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
mi"asi is-divided into two kinds, i.e. where the whole lands of the
village are held jointly and either cultivated in common or divided
yearly, or at some other fixed period-or where the lands are held
in severalty and subject, consequently, to no periodical redistribution.
In the districts to the south of the Coleroon the whole of the lands
with the exception of the official manyams are taxable.
General William Blackburne, Resident at Tanjore, in a memo-
randum which he submitted to Lord William Bentinck in 1804,
on the mirasi right as it existed in Tanjore at that time, said,-'It
possesses a11 the essential qualities of property and has been held
sacred by every successive government. In its origin it was probably
derived from the grant of the sovereign.' (Vide The Tanjore
Manual, pp. 397-400.) The distinctive feature of the mirasi tenure,
a feature as ancient apparently as the tenure itself which still survives
is the division of the village into equal shares, each made up so as
to yield an equal amount of produce, and each including a propor-
tionate share of all the benefits of common property, such as the
use of the village waste, mines, quarries, fisheries, forests and pas-
turage. Sales, mortgages and gifts of mirasi shares, with a11 these
incidental rights are recognized and enforced by courts of law.
Sales of waste land alone, to the extent, of course, of the share of the
alienor, have likewise been recognized. In Tanjore, the constitu-
tion of the village government was essentially that of a body demo-
cratic in its organization. There was no patel or headman as in the
Maratha country, nor anyone corresponding to the Peddakapu
of the Northern Sarkars or the Reddi of the Ceded Districts. Neither
the report of the Commissioners appointed in 1798, nor any of the
other early records exhibit a trace of such an office having ever
existed in this district. The first attempt to establish the office
of the village munsiff with police and judicial functions was made in
1816 when the Regulations of the Madras Code were passed. But
notwithstanding all the efforts then made, ~~he attempt did not
succeed beyond creating a nominal head for each village. The
Collector experienced the greatest difficulty in inducing one of the
mirasdars to undertake the work. It was not until 1836 that the head
of the village was also made an agent for the collection of the,public
revenue under the title of Pattamaniagar, imported apparently
from the practice of Coimbatore. This measure also did not prove
successful; and the only success that has been obtained in service is
in the matter of the officer making collections of kists. The object
of creating a village headman that commands the respect of the
mirasdars has not been reached. l
1 The significance of the word miras was intensive in the Jaghir District of
Chingleput and in the 1'anjore Delta. It denoted a variety of rights differing in
VILLAGE ORGANIZATION IN SOUTH INDIA 37
III
The office of karnam as part of the old village institution, was
purely that of a private accountant employed to keep the private
accounts of the mirasdars; and there eXlst even at the present day
traces of such an office, under the designation of Kudikarnam, as
distinguished from the Sarkarkarnam,-which exists in the Pattu-
kottai taluk, where the ryots, from their comparative ignorance
and the large seize of the villagers, cannot afford to dispense with
assistance in this shape. The commissioners of 1799, noted the
marked absence in Tanjore of any kind of efficient rural official
agency to look after the interests of government. The office of
karnam, on its present footing as that of a govemment servant, was
created only in 1807; and in his remuneration was also included a
small grain-fee which had been allowed to the K udikarnam. It was
only in 1852 that the karnam's fund, as in other cognate cases,
was incorporated with the revenues of the State; and their salaries
became a direct charge on the State exchequer. The T alayari was,
likewise, a private servant of the village community. By the
Police Regulation XI of 1816, he was declared to be part of the regu-
lar police establishment; but he did not do any regular police duties.
Eventually in 1860 when the mofussil police was reorganized, all
claims to the services of the T alayari as a servant of the State, were
formally abandoned. The ordinary emoluments of the Talaiari, like
those of other village servants, were derived from percentages on
the gross produce of the land, called svatantrams. A moiety of the
Talayari's svatantram has been resumed and appropriated for the
govemment village establishment.
Previously the contributions of the mirasdars for the kaval or
police duties of the villages were not regulated according to any
fixed scale while their contributions in support of temples and
pur6hits were equally undefined. They varied in different parts
of the district. In some places they were in the shape of assignment
nature and degree, but all more or less connected with proprietary possession, or
usufruct, of the soil and its produce. The difference was of course well recognized
between mirasi in land and the mirasi of the village officials. The mirasi dght was
an ancient and hoary one; and is contributed to make the village community in
Tanjore a particularly vital form of democratic corporation. The question of the
existence of village communities in Malabar was vigorously discussed by the early
British administrators of that country. Sir Thomas Munro seems to have felt that
the Desam was the name of the ancient village community, and did not attach
much importance to the Tara which organization was changed into the Hobali
system, or subordinate direct establishments under the Company's rwe. But the
H obali only served to lengthen the chain of officials between the Collector and the
actual peasants. It was replaced, after a period of trial, by the existing amsom
system; and for each amsom, the most influential of the Desavalis, therein was chOseD
as the adhikari.
D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
By AMARANATHA IRA
Every schoolboy knows Macaulay's contempt for Oriental
Literature and the emphatic expression which he gave to it. Sydney
Smith once said, 'I wish I could be as certain about anything as
Tom Macaulay is about everything'. Well, Macaulay was not
alone in his generation in disparaging the literature of the East.
There were many others, even in a later generation, who regarded
both Indian scholars and Indian scholarship as being very inferior.
In noting on a propos:? I suggesting the compilation of a catalogue
of all the Sanskrit MSS. preserved in the libraries of India and
Europe, Whitley Stokes, Secretary to the Council of the Governor-
General for making Laws and Regulations, wrote thus on August
6, 1868:
'I know of no Native scholar possessed of the requisite
learning, accuracy, and persistent energy, I know of no
European scholar in India possessed of the requisite time, or
who might not be more usefully employed in making original
researches. '
But the most remarkable passage in Mr. Stokes' note is the
following:
'To Europe we should send everything obtained in working
out this scheme,-original MSS., copies, extracts; for in Europe
alone are the true principles of criticism and philology under-
stood and applied, and, fifty years hence, in Europe alone will
any intelligent interest be felt in Sanskrit literature. There
will then, it is safe to say, be as few Sanskrit scholars in India
as there are now Greek scholars in Greece.'
But Mr. Stokes ended his note with the sentence:
'But whatever may be done, I trust that no time may be
lost in doing something. The climate and the white-ants of India
are fell destroyers of manuscripts. The old race of Sastris is
dying out; the younger Natives are losing their interest in the
study and preservation of their national literature; and it is
safe to say that in another generation, unless the Government
bestir itself at once, much of value that is now procurable will
have disappeared for ever.'
42 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
1 1iTlJU!JI1I1it~'SI~: I
Unmesha I.
IIGauc;lavaho-Introd., p. 206.
3 To add to our previous arguments for the identity of Visvariipa and Suresvara,
there is a passage in Purusharthaprabodha attesting the fact :-
~fii~~W'~JllN~ m~~1Ii m:~-Page 12.
BHATTA JAYAN'l'A AND YA~VARMAN OF KASHMIR SI
priority of one relatively to the other can be inferred. Kumarila
attacks Dharmakirti. Prabhakara criticizes the views of Kumarila.
Dharmottara comments on Dharmakirti. Mal;lc;lana quotes from
Kumarila and attacks Prabhakara. Umbeka comm€'llts on Kumarila
and Mal;lc;lana 1. His unfinished commentary on Slokavartika was
continued by J ayamisra, called Bhattaputra 2. Salika attacks
Mal;lQana 3. ViSvariipa (Suresvara) borrows from Mal;l.c;lana and
comments on Sailkara's works. Vachaspati (dated. 8so A.D.)
upholds Mal;lc;lana against Sa.ilkara. Santarakshita 4 attacks Umbeka
and quotes from Santadeva 5 of 800 A.D. Tibetan tradition requires
scrutiny to correlate with these dates.
Besides the question of Bhava.bhuti and historicity of Rajata-
rangiJ;1i two more instances of tentative theories in literary chronology
have almost assumed the role of facts. Bana mentions Subandhu's
Vasava.datta, which is wrongly identified with the work now available
in print. The latter is later than Bhavabhuti. Existence of
Subandhu, the author of Vasavadatta-Natyadhara (natyapara?) 6,
who was a contemporary of King Bindusara of about 300 B.C., was
pointed out in our introduction to Avantisundarikatha of Dal;lc;lin. 7
Second instance is Bha.rtribari. The author of Vakyapadiya
and of the commentary on J aimini Sutras is earlier than Sabara-
5vamin. Bhartribari of Buddhist fame is probably a later writer.
Thus assumptions based on Subandhu, Bhartrihari and of
Bhav~bhuti (as in Kanauj) require thorough revision.
Agamac;lambara is called Shal;lIData-nataka and the advocacy
of religious toleration made by Sankaravarman probably aroused the
popular or sectarian imagination to call Sailkara as Shal;lIDatastha-
paka, though the sects established are definitely different. Jayanta
nowhere attacks Sailkara though he must have done so to establish
Gautama's superiority. This fact suggests his priority to Sailkara.
7 ~: ~
fiI..- ~ "" ~~ ~
~~ "(. ..
{Avantisundari of Dandin}.
•"'SIt .1IIffr 'III"'5R"ijij: 'III~li'r ~'fT (Vamana's Kavyruailkarasiitra, Ch. II).
Our Malabar MSS. have Subandhu and not Vasubandhu in Kavyruailkarasiitra
of Vimana.
D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
It is well known that in the latter half of the sixth 'axd the first
quarter of the seventh century A.D. Gujarat was held by the
Kataccuris or Kalacuris. After overthrowing them in circa A.D.
620, Pulakesin II of the Western Calukya dynasty divided their
kingdom among his relatives and trusted chiefs. Northern Gujarat
was allowed to be occupied by the Gurjaras, who acknowledged his
suzerainty, while Southern Gujarat extending from the Kim in the
north to the Damal,lgalnga in the south was placed in charge of a
Sendraka chief. The Sendrakas ruled over this territory for three
generations. They seem to have made numerous grants, for Pandit
Bhagvanlal once informed Dr. Billiler that he had in his possession
several sets of Sendraka plates from Southern Gujarat 1. It is
very unfortunate that they are not now forthcoming.
Only two grants 2 of the dynasty have been published so far.
The earlier of these S was found at Bagumra in the Balesar District
of the Baroda State. It is dated in the Kalacuri year 406 (A.D. 656)
and registers the grant of the village Balisa by the Sendraka prince
Allasakti 4. This village has been identified with Wanesa in the
Bardoli taluka of the Surat District.
From this grant we learn that Bhanusakti was the founder of
the family. As his grandson Allasakti was ruling in A.D. 656,
Bhanusakti has to be referred to the first quarter of the seventh
century A.D. He seems therefore to have been invested by
Pulakesin II with the government of Southern Gujarat after the defeat
of the Kalacuri Buddharaja. In his grant he is said to have attained
victory in t1.!e clash of many battles with four-tusked elephants.
His son was Adityasakti and the latter's son Allasakti. In his grant
1 I.A., XVIII, p. 267. Pandit Bhagvanlal is known to have bequeathed by
his will all his coins and copper-plates to the British Museum (Ibid., XVII, p. 297),
but no Sendraka plate can be traced there.
2 Besides these, two grants of AllaSakti have been recently discovered in
Khandesh. One of these has been acquired by the Bharata Itihasa Samwdhaka
Ma~<;lala, Poona. N.I.A.I., p. 747.
S I.A., XVIII, pp. 26511.
4 Dr. BUhler, who edited the grant gives the donor's name as NikumbhallaSakti,
but Nikumbha was only a biruda; for AllaSakti's son ]ayasakti also is called Nikumbha
in his Mundkhe<;le plates. (See below.)
54 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUMlt
direct rule. His second capital was probably Nasik. As Dr. Fleet
has shown, this town answers to the description of Pulakesin's capital
given by the Chinese traveller.
Towards the end of his reign Pulakesin appears to have appointed
his younger son Dharasraya- J ayasiIhha to rule over Northern
Mahar~tra and KonkaJ.1. The Nasik plates of J ayasimha dated
K. 416 (A.D. 666) 1 record the grant of the village DhoJ.1<;laka in the
Nasikya vi~aya (the modem Dhol.1<;lgaon near Nasik) which plainly
shows that he was ruling over the adjoining territory. Only five
years later we find his son Yuvaraja Sryasraya Snaditya granting a
village in Southern Gujarat by his Navsari plates dated K. 421
(A.D. 670-71). These plates further inform us that tbe prosperity
of J ayasirhha was augmented by his elder brother Vikramaditya 1.
The transfer 2 of J ayasirhba to the rich province of Southern
Gujarat, 'the Garden of the West', is clearly implied by this
reference to the augmenting of his prosperity. The reason why
Vik"amaditya asked Jayasithha to supplant the Sendrakas in
Southern Gujarat is nowhere stated, but it is possible to infer it
from an important statement in the Nasik inscription. The record
tells us that with his bright-tipped arrows J ayashhha defeated and
exterminated the whole army of Vajja<;la in the country between
the Maht and the Narmada 3. As already stated, this country was
under the rrue of the Gurjara princes who called themselves Siimantas
and evidently owned allegiance to the Western Calukyas of Badami.
It seems, therefore, that some king named Vajja<;la invaded the
country of the Gurjaras evidently from the north and as Allasakti,
the representative of the Calukya suzerain ruling over the adjoining
country of Southern Gujarat, could not arrest his victorious march,
J ayasiIhha had to proceed to the north to the rescue of the Gurjara
feudatory. He won a decisive victory which is placed on a par
for only. two years before his son Yuvaraja Sryasraya Sfiaditya had
made a grant in his name; but he was then probably too old to take
the field. Vajja<;la is not therefore likely to be identical with the
lord paramount of North India defeated by Vinayaditya.
Who was then this king Vajja<;la? The name is clearly a corrupt
form of some Sanskrit name like Vajrata or Vajrabhata. As stated
above, the Ra~trakftta records name him as Vajrata, but they belong
to a much later age. Besides no name like Vajrata occurs in any
genealogical list of the period 1. Even if we take the name to be
Vajrabhata we get no better result. Similar names 2 ending in
Mata no doubt occurred in the dynastic lists 3 of the Gurjara-Prati-
haras and the Maitrakas of Valabhi, but there is no name in them
corresponding to Vajja<;la. The Vasantaga<;lh inscription,' dated V.
682, indeed, mentions one Vajrabhata as a feudatory of Varmalata,
but he flourished too early for this invasion, which as we have seen,
took place between K. 406 and 416 (A.D. 656 and 666); for his son
Rajjila was on the throne in V. 682 (A.D. 625). The history of
North India between the death of Harsa and the rise of Yawvarman
is shrouded by the veil of oblivion.' Hence the problem of the
identity of VajjaQ.a is likely to remain unsolved until more records
bearing upon it come to light. But the conjecture may be hazarded
that the name is likely to occur in the genealogies of the Haihayas
and the rulers of Malwa; for these are the only two northern powers
which are said to have been subjugated by Vinayaditya in his
Jejuri plates dated Saka 609 (A.D. 687-88).5 It is not therefore
unlikely that one of them had invaded Northern Gujarat in the
preceding reign of Vikramaditya I.
omitted in the grants of his other sons Matigalaraja and Pulake.sin. This is generally
taken to indicate that Sryasraya predeceased his father.
1 Two princes of this name are mentioned in Nos. 1657 and 1664 in Dr. Bhan-
darkar's List of Inscriptions of Northern India, but they belong to much later periods.
2 For instance, Nagabhata I and II of the Imperial Pratihara dynasty.
3 For instance, Dhruvabhata, the son-in-law of Har!?a, mentioned by Yuan
Chwang and Derabhata mentioned in Nos. 1352 and 1353 of Dr. Bhandarkar's
List.
4 E.1., IX, p. 191.
5 I.A., VII, p. 302.
A NOTE ON THE COMPOSITION OF SABHA
AT UTTARAMERUR
By V. R. RAMACHANDRA DIKSIDTAR, University oj Madras.
Ever since the late Rao Bahadur V. Venkayya pubJished the
Uttaramallur documents 1 which have considerably enlarged our
knowledge of Cola local administration, these have largely attracted
the attention and scrutiny of scholars. A close examination of the
documents relating to the composition of the sabha has led me to
the following conclusion. It has been generally taken that the
members of the sabha and its committees were all Brahmans and
that the Caturvedimangalam can be regarded as a community' of
joint landlords. If we approach dispassionately to study the quali-
fications expected of the member of the sabha, we find the following
among others II :
(a) One who owns a quarter veli of tax-paying land and
more.
(b) One who is an owner of a house built in his own site.
(c) He must not be above seventy or below thirty-five in age.
(d) One who has a profound knowledge of the Mantra-
brahmana.
(e) One who owns one-eighth veli of landed property and who
possesses the knowledge of one Veda and a Bh~a.
It is nowhere said in the inscriptions that the candidate for
membership should be a Brahman and a Brahman alone. What is
said is that the city' was divided into thirty wards and that the
people of each ward assembled to elect their representative. It
cannot be claimed that the Brahmans alone constituted a ward.
Surely there must have been members of other communities also
in each ward. It is explicitly stated that a certain individual who
desired to contest municipal elections could base his claim on two
1 A.R.A.S.I .• 1904-5.
I The relevant portion of the inscription may be quoted:
(a) kuQ.umbu muppada muppadu kuQ.umbUum avvava kuQ.umntila re ktiQ.i-
kka nUattukku mel irai nilam uQ.aiyan
(b) tan manaiyile agamm eQ,uttukkoJ].Q. iruppanai
(c) elubadu pirayattin kil muppattaindu pirayattin mer pattar
(d) mantrabrahmaJ].am vallanodu-viytt-ariyvanai
(e) araikkiinilame uQ.aiyan ayilum, oru vedam vallaniy dlu bh~attUum
oru b~ya vakkiJ].ittariyavan avanaiyum.
60 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
By P. B. ADBIXARI
are also ,some well-known ancient works which, among other things,
deal elaborately also with the psychological aspects of the sense of
beauty. But there is no definite treatment in them of its philoso-
phical aspects or significance. In the Vai~:t;lava thought, and in
folk-songs of the Bhakti-marga (the path of devotion) embodying
in a way the thought, in the literature and sayings of the mystic
saints of some other religious sects, there are no doubt hints given
out, here and there, about what they conceived to be the essence of
beauty. But nowhere in their literature do we find any definite
and serious discussions, on philosophic lines, about the theory of
beauty. lEsthetics as a philosophic study is conspicuous by its
absence in them.
The suspicion naturally arises, therefore, whether there is any
definite idea or ideas underlying the Indian Arts, which might form
the subject-matter of an Indian lEsthetics. The present-day
historians of Indian Art have all failed, it appears, to trace out a
unity of ideas running through the development of the Art. Even
the learned Dr. Coomarswami, the author of the otherwise masterly
work-'The History of Indian and Indonesian Art', is no exception
there. And there is still a difference of opinion among eminent
writers of the day on the subject. The two representative figures
among them, Mr. Havell and Dr. Coomarswami too do not appear
to agree in all points.
This difference of opinion may be partly due to what is con-
sidered to have been the foreign influences in the development of
Indian Art. These influences, where they appear distinctly, are
found to have been heterogeneous in their character. They are
partly religious, partly secular. The indigenous primary influences
appear to be predominantly religious, although here too there is
difference of opinion and mode of interpretation. Besides, we note
here a diversity of ideas as finding expression in different periods.
The secular influences are mostly foreign, the consequence of which
has been a sheer want of assimilation to the spirit of the indigenous
productions. Wherever this assimilation has been attempted, the
two aspects have either remained apart without unification or one
factor has predominated over the other.
Coming down to modern artistic productions of this country
in various fields, we find them to be mainly of two kinds: the I mita-
tive and the Crea#ve, the former being mostly under foreign influences,
especially European. The new modes of cesthetic expressions as
realistic and idealistic both being no exception to the rule. It is
a pity that this should have been so. The reason for this is supposed
to be the absence of any definite underlying idea which may be
regarded as truly Indian inspiring and controlling the productions,
INDIAN iESTHETICS: A CRITICAL STUDY
according to Pandit Ojha, took place at the time when Sanga was
trying to save himself by flight from the pursuit of his brothers.
The date"mentioned may therefore be regarded as pointing to the
end of th~ struggle for succession. Its beginning must therefore be
traced to some time earlier. Now, according to Firishta, in 1503 A,C.
Sultan Nasiruddin Khilji of Malwa invaded and devasted a part of
Mewar. It is thus clear that three events, struggle with Surajmall,
insurrection of Sanga, and the invasion of Mewar, happened at the
same time; and the presumption is that they were connected with
each other. That Sanga's insurrection had a clear connection with
Surajmall's feud had been demonstrated above. That the Miilwa
invasion in the same way bears a close relation with the same event
will be clear from the following circumstances. Nensi holds that
Surajmall's father Kshema set the Malwa Sultan on Mewar. That
the son should take a leaf out of his father's book is easily com-
prehensible. Besides, one tradition preserved by Tad clearly
maintains that it was Surajmall who, WIth the help of the Sultan of
Malwa, attacked Mewar.
Thus the year r503-4 seems to have been a time of great diffi-
culty for Mewar. As far as can be gathered from the available
records, Surajmall was the principal mover against the State. In
order to satisfy his hereditary enmity against his cousin Rana
Raymall, he brought about a widespread movement. He per-
suaded the Sultan of Malwa, who had also to pay many an old
score against Mewar, to launch a campaign against her; and at the
same time he was able by winning over Sanga to involve the Rana's
family in an internal dissension. The destruction of the enemy
seemed all but accomplished. But Mewar weathered the storm
most heroically, thanks to the bravery displayed by the RaIla, but
more specially his eldest son and heir-apparent, Prithviraj. The
seventeenth century chronicler, Muhanote Nensi, describes how the
latter saved the country from the depredations of the Malwa armies
which were hurled over the frontiers of the State, how Surajma1l had
to acknowledge defeat and how Sanga had to seek safety by flight.
The conduct of Sanga throughout this critical period had been
highly reprehensible. He had allowed himself to be used as a eat's
paw by the most inveterate enemy of the State and had very nearly
brought about its ruin. No wonder that all authorities should
state that the rest of his father's life he had to pass in exile, self-
t
1 Ed. Anandasrama Sanskrit Series, No. 26, Poona 1894. The work is also
sometimes called Gaja-cikitsa, Gaja-vaidya, Gajayurveda and, more appropriately,
Gaja-vidya. MSS. noticed in Aufrecht, Catalogus Catalogorum, i, pp. 14Ia, 336b;
ii, p. 28a.
2 J. Jolly, Medicin, GIPA, Strassburg 1901, p. 14, sec. 12.
8 fBORS., I919, p. 313; also see fBORS., I924, p. 3I7. Sastri is inclined to
assign the work to the 5th or 6th century B.C.
4 P. C. Bagchi (IHQ., 1933, p. 26I) demonstrates that Palakapya is a fictitious
name, the term pala- (pal-, pil-, pe4-), as well as -kapya (a form of -kapi; cf. Vedic
V~~akapi, which need not, as often supposed, mean 'a male monkey'), meaning 'an
elephant'.
74 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOI."U~
1 The deity is also, and perhaps more popularly, known as Pafidinanda and
Paficu Thakur.
2 W. Ward-A view of the history, literature and religion of the Hindoos-Vol. II,
Serampore, 1815 (p. 182-3).
S Lal Behari Day-Bengal Peasant Life-First Edition 1874, New edition 1878
(pp. 62-65 of the reprint in 1926).
, It seeks to identify the deity with Tirurvyar whose temple is situated near
Tanjore and who is celebrated in a Sanskrit miihiitmya work supposed to form part
of the Brahmavaivartapurii1Ja. But the identification does not seem to be correct:
the name of the deity in question is Paficanadisvara (Gazetteer of the Tanjore District,
Vol. I, Madras 1906, p. 277) and the name of the miihiitmya work is Pancanada-
miihiitmya (Catalogus Catalogorum, I, 314, III, 67).
·.78 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
made up his mind to put the Brahmins into difficulties (Ch. 4).
Accordingly the messengers went to the houses of the Brahmins and
caused their wives and children to be attacked by a peculiar disease
by which they lost all movements. Physicians failed to make any
diagnosis (Ch. 5). Everything however was all right when the
Brahmins offered worship to the deity (Ch. 7).
A gardener who refused to supply a garland to this 'unknown
deity' was also similarly punished and was subsequently forgiven
on his duly worshipping the god (Ch. 8). Unusual and unique powers
possessed by the god were demonstrated by two of the messengers
bringing back to life, through the worship of the deity, a son of an
old Brahmin couple who had died long ago (Ch. 9).
King Naradhvaja of Kaficananagara who was passing unhappy
days with his eight wives all childless, had one son each by all his
wives, after worshipping the god according to the instructions of the
four Brahmins whose story has already been related (Ch. 10-12).
He worshipped the deity every day and was eager to consecrate a
golden temple. His sons agreed to get gold from Lanka, a terrible
place where even the ministers were afraid to go. On their way they
were obstructed by the messengers of King Kirtidhvaja who laughed
at the name of the unfamiliar deity and were killed (Ch. IS). Then
came Virasena, son of Kirtidhvaja, and defeated the eight brothers.
They prayed to Paficanana for help and his messengers came to their
rescue and killed prince Virasena (Ch. 16). At the suggestion of
Vis~u, his tutelary deity, who referred to the supremacy of Paficanana
and blamed the king for his foolishness in going against the devotees
of so powerful a deity, Kirtidhvaja surrendered before the sons of
Naradhvaja and stopped any further mischief being done (Ch. 17).
The princes then proceeded on their way and approached a Brahmin
engaged in austerities, for blessings. But strangely they turned
blind and prayed to the lord who came to them and explained how
the Brahmin having had his belongings stolen away had announced
that any human being coming within two miles of his hermitage
would become blind. The god however could not do anything in the
matter and asked the princes to propitiate the Brahmin himself.
This they did and were cured (Ch. 18-19).
Going farther they came across a pond and got into it for drinking
water. There they were swallowed by a crocodile and its mate.
The princes prayed to the god from within the stomachs of the
beasts. The god came and on his intervention the princes were
disgorged (Ch. 21). They then reached the sandalwood forest where
they found a silver temple with a golden boundary wall. Siva, the
lord of the temple, came to them, blessed them on their errand and
asked them to propitiate Hanumall at Setubandha (Rameswaram).
A TANTRA WORK ON THS C~T OF pA&CANANA 8r
Duly propitiated Hanuman helped them to cross the breach 1 in the
bridge with his big tail and they safely reached Lanka (Ch. 22).
On the recommendation of Hanuman, Vibhi~~a, the king of Lailka,
gave them gold (Ch. 23) and the princes started back for their own
land in boats full of gold. When they reached their country they
were warmly greeted by their parents and subjects (Ch. 24).
Naradhvaja then sought the help of Visvakarman and II beautiful
temple was made and consecrated to the god with proper worship 2
and festivity (Ch. 25). The god then asked the king to propagate his
worship. The king accordingly issued a statement referring to the
extraordinary powers possessed by the deity. The cult of the deity
thus became popular. King Jarasandha, however, insulted the
statement and tore it off. As a result the wrath of Paficanana fell
on him; his sons died and he himself was stupified. At this stage
Narada came to his help and worshipped the deity on his behalf.
Everything was as before, and Jarasandha became a devoted wor-
shipper of the deity (Ch. 26).
It was then ordained by Paficanana that his messengers along
with other evil spirits would have complete sway over the people,
specially women and children, who neglected and went against
certain popular customs (Ch. 28). Then the deity took the king
with his sons and wives in his chariot and went to heaven. Of the
twenty-one heavens situated at the top of Sumeru the heaven called
Nirmala was assigned to the king (Ch. 30).
Here ends what is called the ] anmakha1J~a or Section on the
advent of the deity. It is not known if there were other sections
giving detailed rules of the worship of the deity. It is these rules
that are given more prominence than anything else in the Tantras
which deal with various cults and rites.
1 Made by Lak~mal!a on his way back to Ayodhya after Sita's rescue.
2 Worship was offered to the god along with his attendauts who are all described
here. The god is white, five-faced, riding on a bull while three groups of his attendants
are respectively yellowish, reddish and black, riding respectively on elephant, horse
and camel, having respectively bow, trident and sword in their hands.
'IlIQ l('fqi .m W{~~. I ff1j,j .,",T~~ ~'"' "it I
1{PtI~ ~T ~,~l\ W{T~, ~.'~..a\ m~ m d II
unlfr ~ ~T w{T~ .., I 1ln~ ~T q.... ,.. ,.wt I
~ PQ1{fr ~T.~..:ffi I ~..ml\ ~ m \tit u
-Brhad,udrayamala II, 25, II-I4.
STRUGGLE BETWEEN DELHI AND MEWAR
IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY
By AmI. CHANDRA BANERJEE
With the opening of the eighth century of the Christian era
commenced a long series of political crusades by the .followers of the
Arabian Prophet against the infidels of Hindustan. 1 Six centudes 2
elapsed before they penetrated into Southern India and a real Turkish
empire was established in the country. The Muhammadan conquest
of India was in no wayan easy walk over: the broken fragments of
Hindu power fought a strenuous fight against the aliens, with failures
generally, but not as fruitlessly as is usually supposed. It was
upon the Rajputs that the supremely difficult task of playing the
champion of India fell; and every student of sober history and every
lover of historical romance must be familiar with the story of their
achievements.
Apart from all romantic flourishes, however, there is the hard
historical interpretation of the conflicts between the Muhammadans
and the Rajputs. When, after the defeat and death of Prithviraj,
the great Chahamana ruler, the Turkish Sultanate of Delhi came to
be founded, the Sultans at once began aggressive campaigns against
the Rajputs, and this policy was so vitally important that rulers up
to the time of Aurangzeb had to continue it. One of the central
movements of medieval Indian History is the struggle between the
Muhammadan rulers of Delhi and the princes of Rajputana. The
continuity of the movement could not have been assured but for
the pressure of certain essential and fundamental conflicts in the
interests of these two groups of rulers; we cannot explain it only by
referring to the ambition or caprice of individuals. No doubt the
Muhammadan monarchs aimed at the expansion of their territory,
and for this purpose conquests were necessary. But this can hardly
be a sufficient explanation for their repeated expeditions against the
Raj puts. Rajputana, covered by hills and desert and having too
little of fertility, was not a very alluring object to any conqueror.
Then, again, there was the factor of religion. The {mlechchhas' and
the {infidels' were too divergent to be reconciled at that time; while
1 The first recorded Arab invasion of India took place in 636-37 A.D., but
plunder-not conquest-was the aim of the early raids. The first invasion aiming
at conquest was led by Muhammad bin Qasim in 712 A.D.
2 Alauddin Khalji invaded Devagiri in 1294 A.D.
D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
II
Three reigns approximately cover the history of Mewar in the
thirteenth century. Jaitrasimha ruled at least from I2I3 A.D. to
1 Barani (Elliot and Dowson, Vol. III, pp. 169-71) says that as early as 1298 A.D.
Alauddin kept before him the idea of conquering' such places as Rantambhor,
Chitor, Chanderi, Malwa, Dhar, and Ujjain'. All these places were strategically
important for an intending conqueror of the Deccan. (See Prof. S. C. Dutt's article
on' The First Saka of Citod' in Indian Historical Quarterly, June, 1931.)
2 Briggs, Vol. 1. Cf. Journal of Indian History, December, 1929, pp. 369-7 2•
86 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOINME
1256 A.D,; the former date is given in the earliest inscription of his
reign,l and the latter is assigned to him in a manuscript written in
his reign.! Then came Tejasimha, whose known records range from
1260 A.D.s to 1267 A.D.' The reign of his son and successor,
Samarasimha, approximately covers the period from 1273 A.D,s
to 1301 A.D.s
During this period there were numerous conflicts between the
Guhilot princes and the Sultans of Delhi.
We have clear records of two direct struggles between the two
parties during the reign of J aitrasimha. Our authorities for the
account of these struggles are, firstly, the Chirwa inscription of
Samarasimha dated 1273 A.D., secondly, the Abu Stone inscription
of Samarasimha dated in 1285 A.D.,7 thirdly, a drama entitled
'Hammira-mada-mardanam' composed by Jayasimha Suri which was
probably written between 1219 A.D. and I229 A.D.,B and fourthly,
Firishta's history.9 It will be seen, therefore, that all the sources
of our information with the exception of Firishta are contemporary.
The first conflict must have taken place before 1229 A.D., as
the drama / Hammira-mada-mardanam' refers to it and 1229 A.D. is,
as we have seen, the last date that can be assigned to its composition.
The third Act of the drama gives the following story: King
Viradhavala of Gujarat is anxious to get the news about Hammira 10
(that is, Amir or Sultan of Delhi) who was to begin hostilities against
the Mewar King J ayatala (that is, J aitrasimba) who, priding himself
on the strength of his own sword, had not joined him (that is,
Viradhavala). Then enters the spy Kamalaka, who relates how the
whole of Mewar was burnt by the soldiers of the enemy and how
the people were filled with dismay by the entrance of ruthless
, mlechchha' warriors into the capital and how the people through
terror preferred to die at their own hands. Kamalaka further says
that he, being unable to bear the sight, declared that Viradhavala
was coming to save the people; hearing this the Turushka warriors
were seized with panic and fled away.
It is clear from this narrative that the Moslem al,"llly entered
Mewar, devastated a part of the same and even occupied the capital.
It is perhaps with reference to this expedition that the Chirwa
inscription says: 'In the war with the soldiers of the Sultan the
city of N agda 1 was destroyed and the Governor of that fort was
killed in a battle which took place at Untala, a village near Nagda'.
But the initial advantages of the enemies did not prove lasting and
soon they had to take recourse to flight. Kamalaka no doubt
represents the brave repute of his own king as the factor that inspired
terror in their heart; but we may be sure that this is merely a device
of the author to secure his own advance in royal favour.2 We
may believe that it was Jaitrasimha who opposed the enemies of
his country and defeated them. The Chirwa inscription implies
this by saying that even the Sultan could not humble him, and
we read in the Abu Stone inscription that he was' the sage Agastya
of the Ocean-like armies of the Turushkas'.
Who was this Sultan of Delhi who fought against Jaitrasimha
but failed to humble him? Our authorities do not give his name.
The Chirwa inscription calls him' Suratriina' and the' Hammira-
mada-mardanam' refers to him as 'Milachhikiira'. The second
designation may give us a clue to the name. Pandit Gaurishankar
Ojha 3 points out that the term 'Milacchikiira' seems to be a
Sanskritized form of the word' Amir-i-shikiir'. We gather from the
Tabaqat-i-Nasiri 4 that Qutbuddin had conferred this title upon
Iltutmish. Iltutmish was a contemporary of J aitrasimha and his
reign covered the period from 12II A.D. to 1236 A.D. It is quite
probable, therefore, that he was the' M ilacchikiira' who had carried
an expedition into Mewar before 1229 A.D. The Muhammadan
I the cold fire', the son of the barren woman' are examples for this
I
tendency.
Similarity drawn to its last consequence of complete
identification may prove itself erroneous for empirical perception;
'mother of pearl taken as silver', / a rope as a snake' and 'a post as
a man' are not exactly irrealities, but mistakes of perception caused
by deficiency of our sense-organs or overquickness of judgment or
arisen under the influence of the emotion of greediness or fear respec-
tively. But it is noteworthy that even some Vedanta-schools are
ready to acknowledge that this so-called illusion is a positive act of
recognition of one, resp. two formerly known existent objects, and
as such of relative reality.
As to the kind of similes like 'giving instruction for obtaining
the crest-jewel of the sage Tak~aka as a febrifuge', there must be
said that, though they would fall for the Western thinker under the
range of impossibility, they are for the Indian a possible fact because
of the positive valuation of the teachings of mythology (see above).
And now for a last group of similes of so-called impossibilities:
ISwimming on land', / painting without canvas', /illuminating a solid
rock by a lamp' or / reaching with the fist up to the sky' all these are
definite impossibilities for all average men, but here, too, Indian
belief finds a way for positive interpretation: the superhuman power
of a yogin enables him to do such deeds. In surveying all the
various disciplines of thought we have to acknowledge that the Indian
frame of mind is by far more elastic than the Western and brings
thereby to our notice possibilities from which our Western restricted
trend of thinking has debarred itself.
THE COMING TO BIRTH OF mE SPIRIT
By ANANDA K. COOMARASWAMY
'You cannot dip your feet twice into the same waters, beca1tse
fresh waters are ever flowing in upon you.' (Heracteitus.)
The present article embodies a part of the material which I
have assembled during recent years towards a critical analysis of
the Indian, and incidentally neo-Platonic and other doctrines of
, reincarnation', regeneration, and transmigration, as these terms are
defined below. l These doctrines, often treated as one, appear to
have been more profoundly misunderstood, if that is possible,
than any other aspect of Indian metaphysics. The theses that will
be proposed are that the Indian doctrine of palingenesis is correctly
expressed by the Buddhist statement that in 'reincarnation' nothing 2
passes over from one embodiment to another, the continuity being
only such as can be seen when one lamp is lighted from another:
that the terms employed for 'rebirth' (e.g. punar janma, punar
bhava, punar apadana) are used in at least three easily distinguishable
senses: (I) with respect to the transmission of physical and psychic
characteristics from father to son, i.e. with respect to palingenesis
in a biological sense, defined by Webster as 'The reproduction of
ancestral characters without change',S (2) witb respect to a transition
litman, brahman, mrtyu, puru~a, etc., alike, but in the body of the
article only as a rendering of litman, assJ.1ming as usual a derivation
from a root an or vii meaning to breathe or blow. But because the
Spirit is really the whole of Being in all beings, which have no private
essence but only a becoming, iitman is also used reflexively to mean
'He (the deceased) has indeed been born, but he is not born again, for (being deceased)
who is there to beget him again?' (jiita eva na jiiyate, ko nv enam janayet punaJ.t).
We have also BU., II, 2. 8 where filiation is rebirth' in a likeness' (pratirupah). It
would be impossible to have a clearer definition of the ordinary meaning of' reincarna-
tion '. This filial reincarnation is moreover precisely the aJlTa1TOl(aTaO"TaUtS' or
'renewal of things by substitution' of Hermes, as explained by Scott (Hermetica,
II, 322), 'The father lives again in his son; and though the individuals die and return
no more, the race is perpetually renewed'.
It should be added that beside the natural fact of progenitive reincarnation
there is also a formal communication and delegation of the father's nature and
status in the world, made when the father is at the point of death. Thus in BU.,
I, 5. 17-20, when this' All beqnest' (sampratti) has been made, 'the son who has
been thus induced (anusi$jaJ.t) is called the father's "mundane-representative'"
(lokyal,t), and so 'by means of the son the father is still-present-in (prati-ti$!hati) the
world ': and similarly in Kaus., II, IS (10) where the' All-bequest of the father to
the son' (pitiiputriyam sampradiinam) is described in greater detail, after which be-
quest if perchance the father should recover, he must either live under the lordship
of the son or become a wandering religious (pariviivrajet, i.e. become a parivriijaka
dead to the world at least in outward form).
1 Cf. my 'Indian doctrine of man's Last End', Asia, May 1937.
2 'Motion', not a local motion, but an omnipresence, and as we speak, although
metaphorically, of a 'procession' in divinis. Not a local motion, but that of the
Unmoved Mover, 'Motionless One, swifter than thought itself ... who outgoeth others
though they run' (ISa., 4), 'Seated, He fares afar; reclining, goeth everywhere'
(KU., II, 21), being 'Endless in all directions' (MD., VI, 17), and though 'He hath
not come from anywhere' (KU., II, 18), still 'Perpetually differentiated and going
everywhere' (Mu~Q.., I, 2. 6) and 'Multifariously taking birth' (bahudhii jiiyamiina/},
Mu~Q., II, 2. 6).
THE COMING TO BIRTH OF THE SPIRIT 105
1 Where we say' Do not hurt me', meaning the body, or' I know', or' my soul',
the very careful teacher would say' Do not hurt this body', 'this mind knows', and
'the Spirit in "me'" or 'Body-dweller'.
2 List of abbreviations:-
RV., lJ.gveda Samhitii; TS., Taittiriya Samhitii; AV., Atharva Veda Samhitii;
VS., Viijasaneyi Samhitii; KB., Kausitaki Briihma1Ja; AB., Aitareya Briihma1Ja;
JB., Jaiminiya Briihma1Ja; JUB., Jaiminiya Upani$ad Briihma1Ja; SB., 5ata-
patha Brii:!tma1Ja; PB., Paiicavimsa Brj!hma1Ja; GB., Gopatha Briihma1Ja; AA.,
A itareya A ra1Jyaka; SAr., S liitkhyliyana A ra1Jyaka; BU., Brhadlira1Jyaka Upani$ad;
CU., Chiindogya Upani$ad; MU., Maitri UPani$ad; KU., Kalha Upani$ad;
Kaus., Kausitaki U pani$ad; ISa., ISavasya Upani$ad; MUJ;1Q.., M u1JrJ,aka Upani$ad;
Mand., Mii1Jt!ukya Upani$ad; Kena., Kena Upani$ad; BS., Brahma Sutra; BD.,
Brhiid Devatii; BG., Bhagavad Gila; Svet., 5vetiisvatara Upani$ad; S., Samyutta
Nikiiya; D., Digha Nikiiya; M., Majjhima Nikiiya; Mil., Milinda Panha; J.,
Jiitaka; Lib., Libellus (Hermes Trismegistus); Sum. Theol, Summa Theologica.
(St. Thomas Aquinas); SBB., Sacred Books of the Buddhists; J AOS., Journal of
the American Oriental Society; Taitt., Taittiriya Upani$ad; SOED., Shorter
Oxford English Dictionary; JIH., Journal of Indian History; Ie., Indian Culture;
IHQ., Indian Historical Quarterly; HJAS., Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies.
3 Cf. Edgerton, 'The Upani1?ads, what do they seek and why?', JAOS., 51. 97;
Dante, Ep. ad Can. Grand. §§r5, r6. The Vedic tradition is neither philosophical,
mystical, nor religious in the ordinary modem senses of these words. The tradition
is metaphysical;' mystical' only in the sense that it expounds a' mystery', and in that
of Donysius, Theologia Mystica. The Indian position has been admirably defined
by Satkari Mookerjee: 'Of course the question of salvation is a problem of paramount
importance and constitutes the justification and ultimate raison d' etre of philosophical
enquiry. Philosophy in India has never been a mere speculative interest irrespective
106 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOL~
1 Pra'IJa, like Gk. 1TVEvp-a has the double value of Spiritus and spiraculum vitce
according to the context. 'It is as the Breath-of-life (pra'IJa) that the Provident
Spirit (prajnatman) grasps and erects the flesh' (Kau~., III, 3), d. St. Thomas, Sum.
Theol., III, 32. 1 'The power of the soul which is in the semen, through the spirit
enclosed therein fashions the body', and Schiller, Wallenstein, III, 13 'Es ist der
Geist der sich den Korper schart': and JUB., III, 32. 2. Whereas the divided
prii'IJah are said to move within the vectors of channels (naif,i, hita) of the heart
(see refs. Hume, UPani$ads, ed. 2), in Hermes Lib., X, 13 and 17 the 'vital spirit'
(7I'JlEVp.a) traverses the veins and arteries' with, but not as, the blood' and thus
'moves the body, and carries it like a burden ... (and) controls the body'.
The Pra1)a is identified with the Prajilatman: as Pra~la, 'life', as Prajilatman,
'immortality': length of days in this world and immortality in the other are com-
plementary. As distinguished from the Pra1)a, the divided prii'IJah are the currents
of perception by means of the sense organs and are prior to them. Hence as in
KU., IV. 1 one says 'The Self-existent pierced the openings outward, thereby it is
that one looks forth' (but must look in to see the Seer, see the discussion of this
passage in JIH., XI, 571-57 8, 1935).
THE COMING TO BIRTH OF TIm SPIRIT 109
'Now there are diversities of gifts, but the same Spirit. And there are differences
of administration, but the same Lord. And there are diversities of operations, but
it is the same God that worketh in all ... The members of that body, being many,
are one body' (I Cor., XII, 4-6 and 12).
1 For' karma' (_' adrl?ta ') in Christian doctrine, cf. Augustine, Gen. ad Lit.,
VII, 24 (cited by St. Thomas, Sum. Theol., I, 91. 2) 'The human body pre-existed
in the previous works in their causal virtues' and De Trin, III, 9 'As a mother is
pregnant with the unborn offspring, so the world itself is pregnant with the causes
of unborn things' (cf. St. Thomas, I, IIS. 2 ad 4), and St. Thomas, I. 103. 7 ad 2
'If God governed alone (and not also by means of mediate causes) things would be
deprived of the perfection of causality'.
2 'Hermes' Trismegistus, Lib., X, 8b, /Ca/Cta 8d .pvxfjs ayvwuta ••• TovvaVTlov 8E
apE-r1} .pVX'T}S '}'VWULS. 0 yap yvovs •• 7j8'T} BErOS, and XI. ii. 21 a' But if you shut 1lJ) your
soul in your body, and abase yourself, and say' I know nothing (OV8EV vow) ... ",
then what have you to do with God? ' Ignorantia divisiva est errantium, as ffirich
says in comment on Dionysius, De div. Nom. ' Agnostic' means' ignoramus', or even
quis ignorare vult sive ignorantium diligit. On the contrary, 'Think that for
you too nothing is impossible' (Hermes, Lib., XI, ii. 20b), cf. 'Nothing shall be
impossible to you' (Mat., XVII, 20): 'Not till the soul knows all that there is to be
known does she cross over to the unknown good' (Eckhart, Evans ed. I, 385); 'No
despiration without omniscience' (SP., V, 74-75). Note that 'Hermes Lib., XI, ii.
2ob-2Ia corresponds to CU., VIII. I.
XI2 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOI,UME
unto Annihilation and Eternal Death, lest the Last Judgment come
and find me unannihilate, and I be seiz'd and giv'n into the hands
of my own Se1fhood'. All scripture, and even all wisdom, truly,
Icries aloud for freedom from self'.
But if 'he feeleth sorrow that feeleth and wotteth that he is',
he who is no longer anyone, and sees, not himself, but as our texts
express it, only the Spirit, one and the same in immanence and
transcendence, being what he sees, geworden was er ist, he feels no
sorrow, he is beatified,-' One ruler, inward Spirit of all beings, who
maketh manifold a single form! Men contemplative, seeing Him
whose station is within you, and seeing with Him,-eternal happiness
is theirs, none others' (KU., V, 12).3
1 JL€P£C1JLOV tPVXTJS /Cal 1TVEVp.aTOS, cf. Hermes, Lib., X, 16 0 vovs TfjS ,pV'X71S
(Xwpt,€Ta£).
Aniitman, similarly' un-en-spired' (not' despirated ') in SB., II, 2. 2. 8 where
gods and titans alike are originally 'un-en-spired' and 'mortal', and 'to be un-en-
sl>ired is the same as to be mortal' (aniitmii hi martyalt); Agni alone is 'immortal'
(amartya!t).
2 Compare the expressions used by St. Bernard, deficere a se tota and a semetipsa
liquescere in De diligendo Deo; and as Gilson remarks, p. 156, •Quelle difference y-
a-t-il done, a la limite, entre aimer Dieu et s'aimer soi-meme?'
3 Eko vasi sarva-bhUtiintariitmii ekam rupam bahudhii yalt karoti: Tam iitma-
stham ye'nupasyanti dhiriis te~iim sukham siisvatam netare~iim.
The force of anu in anupasyanti we can only suggest by the repeated •seeing ...
and seeing with'. It is lamented by the descending souls that 'Our eyes will have
little room to take things in ... and when we see Heaven, our forefather, contracted
to small compass, we shall never cease to moan. And even if we see, we shall not
see outright' (Hermes, Stobaeus, Exc., XXIII, 36); 'For now we see through a glass,
darkly; but then face to face: now I know in part; but then shall I know even as
also I am known' (I, Cor. XIII, 12). Sight-of is perfected in sight-as, even as
knowledge-of in knowledge-as (adaequatio rei et intellectus: to see Heaven' outright'
requires an eye of Heaven's width. Dhiriilt, 'contemplatives', those who see inwardly.
II4 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
not with the «eye of the flesh' (miimsa cak$us); who see the Spirit «above all to be
seen' (abhidhyiiyeyam, MU., I, I), «the Spirit that is yours and in all things, and
than which all else is a wretchedness' (BU., III, 4. 2).
Note that ekam rapam bahudhii yalz, karoti corresponds to S., II, 212 eko'pi
bahudhii homi: and «than which all else is a wretchedness' to the Buddhist anicca,
anattii, dukkha.
THE RACIAL AFFINITY BETWEEN THE BRAHUIS
AND THE DRAVIDIANS
By C. R. Roy
The racial history of the Brahuis is a little complicated one and
a puzzle to the anthropologist, as these people speak Dravidian form
of language. It is now admitted that the Brahui language belongs
to the Dravidian stock of language. According to Greerson's
Survey of Indian languages, most of the Dravidian-speaking areas
are situated in the south of India and a few patches are in C.P.
and Bengal. The only small island of Dravidian-speaking area
lies far away in Baluchistan and it is surrounded on all sides by the
Indo-Aryan languages.
Owing to the similarity of language between the two people,
it was assumed that the Dravidians entered India from beyond the
North-Western Frontier and the Brahuis were regarded as an outpost
of the main body of the Dravidians in South India. The most
important objection in accepting this theory is the supposed dis-
similarity of the physical features of these two people. Risley
maintained that the similarity of languages of two people does not
necessarily imply the similarity of the race. He objected to the
hypothesis of the racial affinity of the Brahuis with the Dravidians
on the ground that few types of humanity can present more physical
difference than the Brahuis and the Dravidians.
Now it must be pointed out that there is much confusion about
the definition of the Dravidians owing to faulty classification of races.
According to Haddon, 'The Dravidians are usually confounded with
the Pre-Dravidians. The name Dravidian is the anglicized form of
Dravida and is employed to include peoples speaking Tamil,
Malayalam, Canarese, Talegu, and kindred language. Apart from
languages there is a general culture which is characteristic of these
people and after elimination of the Pre-Dravidians (the aboriginals)
a racial type emerges with finer features than those of the abori-
ginals ' . The Dravidians are Dolichocephalic mesorrhine people
with plentiful hair, wavy with an occasional tendency to curl, brown
black skin, medium stature, and they are akin to Mediterranean in
many respects, while the Pre-Dravidians are typically very dark-
skinned Dolichocephalic Platyrrhine people.
It is no doubt true that Risley's argument holds good when he
meant the Pre-Dravidian by the word Dravidian, but we are not
concerned here with the Pre-Dravidians. So after eliminating the
u6 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
origin' .' But he could not detect any relationship between the
Brahuis and the Dravidians, and the Brahuis were a puzzle to him.
He says, 'The puzzling Brahui speak Dravidian type of language
but from their physical measurements and appearance they are
Baluchi', and he placed them under the Indo-Iraneus group. His
puzzle is probably due to the meagre data about the Brahuis.
From the analysis of measurements I have shown above that
the percentage of the Brachymesorrhine element is comparatively
low, and there is a large percentage of people that conforms to the
Mediterranean type. The majority of the people belongs to the
Irano-Mediterranean group. It is therefore desirable that the
Brahui should be grouped under the Irano-Mediterranean series.
Though Haddon grouped the Brahui under the Indo-Iraneus series,
yet he admitted that in all respects they belonged to the
Dolichomesocephalic series, i.e., the Mediterranean group as in NO.7.
We find this Mediterranean type is c01;llmon to both these people,
so the puzzle of the supposed dissimilarity of the physical features
of the Dravidians and the Brahuis has now been solved. If there is
any connection between the Mediterranean and the Dravidian, the
Brahuis must be the connecting link between the two.
It is evident that in some distant past time, a group of the
Mediterranean people entered India through the N.W. Frontier,
before they got mixed up with the Indo-Afghans and the Homo-
Alpinus. The Brahuis, though they have undergone some modifica-
tion, represent the old Mediterranean people who migrated to the
South of India.
In the type II of the Mohenjo-Daro skulls, as described by
Dr. Guha, we find the Mediterranean type is present in fair number,
which clearly points to the same conclusion that there was an
invasion of the Mediterranean into India at least about 2000 B.C.
Among the Dravidians as well as the Brahuis we find some relics
of old material culture still present which also suggest the connection
between the two. Basket is one of the most important objects of
material culture, which undergoes little change through ages. It is
very interesting to note that while studying the Baskets of India, I
found a type of basket used by the Brahuis or the people of the
N.W. Frontier, exactly similar to that used by the people of South
India. The basket No. 8819 in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, that
comes from the N.W. Frontier, is exactly the same as the basket
No. 88, that comes from Madras, and No. 7597, from Nilgiri. In
technique, material, form. etc., they are strikingly similar and this
kind of basket is not found in any part of India. This type is so
characteristic and distinct that it cannot be regarded as an outcome
of independent origin. The Dravidian people must have carried
RACIAL AFFINITY BETWEEN BRAHUIS AND DRAVIDIANS II9
this type of basket from the N.W. Frontier to the South of India.
The language, physical features, Mohenjo-Daro skulls, material
culture-all point to the same conclusion that the Brahuis are
racially related to the Dravidians.
A PROTO-INDIAN REPRESENTATION OF THE
FERTILITY GOD
By H. HERAS
That .A1,1, the Lord, the supreme God of the :proto-Inflians 1 was
supposed to be the god of fertility, a number of Ins(:riptions of that
early period clearly evince. One says for instance:
®~ flfllOf' 2
ter naif, peral uyarel, i.e. (the high sun of Peral of the chariot and the
cultivated fields'. Peral means the great, man. It is a shorter
form of the name Perumal by which god Siva is known in South
India even at the present time. The chariot and the cultivated
fields are emblems of war and peace intended to symbolize destruc-
tion and generation. In fact, the image of god ;r'tt is often shown
among the branches of a tree as an evident manifestation of the
fertility god. 3
This paper will deal with an interesting oblong sealing--an
amulet or charm-containing an inscription and some figures on
each side of it (Fig. I). It has been described by Sir John Marshall
as follows: 'The cult of the Earth or Mother Goddess is evidenced
by a remarkable oblong sealing from Harappa, on which a nude
female figure is depicted upside down with legs apart and with a
plant issuing from her womb. This figure is at the right extremity
of the obverse face. At the left end of the same face and separated
from it by an inscription of six letters are a pair of animal « genii",
of which I shall have more to say presently. On the reverse side
the same inscription is repeated, and to the left of it are the figures
of a man and woman, the former standing with a sickle-shaped
knife in his right hand, the latter seated on the ground with hands
raised in an attitude of supplication. Evidently, the man is pre-
1 Under this denomination the early Dravidian settlers of India prior to the
Aryan invasion are understood. We know of their civilization through the ruins
discovered at Mohenjo Daro, Harappa, and Chanhu Daro.
2 Marshall, Mohenjo Daro and the Indus Civilization, III, M.D., 37.
3 Ibid., I, pl. XII, Nos. 13, 14, 18, 19 and 22. Cf. Heras, Tree Worship in
Mohenjo Daro, The Anthropological Society of Bombay, Jubilee Volume (1937),
pp. 36-37; Heras, The Plastic Representation of God amongst the Proto-Indians,
Sardesai Memorial Volume, pp. 229-230.
122 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
i.e. ' min e'?t munka'?t pav " i.e. the serpent of the shining worshipped
three-eyed one. s Now, as said above, a serpent in the hands of
Siva is a symbol of destruction, but according to Indian ideology
destruction is necessary for creation, death is required for generation.
Hence a symbol of destruction was to be as well a symbol of fertility
and generation. This idea seems also to be common in Egypt, for
over the mummies one often finds beetles and also terracotta images
of Bes,4 two symbols of generation over the remnants of destruction.
For according to their ideas, tomorrow's sun cannot be born, till
today's sun dies away. Therefore the three objects associated with
this bow-legged figure in the three countries referred to above, viz.
a lotus flower, a beetle, and a serpent are symbols of generation or
fertility. 5 This clearly indicates that this queer image of god also
means fertility and generation.
This was evidently the original meaning of this god in Egypt.
From this meaning the consequent meanings of enjoyment, pleasure
1 Even at a later period the god Bes in Egypt was represented playing musical
instruments. Cf. Wallis Budge, op. cit., pp. 253-254.
2 Shorter, op. cit., p. 34.
3 Naville, The Temple of Deir el Bahari, II, pI. U.
, Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, II, pp. 41-42 (London,
19II). Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, II, pp. 136-137 (London, 1904).
I) Spence, Myths and Legends of Ancient Egypt, p. 281.
6 Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, II, pp. 285-286.
7 Some other images, also drawn in full face, for instance, that of goddess
Quetesh, are also admitted to come from outside Egypt.
8 The same exception may be here recorded as regards some other images
which are also accepted as foreign, for instance, Min.
o Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, II, p. 231, goddess Qetesh is also
shown naked and in front view. But she is also a foreign goddess. Cf. ibid., p. 280.
A PROTO-INDIAN REPRESENTATION OF THE FERTILITY GOD 127
suggests that in the country of his origin images of god were wor-
shipped in a state of nudity. What was this country ?
Though the original country of Bes is quite obscure,1 all
Egyptologists admit, apparently a priori, that Bes is an African
god. 2 Some say that he is of Sudan origin.s At times he is intro-
duced as coming from Nubia or even from the country still further
to the south of Egypt! Mr. Wallis Budge comes to the 'conc-lusion
that since Bes is represented as a dwarf, with a headgear of feathers
and covered with a feline skin, he must come from a country of
pigmies using such an attire. 6 But while making this stat(:ment
the learned writer of the British Museum forgets that the first
image of Bes so far discovered (on the magic wand referred to above)
is not given a dwarfish appearance nor does he wear a feather cap or
an animal skin. These later developments of this icon, therefore,
cannot be taken as useful data for determining its origin.
Let us now compare the images themselves of this extraordinary
god. (Fig. 7). In the earliest Egyptian image Bes is represented
with a broad mane and a small pointed beard. In the Sumerian
and Babylonian seals, Bes is generally shown wearing a flat round
cap. In one case he holds above his head a tray on which a vase
appears. 6 Often his two hands are not symmetrically placed. 7
Almost always his face is in profile, though the rest of the body is
shown in front view. All these differences point to a later period
when this god was losing his original simplicity of apparel and pose.
But the simplest and most original of the four kinds of images
is beyond doubt the proto-Indian one from Mohenjo Daro. In this
figure there is no apparel at all; the god has no mane and no beard.
One cannot imagine a simpler representation of a deity. On the
other hand, among the proto-Indians numerous representations of
God in a state of nudity have been discovered. 6 All this seems to
point to India as the country of the origin of Bes.
This is confirmed by comparing the figures of the bug seen under
the legs of the proto-Indian god with the Egyptian beetle, which is
evidently the final development of the former. It may be noticed
that this beetle is already drawn in the magical wand almost next
to Bes, being in no way different from the beetles of the later period.
The adjoining chart showing the development of this insect will
reveal its origin without any shadow of doubt. The figures of the
seatings discovered at Ur and at Uruk seem to be older than the
beetle of the magical wand.
Let us now turn to the name of this god. We are told that
he is called Bes from the animal's skin that covers him. This
animal is a great feline called Besa or Basu the Cynelurus Guttatus. 1
Yet in his earliest Egyptian representations Bes does not wear any
animal's skin. Hence his name cannot come from an accidental
later piece of dress. If we turn to India once more we find three
modern Dravidian languages that have words coming from the root
bes. 2 Kannada has the word besal, that means 'birth', 'production',
'bringing forth children', 'to be delivered'. Tutu has besiiya,
, cultivation' , 'agriculture' .3 Singhalese has pe$i that means 'egg
of a bird'. (Words coming from the same root have at times different
quantities in the vowels in different Dravidian languages. 4 More-
over in Dravidian languages there is no difference between p and b).
Therefore the original root bes, or perhaps better pes (for the
softened sound b seems to be of a later period) or pek, as is common
in Dravidian origins, may have had the meaning of 'generating',
'producing', etc. Hence Pek or Pes or Bes, as the name of a god,
would mean' the generator', 'the producer'.
Finally when we first find this god in Egypt, he is one out of a
series of gods already obsolete and not worshipped. 5 Among the
proto-Indians of Mohenjo Daro he is not a god out of many. He
is only a form or representation of AJ;1, the Lord, the Supreme Being,
in the exercise of his function of creator or producer. 6 This oneness
of God, which permeates all the religions tenets of the proto-Indians,7
1 Lanzone, Dizionario, pIs. 70, 77. Ct. Spencer, op. cit., p. 28I.
2 The proto-Indian authors of the so-called Indus valley civilization were
Dravidian and spoke a Dravidian language, the mother of all modern Dravidian
languages. Ct. Heras, Mohenjo-Daro, The Most Important Archt13ological Site in
India, Journal of Indian History, XVI, pp. 1-7.
S This also seems to be the original Tamil word meaning agriculture. The
modern Tamil word for agriculture vivasaya is of Sanskrit origin. Yet in Sanskrit
it only means' effort', 'hard work'. This shows that on account of the similarity
between both words those who wished to Sanskritize the Tamil language introduced
the Sanskrit word giving it the meaning of the original Dravidian word, besaya.
4 Cf. Gnana Prakasar, Some Laws of Dravidian Etymology, Journal of Oriental
Research, XI, pp. 147-148.
5 Cf. Wallis Budge, From Fetish to God, pp. 67-89.
6 Cf. Heras, op. cit., Sardesai Memorial Volume, p. 225.
7 Cf. Heras, The Religion of the Mohenjo Daro People according to the Inscriptions,
Journal of the University of Bombay, V (History aud Economics Section), pp. 1-8.
A PROTO-INDIAN RnPRltSltNTATION OF THJt FltRTILI'l'Y GOD 129
which reads: nila enma eq,upati vet tuk, i.e. 'the justice of the King
of the village of the Ram on the eighth (day) of the Moon'. This
epigraph seems to refer to an act of justice performed by the king of
the village called E<;lupati. The fact that the same inscription is
found on the reverse of the amulet seems to suggest some connection
between this act of justice and the persons figured on this side.
They are a woman kneeling down with spread hair and lifted arms.
Behind her there is a man standing holding a sickle in his right hand
and something like a small shield in his left one. These two figures
seem to represent the execution of the woman. Thus the man
holding the sickle would be the King of the village, i.e. the god of
the village, since government was theocratic 3 ; or perhaps the King-
priest as the farmer on behalf of God. This execution was to take
place on nila emma, the eighth (day) of the moon. The eighth day
of the moon was the middle of the first or dark fortnight of the
.. , __101_
FIG. 5.
- v. PIlnUll1l1llmCr 7569.
G. Egypt.
C and D. Surner.
E and F. Crete.
By DOROTHY STEDE
1 For etymologies (~n1y fanciful) of' sun' synonyms, cf. Chandogya Upani~ad
I, 2; I, 4; VI, 8, etc.; Maitn Up. VI, 7.
THE ROI.E OF ALA¥KARA IN INDIAN pmLQSOPHY 137
1 Possibly eonnected with pre, give lavishly, or prj, and perhaps ultimately
from PI', to fill (or speckled ?).
D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
(its) modification (or) the sarpsarin is just the aharp.kara which forms
the substratum for its (i.e. the highest spirit's) reflection (and) some
(take the jiva) as self-dependent:
So there are four different opinions upon the relation of the jiva
to the paramatman. The first is defcribed in st. 34, three others
in 35, and all four stand in contradif\tion to Sarp.kara's advaita as,
maintaiuing a real existence of the Jiva, they discard his doctrine
that in the highest sense the jiva is nothing but a product of avidya
through the adjuncts (upadhi). That these other teachers are true
Vedantins and, to a certain degree, Advaitins will be clear from the
following discussions; they only lack Sarp.kara's absolute monism
(atyantabheda) by teaching bhedabheda (unity in difference).
We now turn to the explanation of our stanzas with the help of
Ramatirtha. In 34 we learn that the result of the reflection (abhasa)
of brahman in the aharp.kara is not untrue but a real chaya (shadow).
Two arguments in favour of its reality are adduced. In the Smrti
(Manu, 4, 130 ; Yajfiavalkya, I, 152) the snataka is cautioned against
stepping on the shadow of images of the gods, of a priest, of a king,
and so on. This prohibition is regarded as a conclusive proof of the
shadow being a real thing, for otherwise one could not step on it.
The second argument is the pleasantness experienced by a man sitting
in the shade, and experience in itself is a trustworthy source of right
knowledge. In 35 the second form of the relation in question is given
by the word' ekadesa' which Ramatirtha illustrates by Gita 15, 7:
'mamaivarp.so jivaloke jivabhutal,l sanatanalf .... ' To the third form
indicated by the word' vikara' Ramatirtha quotes Brh. Up. 2, I, 20:
'sa yathon;lanabhis tantunoccared yathagnel,l k~udni visphulinga
vyuccarallty evam evasmad atmanal,l sarve pra:t;lal,l sarve lokal,l sarve
deval,l sarvani bhutani vyuccaranti. tasyopani~at satyasya satyam
iti pra:t;la vai satya tIl te~am e~a satyatp..' This well-known passage
again proves the reality of the jiva which, emanating from brahman
(satyasya satyam) as the threads from the spider or the small sparks
from the fire, is itself satyam. The fourth form where jiva is the
aharp.kara qualified by the reflection of brahman is illustrated by a
passage (Chand. Up., 6, 8, 2) not quite so clear in relation to our
problem: 'sa yatha sakunil,l sutre:t;la prabaddho disarp. disarp.
patitvanyatrayatanam alabdhva pra:t;lam evopasrayata evam eva
khalu somya tanmano disalp disatI1 patitvanyatrayatanam alabdhva
JiVA AND PARAMATMAN 143
pral;lam evopasrayate pral;labandhanatp. hi somya mana iti.' Ap-
parently the bird is jiva which is bound to its origin and, though
flying about, is forced to go back to its origin, pral;la here being meant
for sat = brahman. Though the passage properly speaks of the dream-
ing condition it can be used in the sense that the jiva in its real
wanderings remains bound to the paramatman to which it has to
return at last.
In a general way Ramatirtha is justified in applyiug this Sruti
text to our passage, for it shows the bheda in the wanderings of the
jiva and the abheda in its necessary return to the paramatmar, but
the text is not to the point co~rning the words in question 'tada-
bhasasrayal:I .... ahatpkartaiva 1. Therefore I propose another ex-
planation which is based on the'usual antithesis of the two doctrines.
Its pivot is the word 'abhasa' in compliance with Upadesasabasri,
18,48 :
atmabhasaparijfianad yathatmyena vimohital:I I
ahatpkartaram atmeti manyante te niragamal.l II
The aharpkara as a mode of the antal:IkaraJ;la is constituted by
avidya. When it gets the light or reflection (abhasa) of the pure
spirit (paramatman) it is called jiva (individual soul) which knows,
acts and enjoys. Thus the ahalp.kara being the substratum of the
reflection of the highest is the transmigrating soul if we take the
reflection as real according to the view of bhedabheda while according
to Sarpkara the reflection is a mere appearance, a metaphysical
error produced by avidya. There is therefore a slight difference
from the foregoing stanza. In 34 the reflection itself represents the
soul whereas here the substratum of the reflection, i.e. the aharpkara,
is regarded as the soul.
Thus all the four ekadesimatas which Samkara indicates in our
two stanzas look upon the individual soul as partaking of the nature
of the absolute and still having a real existence of its own in the
intermediate state between origin and return. This is the bheda-
bheda view which according to the opinion of the majority of scholars
to-day was also shared by the author of the Brahmaslltras. There-
fore in order to grasp the entire meaning of our stanzas from Upa-
desasahasri the reader will be helped by looking on some relevant
Brahmasutras; and Sarpkara though everywhere maintaining his
absolute monism as the last sense of such slltras will be helpful in so
far as he generally explains the l)hedabheda view as purvapak~a.
There are, however, two other helps. Prof. Hiriyanna 1 has the
merit of having shown that we are not without some knowledge of the
1 Indian Antiquary, 53, (1924). pp. 77-86 and Proceedings and Transactions of
the Third Oriental Conference, Madras, 1925, pp. 439-450.
144 D. R. BHANDARXAR VOLUMlt
the idea of difference will have prevailed, for worship of the divinity
demands a clear separation of adorer and adored in this life. If,
on the other hand, the theoretical or philosophical side came to be
considered the stress will have been on the idea of unity, and this
would, of course, always be in the background even in devotion ..
VIe venture to think that Samkara's distinction between nara
and apara vidya was no more than a systematizing of these "two
views. It was in this way that he succeeded in makiqg the uncom-
promising advaita of Gau<.lapada practicable for the many while
in its original form it is naturally restricted to the few. By rf>ducing
the difference to the every-day e~:perience of the adjuncts which
all are originated by nescience'he preserved the absolute unity and
still remained able reasonably io explain the su.trakara's utterances
about bhedabheda. •
THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE CAMPAIGNS OF
GOVINDA III OF THE RASHTRAKOTA
DYNASTY
By A. S. ALTEKAR, Benares Hindu University
he felt sure that there would be no further trouble in the south, and
when his treasury had become replenished by war booties and indem-
nities, he planned a grand offensive expedition in northern India
in emulation of his father's exploits there. The time of this expedition
seems to have been some time after 808 or 809 A.D. Considering the
magnitude and the achievements of this expedition, it would appear
that it must have taken about two years. When he returned from
the north, he had once more to attack a confederacy of Dravidian
kings in the south, who had organized a rebellion against him during
his absence from the south. Soon after this southern expedition,
during the course of which the king of Ceylon seems to have made
overtures for his friendship, Govinda died. He had not the necessary
leisure to engage the services of a tIflew poet to describe his fresh
se'usational victori~s both in the north and the south. It was
left for his son Amoghavarsha to rescue from oblivion his father's
memorable achievements in northern and southern India during the
concluding portion of his reign, when he ordered the composition of
the praSasti incorporated in his Sanjan charter.
The revised chronology of the campaigns of Govinda III should,
therefore, be as follows:-
I. The rebellion and defeat of Stambha .. c. 795-6
2. The release and re-imprisonment of the
Ganga king .. C·79 8
3. The first war with Pallava king C.802
4. The war with the Chalukyas of Vengi c. 804
5. The reduction of the kings in central
India c. 808
6. The campaign in the Doab and beyond,
and the defeat of Dharmapiila,
Chakrayudha and Nagabhata c. 80 9- 10
7. The campaign against the Dravidian
confederacy C.8I2
8. The death of Govinda III C.814
KAVINDRACARYA SARASVATI
By V. RAGHA V AN
Few Hindus there will be whose souls are so dead as· not to feel
a thrill as they contemplate upon the heroic leadership of some of the
eminent Pa1;lQ.itas and Sannyasins of Benares in the cause of the
Hindu religion in the times of its persecution by the Mogul Kings.
The most eminent among thesEf Pa1;lQ.itas was Naraya1;la bhatta who
rebuilt the temple of Visvesvara which was demolished by the Mus-
lims. Two outstanding persooalities among the Sannyasins in
Benares in those times were Nrsimhasrama and Kavindracarya
sarasvati. The former is not so well known as the latter but it was
he, Nrsimhasrama, who set the example of appealing to the Mogul
emperor to put a stop to the slaughter of cows and the imposing
of the pilgrim tax at Hindu pilgrim centres. It is said that the
Maha Padu~a, the Mogul emperor, hearing of Nrsimhasrama's
greatness paid him a visit and on that occasion acceded to the
saint's request to repeal the anti-Hindu measures. The Mogul
emperor, it is added, gave Nrsimhasrama a big recurring grant of
money for distribution among the pilgrims who bathed in the holy
waters freed from the tax. N rsimhasrama worked similar wonders
in the South also, and in their 'gratefulness and joy, a large number
of poets and scholars of his time presented addresses to him, eulogiz-
ing his services to the Hindu community. These addresses were
collected by Nrsimhasrama's pupil, Saccidanandasrama, in the form
of the anthology, the Nrsimha sarvasva kavya, a MS. of which is
described by MM. Haraprasad Sastri in Vol. IV of his Descriptive
Catalogues of the Asiatic Society, Bengal. From one of the verses
here (p. 83), we understand that Nrsimhasrama was a contemporary
of Akbar. It is in the footsteps of this leader that Kavindracarya
followed during the times of Shah J ehan. Kavindracarya has come
to be better known because of the valuable MSS. library he main-
tained in Benares and also because, the book of addresses presented
to him, the Kavindra candrodaya, has luckily been studied by some
scholars. In 1912, MM. Haraprasad Sastri gave a short account
of Kavindracarya (henceforth written as K) in the Indian Anti-
quary, XLI, pp. II-12, and in 1928, his ASB Catalogue, IV, drew
again the attention of scholars to the personality of K. Much could
not be added by Dr. MM. Jha, Mr. R. A. Sastri and Mr. Shrigondekar
in the GOS edition of the List of K's MSS. Dr. Har Dutt
Sharma then took up the subject with a review of the contents
160 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOlitmE
Poona Oriental Series No. 60, Oriental Book Agency, Poona, 1939.
1
We hear of a Nrsimhasrama in Benares at whose instance the polymath
2
Mahidhara, an elder contemporary of K, wrote his commentary on the Rama gita
in A.D. 1604 at Benares.
KAVINDRACARYA SARASVATI 161
first half of verse IIB of the KC.l This title must have been given
even in the very first interview K had with the King (prathama
praya1.1a samaye).
His native place
The Kavindrakalpadruma mentions K's native place as PUJ;1ya-
bhflmi on the banks of the Godavari. The opinion of Mr. Sbri-
these· presents and insisted on the only gift from the king that he
wanted, namely the abolition of the tax. (verse 58, p. 8.)
It has been stated by MM. Haraprasad Sastri that though K
was a Sannyasin he had large land property in his native place and
that K was rich. We do not know this, but what we know is that
like his predecessor Nrsimhasrama, K also not only had the tax
abolished, but got in addition from the King a large sum' of money
to be given away as gifts to the pilgrims at the temple of Visvesvara,
and to those bathing at Kasi and Prayaga in the liberated waters.
This is clear from verse four of PC"fl;1ananda (p. I6). No wonder
needy and greedy versifiers turned Ul), a.t¢ the Mahratta Mahadeva
Pattavardhana openly begged for RS.200 (p.v., Intro. KC).
That memorable occasion
The KC does 'not fail to enlighten us about the time and occa-
sion when K worked this miracle. of tax-abolition. Hemaraja
Misra records that it was on a Makara samkaramal;1a day. Surely,
as Hemaraja says, it must have been the greatest gift to the Hindus
to announce to them that on that Makara samkramal;1a they could
have free access to the celestial waters.
~ t~ ~fCfCn qy ~ qy
~ ~ ~l::lfNm ftit~i, etc.
The places which K freed from the tax
The KC specifies only Kasi and Prayaga as places rescued by
K, but some passages like Sl. I93 on p. 28 mention that K got the
tax abolished at all Tirthas. This is likely to be true, and the speci-
fication of Kasl and Prayaga may only be due to their importance.
The KC shows us that K was intensely active and in verse I58 on
p. 2I, we find that the government officers always gave precedence
to communications from K over all other official papers. K worked
with an organization of collaborators and agents at different places.
From the verses of the southerner Lnadhara, son of Visvesvara,
who read the address on his behalf and on behalf of one Padma-
nabhasrama, we learn that this Padmanabhasrama was working at
K's instance in the south. And Lnadhara appeals in verse I59
(p. 2I) 1 that K should similarly free his own city in the South,
a place more sacred than even Kasi. This city is Prakasa, as can
be seen from line three of this verse and the last verse of Liladhara.
1 This verse is printed with mistakes and even with a few syllables omitted
in the first line. The first three lines of this verse describe the city (Prakasa' in a
roundabout way.
KAViNDRACARYA SARASVATI
\
K's schotarsh,p and works
K was not a mere venerable reduse, nor a mere energetic public
worker, but was also a man of letters who served literature by not
('nly collecting an unique MSS. library, but by contributing his own
works also. The KC frequently applauds his versatile scholarship
and it is because of such learning that he was hailed as' Sarva vidya-
nidhana'. He was a scholar not merely in the Darsanas and Kavya-
nataka-alathkara, but also in Music, Astrology and Ayurveda.
Unfortunately we possess MSS. of only a few works of his. These
works are the Kavindrakalpadruma (AS, Bengal and India Office),
the Padacandrika on the Dasakumaracarita (Mitra, Notices, 3041),
a Yogabhaskara (Oudh XIX II2) of which we know nothing more,
a commentary on the Satapatha BrahmaQ,a (Bikaner 179, containing
book vi) and a Mimamsa sarvasva of which also we know nothing
more. The Hamsa dftta mentioned by Aufrecht is a K MS. and not
a work by K. There is a commentary on the Tantra varttika men-
tioned by Aufrecht as a work of Kin CC. 1. p. 22zb. In the Tanjore
library and the India Office library we have MSS. of the Tantra
varttika, text only, with the colophons mentioning Kavindracarya.
The 1. 6 MS. is only a copy of the Tanjore MS. It is inferred that
while copying, the scribe left out K's gloss, but retained wrongly
his colophons. The colophons, however, fail to associate any com-
mentary on the Varttika with the name of K, but connect K only
with the Varttika itself, thus making possible the suspicion that
these colophons mean only that the MS. of the Varttika belongs to
K. Regarding a commentary of K on the Rgveda to which he
belonged, we are on surer ground, for MM. Haraprasad Sastri
describes a fragment of its MS. in the Vedic volume of his ASB
Catalogues, No. 143A, p. 223.
The KC which generally praises K's scholarship seems to refer
specifically to some works of K in some of its passages. In 81. 12
(p. 2) the KC describes K as 'Yogavasil?tha yogavid " and in
81. 175 (p. 24) as 'Yogavas~thavid'. Under No. 255 in Anfrecht's
Catalogue of the Florentine Sanskrit MSS, we find a MS. of the
KA~RACARYA SARASVATi 165
Yogavasil?thasiira in ten chapters, with Mahidhara's gloss, and a
Hindi translation of the text. The colophon describes the work as
" It t(nt 'at f., l'll if -tfi<f'~-EI (@d'\ret (f"tt a-1:rT1fT~ cihl'!I I f~ QlElI ( "
Poleman notices in his catalogue of the Indic MSS. in America
against No. 5882 a Yogaviisi~thasiira in the Hindi section, with
author as K, and describes it as a translation in the Index. From
these it would appear that K made a Hindi translation of the Yoga-
viisi~thasiira in ten chapters. found that in the Catalogue of the
Priicya Grantha Sangraha, Ujj in, a MS. of the Yogaviisi~thasiira
was noted as a work of K. F om the extracts which were kindly
sent to me by Mr. S. L. Katre find that this Ujjain MS. is similar
to the Florentine MS., but with this difference that here, the Hindi
translation is left out. We h~ve in the Ujjain MS. the Yoga.-
viisi~thasara in ten chapters, the commentary of Mahidhara and the
colophon of K. Evidently, the scribe who was interested in copying
only the Sanskrit works left out the Hindi translation of K, but
wrongly retained K's colophon. That when the KC refers to some
work of K on the Yogavasi~tha we have to lmderstand it as his
Hindi translation is beyond doubt, for we find actually a MS. of K's
Hindi Yogavasi~thasara described by Mr. Syam Sundar Das in his
First Triennial Report on the Search for Hindi MSS., Allahabad,
I9I2, p. 333, No. 27 6a.
The KC extols K as a great grammarian and Mr. Shrigondekar
mentions some work of K on Sanskrit Grammar. In the KC,
Appendix verse 28, p. 63, Ratnasarman describes K as 'Priikrta
vykrtijfiaJ:1', which may mean that K wrote a commentary on some
Prakrt Grammar treatise.
'1'here are also general references to K's scholarship in Jyoti!?a,
but in Sl. I98 (p. 30), I see a clear reference to a commentary of K
on a work (Karat.1a ;» of Sripati.
GLEANINGS FROM SOME HOME DEPARTMENT
RECORDS
By SURENDRANATH SEN
as follows:
3,000
1,000
200
100
pieces of Baftaes
"
"
"
Hummums
Towels
Table cloths
I
Jogdia in 1778. The list of effects found at the Jogdia Factory is
Sylhet' and no less than five, of whom one was a boat builder and
contractor, frequented the now obscure Sootaloory and Backergunge.
The Chittagong list is probably more interesting. Of the eleven
non-official Englishmen and foreigners living there no less than
six were of French extraction, two were German and one Italian.
They represented various trades and professions. Simpson, the Eng-
lishman, was a tailor, Hemmen the Frenchman was a hair dresser,
Noman the German described himself as a harper, Nasau the second
German served as a coachman and title solitary Italian was probably
a discharged valet (originally in the ~tnployment of Captain Forde).
Buchastrine, a Frenchman, is considellitely described as an old man,
which may be a courteous synonym for a harmless vagrant. Two
of the Chittagong Frenchmen EchauG. and Adrian with Guillemean,
a compatriot of their arrested at Tippeah, promptly renounced their
nationality. Echaud addressed the following letter to Richard
Sumner, Chief of Chittagong : 'Sir, I take the liberty to inform you
that since the age of twelve years I have took the English protection
and have my fortune and family in this place and that I am extremely
desirous to remain all my life under it if it is agreeable to the Govern-
ment; and to take all suspicions, I am ready to take the oath neces-
sary to affirm the same'. Adrian wrote: 'I am born a native a
Frenchman but has been in the Englies King and Companys service
for this 24 years during and fought Bravely for his Royal Majesty
King George and the Dominions of the United Company Marchands '.
He added that he was still in the King's service and promised to
serve him' with the Last Drops of my Blood and all ways behave a
loyal subject'. Apparently his loyalty to the English cause was
far in excess of his knowledge of the English language. The oath
of allegiance was duly administered to them and J olm Echaud,
Martin Adrian and M. Guillemean were restored to liberty and
admitted to the rights and privileges of British citizenship.
Many of us are under the impression that records of the late
Foreign and Political Department alone can throw fresh light on our
country's past, but the records of the Home Department also are
replete with valuable information of all sorts. To ignore them will
be to leave one of the main sources of British Indian history un-
explored.
The ahove article is based on (I) Home Department Public Consultations, dated
the 3rJ August. 177R; Bengal Public Consultations, dated the loth January, 1771 ;
and copies of Records obtained from the India Office from the period 2nd January,
1778 to 28th October, 1779.
AN OLD HERO-STONE OF KATHIAWAQ-GUJARAT
By HIRANANDA SAS'rRI
incised on it, but none has published it fully and correctly,! and it
has become necessary to re-edit it. This will be done in detail in
a separate epigraphical memoir of the Gaekwad's Archceological
Series; here I am giving only the text with translation, for that alone
is germane to this note.
:1
The text consists of five lines, one of which is written on the
margin and reads 'Viinijakasya' meaning 'of Vanijaka'. The
other four lines read as fOllows ext.
Translation.
'This stone slab (was set uP) on the 5th day of the dark half
of Vaisakha of the (Saka) year 122, during the reign of
the Mahiikshatrapa Svami-Rudrasena. The son of Vanijaka
gave his own life for the sake of his own friend.'
The year 122 mentioned in the record corresponds to the year 200
of the Christian era, when the Kshatrapa ruler Rudrasena was
reigning, as has already been stated above. The name of the hero
who sacrificed his life is not mentioned, but that of his father is
given twice, once in the margin and once in the body of the text
itself. The record is much worn and it is quite possible that the
name of the hero had been written somewhere but has been obliterated
during the course of the centuries. But that is not the chief point.
What is noteworthy is that heroes dying for the sake of others were
greatly honoured in Kathiawa<;l-Gujarat in the early centuries of
the Christian era. This Silii-lashti or stele shows that the Saurash-
trians of early ages kept alive the memory of their great men, as a
shining example to posterity. Others naturally tried to emulate
their heroes, and thus the spirit of bravery and chivalry was rendered
1 The Bhavanagar Collection of Sanskrit and Prakrit Inscriptions, published long
ago, gives, no doubt, the text of this inscription, but serious blunders have been
made in reading and interpreting it. The edition of it which has appeared in the
Historical Inscriptions of Gujarat, Vol. I, is a blind copy of that pUblication and hence
of little consequence.
2 I am adding this word to complete the sense. Is it, or a word like it, to be
found somewhere in the damaged or worn portions?
D. R. BHANDARKAR Vo:r.UME
... -""
~,- ..
~~".~-
"
,->
r ........ .
;:~> : . :.... ..
.~,
-
EPIGRAPHIC NOTES
By KSHETRESACHANDRA CHAT'fOPADHYAYA, Universi~y of Allahabad
• ~ :o::m:c:;;.......=
~~ "i1~'I!\it4 ~~ 4:1 I (iij4f{ I
~ ~i~ ~f1ift~(§I~'(+l n
I
be quite clear: 'he (falsely) got lac written (or inscribed) as crore'.
Where did he make (or was supposed by Amoghavar~a I to have
made) this falsification? The answer to this question is probably
supplied by an inscription of Candragupta II himself. The Allahabad
Pillar Inscription of Samudragupta (Fleet No. I) says that he gave
away in charity' many lacs of cows' (aneka-go-satasahasra-pradiiyinal;t,
line 25). But in one of the Mathura Stone Inscriptions of his son
Candragupta II (Fleet NO.4), the latter says about his father that
he gave away r many crores of cows' and gold coins rightfully obtained
(nyiiyiigatiineka-go-hira1Jya-ko{i-pradasya, line 4) an expression which
I
II
DAMODARAGUPTA: DID HE DIE IN BATTLE?
~lif ro ~ ~T~~4'i("~: I
"
~ftm ~ if'Wm mR'ffO! fcti~ n
i'I1'IlTr.7T ... I
''''q- mC!tl"40C!lI{mTifTif
"
~~(i: lI~~{l/i$I~f(l
'" '"
(i(q{ftirQ)f5'ltl<9(.101WI'\ (emend otl(!J~i(tll) ~ll: n2
Fleet misunderstood the second half of the verse and trarslated
it as "he became unconscious (and expired in the fight); (and then,
waking again in heaven, and) making a choice among the women of
the gods, saying' (this one or t1tat) belongs to me', he was revived
by the pleasing touch of the waterlilies that were their hands~'
(p. 206). The correctness of Fleet's interpretation has been tacitly
accepted by scholars who have come after him.s But the text
cannot bear this interpretation. The inscription does not speak of
Diimodaragupta's death. It only speaks of his swoon (sammurcchitalt)
and of his subsequent awakening, i.e. regaining of consciousness
(vibuddhaM. Fleet gets his sense by making two additions' (and
expired in the fight)' and '(and then, waking again in heaven and)'
for which there is absolutely no warrant either in the text or in
its context. The meaning of the verse appears to be simply this:
Damodaragupta was seriously wounded in that sanguinary engage-
ment which brought victory 4 to him and he fainted away, but
though his wound appeared to be very serious, he ultimately regained
consciousness. The writer of the epigraph poetically assumes that
the revival was due to the pleasing touch of the apsarases who had
come to the field of battle to meet the fallen warriors. We have a
somewhat similar device actually used in the Third Act of the
Uttarariimacarita (a work of about the same time), viz., the revival
of the fainted Ramacandra through the touch of Sita. The next
verse (12) in the Aphsa<;l Inscription (lines 9-10, p. 203),
lil(3lt:ctl(oiV{"I: I
~~~'il~
."..... V{V{
~ ~ ....
~
411: n
VAI$~AVISM IN VIJAYANAGARA
By B. A. SALETORE
1 Read Saletore. The Sthanikas and Their Historical Importance, in the Journal
of the Bombay University. VII, Part 1.
2 Read Saletore, M ediceval J ainism, Chs. VII and VIII.
S Read Saletore. Social and Political Life in the Vijayanagara Empire, I,
pp. I3, seq. The date A.D. I336 given for the foundation of Vijayanagara has no
basis in history.
4 On the life and achievements of this remarkable Vaisnava teacher, read
Saletore, Ancient Karnataka, I, pp. 4I6-449. "
D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
create the impression that the old faith of Saivism had been driven
into the background by the monarchs. But there were, however,
two events which clearly showed which way the wind was blowing.
One was the notable success which the V~t,1ava teacher Sripada
met with at the hands of King S8.luva Nrsimha. It is related that
this Vai~t,1ava guru Srlpada sat on the throne on the occasion of an
evil muhurta (kuhayoga) to avert disaster to the monarch, and that
consequently he was honoured with the title of Raya. The exact
date when Sripada Raya sat on the Vijayanagara throne is, however,
still a matter of uncertainty. 1 The success which crowned the
efforts of Srlpada Raya in averting the danger to the Vijayanagara
monarch may have been partly responsible for the keen desire which
the ruler Saluva Nrsimha showed to Vai~t,1avism. Indeed, Raja-
rratha pit,19ima in the 9th Canto of his work called Sa?uvabhyudayam
relates that the Emperor S8.luva Nrsimha, while on a visit to the
famous temple of Tirupati in the south, gave a new crown to the
god Srinivasa, when he himself was' assuming an imperial crown
after his glorious victories. 2
The other fact which added to the strength of Vai~t,1avism was
the marked favour Vyasaraya, the great Vai~t,1ava teacher who will
figure presently, secured at the hands of the ruler King Narasa.
Somanatha in his work called Vyasayogicaritam tells us that King
Narasa took the advice of Vyasaraya every day in private (evam-eva
bhal?tya sambhavayanta1Jt rahasyena1Jt dharma-paropadesena pratyaha1Jt-
anugrh1;1,an).8 There cannot be any doubt about the powerful
hold Vyasaraya had on the Vijayanagara court in the days of King
Narasa and King Vira Narasimha. 4 But the fact that King Narasa
took secretly (rahasyena) the advice of Vyasaraya suggests also
that the great Vai~t,1ava teacher had not yet completely succeeded in
winning over the illustrious royal House of Vijayanagara to his
side. For he had to wait just a few years before he could finally
unfurl the Vai~t,1ava banner in the great capital, thereby proving
himself to be the greatest enemy Saivism ever had in the medireval
times. And this opportunity he got in the reign of Kr~t,1a Deva
Raya.
It was really in the reign of this great ruler Kr~t,1a Deva Raya
that Saivism gave place to Vai~t,1avism as the State religion, although,
as said above, the monarchs continued to use their old sign-manual
1 M.A.R. for I9I9, p. 36; B. Venkoba Rao places this event in A.D. I47I.
Vyasayogicaritam, Intr. pp. xcvi, xcvii, xciv. But this date falls within the reign
of King Viriipiikf?a, and, theH·fore, cannot be accepted.
2 Venkoba Rao cites the relevant verses in Vyasayogicaritam, Intr. p. x.
8 Venkoba Rao, ibid., p. 59.
4 Venkoba Rao, ibid., pp. 57-58, 66.
VAI!;i~AVISM IN VIJAYANAGARA 187
Sri V irupak$a at the end of their official grants, down ,:~i11 the days
of Emperor Sadasiva (A.D. 1543-A.D. 1567). The magnanimous
Kr~a Deva Raya never failed to use the same sign-manual, as his
numerous grants amply prove. 1 But two causes brought about
the downfall of Saivism in the Vijayanagara Empire. The first
was the continued presence of great Vai~1;1ava teachers in the capital
itself. One of these was the guru named above-Vyasaraya. This
learned man was the disciple of Brahma1;1ya Tirtha, and was the
founder of the well-known Vyasaraya matha at Sosale; Tirumaku<;l1u-
Narsipura tilluka, Mysore State. A remarkable incident is narrated
about him by his disciple and successor Srinivasa Tirtha in the
latter's work called Vyiisavijaya. It is the following :-That the
Vijayanagara monarch Kr!?1;1a J)eva Raya was once warned of an
evil muhurta (kuhayoga) approaching, and was advised to pm
someone on the throne during that time. Not knowing what to do,
the Emperor sent his State elephant with a garland which the animal
presented to Vyasayogi, who was then in the capital. Vyasatirtha
being an ascetic felt shy at the prospect of being asked to sit on the
throne, and hid himself in a cave. But the State elephant, which
was sent a second time, again went near him but this time to the
cave. Vyasatirtha now deemed it prudent to obey the divine sum-
mons, and was, therefore, requested to sit on the throne and thereby
avert the evil muhurta. In order to manifest the danger, Vyasa-
tirtha instead of sitting on the throne, threw his kii$iiya or red
garment, which immediately was burnt. He then took his seat
on the throne, and in the short time left to him, gave grants of land
to Brahmans who had anointed him.2
It is not surprising that Kr!?1;1a Deva Raya should have con-
sidered such a teacher, who was the second Vai$1;1ava guru who had
averted calamity to the imperial House on the occasion of a kuha-
yoga, his tutelary deity (kuladevata), and that he should have vowed
to devote everything he had for the worship of Vyasaraya. 3 To this
Vai!?1;1ava teacher Kr!?1;1a Deva Raya granted lands in A.D. 1516,
1520, 1523 and 1527.4
Another remarkable Vai!?1;1ava teacher who toured the Vijaya-
nagara Empire, and is said to have received honours at the hands
of the same monarch, and of his successors too, was Vallabhacarya,
about whom we shall deal with at some length in a separate paper.
1 Witness, for instance, E.C., IV, Ng. 8I dates A.D. I5I3, p. I33 and quite a
number of others.
2 M.A.R.for I9I9, p. 36; Venkoba Rao, op. cit.
8 Venkoba Rao, op. cit., p. 8r.
4 M.A.R.for I9I9, pp. 34-35; ibid. for I920, pp. 50; E.C., VII, Sh. 84, Sh. 85,
P·33·
188 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
given proof to show that there was Vitthala worship in Vijayanagara itself. This
may bc given here, A copper-plate grant dated A.D. 1408 relates that in the reign
of the Vijayanagara ruler Deva Raya, there was a temple of the god Vitthala on
the bank of the Tungabhadra. In the pres~nce of this god VitthaleSvara a specified
grant was made by some citizens of the Araga Eighteen Kampa~a. (E.C., VIII,
Tl. 222, p. 2II.) This inscription proves not only that there was the god Vitthala
in the great capital in A.D. 1408, but that the famous temple in that god's name
existed also in the first quarter of the fifteenth century. In view of this, Sewell's
assertion that Kr!?l')a Deva Raya commenced the building of the Vitthalasvami
temple (Sewell, Forg. Emp., p. 163) has to be abandoned. The Vitthala temple at
Vijayanagara does not seem to have been in any way prominent in the first quarter of
the fifteenth century. And it cannot be maintained on the strength of the above
inscription that Vai!?~avism was powerful in the capital in A.D. 1408.
1 Sewell, ibid., p. 163.
2 M.A.R.for 1930, p. 70.
I90 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
1 The first stanza of the poem, which is now sung on the Tulsi j)ujii days
in a slightly altered form, is said to have run as follows:-
Kollu Kollu Kollu Kollu Kaliyugada kanarannu. I
Kolladiddare Ninna pujege kallu hiikutirpparu II
Kollu bega kaf,Jaran-ella M adhva-Sri-Vallabha I
Kolladiddare nillaravaru Kal~y1tgada kallaru 1/
lowe this poem and many details concerning this Saivite-Vai!?1Javite struggle
to the late Mr. Pagamunniir Ramacandrayya, himself a learned alJ(I benevolent
Sthanika of Nittiiru and afterwards of Mangalore. Now-a-days the following
variant of the poem is sung:-
Kolu kol-enniro Sad-guru lile melu mel-enniro I
iidhiirava katti cakrava bhedisi niida-diniida suniida keli I
siidhisi sup~mma miirga maneya pokku bodheya beJakiti beJa beJagoJJiro II
194 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
Nittiiru people did not possess the financial resources which the eight
Svamis of Uc;lipi could command. And, finally, the Sthanikas were
lacldng in a leader who could match the redoubtable Vadiraja in
wisdom and diplomacy.
We can well understand the above traditional account of the
downfall of Saivism and its civil custodians the Sthanikas, when we
remember the few facts we have given above concerning the activities
of the Vai!?J,lava leaders like Vyasaraya in the Vijayanagara capital.
The downfall of Saivism and the Sthanikas in Tuluva in the gecond
half of the sixteenth century A.D. followed closely on the heels of
the success of Vyasaraya, who had converted Kr!?J,la Deva Raya
the Great into Vaisnavism. The new creed which that monarch
embraced may have 'been partly r~ponsible for the apathy which
~he provincial viceroys of Tuluva placed over the Barakl1ru and
Managall1ru provinces showed to the high-handedness of the Vai!?:t;la-
vites in the matter of settling their disputes with the Saivites.
But that the Vai!?J,lavites had, indeed, dispossessed the Saivites
from their temples in Tuluva is proved not only by the poetic
command given to the Vai!?:t;lavites by Vadiraja referred to above,
but also by the following which indicate that there was an element
of force in the Saivite-Vai!?J,lavite struggle of Tuluva. The fate
that befell the Saivite deities in the Sthanika strongholds mentioned
above clearly proves this. Tradition relates that in the course of
the struggle centering around the question of the construction of the
tank at UQ.ipi, the Subraya stone (N aga-kallu) in the Anantesvara
temple was removed from its place on the south-east of the same
temple, and hidden behind a large stone slab to the north-east of
the bhojana-sala (dining hall) adjoining the baeJ,agu mii}ige (northern
storey). Next the Somalingesvara image of the temple of the same
name at Nittl1ru was thrown out about twenty yards to the north-
east of the same temple, where it still can be seen. A similar fate
befell the deities of the Sthanikas elsewhere in Tuluva. At Udaya-
vara the god Mahadeva was removed in order to make room for the
god GaJ,lapati. The former image may now be seen in th~ vicinity
of the GaJ,lapati temple at Udayavara. The image of ISvara at
Uppl1ru near Uc;lipi was relegated into a heap of ashes in the outer
yard (pauli) to the north-east of the temple. The Mahase~ image
at OQ.abha:t;lQ.eSvara was thrown into the tank near the temple. 1 It
cannot be made out whether the image of Mallikarjuna now found
to the north-west of the neighbouring Sankaranaraya:t;la temple was
thrown out there at the same time.
1 It was discovered some thirty-five years ago while repairing the tank, but
being broken, so the report runs, was thrown into the sea.
VAI~!9AVISM IN VIJAYANAGARA
By 1. B. HORNER
1 Absent from the material of the first and last discourses attributed to Gotama,
from the thirty-seven bodhipakkhikadhammii, things helpful to enlightenment,
almost so from the Etad Aggas of the Ang., and there is no Brahmavihiira-Satpyutta.
See Mrs. Rhys Davids, Sakya, p. 216.
2 Based on a common pattern: (I) evatrt bhavitiiya mettiiya cetovimuttiyii . . .
(e.g. D. i. 2SI=M. ii. 207); (2) evatrt bhiivitiiya mettiiya cetovimuttiyii evatrt bahulika-
tiiya . . . (e.g. S. iv. 322); (3) mettii cetovimutti bhiivitii bahulikatii yiinikatii
vatthukatii anuUhitii paricitii susamiiraddhii . . . (e.g. S. ii. 265, A. iv. ISO,
cf. A. v. 342); (4) mettii me (or, no) cetovimutti bhiivita bhavissati bahulikata
susamaraddha . . . (e.g. S. ii. 264, A. iii. 290, iv. 300). Formula (3) is also a
formula for the four iddhipiidas at e.g. D. ii. 103, S. i. II6, and of mindfulness as to
body at e.g. M. iii. 97, the words mettii cetovimutti not, of course, being used.
Formula (5) is of a different type: evam bhiivitiiya mettiiya cetovimuttiyii yatrt
pamiit;ta-katatrt kamma",. na tatrdvasissati na ta""tatrdvatiNhati (e.g. D. i. 251; ct. A.
v. 299, 301).
S D. i. 2SI=M. ii. 207. 4 Sn.73·
200 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
1 Mrs. Rhys Davids, Sakya, p. 216; Gotama the Man, pp. I80ff.
2 M. ii. 195. C/. M. ii. 207.
3 M. ii. 207.
4 A. iv. 299:ff.
FREEDOM OF MIND 20I
1 A. v. 344.
2 The passage quoted contains a usual formula for a no-returner.
S See my Early Buddhist Theory of Man Perfected, pp. 241, 250ft.
204 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
By JOSEF STRZYGOWSKI
Abb. 5 noeh erkennen lasst. Fiir die Muster selbst vergleiehe man
die Zusammenstellung, die ieh in meinem Amidawerke S. 136f. fiir
die persiseh-iranischen Zierate in Mesopotamien und Agypten ge-
maeht habe. Die Verwandtschaft ist offenkundig, ebenso die
andere in meinem 'Altai-Iran' S. I97f. Man wird sich von dem
engen Zusammenhange des Mustersehatzes der ehinesischen Bauern-
frauen mit dies em west- und vorderasiatisehen Zieratensehatz
immer wieder iiberzeugen konnen, dagegen in China selbst ir4 sehr
friihe, die Vorhan- und vorbuddhistisehe Zeit zuruekgeher. miissen,
um ahnlich rein Nordisches in der Grosskunst beisammen zu finden.
Nur das Hakenkreuz wird wohl nirgends so kennzei~hnel1d oft und
als Heilszeichen verwendet, wie in den Bauernstickereien des letzten
Jahrhunderts. •
Die Erzeugnisse der Volkskunst gehoren zumeist keiner bestimm-
ten, beute Hoch bestehenden Religion an. So sind auch die west-
cbinesischen Stickereien von Frauen weder buddhistisch, uoch
taoistisch oder con fuzianisch , sondern gehoren einem Volksglauben
an, der vor allen Religionen zu liegen, am ehesten wohl noeh mit der
taoistischen Weltanschauung vereinbar scheint. Man m&hte naeh
dem, was uus die KUl1stgeschiehte bisher lehrte, nieht glauben, dass
Bauernfrauen in China bis zur Verdrangung ihrer Hande Arbeit
durch billigen Schund aus Europa eine Ausstattungskunst besassen,
die gerade in dem Augenblick, in dem wir die historisehen Schranken
zertriimmern und Wcsen und Entwicklung des Ahllenerbes der
VOlker zu suchen beginnen, von entscheidender Bedeutung werden
konnen. Es ist schon in dem friiheren Aufsatze der Coomaraswamy-
Festschrift angedeutet wordell, wie iiberaus anregend die Beobach-
tungell sind, die der Forseher an diesen chinesisehen Frallensticke-
rden mach ell kann, insbesondere wenn er sie mit entsprechenden
abendlandischen Mustern vergleicht. Carl Schuster hat neuerdings
'A Comparison of aboriginal textile designs from south-western
China with peasant designs from eastern Europe' (Man XXXVII,
1937, S. lOSf) Muster aus den an die Westgebiete Chinas anschliessen-
den Siidprovinzen, insbesondere aus Ch'uan Miao, veroffentlicht.
Es sind nicht Rankell, sondern geradliellige Muster ohne Ende:
S-formen, Rauten u.dg1.m. Sie gehoren einer ganz anderen Richtuug
an, etwa der Nomadenkunst annahernd \'\tie Abb. 5·
Nach meinen Erfahrungen kommen fiir China, das an sich ein
Land der Ruhe ist, als vom Norden vordringende Bewegungskrafte
in erster Reihe die amerasiatischen Volker in Betracht, die uns
erklaren, warum China so haufig mit der Kunst der paeifischen
Kiisten Arnerikas eine Einheit bildet; dann die Nomaden Hochasiens,
die sich immer wieder durch die Gobi und das Ordosgebiet den Weg
zum Hoang ho und J ansekiang bahnen, endlich die Indogermanen,
210 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
die von Iran nach dem Osten vorstossen. Die Leitgestalten unserer
Frauenstickereien scheinen im Wesentlichen diesem letzteren Aus-
breitungsgebiete anzugehoren. Und Indien?
Es fragt sieh, ob fiir Indien neben den entscheidenden Indo-
germanen und Hochasiaten in alleraltester Zeit nieht auch die
Amerasiaten in Betracht kommen. Sie sind es, die als Handler
iiber Sibirien nach den Zweistromelandern zuerst am Fuss des
Pamir und dann nach Vorderasien vorstossen und die den Gross-
staaten vorausgehenden Stadtstaaten begriindet zu haben scheinen.
Ob da yom Pamirvorlande nicht auch eine Abzweigung nach Indien
ging, so dass dort gleichzeitig etwa mit der staatlichen Ordnung
am Euphrat und Tigris auch eine solehe am Indus entstand ? Diese
Annahme scheint mir nach den gwssartigen Funden wahrscheinli-
cher als eine Abhangigkeit Indiens von Vorderasien. Mohenjo-
Daro und Harappa sprecben eher fiir die erste Ausbildung der
Stadtstaaten im Gebiete des Amu- und Syrdarja.
Die Volkskunst lndiens hat sich in islamischer Zeit, im XIV.-
XVI. J ahrhundert auf einem Gebiete betatigt, das den Blausticker-
eien der chinesischen Frauenware des XIX. J ahrhunderts insofern
verwandt ist, als auch da Baumwolle als Rohstoff und Indigo als
Farbmittel dient; das v;aren die Baumwollstoffe, die, in Batiktech-
nik gefarbt, Jetzt von R. Pfister 'Les toiles imprimees de Fostat et
l'Hindustan' 1938 veroffentlicht wurden. Trotzdem diese gefarbten
Baumwollstoffe um J ahrhunderte alter sind als die chinesischen
Stickereien wirken die chinesisehen Muster entschieden alter als
die indischen, so dass man bei letzteren nicht daran denkt, sie bis
in die Zeiten der Giirtel und Strome zuriick zu verfolgen. Sie sind
aufge1egt persisch-islamisch mit kennzeichnend indischen Ein-
schlagen.
Ich erinnere an den Aufsatz von Bhandarkar iiber foreign
elements in Hindu population. Es scheint ganz selbstverstandlich,
dass was aus den schriftliehen Quellen zu erschliessen ist, auch aus
der Volkskunst Indiens wird zu belegen sein. Dazu aber gehoren
genaue Kenner dieser wahrseheinlich durehaus nicht mit der grossen
Kunst lndiens iibereinstimmenden Arbeiten aus dem Volke. Es
war schon in China sehr iiberraschend, eine volkstiimliche Schicht
nachweisen zu konnen, die von aUem abweicht, v;as die Kunstge-
schichte bisher aus China zu bringen vermochte. Es sieht auch in
diesem Arbeitsstoffe so aus, als wenn die Urbevolkerung Chinas
schon von auswarts eingewandert und ilire Kunst von den amera-
siatischen und hoehasiatischen, spater den indogermanischen Ein-
wanderem mitgebracht ware. Wie ist das in lndien? Gibt es da
iiberhaupt eine ausgesprochene Volkskunst, die mit den nordischen
Zuwanderungen gar nichts zu tun hat, lassen sich daneben vielleicht
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EIN BESONDERS BEACHTENSWERTES STUCK 2II
By T. N. RAMACHANDRAN, M.A.
Superintendent, Archceological Section, Indian Museum, Calcu1ta
The coins that form the subject-matter of this paper are six in
number, of distinctly five denominations, their res1)ective weight
and size being as follows:-
(I) 34 grains (4) I6·5 grains
·7 diam. "55 diam.
(2) 23·5 grains (5) II" 5 grains
·65 diam. ·5 diam.
(3) 20 grains (6) 7·4 grains
·6 diam. .40 diam.
They are of copper and were in the possession of Mr. S. T.
Srinivasagopalachari, Advocate, Madras, from whom they were
obtained by Rao Bahadur K. N. Dikshit, Director-General of
Archreology in India, and sent to me for study. Four of them
(items 3-6) have a projection or knob apparently indicating the
method of casting known to us already from the Rohtak find of
Yaudheva coin moulds. There is a small hole on one of the coins
(item 2f suggesting that it probably was secured to a string along
with others. The obverse of all the coins shows a bull couchant to
proper right (Plate I). On only one coin (item 6) it is faintly seen
as both its sides are obliterated. The reverse of the coins shows the
legend 'Sri Chal;l.(;lava' unmistakably on three of them (items 1-3;
PI. I), 'Sri Cha1).qa' on two (items 4-5), while on the sixth it is not
clear as both the sides are obliterated, but probably the same legend
was meant.
As the coins were fonnd in South India they have to be assigned
to some king or chief of the South Indian dynasties whose name
commences as 'Sri Chandava .. .' If it is remembered that in
almost all the copper phtte grants of the Salailkayanas known, the
seal shows a couchant bull facing proper right as in the case of the
coins under discussion, 1 it will be seen that on the strength of the
bull and its particular position the coins will have to be assigned to
the Salailkayallas. Hitherto five copper plate grants of the
8alailkayana kings have been recovered, three of them from Godavari
Districts and two from Guntur District of the Madras Presidency
which help to reconstruct the 8alailkayana dynasty. The first is of
8alailkayana Devavarman, the language being Prakrt except in
benedictory verses. l On the seal of the grant (not figured) Hultzsch
made out a faint trace of some quadruped which he supposed to be a
tiger. But possibly it was the bull that was meant. The second
grant is the Kolleru grant of the Salailkayana Nandivarman, the
eldest son of Chat;lQ.avarman, but the seal of the plates is lost. 2 The
third grant is the Pedavegi grant of Nandivarman II, the same as
the Nandivarman of the Kolleru grant, but the animal shown on its
seal is indistinct. s This grant, however, helps to reconstruct the
8alailkayana genealogy as follows:-
Hastivarman
I
N andivarman I
I
. I
N andlVarman II
",
Chandavarman
, I
(others not known)
,
(eldest son)
The fourth grant is the Kanteru grant of the Salailkayana
Nandivarman, on the seal of which can be seen in beautiful relief a
bull couchant and facing proper right as in the coins under dis-
cussion.' The fifth grant is of Salailkayana Skandavarman and the
seal, though obliterated, shows the faint traces of a bull, the hump
and some parts adjoining it being visible.'
The term' Salailkayana' according to Sanskrit lexicons, means
Nandi, the bull viihana of Siva. As the figure of the bull is found on
some of the seals of the 8alailkayana copper plates so far discovered,
it is possible that the bull banner of the Salailkay.anas gave rise to
the name of the family itself. Among gotras, the Salailkayana gotra
belongs to the Visviimitra section and has the pravaras Vaisvamitra,
Katya and Atkila. The term Salailkayana and Salailkayanaka (the
Salailkayana country) are mentioned by Pat;lini. It appears that the
------------------
1 Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, pp. 57-59.
2 Ind. Ant., Vol. V, pp. 176.
S ].A.H.R.S., Vol. I, pp. 92-102.
, • Kanteru grant of Vijaya-Skandavarman ' -].A.H.R.S., Vol. V, pp. 21ff.
COPPER COINS OF THE ~ALANKAVANA KING CHa:t)TI?AVARMAN 215
Salankayanas (Greek: Salakenoi') ruled over the VeIigi as early as
I
I.
3.
Reverse
COPPER COINS OF THE ~ALANKAYANA KING CHA:!':TD,AVARMAN 2I7
. But the existence of the two poems must be called into question,
ingenious as is the mode in which they are conjectured into existence.
There is given in ptolemy 1 a list of towns east of the Jhelum which
begins with Bucephala, Sagala, and Iomousa and ends with Mathura.
Now Iomousa is explained by the Greek io mousa, 'Hail, 0 Muse',
deemed to have been the opening words of a lyric addressed to the
Muse, whose name was the name of the city, and the city must have
been praised in the lyric; the poem must have been famous in the
city, and the townsfolk or neighbours nicknamed the city from it.
It is further conjectured that the muse was Calliope, who gave also
a popu1ar nickname to a city in Parthia; its official name was
Alexandria, the city founded by Alexander at the confluence of the
Chenab and Indus,2 presumably the capital of the southern Punjab.
The name Iomousa 'proves for cert~in that Greek lyric verses were
being written in Menander's kingdom; it would be astonishing if
they were not, seeing that we possess a Greek lyric ode written at
Susa half a century or more later'. .
The last argument can hardly be regarded as having any weight.
Susa was not an Indian town, and Hellenistic influence therein is a
different thing from Hellenism in India. But what is far more
serious is the whole process of conjecturing a lyric out of the name
Iomousa. The view that a town came thus to be nicknamed is one
very much in need of a parallel; Dr. Tarn gives us only the fact
that a distinguished man in a public address has been known to
allude to himself as 'a regu1ar Scots-wha-hae Scot'. It may be
admitted that so distant a parallel helps not at all. What the true
explanation of the name recorded as Iomousa is, it is impossible
to say, but it is clearly unnec~ssary to accept Dr. Tarn's version or
the existence of his supposed lyric.
The existence of the poem in hexameters or elegiacs is equally
deduced from a city name. Ptolemy refers to 'Sagala also called
Euthymedia,, in the reading of the ordinary manuscripts of his
text. The editors, including Renou, write the name Euthydemia,
the editio princeps has Euthymedia, and Dr. Tarn urges that the
only reading which accounts for the manuscript readings is
Euthymedeia, which is not apparently found in any codex. It
must, however, be noted that the Vaticanus of the 13th century
has Euthyde, which lends support to Euthydemia, though that is a
conjecture, and, though Dr. Tarn 8 makes out a case for Euthymedeia
as the possible origin of the misreadings (written Euthymedeia
through confusion with medeia, itself a mistake for Media, the name
of the famous country), his demonstration lacks any convinc-
ing character; we are certainly not compelled to operate with
Euthymedeia as the true name. On the theory that we are, we are
told that it is a poetic feminine adjective denoting' (the town)
of the upright ruler', no doubt the virtuous Menander who probably
came into the poem. The city became in course of time known
by its epithet, just as the Scottish capital might .have been des-
cribed as 'Edinburgh also called Auld Reekie' by a traveller visiting
it a century ago.
The more natural view that the name was Euthydemia, and
was connected with the dynasty of Euthydemus is not ignored by
Dr. Tarn. But we are told it 4; impossible, because it would imply
that Sagala was a Greek city, not an Indian. and Sagala was not a
Greek polis. Moreover ptolemy is accustomed when he mentions
a town which had acquired a dynastic name to give it first, adding
the other name in the second place. But this assertion regarding
ptolemy's normal usage by no means excludes the possibility of a
differentiation, perhaps because Sag ala was not a polis, and so its
dynastic title was naturally relegated to second place, as having
little popular support. Conjectures are easy, but the rejection of
the obvious reading in favour of a far-fetched epithet, admittedly
invented for the supposed occasion, is not to be defended, and the
Greek poem falls to the ground. But Dr. Tarn has further evidence
to support his thesis. The coin legends of Menander's widow when
regent after his death is basilisses theotropou Agathocleias. The
mysterious theotropou does not refer, as Rapson I suggested to her
acting as regent, but is a poetical epitbet, invented like Euthymedeia
found in the same poem, which was adopted by the lady because of
her appreciation of the term' godlike', which accorded well with the
fact that some of the portraits of Athena, the goddess, on Menander's
coins have the features of Agathocleia. By this portraiture, we
are assured,2 Menander indicated to his Greek subjects that he had
surpassed all predecessors by wedding the goddess though in the
innocuous form of his own wife, while the symbol of the eight-
spoked wheel on some of his coins marks him as a Cakravartin, a
supreme ruler, and must not be interpreted merely as a sign of his
Buddhist leanings, even if this idea is supported in the view of
some authorities by his use of the epithet dikaios, 'the just'. This
is all very ingenious, but the view that the king claimed to have
espoused Athena seems wholly without support. Why Agathocleia
1 XV, 4, 20.
2 Cambridge Hist. of India. i. 69B.
3 'ram, op. cit., p. 47. '" Op. cit., p. 382.
THE GREEK KINGDOMS AND INDIAN LITERATURE 227
But surely all that it proves is that a Greek vase with such a scene
was imitated in Gandhara, very probably by some potter who knew
nothing about the meaning of the scene. Even Greek potters, we
may be fairly certain, often made pots without any idea of the
significance of what they depicted thereon. That there may have
been contact with Greek drama is a perfectly legitimate assum.ption,
but that it had an effect on Indian dramatists is the point on which
there is no evidence. .
Dr. Tarn is inclined to favour some influence on the growth of
Indian drama from the Greek mime, as suggested by D". Reich 1
and supported by some other scholars. He thinks that companies
of mime actors did visit India, but adduces no sufficient grounds.
The fact that Antiochus IV inc1i1ded mimes in his triumphal celebra-
tions at Daphne proves nothing whatever for India. It is suggested,
however, that the extant parody 2 of Euripides' Iphigeneia in Tauris,
in which the barbarian king is an Indian and talks pseudo-Indian
gibberish, may bear on this, but surely this is a conjecture without
foundation or plausibility and should be dismissed. We come, there-
fore, to the famous Yavanika,s the curtain against which Indian
plays were acted. It should, however, be Boted that this is going
rather far; the Yavanika is the curtain which covers the entrance to
the tiring room whence emerge and into which retire the actors. But
what must be noted is that admittedly Greek dramas were not acted
against a curtain, but Roman, and therefore presumably Greek,
mimes usually were, and the Yavanika must be the siparium of the
mime players. I confess that the argument seems to have little
cogency'. We are to assume that Greek mimes were played against
a curtain because Roman mimes we('e, a singularly unconvincing
contention. We are further to assume that such mimes were played
by Greeks in India, without a single piece of evidence, and that
from these hypothetical mime displays the Indians borrowed the use
of a curtain, not for the sake of a background but simply to hide
the entrance spaces. Is it not commonsense to hold that the Indians
had sufficient intelligence not merely to create a drama but to conceal
entrances? The only other point deemed acceptable by Dr. Tarn
is the correspondence of the sfttradhara and the sfttradhari with the
Greek archimimus and archimima, and that is dearly minimal.
Dr. Tam himself feels doubt as to borrowing and rejects with com-
plete propriety Reich's suggestion that the woman actor, being
against the canons of India in serious drama, must have been borrowed
from Greece, for the archimima was equally against the canons of
1 A.R., A.S.I. for 1903-04, p. 109, Seal No. 20. T. Bloch's rendering' (Seal)
of Chief of Uparikas of 1'irabhukti (district of Tira)' has been corrected by J. Ph.
Vogel as' [Seal] of the Court (or Office) of the Uparika(s) of Tirabhukti (i.e., Tirhut) '.
A ntiquities of Chamba State, p. 123·
2 Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, p. 52, n. I.
S Fleet's Giq>ta Inscriptions, p. 218.
4 Ibid., pp. 120, 124, 134.
23 2 D. R. BHANDARXAR VOLUlrIE
University of Allahabad
'It is the artist and his creation that come first an j then the
law-giver and codes of art. Art is not for the justification of the
Silpa-sastra, but the Sastra is for the elucidation of art. It is
the concrete which is evolved first, and then come its analyses and its
commentaries, its standard and its proportions codified in the form
of Sastra.' 1 This dictum is applicable to the conditions of all ancient
countries when the first builders had nothing within the range of
their knowledge whereform they could imitate or borrow. When
the then inhabitants of India began to bmld, in the neolithic age,
shelters in imitation of natural caves to protect themselves from the
inclemency of weather and sepulchres for the preservation of their
revered dead ancestors, there were no structures within their know-
ledge wherefrom they could borrow any design or technical skill
for construction. This neolithic age in India must be anterior by a
few thousand years to the Mahenjo-Daro age of B.C. 3250-2750
when extensive towns and houses of numerous sizes ann descriptions
came into being. The town-plan and house-design of this period
show considerable building skill and much developed architectural
design. The extant examples will justify the assumption that
those constructions were regulated by w~l-known rules of engineering.
But no treatises or commentaries, written or oral, codifying analyses,
proportions and standards ann styles out of which those constnlctions
might have grown up are available. Nor are traceable any properly
codified guide books based upon an analysis of the Mohenjo-Daro
structures. But in the subsequent Vedic Period more substantial
and pretensious buildings are frequel1tly referred to.
We have got clear references to huts built for agriculturist
villagers of the early Vedic period with materials like straw, reeds,
bamboo, clay and unburnt bricks. For priestly and aristocratic
classes of towns more substantial houses were built of burnt bricks
and stones. Forts, castles, palaces, and cemeteries of round and
square types were built of properly dressed stones of various kinds.
The Smasana buildings comprise reliquaries, memorial buildings
and monumental pillars. Atri was 'thrown into a machine room
1 Abanindranath Tagore, Modern Review, March, 1934.
D. R. BHANDARKAR VOI,UME
1 R.V. I, II2, 7; II. 41, 5; V. 62. 6; VII. 88. 5; A.V. III, 12; IX. 3 (which
contains prayers for the stability of a house at the time of its construction).
2 Chaturasra-syena-chit (falcon-shaped composed square shaped bricks),
KaJika-chit (heron-shaped), Alaja-chit (some without additional wings), Batiga-chit
(equilateral triangle).
Ubhayatal).-Prauga-chit (two such triangles joined at their bases).
Ratha-chakra-chit (wheel-shaped, with or without sixteen spomes).
Drona-chit (square or circular).
PariChayya-chit (circular outline, composed of bricks arranged in six conceDtric
circles), samuhya-ch£t (circular in shape), Kiirma-chit (tortoise-shaped).
ART AND SCIENCE OF ARCmTSCTURE 237
Most of the sciences (Slistra or Vidya) have arisen in India
in close connection with religion. The particular of Vedic altars
will clearly indicate the formulation of rules for construction. As
no earlier reference to such rules is traceable we shall be justified to
point to the origin of the Vastu-Sastra (Science of house-building or
architecture) from this point at any rate. The science of architec-
ture must have been in existence when the Buddha carefully dis-
tinguishes Vatthu-kamma (Building work) from Vatthu-vijja (science
of building) 1. Buddhaghosha defines the fOlmer as construction of
dwellings etc., while the latter consists in an analysis of the charac-
teristic features and the merits and defects of the dwellings, rest-
houses, and other structures. 1 This distinction between the art
and the science of architecture has been recognized throughout the
vast range of Sanskrit, Pali, and i=>rakrit literature. In the language
of a very late text, the Sukra-niti, 'the construction of tanks, canals,
Ralaces and squares etc. is an art (kala), while Vastu-vidya or
Silpa-sastra is a literary treatise which deals with 'rules of con-
stnlction of palaces, images, parks, houses, canals and other good
works. 2 The traditional list of sixty-four arts, which can be traced
to at least three groups of literature other than the Silpa-sastras
themselves, refers more to the science (V idya) rather than the
art (Karman). The mythological group, comprising the Srimad-
bhagavata, the Hari-vamsa, and the Vish1Ju-pura1Ja mentions the
arts in connexion with the various kinds of knowledge (Vidya)
acquired by Krish:Q.a and Balarama. The Buddhist-Jain group,
represented by Lalita-vistara and Uttaradhyayana-sutra, refers to the
arts in connection with the training of their respective heroes,
Bodhi-sattva and Mahavira. In the .erotic group represented by
the Kama-sutra of Vatsyayana and other Kama-sastras, which inci-
dentally form one of the three main objects of life (Dharma, Artha,
and Kama) and recognized early in Vedic literature S the arts (Kala)
are specified in connexion with the accomplishments to be acquired
by men and women both for the sake of culture and practice. 4
Descriptions of various architectural objects in the non-architectural
texts of numerous variety and of different periods must also refer
more to the science than to the art as they lack in the technique and
constnlctional details of those objects. Thus in the earlier great
1 Digha-nikaya, I, pp. 9 and I2. Buddhaghosha says:
'Vatthuvijjati gharavatthu-arama-vatthadinam gunadosa-sallakkhana-vijja.'
Vatthukammanti akatavatthumhi geha-patitthaparana.
2 aukraniti, IV-3, II5-II6; IV. 3, I69.
S Hirattya-Kesi Grhya-sutra, ii, 19, 6.
4 For details, vide, the writer's' Introduction' to his 'Hindu Architecture in India
and Abroad '.
D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
1 For fuller details, see the writer's Indian Architecture (89-91) and the Hindu
Architecture in India and Abroad (page 159).
ART AND SCIENCE OF ARCHlT~CTURE 243
implying funerary buildings or cemeteries which are described 'with
particulars in Vedic literature (Sat. Brahm. XIII). These were
built of properly dressed stones of various kinds and comprised
reliquaries, monumental pillars and mE-moria1 buildings, which are
the prototypes of Buddhist stupas, dedicatory buildings, and
monolithic pillar. Chitraka similarly may be an abbreviation of
Chitra Gargyayal;1i who is recognized (in the Kaushitaki Upanishad)
as a philosopher and is reputed as the architect who 'desi~ned the
ideal city of Brahman, that is, the present world. .
Garga is a well known sage. The authorship of certain hymn
is ascribed to him (R.,:V. vi. 47 Anukrama1Ji). He is recogJlized in
the Srauta Sfitras of ASvaHiyalla (x. 2), Sankhyayana (xvi. 222) and
Katyayana (xxiii. 2,8). He is also stated to have been an astrologer
of great repute (Mbh. XII. 54, 2~32m IX. 37, 2132; 52, 2981). Thus
his authority as an architect also may be accepted, even in the
absence of his architectural treatises because in the famous Gargya-
Sarhhita there are matters referring to ",rchitecture. Indra under
the epithet Pnrandara has been recognized in the M atsya-purii1Ja
(Chap. 255. 2-4) as one of the authorities. I~okajfia, knower of people
and their architectural needs, is not met with in literature but
might have been once a popular architect whose treatise is, however,
untraceable. Kalayupa appears to have been an architect who
specialized in Yupa or Sacrificial post which is an object of
architecture.
Manu is a familiar name throughout Sanskrit literature both
Vedic and post-Vedic (Rv. i. 80, 16; ii. 33, 13; viii. 63, I; x. roo, 5;
Av. xiv. 2, 41; Taitt. Sam. 1. 5, 3; ii. 5, 9, I; 6, 7, I; iii. 3, 2, I; V.
4,10,5; vi. 6, 6, I; Kath. Sam. viii. ~5; Sat. Bra. i. 1,4,14; Jaim.
Up. Bra. iii. 15, 2; Mbh. I, I, 52; XIII. 18, 1315; 1339 etc.). He is
the Adam of Indian mythology. Fourteen Manus ruled over the
world. Many Sutras and Dharma-sastras wherein incidentally
several architectural matters are also referred to are ascribed to him.
Thus he may be accepted as an early authority on architecture also.
In the M anasiira- V iistusastra he is accepted as one of the four
architects born out of the faces of Brahma and his earthly des-
cendant is the Takshaka or carpenter without whose assistance no
architectural object can be completed.
Maya is one of the two most important authorities on
architecture, the other being Visva-karman. The latter was the
architects of the gods, while Maya was the architect of the Asuras
and was connected with Ravat;la, the Asura King of Lanka, as the
father of the chief queen Mandodari. He is also reputed as the
originator of the magical art called Asura-vidya (Sat. Bra. xiii. 43,
d. Vaj. Sam. XXII. 19). He was recognized as an ancient ruler
244 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOI.UME
1 For fuller details, see the writer's Indian Architecture (89-91) and the Hindu
A"hitecture in India and Abroad (page 159).
ART AND SCntNCE OF ARCmTECTURE 245
Maya, it being one of a thousand epithets of Vish:r;m. But no more
information is available about him. Prashtar like Tvashtar, must
have been an authority on architecture but his work or name is no
longer traceable. Saura may be an abbreviated form of Sauryaya1;li
Gargya who is mentioned (PraS. Up. i. II; iv. I) as a sage con-
temporary to Pippalada, Katyayana and others. Garga as an
authority has been already treated and his descendant, Sauryayal,li
or simply Saura, must have inherited the V idya and aSbisted the
growth of the standard work on architecture. TvashtCl,l' is the third
heavenly architect who claims descent from Brahma and who is
represented on earth by Vardhaki or painter (Chitra-karman).
He is frequently referred to in the Vedic hymns (1. 14. IO; 20, 6;
2, 9, etc.) as the artificer of gods and designer of forms (Visvarftpa).
He is the ideal artist, the most Skilful workman, versed in all wonder-
ful contrivances, the Hephaistos or Vulcan of the Indian pantheon.
Thus his authority on architecture was naturally utilized. Vardhaki
is stated to be the son of Tvashtar in the M anasiira- Vastusiistra.
He is clearly recognized as an expert in painting (Chitra-karman).
Visrua is apparently an abbreviated form for Visalaksha of the
Kautihya Arthasiistra and the Mahabhiirata (I, 67, 2736, 45, 49;
IV. 32, 1054; V. IOI, 3594; VI. 88,3901,3904). In the Brhaspati-
Sutra (ed. Thomas, p. 132) he is an esteemed authority both on
royal polity and arts.
Vrta as a sage is not met with in literature. His treatise on
architecture also is not mentioned anywhere else except in the
M anasiira- Vastusastra.
There are three other names of sages commencing with Visva
which term technically means' art', specially architecture. Of these
three sages no treatise of Vlsvesa is traceable. But there are several
later treatises bearing the title Kasyapa and thus his name as
Visva-Kasyapa may be easily accepted as an authority on architec-
ture. In the Brhad-ara1Jyaka-upanishad (VI. 5, 3) he is more
significantly named Silpa-Kasyapa and included in a list of professors.
His name is linked up with Aga'3tya, and Agastya and Kasyapa
are associated with the art history of South India.
Visvakarma, as already stated, is the traditional architect of
the gods and originator of all arts. In the Vedic hymns (R.V., X
81, 82) he is described as the father and generator of all beings, the
creator of all things, and the divine architect of the world. The
Prabhu of the Chhandogya-upanishad (viii. 5, 3) and the Vibhu of
the Kaushitaki-upanishad (i. 3) may perhaps be regarded as the
connecting link between the Vedic Visvakarma and the Visvakarma
of the later literature. In the Vastu-sastra ascribed to a well-
known sagely authority, Sanatkumara, there is a passage wherein
D. R. BHANDARKAR VOX-UMS
article on this word in his Dictionary and deri ves it from tadrs
and thinks that it is more used to indicate the disciples of the Buddha
who were thought to be like hVn, although he recognizes, towards
the end of his article, that the word was occasionally used for the
, Buddha' . E. Senart has a note on the word in the Mahavastu
ii. 543, where he clearly indicates that it is an equivalent of the
Pali word 'tadi'. Morris in the Journal of the Pali Text Society
(1891-93, pp. 53-55) discusses this word, thinks of two distinct
forms, tadi and tadi (tadin), and derives it from tad an extension
of the root ta (p. 55). Sylvain Levi in the J ournaJ Asiatique,
vol. xx, p. 243, has a note 011 this word where apparently he accepts
the sense of the word as' protector'. It is proposed in this article to
further examine the word and see if we can find any material which
would throw light upon the evolution of the form and meaning of it.
(2) The Mahavyutpatti, in the first section of 'Tathagatasya
paryayanamani' and in the 96th section on ' Sara:t;la-paryaya~' gives
the word trayi (or tayi) and 'tayi' respectively. Sakaki's edition of
the Mvy. gives the Tibetan and Chinise equivalents of these words
(nos. IS, 1746) respectively, as
skyob-pa -""
~~'~r
, 1* ~ 1.(
co ~
9+7 149+ 1 4 149+ 1 4
skyob-ston ~·f~· ~ it
II3 149+14
note that the Tibetan renderings of this word or Pall tadi' is the I
same in Udanavarga iv. 7 (= Pall Udana, iv. 7), xxxi. 49 (= Dhp. 96),
xxxii. 43 (= Udana iii. 10), although in one place, Udanavarga
xix. 3, the Tibetan translator uses a general word thub ~~,
D. R. BHANDARXAR VOI.UlrUC
'extension'. That is, those who, as long as worldly life lasts, con-
tinue to live without being established into nirvaJ;1a." Here it is
obvious that the sense of 'protector' is absent ann the Commentator
takes it in the sense of either (I) one who preaches about the Path
attained by oneself; or (2) an aspirer who wants to continue to live
without entering nirvaJ;1a. In another place
Jagad daridram adyapi sa kathatp pflrvatayinatp. (v. 9)
the Commentator simply says: Pflrvatayinatp pflrvamabhisambud-
dhanatp Bhagavatatp. Here it is clear that the word is definitely
used in the sense of the Buddha, abhisambuddha, the Enlightened
One. The following line
Sravakebhya1,l sakhaqgebhyo Bodhisattvasya tayina1,l.
• (Abhisamayalankaraloka, v. 27)
shows that the word is used for a Bodhisattva.
The following lines
Evatp Buddhanayatp viditva sugata pflja krta tayina1,l.
(Sik. 260. II),
Pattapradanatp datva tu Lokanathasya tayina1,l. (ibid., 300. 5),
Ehi ti c'oktaJ::1 Sugatena tayina
(Abhk. vyakhya, ii. p. 374. Wogihara's ed.),
Mama kumara srJ;1ohi Lokanathasya tayinaJ::1
(SuvarlJ,a. p. 14, ed. of Idzumi),
show that the word was used in the sense of the Buddha, Tathagata,
Sugata. From the Buddhist Texts the word travelled to
Gauqapadiya-karika (4. 99), and we meet with it in the following
verse: •
Kramate na hi Buddhasya jiianatp dharme~u tayina1,l.
Sarve dharmas tatha jiianatp naitad Buddhena bh~itatp.
The Commentator, while commenting on this word says:
. tayo 'syasti ti tayi; santanavato nirantarasyakasakalpasye
tyarthaJ::1; pfljavato va prajiiavato va.'
Here it is worth noting that the Commentator on the Karikas is in
agreement with the Commentator on Bodhicaryavatara in that he
interprets the word 'taya' in the sense of 'santana', 'extension',
although the interpretation in its application is different.
(3) In Pali texts, however, we invariably get the word 'tadi'
and there also it is used both in the sense of the' Buddha' or a 'holy
disciple like the Arhat'. In M., ii. 105, Angulimala confesses
Adandena asatthena aham danto'mhi tadina
.. . (= Theragatha, 878).
D. R. BHANDARXAR VOLtJ:M::E
In Sn. 957, Sariputta speaks about his visit to the Buddha thus:
. Tal!1 Buddhal!1 asitaI!1 t adil!1 akuhaI!1 gaJ;1im agataI!1
The word is equally used to denote a great sage like Kat;thasiri
(or Asita) in Sn. 697 :
Tenanusittho hitamanasena tadina.
The word seems to have been used in a peculiarly technical sense in
Sn. 154,219,488,519,520,522, 524-26,530-532,697, 712,803,etc.;
Thera-gatha 68, 441, 491, 878, 905, 1067, 1096 etc.; Dhp. 94--96;
D. ii. 157; Miln. p. 382; J a. iii. 98 etc. In all these places it is used
in the sense of one who is not affected in the least by any of the eight
lokadharmas-profit or loss, fame or no fame, praise or censure,
pleasure or pain. The word is comrp.ented upon in Niddesa i. II4-16,
where it is interpreted in the sense of an Arhat who is tadi in five
ways:
(i) Itthanitthe tadi, (ii) cattavi ti tadi, (iii) th.ll,1avi ti tadi,
(iv) muttavi tadi, (v) tanniddesa tadi.
Each of these is explained at great length. Most of this comment
is repeated in the Commentary upon Sn. 957. The same is referred
to in the Commentary on M. ii. 105. Side by side with this technical
interpretation, we also find in the Commentaries the interpretation
of the word as ' tadisa " in the following: .
TadiI!1 MaggajinaI!1 vadanti Buddha (Sn. 86; Cm.: Tadin ti
tadisaI!1, yathavuttappakaraI!1. This is further explained
as 'Lokadhammehi nibbikaran ti attho'.
Aradhaye dakhi1,leyye hi tadi (Sn. 509; Cm.: Tan ca so tadiso,
tividha-sampa ttisadhako).
Deva pi tassa pihayanti tadino (Dhp. 94; Cm. explains the
word by' tathariipassa ').
SaI!1sara na bhavanti tadino (Dhp. 95 where the Cm. explains
the word by' evariipassa ').
Upasantassa tadino (Dhp. 96; here also the Cm. explains the
word by' tathariipassa ').
Soka na bhavanti tadino (Udana iv. 7; Cm.: tadisassa
khi1,lasava-munino) .
The word is interpreted in the sense of 'one who has the same
mind, equanimity, for all, or in all circumstances', as in the
following:
Sabbabhiitesu tadino (Sn. 154; Cm. explains as' sabbabhiitesu
samacittena tadi').
Amamassa thitassa tadino (Udana iii. I. Cm. explains:
itthadisu ekasadisata-sankhatena tadibhavena tadi).
TAYIN, TAYI, TADI 253
In Dhammapala's commentaries, in several places, both the inter-
pretations are given as alternative interpretations, as in the
Comment on the word in Udana iii. I, iv. 7; Theragatha 68. In
fact. an attempt is made to show that both these interpretations
are really one and the same and are not irreconcilable with each
other. Dhammapala, while commenting on the word 'tadibhava-
vahanato' in Vis. i. p. 5 says:
'Yadiso ittbesu labhadisu anunayabhavato, tadiso anitthesu
alabhadisu patighabhavato. Tato eva va' yadiso anapa-
thagatesu itthanitthesu, tadiso apathagatesu pi ti tadi;
tassa bhavo tadibhavo; tassa avaha'lato.' 'He is the
same in unfavourable circumstances as he is in favourable
circumstances.' •
So it may be said that one of these interpretations can be easily
derived from the other. Tadi = tadisa, like that, alike, the same,
just the same in all circumstances, favourable or unfavourable, one
who is unperturbed, one who knows no quaking, etc. :
IndakhUupamo tadi subbato (Dhp. 95, where the Cm. says:
, atthahi lokadhammehi akampiyabhavena tadi'. 'Unshak-
able in all the eight worldly conditions ').
Suttanipata 712:
Alatthal11 yadidal11 sadhu nalatthal11 kusalam iti
Ubhayeneva so tadi rukkhal11 va upanivattati
is very clear about this interpretation. 'He is alike in both the
circumstances-whether he gets food or whether he does not get
food.' The corresponding stanza in M~havastu iii. 388, 4-5 :
Adasi iti sadhu nadasi bhadram astu te
Ubhayenaiva sadrso ruk~atvatP vinivartaye
gives' sadrso' as an equivalent of tadi.
Mahavastu ii. 256, gives a passage
'Varal11 eval11rllpal;lal11 eva satpuru~al;lal11 padapal11su rajo,
na sauvarl;l0 parvato '
where E. Senart in his note on the word eval11rtlpal,lal11' remarks
I
-
graph-where the word tayi occurs, the Tibetan rendering is skyob-pa
~'1'.q' while in the place of the unusual form 'tadrnal;1' the
(J A. xx, p. 243).
which shows that the word was simply rendered by 'one without
sorrow'.
For Sn. 803,
Paral!1 gato na pacceti tadi,
the Chinese rendering is (Taisho ed., iv. 178 c. I3) :
M
53+6
~
86+8
~
75+9
)$
109+6
~
1+3
~
16z+13
1 I have to thank my friend Motilal Ladhaji for making this text available to
me for reference.
D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
1 CJ.
Amoda plates of Prithvideva I, Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, p. 75.
2 Ep. Ind., Vol. XXI, p. 159. The Pendrabandh plates, ibid., Vol. XXIII,
p. I, reads tesham=anujas=tu etc., instead of the usual tesham=anujasya. This
would appear to support the Kharod inscription. It seems that in the last days
of the dynasty KaliIigaraja came to be regarded as the son and not merely a
descendant of KokaJla. But the testimony of the earlier inscriptions must be
taken as more authoritative.
S Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, p. 75.
4 Journal of Indian History, Vol. XV, p. 165.
mSTORY OF TIm KALACHURIS OF SOUTImRN KOSALA 26I
1 South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. III, p. 30; Ep. Ind., Vol. XXI, p. 220.
2 Ratnaraje yudhi ripu-jayini svar-gate, which may mean 'when Ratnaraja
went to heaven in a victorions battle,' or 'when Ratnaraja, the victor of enemies
in battle, went to heaven '.
3 Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, p. 75.
4 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVII, p. 139.
6 Ep. Ind., Vol. XIX, p. 75. He is probably intended to have been the donor
of the spurious Lapha plates, Ep. Ind., Vol. IX, p. 293.
266 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
By JEAN PRZYI,USKI
arrose. 1
Le sens parait Hre comme suit:
Si sur une terre ensemencee quelqu, un seme une autre semence,
on place la charrue sur sa nuque; on attelle des beeufs qu' on dirige
dans deux directions difierentes (de maniere a ecarteler Ie coupable ?).
L' homme et les beel1fs sont tues et Ie champ est repris par celui qui
l' avait d' abord ensemence. C' est ainsi qu 'on faisait autrefois.
Maintenant Ie coupable donne un mouton qui Ie remplace,
deux moutons snbstitues aux beems, trente pains, trois vaisseaux
de biere; itles sacrifie et Ie champ est cultive par celui qui l' avait
d' abord ensemence.
Ce texte est important parce qu: it nous permet de comparer deux
etats successifs du rituel hittite. Dans l' etat ancien, on sacrifiait Ie
coupable et ses beeufs. Dans l' etat nouveau, qui temoigne d' un
notable adoucissement des meeurs, la victime humaine et les deux
beenfs sont remplaces par trois moutons, auxque1s on joint du pain
et de la biere.
La loi hittite fournit ainsi une contribution a l' etude de trois
grands problemes:
(I) La substitution d' une victime animale a une victime humaine
est attestee sur Ie domaine indo-europeen avant la fin du second
millenaire. Les textes vediques font allusion ades substitutions de ce
genre dont l' importance a ete mise en lumiere par divers theoriciens,
notamment par Sir James Frazer et recemment par M. G. Dumezil,2
La loi hittite permet d' etayer une theorie qui a rencontre quelque
scepticisme chez des indianistes eminents.
(2) Les Hittites cultivaieut la vigne; mais l' usage du vin ne s'
etait pas generalise dans Ie rituel au moment de la redaction du
Code: Ie § 164 mentionne Ie vin dans un rite de depart OU son emploi
etait facultatif. I,a boisson usuelle dans les sacrifices parait avoir
ete une biere preparee avec de l' orge. Cet usage, qui s' est main-
tenu chez les anciens Germains, ne serait done pas nne innovation
germanique, mais Ia survivance d' nn etat de choses probablement
anterieur a Ia diffusion du Soma sur Ie domaine indo-iranien.
(3) Dans Ie sacrifice hittite, l' aliment principal est la chair des
victimes. Le pain et Ia boisson completent Ie repas, mais la force
sacree, dal1gereuse et ne£aste, qu' il s' agit de neutraliser, reside
essentiellemel1t dans l' homme et dans les beeufs a l' epoque ancienne,
plus tard dans les moutons substitues aux coupables. Au contraire,
1 Fr. Hrozny, Code hittite provenant de l' Asie Mineure (vers 1350 avo f.-C.)
Ire Partie, Hethitica T, Paris 1922, p. 129.
2 G. Dumezil, Ouranos- Varu1}a, p. 70; Flamen-Brahman, p. 22 et suiv.
LE PROI:LEMlt DU SOMA 279
chez les tribus indiennes et iraniennes, Ie Soma est devenu l' element
essentiel du repas sacrificiel; c' est lui qui confere aux dieux comme
aux hommes l' immortalite; c' est l' ambroisie et comme tel il est
une divinite superieure. Nous avons donc a. deux epoques succes-
sives, non slu1ement des rites differents, mais deux conceptions
divergentes du sacrifice: Ie Soma a remplace la boisj3on d' orge; d'
autre part la chair des victimes, qui occupait Ie premier i.'ang parmi
les aliments rituels, a ete surpassee par l' ambroisie. On ne saurait
exagerer l' importance de cette evolution dans l' histoire des religions
et de la civilisation de l' Inde.
Chez les populations germaniques la biere a continue longtemps
a. tenir la place qu' elle parait avoir occupee dans la religion hittite;
elle etait, dit Maurice Cahen, "t~ti1isee pour des fins religienses, mais
n' etait pas un breuvage sacre".l Apn~s avoir cite cette phrase,
M. G. Dumezil, bien qu' i1 soit porte a. faire des reserves, ajoute
cependant: "ni la biere ni aucune autre boisson ne joue, certes,
dans la mythologie germanique Ie rOle d' ambroisie, c' est-a.-dire
n' assure par sa vertu propre l' immortalite des dieux .... ". Ces
observations aident a. mesurer l' intervalle entre Ie sacrifice hittite
et Ie sacrifice du Soma.
1 M. Cahen, La libation, cite par C. Dumezil, Mythes et dieux des Germains,
p. IIZ.
THE ERA OF THE MAHARAJA AND THE
MAHARAJA RAJATIRAJA
By H. LUDERS
The scholar to whom this volume is dedicated has solved so
many riddles connected with Indian epigraphy' and history that
I venture to offer him the following remarks O~l a difficult problem
in the hope that he will either assent to them or arrive at a more
satisfactory solution.
Among the finds discoveroo by Fuhrer during his excavations
of the Kankali lila at Mathura in the working season of 1895-96,
there is an inscription on a stone slab which was published by
Buhler, Academy, Vol. XLIX, p. 367 = ].R.A.S., I896, pp. 578f. =
Vienna Orient. Journ., Vol. X, pp. I7If., and again by R. D. Banerji,
Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXVII, pp. 33ff., and Plate III. I edit it here
from excellent estampages which I owe to the authorities of the
Lucknow Museum where the stone has been deposited.
TEXT.
1. nama svarvasidhana 1 arahatvana 2 maharajasya rajati-
rajasya svarvachchhara svate 3 • • • • • • • • • • • •
:2. 200 90 [2J 4 hamatamase 5 :2 divase I ariihato Mahavirasy'a
prati[mJ (a) ........... .
3. . ... s[y Ja Okharikaye vitu U jhatikaya 6 cha Okhaye svavika-
-bhaginiy[eJ7 ........... .
4. . ....... sirikasya 8 Sivadinasya Il cha eteh 10 ariihataya-
tane 11 sthapita 12 • • • • • • • • • • • •
5. . .......... .i IS devakulam cha-
that it might be the earlier symbol for 9, which, for general reasons, is quite unlikely.
In my opinion, it may just as well be the symbol for 8, the sign being stretched in a
vertical direction with addition of a curve. But whether it be taken as 9 or as 8,
in either case the very distinct two horizontal strokes after the figure as well as the
slanting line crossing the middle of the figure would be left unexplained. May
we not assume that the figure for 9 or 8 or whatever it may be was crossed out
and replaced by the figure for 2? Under these circumstances I have ventured to
put 292 as the date of the year in my transcript, but I admit that it is no more than
a probability. 5 Perhaps the third akshara is really kii. 6 Both BUhler and
Banerji read UJhatiMye, but here the ya has no e-sign. 7 The ya is much smaller
than the rest of the letters. The e-sigo is doubtful. 8 This is probably only the
second member of a compound name. 9 BUhler and Banerji read Sivadiniisya,
but the i-sign of di is distinct. 10 I h ave no doubt that Buhler was right in reading
eteft, a mistake for etailJ. Banerji took the two horizontal strokes to be marks of
interpunctuation. 11 The last akshara looks almost like teo 12 Banerji: sthiiPit(o),
but the last akshara is clearly tii as read by Buhler. 18 The i-sign was not noticed
by BUhler and Banerji. May it be the rest of a word like pushkarit;ti?
TRANSLATION.
TltXT.
I.vavika 1
2. maharajasya 200 70 bhu ....... .
3. Gotamiye Balana 2 • • • • • • • •
4. tuma 3
5. baladhikasya bh 4 • • • • • • • •
6. bharyaye danalTI sa[rJva 5 • • • • • • • •
7. [dha]puchaye 6 sap[i] .. mada 7 ••••••
By VASUDEVA S. AGRAWAI.A
1 I understand miisika, etc., not in the sense of • to last for a month, or six
months, or a year' bnt as so much old, since old wines were preferred.
A MISSING LINK
By E. J. THOMAS
1 Silvestre de Sacy was the first to make a scientific study of Kalilah wa Dimnah
and its relation to the Pancatantra and the Hitopadda. See Notices et Extraits,
Vol. 10, 1818. Later results are given in V. Chauvin, Bibliographie des ouvrages
arabes relatifs aux Arabes, Vol. 2, Liege, Leipzig, 1897.
2 Catuhsatikii by Arya Deva. Mem. of the As. Soc. of Bengal, Vol. 3, 1914.
The editor' attributes the commentary to Candraldrti, and puts him in the 2nd
century A.D. Winternitz with more probability puts him ill the 7th.
296 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOI.UME
1 Also given by Floege1, loco cit., pp. 482, 483; the original is in terza rima.
D. R. BHANDARXAR· VOL'UMl:t
who was wise. He reproached them for thus singing and dancing, and he too
went there and wanted to see what sort of people they were. He too was
offered a drink, and as soon as he drank he began to sing and dance, and
what he had blamed before he did himself.
Both these forms have undergone changes which we may suppose
to be due to oral transmission, though the former still preserves
the incident of the storm of rain. Both are altered in having the
moral changed. While the earlier forms rather cynically show the
uselessness of wisdom in a world of mad-men, the German forms
teach the danger of too great curiosity and self-confidence in coming
into contact with folly. The explanation is that the collection is
modelled on the medieval collections of moral tales known as exempla.
The exempla are short striking tales or fables intended to be used as
examples in the medieval sermons. .$ome of the best known exempla
are found in the sermons of Jacques de Vitry. This ecclesiastic was
a Frenchman, and was bishop of Acre between 1216 and 1227. His
sermons show that there were social relations between the Saracens
and the Christians such as would have made the passage of eastern
tales to a Christian community in connexion with the West quite
possible. It is in this sense that we may speak of the Crusades as a
possible channel for their transmission.
There is, however, in Jacques de Vitry no evidence of any
direct transmission of eastern tales, so that his works do not give
anything to support the theory that the Crusaders and their contact
with the East explain the borrowings. This is besides not the only
possibility, for others are suggested by a work very popular in the
Middle Ages known as Sidrach. 1 The earliest known form of this
is in French, and is as early at least as the 12th century. It consists
of questions and answers on' subjects supposed to embrace all the
knowledge of the universe, but the immediate point of interest is
the curious account which the book gives of its own origin. We
are told that an ancient king Boetus had put a series of questions to
the sage Sidrach, and Boctus was so pleased with the answers that
he caused a book to be compiled to which he gave the name Sidrach.
This may be a quite fanciful account, and the rest of it may not be
historical, but it is all the more suggestive in what the author tells
us, for it indicates what was known in the 12th century about possible
routes from the East. He tells us that the book, after being handed
down from king to king, came into the hands of the Archbishop
of Sebaste (Samaria). It was taken to Spain, translated from Greek
into Latin, then into the Saracen language, and then back into
Siva shares with Vish1J.u the homage of the vast majority of the
Hindu population. The worship of the deity is, as is well known,
traceable back to the early Vedic age. Archaeological evidence
has been adduced by scholars, notably by Sir John Marshall, to
prove that the cult of a divinity closely approximating to Siva was
already popular in the Indus v.uJ.ey in the third millennium B.C.
Attention has been invited particularly to a Mohenjo-daro seal on
which is portrayed a male god who is seemingly three-faced but may
have had four faces. He is seated in the typical attitude of Yoga
and has his lower limbs exposed, suggesting comparison with the
Vrdhva-M e¢hra form of Siva. The deity has on either side a number
of animals: a tiger and an elephant on his right and a buffalo and a
rhinoceros on his left. Beneath the seat of the god are a couple of
deer.l
There can be no doubt that the deity on the Mohenjo-daro seal
has important points of resemblance with Siva as depicted in
Chapter 284 of the Santi Parva and Chapters 14 and 17 of the
Anu.sasana Parva of the Mahabharata. 2 The epic describes the god
both as trisirsha (XII, 284, 12) or trivaktra (XIII, 14, 165) and as
chaturmukha (XII, 284, 83; XIII, 17, 77). He is Digvasas (ibid., 14,
162) and Vrdhva Linga (17, 46). He is' further styled Yogesvara (14,
328) and Yogadhyaksha (17, 77)· Above all he is PaSupati (17, 79).
Among animals brought into special relation with him are the tiger
(d. Sardularupa, 17, 48), the elephant (d. Vyalarupa, 17, 61) and
the deer (d. Mrigabattarpatta, 17, 38). He is clad 1ll a tiger's skin
(Vyaghrajina, 14, 387), and has an elephant's skin as his upper
garment (Nagacharmottarachchhada, 14, ISS). He is not only
the elephant-killer (Gajaha, 17, 48) but also a buffalo-destroyer
(Mahishaghna, 14, 3 1 3). Among his epithets is Gatt4alin (17, 91)
which suggests a connection with Gatt¢a (the rhinoceros ?). Ga!t4ini
is an appellation of his consort Durga.
Striking as are the points of likeness between Siva and the
Mohenjo-daro deity it is to be noted that one of the most distinctive
1 Mohenjo-Daro and the Indus Civilization, edited by Sir John Marshall, Vol. I,
Ch·5.
2 Vatigavasi edition.
30 2 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOr.,trME
By STItN KONOW
. The next ak~ara can hardly be se, but is almost certainly ca,
cf. the ca of praca (or rather prace) budhat;ta (1. 3) and the ca of the
Zeda inscription. We accordingly have a second verb cayema which
must belong to Skt. cayayati 'heaps up, erects'. Majumdar then
read t;taviga Vesa 'the novice Vesa '. !3ut where. do we find t;taviga
in that sense, and how could we possIbly explaIn such a name as
Vesa, with its s, in our dialect? Did Majumdar think of Avestan
vaesa 'house servant'? After Vesa he read Saravarat;tasi taking
this to be the locative of a local name. But the locative of a-bases
ends in ami, as shown by AVaSaiirami (1. 2), and perhaps also in
e, i as in Hashtnagar. I take t;tavi gave to be such locatives and then
read saSarava 'with a lid '. I cannot explain gava, unless it is the
Saka word gava, for which Bailey, BSOS viii, p. 923, 1. I, assumes
the meaning , cell'. ;
Then I follow Majumdar's reading rat;tasi sathubao sagharamu
pradifhaveti, taking ra1Jasi to represent Ra1Jasiha or Ra1Jasi~ha
and to be the subject of pradifhaveti. I also accept his reading of
the ensuing part of the record, only reading prace for his praca in
1. 3.
I accordingly read and translate as follows:-
(1. I) sabatsa III. 100 III Harakaranrire tu dona stapapema
(or stapema) cayema t;tavi gave sasarava RaJ;lasi
sathubao sagharamu pradithaveti
(1. 2) Avasaiirami madapidu puya[e*] sarvabudhal;la puyae
sarva-
(1. 3) prace[ga*] budhal;la puyae sarvarahatal;la puya[e*J
(1. 4) putradarasa puyae mitranadisalohidaJ;la puya[e*J maha-
rayasa gratnas[vJamisa Avakhajhadasa puyae
k~atravasa.
'anno 303. We Harakaramira put up and erect this relic in
a new gava, with a lid. Ral;lasimha establishes a Sailgha-
rama, with a Stftpa, in Avasaiira, in honour of mother
and father, in honour of all Buddhas, in honour of all
Pratyekabuddhas, in honour of all Arhats, in honour of
children and wife, in honour of the Maharaja's village-
lord (?), the son of Avakha, the k!?atrapa.'
I am not at all satisfied with my analysis of the record. The
object of the present paper is not, however, to give a final reading
and translation, but to draw attention to certain features of a more
general nature.
It seems to me that there is a somewhat close relationship
between the casket legend and the Mathura Brahmi inscription of
the year 299 thus discussed by Professor Liiders in this volume.
A ~W CHAR~ADDA INSCRIPTION
1 Dr. Tarn, The Greeks in Bactria and India, pp. 4oofi., maintains that
Plato belonged to the party of Eucratides. who tried, and tried in vain, to re-establish
the suzerainty of the Seleucids over the house of Demetrius. His use of the
Seleucidan era cannot, accordingly, be urged in favour of assuming the use of that
reckoning in Loriyan Tangai, etc.
3IO D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLu~
1 Annual Report oj the Riijputiina Museum, Ajmer, for the year 1931-32 , p. 4.
Gumr.OT ORIGINS 315
In the Nac;l.1ai Inscription of the time of Rayamalla a Guhilot
prince receives the epithet Mrigolnkavamsadyotakiiraka.l Attention
to the passage was first invited by Prof. Raychaudhuri. Mr£giinka-
vamsa may imply extraction from the Lunar race. It may no
doubt be urged that Mrigiinka means not only the Moon but was also
a biruda of Mokala. In the Kumbhalga<;lh Inscription of 1517 V.S.
(1460 A.D.) he has been described as Mahariijiidhiriija-Mahiirii1Jii-
Sri-Mrigiinka-Mokalendra.2 Mrigankavathsa may therefore simply
refer to the family of Mokala. But the I.unar connection seems
to be hinted at even in the Chatsu Inscription. As has been
already noted Bhatripatta of the Chatsu branch is styled Brahma-
kshatriinvita. In some of the Purii1Jas the Paurava family (of the
Lunar race) is described as the source of the Brahmakshatras,
'Brahmakshatrasya yo yonitvamso devarshisatkrita/:t.'
Have we here a covert reference to the claim that the Guhilots
belonged to the Paurava family? In the seventeenth century Sir
Thomas Roe, Bernier, and some other European travellers tell us
that the RaJ;1a claimed descent from Puru, identified with the
famous opponent of Alexander. 3 This statement hints at a tradition
which connects the Guhilots with the famous Paurava family which
was of 'Lunar' origin.
Curiously enough Abu.1 Fa~l and the author of the Masur-u.1-
'Omra mention a tradition which traces the descent of the Rana
from 'Noshirwan " the Just of Persia. 4 In view of an undoubted
reference to a HUJ;1a princess among the ancestre~ses of the ru.lers of
Mewar 6 the possibility of some connection WIth families hailing
from Iran cannot be entirely precluded. It is equally possible
that the connection sought with Noshimran (Anusbirvan) is the result
of the same tendency towards establishing relationship with famous
heroes of old which led the court bards and others to represent the
Rana as a scion of the illustrious lines of Ikshvaku and Puru .
. In traditions recorded by Tod the founder of the Guhila family
is made a descendant of the last Maitraka of Valabhi. Recent
researches have proved this to be improbable. The chronological
difficu.1ties are insuperable. The question naturally arises how did
this story originate? In the NaQ.1ai Inscription of the time of Raya-
malla we are told that Guhila, Bappa and some other illustrious
1
. .
Cf. Jodhpur Inscription of Pratihlira Bi'iuka, dated 894 V.S.; Bijolia Rock
Inscription of Chlihami'iJ;la Somesvara, dated 1226 V.S. and the Pingala sutravritti,
where Parami'ira Muiija has been described as a Brahmakshatra (Ojha, History of
Rajputana, p. 66).
VASU UPARICHARA AND ANIMAL SACRIFICE
By S. KRISHNASWAMI AIYANGAR
King Uparicharavasu is a well-known character in the
Mahabharata. His name figures particularly in. connection with
the Narayal;liya section of the Mahabharata where he has to play
an important part in the dispute as to the character of the victim
to be offered in sacrifices between the Brahmans led by Brihaspati
on the one side and the Devas, receivers of the havis, on the other.
The term aja used to describe the victim is capable of interpretation
either as a goat or as a grain inci1fferently; the sacrifice to be offered
therefore meaning either a goat, if the interpretation by the Devas
is correct, and wheat or barley if the grain interpretation is accepted.
In respect of this matter, a recent publication by the Oxford
University Press of an Analysis and Index of the Mahabharata by
the Rev. E. P. Rice of the London Mission, reverses the position by
making king Uparicharavasu's award as having been in favour of
grain offerings as against animal sacrifice demanded by the Brahmans
led by Brhaspati. This is noted on page 65 of the work, giving an
analysis of the Narayal;liya section of the Mahabharata under
Chapter 337 beginning with verse 12,818. This chapter actually
corresponds to Book XII, Chapter 345 of the Kumbhakonam edition
of the Mahabharata, where it is clearly stated that King Vasu, then
in the position of having been raised to the heaven of Indra as a
result of the performance of the requir.ed number of sacrifices, gave
the award in favour of animal sacrifices to propitiate the Devas.
This is clearly stated in sloka IS of the chapter, and the following
slokas indicate clearly that Vasu's award was in favour of an animal
victim. I made enquiries in regard to the actual character of the
text from the available manuscripts to determine whether the
Kumbhakonam edition, which might be held to incorporate the
Southern recension, receives support from manuscripts of other
important localities. Dr. Sukthankar of the Bhandarkar Oriental
Institute, wrote to intimate that the manuscripts in the Bhandarkar
Oriental Institute in the Mahabharata Office supported the reading
of the Kumbhakonam edition. So did Dr. S. K. De of the Dacca
University, and, as far as I have been able to ascertain by writing to
Pandit Vidushekara Bhattacharya and others, the Bengal manus-
cripts available at present seem to support the same contention.
Mr. Rice however says that, in the preparation of the summary and
analysis of the contents of the Mahabharata which finds pUblication
3I B D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLtlMlt
(b) r!Olllm:TIQI~m~.I;fj"ni''j~ ~
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~~ f""'iI' ft'WT ~~~ \'IT~
ihI1Tt-qrTif(qu{ '('fi't UI1U"- 10fTfit' II
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(f) ~~~ ~ ff~~.~..n.. f_iij11{
.... a-. . ~.s."'-'rD'WTlllInJ'
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'l'RAVANCOU'S ANCIENT CAPI'l'A.I,: PADMANABSAPURAM 321
the eastern portion of which are situated the H6mappura and the
Sarasvati temple. North of the Veppamftttu palace is built the
Lakshmi Vilas, a new building constructed during the time of H.H.
the late Maharaja out of the relics of an older building. West of the
Lakshmi Vilas and north of the Veppaniftt1:u palace can be seen the
Navaratri Ma~Q.apa built of exquisitely carved granite pillars and
brick in chunnam. This edifice is reminiscent of the late
Vijayanagara style of architecture and was used ,in the old days
for holding musical concerts, dance performances, etc.
To the east of this Ma:l;lQ,a.pa is now located the Arcb~eological
Museum in which are exhibited a number of ancient stone inscriptions
and sculptures discovered in various parts of the State. "
The building on the north-west corner i~ called the Candra
Vilas which was in old days suppesed to have been used for residence
during summer. There is a long corridor connecting this and the
Indra Vilas, facing the southern street. It was in the Indra Vilas
the Maharajas used to receive guests and grant them interviews. It
was in this palace that Fra Paolino, the Christian Missionary, inter-
viewed the then Maharaja. In the Kollam year 959 (A.D. 1784) at
His Highness's request he wrote a grammar for the study of English,
Portuguese and Malayalam. In the Kollam year 938 (A.D. 1763)
the Zamorin of Calicut and the Raja of Cochin came to
Padmanabhapuram and executed a treaty by which they swore to
be perpetual allies of the Travancore kings.
One unique feature of the Padmanabhapuram palace is that
one can go round the various buildings on the level without ascending
or descending. Within the palace premises, th i!1llso a Bhagavati
temple wherein is consecrated the Sri Cak . Traces of several
former old and massive structures are en round about this shrine.
Relics of an old palace called the Tekke Kottaram with a tank and
remnants of an old Ma:l;lQ,apa on the southern side are also found.
Close to this there is a building called the Nirappura in which there
is an abundance of exquisite woodwork.
East of the palace precinc.ts is situated the famous temple
dedicated to Nilakantha or Siva which in the Cataka Sandesa is
compared to the Mah~ka1a shrine of Ujjain.
Enclosing all these secular and religious structures is a square
stone fortification about 2t miles perimeter built to defend the
palace and the celebrated Pagodas within. The area and the ground
enclosed within the fort walls is 1861 acres.
The walls comprising the fort are 3 feet thick and are built
with granite up to within 8 feet of the parapet, the remaining porti<?n
being laterite. At the four corners of the fort there are four maln
bastions more or less square in size and shape. The height of the
322 D. R. BHANDARXAR VOLtrME
" ;::r.'
1 R.S., III, 7.
2 As this note is purely of cultural and not scholastic interest I have translated
the quotations, with some attempt to convey the double meaning of almost every
epithet as applied to the two sides of the simile, familiar to readers of the original
but never quite reproducible.
3 KS., V, 44.
40 Mal'1 V, 7.
324 D. R. BHANDARXAR VOr.mnt
By P. NAGARAJA RAO
'Politics can at best prevent deterioration and not bring about the
betterment of the individual. Modern political theories are essen-
tially unspiritual in that they do not respect the principle of the
sacred individual. They are out to crush the individual and make
him a rabot in the community. Standardization on culture, system-
atic suppression of any opinion contrary to the State, militant
nationalism, supreme faith in armaments, retreat of reason, supersti-
tious faith in race superiority, rule by revelation and governance
by gile are characteristic features of Fascism, Communism and mili-
tary democracies with rickety institutions and narrow class-bound
statesmen at the head of the State. .
..... The spiritual principle of politics ought to be the preservation
of the sanctity of the individual. He is the representation of the
highest in tl:J.e universe. The ultintate principle that the individual
is an end in himself has to be intuitively apprehended and not
logically established. Disagreement with this postulate is not
impossible nor is there any method of establishing it through the
help of empirical logic. The sacredness of the individual is the
postulate of all philosophy in the East and the West.
It follows from this that political organizations should function
in such. a manner as not to violate the individual or his growth.
Neither Fascism nor Communism act in such a friendly manner
towards the individual. Fascism identifies the individual with the
State and makes him a mere cog in the State machinery. It makes
him through terror and execution a slave with no life.
Naked power with ruthless capacity to manage things is the
fundamental tener' . their creed. They have no use for wisdom.
They are fired by th . witive lust for dominions and not by
a civilized standard of v ues. They do not see that power without
wisdom is useless. It is absolute wisdom that is harmless and not
absolute power. It is in view of this principle that Plato put
Philosophers (men of wisdom trained in the academy in the arts of
Mathematics, Music and Metaphysics) at the head of the State.
Plato tempered power with wisdom. He did not respect the naked
power of the Fascist nor the revolutionary power of the Communist.
Democracy is comparatively a better type of government. It
works on the principle that every individual has a share in political
affairs. It believes rightly that political liberties are necessary
for the growth of the individual.
The argument of the Socialist is narrow and does not hold water.
Political liberty is a good in itself and it has the supreme value of
fostering the individual. It is not an impediment to economic
security. On the other hand it is the pre-condition of economic
security. It is the presence of political liberty that has helped the
IN DltFltNClt OF INDIVIDUALITY
1 Petavatthu, ed. Minayet! (P.T.S. Ed.), pp. 57-61 (iv. 3). London 1888.
2 Paramatthadipani on Petavatthu, ed, Hardy (P.T.S. Ed.), pp. 244-257.
London 1894.
8 The name of the ancient capital of Sura~tra during the Mauryan period, or
even before it, is not known to us from any other sources. Sura~tranagara seems
to be the same as the Girinagara mentioned in the J unagadh Rock Inscription of
Rudradaman I (A.D. IS0), which was very probably its later name (EPig. Ind.,
viii. p. 42). Girinagara must have been somewhere at the foot of the Girnar hill
to which it has apparently imparted its name (Girinagara=Girinayara=Girnar).
In the days of ParJ;ladatta and Cakrapalita, the two suc('(;::;sive governors of Skanda-
gupta in Sura~tra, the capital of that province was also'very close to the 'Orjayat, or
the Girnar hill, but its name is so far unknowd'to tr,;'. Probably it was still known
as Girinagara and was in every respect identical with the old town of that name.
Its close proximity to the hill is evidenced by the fact that, when the massive em-
bankment of the Sudarsana lake, which was constructed more than three centuries
ago (A.D. ISO) by the Mahak!;iatrapa Rudradaman I across the gorge of the 'Orjayat
hill, burst at night (riitrau) and the water escaped (A.D. 455), the people of that town
woke up (purviiparariitramutthitii) evidently on hearing the crash, which could be
heard distinctly in spite of heavy rains (vavar$a toyam bahusamtatam ciram) (Corp.
Ins. Ind., iii. p. 6o). When Yuan Chwang visited Su-la-ch'a, or Sura~tra, in A.D. 641,
the capital was still near the Yuh-shan-to hill (Skt. Urjayat, Pkt., Ujjanta), but,
unfortunately, the pilgrim has forgotten to mention its name (Watters, On Yuan
Chwang, ii. pp. 248-249). Thus, if we consider the ancient Sura~tranagara to be
identical with the Girinagara mentioned in Rudradaman's inscription, then it has
to be placed somewhere at the foot of the Girnar hill-probably on the rising ground
near the commencement of the gorge that gives access to the valley lying round the
hill.
4 Pat'amatthadipani on Petavatthu, p. 244 (Satthu parinibbiinato vassasatad-
vayassa accayena). A.B. 200 expired is equivalent to B.C. 283-282 expired or 282-
281 current, if the date of the commencement of the Buddha era is fixed on Sunday,
330 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOI.UME
April 26, 483 B.C. as computed by us on the basis of the Theravada tradition (Vai-
siikha-par'IJ-imii), or on October 13, 483 B.C. as computed by Fleet on the basis of the
Sarvastivada tradition (Karttika, sukla 8) (f.R.A.S., 1909, p. 22).
[The dates occurring in this Paper are strictly on the basis of the Theravada
chronology and have been computed by taking the initial year of the Buddha era
as equivalent to B.C. 483-482.]
1 Both the readings are to be found in our sources: Nandika (sic) in the P.T.S.
edition of the Petavatthu and Nandaka in the same edition of its commentary.
2 Paramatthadipan4,.p. 244 ( . . . . . . . . mahiijano natthi d£nnan ti iidinii
micchiigiiham giihito). ct. Petavatthu, iv. 3, 23.
S Petavatthu, iv. 3, 24-i7-.cJ. Pigha Nikiiya, ed. Rhys Davids and Carpenter,
i. pp. 55-56. London 1890.
In the Tibetan V inaya, the favourite theories of Makkhali Gosala and Piirana
Kassapa have been wrongly attributed to Ajita Kesakambali, which is also the case
with the Pali Anguttara Nikiiya (i. pp. 286-287). Likewise, what the Buddha knew
to be the doctrine of Saiijaya Belatthiputta, has also been attributed to Ajita in an
old Chinese Buddhist text belonging to the 4th cent. A.D. (Nanjio, B., Catalogue
o/the Chinese Translation a/the Buddhist Tripi!aka, No. 593).
4 Petavatthu, iv. 3, 28-(? 29). cJ. Digh. Nik., i. pp. 56-57.
In the Divyiivadiina, Pakudha Kaccayana has been mentioned as Kakuda
Kiityiiyana, i.e., 'Hump-backed' Katyayana, because, perhaps, of his having a
hump on the back (ed. Cowell and Neil, p. 143). The cognomen 'Kakuda' also
occurs in the Mahiivastu before his name (ed. Senart, i. p. 253). In the Tibetan
Vinaya, the doctrine of Safijaya Belatthiputta has been attributed to him evidently
by mistake, while in the Majjhima Nikiiya (i. pp. 517-518) due to the inadvertency
of its reciters, he has been credited with the theories of Makkhali GosaIa in addition
to his own. Dr. B. M. Barua gives good reasons to believe that Pakudha (also
Kakudha) Kacciiyana is the same as Kavandhin Katyayana, a younger contemporary
of Pippalada, about whom some information is available in the Prasnopani~ad
(Pre-Buddhistic Indian PhilosoPhy, p. 281).
A mSTORICAL CHARACTER IN TIm REIGN OF A~OKA MAURYA 33I
Makkhali Gossla 1. If the facts stated in the Petavatthu are correct,
then this novel conception of life and its realities should be taken
to be a new contribution in the sphere of Hindu philosophy, even
though it was influenced in a large measure by certain atheistic
doctrines. Unfortunately, no information is available in the sources
at our disposal about the ascetic to whom, or the ascetic order to
which, this new doctrine may be attributed.
Such was the doctrine of 'Non-existence. of Consequence'
in which Piflgala and the commander of his army lsenapati) 2 were
1 Petavatthu, iv. 3, 30-33. cf. Digh. Nik., i. pp. 53-54.
It appears from the Jaina Bhagavati Sutra (xv. I) that Gosrua was for many
years a disciple of Mahavira, but ultimately quarrelled with him and renounced his
spiritual leadership. In the canonical scriptures of the J ains, Makkhali Gosala
has been mentioned as Gosala Maiikhal~utta, while in the Sanskrit Buddhist texts,
he figures under the name of Maskari Gosaliputra (Uviisaga Dasiio, ed. Hoernle,
pp. 97f.; Divyiivadiina, p. 143). In the Majjhima Nikiiya (i. pp. 238-239),_the Buddha
is said to have described him as an acelaka (naked ascetic), i.e., an Ajivika, like
Nanda Vaccha and Risa Sarilkicca. It is evident from the canonical Pali texts and
their commentaries that the Buddhists not only considered Gosala to be an Ajivika
ascetic, but also one of the six distinguished philosophers and the foremost leader
of a renowned ascetic order at the time of the Buddha.
Gosala was undoubtedly an Ajivika and, as a matter of that, a makkhali or
maskarin (' one who carries a bamboo_staff': Pa~ini, vi. I, 154); for we know definitely
from the story of Upaka that the Ajivikas had to carry always a staff with them
(laHhihattha) , which was perhaps an emblem of their ascetic order (cf. Therigiithii,
lxviii. I; Therigatha Comy., ed. Miiller, p. 224). It may be noted here that the word
maskari phonetically corresponds to makkhali in Pali as well as to makhali in Prakrit
and mankhali in the J aina Prakrit, the difference between the last two being in the
nasalization of the latter. Maiikhaliputta Gosala was, thus .. not the son of a beggar
or mendicant (mankha) who used to beg alms by showing the pictures of hideous
-looking deities, as the Jain writers want us to b~liev~ (Bhagavati Sutra, xv. I; Bhag.
Sut. Comy. on •mankha': 'citraphalakavyagrakarabhik$uvise$ah '); but by virtue of
his being a maskarin ascetic, he was undoubtedly a' Maiikhaliputta' (Maskariputtra)
inasmuch as any Buddhist monk is a 'Sakyaputta' (Vinaya Pitaka, ed. Oldenberg,
i. pp. 72ff.). It is interesting to note that, in his attempt to stigmatize the rebel
Gosala as the son of a beggar, the author of the Bhagavati Satra has overlooked the
fact that, according to his characterization, the form of the word should be
'Mankhaputta' and not' Maiikhaliputta '. This sectarian bias becomes all the more
apparent when he further wants us to believe that Gosala's father was called
Maiikhali, because he was a mankha-a derivation which is not warranted by any
rule of either Sanskrit, Pali, or Prakrit grammar.
The real name of that ascetic philosopher was Gosala-a fact on which there is
perfect agreement between the Buddhist and the Jain authorities. But, whether
he was 'Mailkhaliputra' or 'GoS1i.liputra' is a point which mt.!,st be considered as
unsettled for the present. [For further information about the Ajivikas and Gosala,
vide 'The Ajivikas' by Dr. B. M. Barua (Jour. Dept. Letts., Calcutta University,
ii. pp. 1-80). which is perhaps the most comprehensive and scholarly study on the
subject made so far. See also D. R. Bhandarkar, Indian Antiquary, xli (I9I2),
pp. 286-290 ; Hoernle, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, s.v.]
2 ParamatthadJpani, p. 244 (1. I7).
332 D. R. BHANDARXAR VOLUlrIlt
1
v .•.nJra.
,I,
remain a mystery in spite of what has been said with so much zest
by the Buddhist writers. The confession of the prince, viz, it was
the spirit of Nandaka that was solely responsible for bringing about
a change in his religious outlook, has no place in sober history and
may, therefore, be left to its pious believers to accommodate it in
some suitable quarters. One fact, however, may be admitted as
certain and that is, when Pifigala left Surfu?tranagara, he was an
atheist, but when he returned from Pataliputra, he was a Buddhist.
Could the paid preachers of Asoka, the so-called Dhamma-
mahamatas, who were posted at the imperial capital, find another
infidel so worthy of their religious exhortations as this non-believer
in Karma and Heaven and Hell?
Towards the end of December, B.C. 248, or the beginning of
January, ~.C. 247, the Third Buddhist Council met at Pataliputra
under the patronage of Asoka, in the seventeenth year of his reign 1.
The main items on which the. members seem to have concentrated
their attention were, to revise and rehearse the existing canonical
scriptures and to refute certain unbuddhistic dogmas and practices
that had cropped up in the Buddhist Church since the demise of the
Buddha. As the President of the Council, the Thera Moggaliputta
Tissa, who was also the Patriarch of the orthodox Buddhist Church,
was in favour of giving a touch of modernity to the canon by
incorporating in it such important sermons as were delivered, or
ecstatic verses as were composed by the distinguished Buddhist
monks who were his contemporaries, or had shortly predeceased
him, many new sections were added 2, besides an entire work,
viz, the Kathavatthu, which was his own composition 3. Although
Pifigala was an ordinary lay believer in Buddhism (upasaka), his
religious experiences were considered to be worth recording by the
Theras to whom they were communicated. As all the Theras were
in favour of its incorporation in the canon, the story of Nandaka
was given a literary garb through versification and was included in
1 Paramatthadipani, p. 257.
2 ibid., p. 244. • ..
S ibid., p. I (vv. 7-10); Culavamsa, ed. Geiger (P.T.S. Ed.), p. 18 (xxxvii. 228-
229). London 1925, 1927. cf. Sumangalaviliisini, ed. Rhys Davids and Carpenter
(P.T.S. Ed.), i. p. I (v. 7). London 1886.
It is difficult to believe that a voluminous work like the SihalaHhakathii was the
production of a single individual. The ecclesiastical tradition ascribes its authorship
to the Thera Mahinda, because, perhaps, some portions of it were actually com-
posed by him. If this hypothesis is correct, then the remaining portions of that work
must have been composed under his guidance by those learned monks who had
accompanied him to Ceylon in connexion with the missions planned by the Samgha
shortly after the Third Buddhist Council (M ahv., xii. 1-8; xiii. I). . As that com-
mentary is no longer extant, we are not in a position to ascertain the names of the
canonical scriptures commented on by him; but considering the fact ~at he ~as a
specialist in the Vinaya, we are apt to presume that the texts o.f the V~naya P~/aka,
with the exclusion of the Parivarapalha, were undertaken by hIm for the purpose.
The Sihalatthakathii was so called, because it was composed in Sinhalese,
apparently in the interest of the newly-converted people of Ceylon, to whom the
language of the canon and the technica1it~es of Buddhist philosophy were practically
unintelligible. That commentary did exIst at least up. to the hme ~ht;n th~ sacr~d
city of Anuriidhapura was devastated and the magnificent BuddhistIc edifices 10
D. R. BHANDARKAR VOI,UMlt
its suburbs were utterly destroyed by the Cola army in the reign of Rajaraja I (A.D.
985-1015). Its disappearance along with the other old Sinhalese commentaries,
thus, appears to be synchronous with the extinction of Buddhism in Ceylon
shortly before the reign of Vijayabahu I (A.D. IoS8-III4). c/. Calv., p. 184 (lx. 4-8);
Epigraphia Zeylanica, ii. pp. 252-255; iii. p. 22 (No. 133).
1 Dipv., pp. 39-41 (v. 88, 94, 107). It is indeed a matter of surprise that no
writer on the history of Asoka has noted the fact that, during the lifetime of his
imperial father, Mahinda had the honour of being the Head of the orthodox Buddhist
Church of India consecutively for seven years shortly before the meeting of the
'rhird Buddhist Council (Mahv., v. 232-233). Could the President of the Council
discover another person who was more qualified to be a member of that august body
than his distinguished pupil and assistant who had officiated in his place as the
Patriarch of the Buddhist Samgha for such a long time?
It may be noted here that the Thera Moggaliputta 'rissa himself became the
V inayapamokkha in the fourteenth regnal year of the emperor Candragupta Maurya
(B.C. 307).
2 cj. Law, B. C., Buddhist Conception of Spirits, 2nd Ed., pp. 35-42 and 104-
109. London 1936.
8 The number includes the vatthus of Matthakundali, Serissaka, and Revati,
occurring also in the Vimanavatthu to which th~y realiy belong. Excluding those
three, the number of the peta-stories in the Petavatthu would be forty-eight.
4 The nine stories are the following: No. 10 of Uragavaggo; Nos. II and 12 of
Ubbarivaggo; Nos. 3,7, and 9 of Ciilavaggo; and Nos. 3, II, and 12 of Mahiivaggo.
We have excluded NO.5 of Ubbarivaggo and Nos. 2 and 4 of Mahavaggo, which
should occur only hi the V imanavatthu.
IS Law, B. C., Buddhist Conception of Spirits, p. 108. For an excellent treatment
on this subject, v . •Books of Stories of Heaven and HeU' by B. M. Barua, pp. i-xxxv.
(Published as an Appendix to Heaven and HeU by B. C. Law. Calcutta 1925.)
A HISTORICAL CHARACTER IN THE REIGN OF ASOKA MAURYA 337
daman I, dated in the year 72 of the Saka era (A.D. 150) 1. From
that lithic record it appears that the province was administered
(adhi$thiiya) 2 by Raja Tlli?aspha, a Greek officer of Asoka Maurya 3,
to whom was entrusted the task of constructing the sluice-ways of
the Sudarsana lake (tatf,iika). Tu~aspha seems to have held the same
office as Plli?yagupta, the rii$tr1ya, or governor, of the emperor
Candragupta Maurya in Surfu?tra, under whose. supervision the
massive embankment of that reservoir was construcL:d 4. Thus,
if Tu~aspha was the governor of Sura~tra, Prince 'P:ngala could not
possibly be its executive head, although it was possible for him to
rule over that province with some limitati0ns as a vassal chief.
The Thirteenth Rock Edict of Asoka suggests the existence of
.,
1 Epig. Ind., viii. pp. 36-49.
2 ibid., p. 46, n. 7.
S In the J unagadh inscription, the crown-representative of Asoka in Surii~tra
has been styled' Yavanaraja '. Nthough the appellation occurs in a later inscription,
we need not question its veracity. The names of the worthies responsible for the
supply of life-giving water in an arid region may be expected to remain in the memory
of the people enjoying the benefit for many generations.
The Mauryan officer in question appears to be of Hellenic extraction, as the
word' Yavana' implies; but his adoption of a Persian name, viz, Tu~iispha, remains
a mystery. Either his mother was an Iranian or his parents, though Greeks by
birth, had thoroughly imbibed the Iranian culture, because of their prolonged stay
in Persia or in the immediate neighbourhood of that country. Another Greek
ruler who also figures in Indian history under an unhellenistic name, is Peukolaus.
His name phonetically corresponds to the word' Pu!!!wla' in Sanskrit, to which various
meanings have been adduced in the lexicons. On numismatic grounds, however,
he has been connected with the city of Pu~kalavati (also Skt. Pu~kariivati; Gk.
Peukola'itis), which was undoubtedly the seat of his government and, perhaps, also
the place of his birth (cj. Catal. oj Coins in tlte Punj: Mus., Lahore, i. p. 80; Notes
on the A ncient Geography oj Gandhara, Foucher, pp. 10-16; Cambridge Histmy oj
India, i. p. 587).
4 In Sanskrit, the word rii!!trika etymologically means, among others, 'the ruler
of a small territory or province'; but the use of the word ra!!!riya in the same sense
is rather unCOlllmon, at any rate, not known to us so far. In Pali literature, the
word ra!/hika (Skt. ra$!rika) signifies' '1 hereditary chief' in g~neral (sometimes in
combination with the word petianika which is evidently a mistake for pettenika,
though established by usage. cj. Ang. Nik., P.T.S. Ed., iii. pp. 76, 78, and 300)
and' a vassal chief' in particular (Mahv., xxxiii. 53; jat., ed. Fausbon, v. p. 253).
In the inscriptions of Asoka (R.E. V.), its equivalents, viz, ra!hika, la!ltika, and
ris#ka, seem to occur in the sense of a class of 'noblemen' or 'landlords', belonging
to the western provinces, like the' Sirdars' of modern times (also in combination with
the word pete""ika or pitinika, corresponding to paitraya1Jika in Sanskrit and pettanika
(sic) in Pali. See D. R. Bhandarkar, Ind. Ant., I9I9, p. 80 n.), though it is quite
possible that it has been used to refer to a group of people or community of Western
India of some definite political character. The word ra!hika also occurs in the
Hathigumpha inscriptio~ of Khiiravela in the. sen~e ~f 'a hereditary chief',. as we
find in Pali (j.B.O.R.S., IV. p. 399). In some InSCrIptIOns of the Andhra perIod, to
D. R. BHANDARKAR VO~'UME
feudal states within his empire (idha rajavisayamhi) 1, and one of our
sources does mention Surfu?tra as a visaya." As a feudatory, Pingala's
relation to the crown was not possibly direct but through the governor
be found in the cave-temples at Kanheri, Karle, Bedsa, and Bhaja, the expression
ralhika with the word mahti prefixed to it, signifies a title of honour borne by some
of the vassal chiefs, whose wives even could use the title' Mahara/hini'. One of the
Maharathis is known to have issued coins in his own name; but whether it is a case
of special privilege which was granted to him by his Satavahana overlord or not,
remains yet to be settled (Brit. Mus. Catal. of Coins, Rapson, pp. 57-58). The use of
the term rii:;!rika in the sense of 'a ruler' whether of a small territory, province, or
district, is not to be met with in the Gupta inscriptions, because, perhaps, of the
introduction of a number of other terms like uparika, vi$ayapati, iigrahiirika, and
goptr, each of which has been found to occur in a specific sense. So far as we know,
the word rii:;!rika occurs for the last time in Sanskrit epigraphy in its Desi form
rii!hiya to denote' a government official of lower rank " as, for instance, in the Mount
Abu inscription of the Calukya Bhimadeva II (A.D. 1230) (Kirtikaumudi, ed. A. V.
Kathavate, App. B, Ins. t. 28; D. R, Bhandarkar, List of the Inscriptions of Northern
India, No. 487).
There is no cogent reason to suppose that the compiler of Rudradaman's in-
scription has used the expression rii:;!riya to signify' the king's brother-in-law', that
too being one of the meanings suggested by the Sanskrit lexicographers. Although
he has been styled rii:i!riya, Pu~yagupta was a ra$!rika in the sense that he, as the
representative of the paramount power, exercised supreme authority in a sovereign
state (rii$!ra) within the imperial territorial limits. If this interpretation is correct,
then he would be a ra$!rapiila, according to Kautilya, and a priidesika, but not a
ra!hika, according to Asoka (Arthasiistra, ed. R. Shama Sastry, 3rd Ed., pp. 239
and 247; R.E. III. Gir.).
1 The compound riijavisaya in the passage idha rtijavisayamhi, though singular
in form, is plural in sense and occurs as an antithesis to the word amtesu of the
preceding sentence, which is also in plural. We should, therefore, translate the
passage as 'here in (every single) sovereign state' and take it as referring to
the ruling states within the limits df the empire. Dr. R. K. Mookerji, however, takes
the word visaya to mean the dominion or empire of Asoka and translates the passage
as 'here in the king's dominion' (Asoka, p. 167 and n.). He has apparently over-
looked the fact that, the meaning he wants to attribute to the word visaya, is entirely
foreign to Prakrit and Pali, where it has been found to occur invariably in the sense
of 'a district', 'locality', 'region', or at best' a small kingdom'. Even in the whole
range of Sanskrit and Prakrit inscriptions, an area of the magnitude of Asoka's
dominion has never been implied by that term, which is also the case with those
Sanskrit texts and commentaries in which it has been actually found to occur. Nor
do the inscriptions of Asoka form an exception to this as is evident from the emperor's
own lithic record at Sarnath, where it has been found to occur in the sense of' a
district' (vi$avesu=vi$aye$u). With regard to the grammatical difficulty to which
Dr. Mookerji has given so much prominence, it may be said that there is no dearth of
instances in the inscriptions of Asoka to show that a singular suffix has been used at a
place where one would expect a plural suffix and vice versa. It is well known to the
epigraphists that the dialects of the ASokan inscriptions are characterized by flagrant
violation of the grammatical rules governing the uses of number, gender, and case to
such an extent as is inconceivable in respect of the other monumental Prakrits.
" Paramattkadipa1ti, p. 258 (ll. 20 and 27).
A mSTORICAL CHARACTER IN THE REIGN OF A~OKA MAURYA 339
of Sur~tra or the viceroy of the western division of the Maurya
empire, whose headquarters was at Ujjain. In matters concerning
the administration of his own territory, he therefore stood in
the same relation to the paramount power as the Maharaja Matrvi~t;lu
was related to the emperor Budhagupta through SuraSmicandra, the
governor of the province lying between the Kilindi (J umna) and
the N armmada, as evidenced by an inscription d~scovered at Eran
(Kalindi-N armmadayormmadhyam palayati lokapalc:guttairjjagati
maMrajasriyamanubhavati S1.trasmicandre cal 1.
We have noticed already that, on the evidence of the Porat;t-
atfhakatha, i.e., the Sihalatfhakathii, the commentator I,hammapala
informs us that the statement of Prince Pifigala was incorporated
in the Petavatthu, while the Third Buddhist Council was in session 2.
As the redactors forming the. different committees, which were
more or less the same as those mentioned in the M il";ndapaiiho 3,
were appointed by the Council to revise and rehearse the canonical
scriptures, we cannot possibly consiuer the story of Pifigala to be
an unauthorized interpolation which had taken place in Ceylon.
But that story is not the only piece which was incorporated in the
Pali canon with the permission of the Council. We know definitely
that the ecstatic verses composed by the two uterine brothers of the
emperor Asoka, who became Buddhist monks, viz, Thera Buddha-
safifiaka alias Prince Vitasoka, and Thera Ekaviharika alias Prince
Tissa, were also included in the Apadana 4 and the Theragatha 6,
as evidenced by the Paramatthadipani 6. Likewise, the verses
composed by the Thera Tekicchakani, a contemporary of Bindu-
sara 7, were also included in the Apadiina 8 and the Theragathii 9,
. branch to change its course. Some time after the seventh century
the Sarasvati shifted towards the east and Tamluk thereby ceased
to be the important port of Benga1. But its place was ultimately
taken up by Satgaon a little higher up the same river. This change
must have taken place by the thirteenth century A.D. at the latest,
as Satgaon became the first Muslim capital of Lower Bengal and
was already a flourishing town early in the fourteenth century
A.D.l This view is also corroborated by the proposed identification
of Ibn Batfltah's Sadkawan with Satgaon.
We come next to the evidence of Tabakat-i-Nasiri composed
during the second half of the thirteenth century A.D. It refers
to the two main divisions of Bengal, viz., RaQ.ha and Varendra on
the western and the eastern sides of the Ganges. 2 This hardly
leaves any doubt that he takes" the Bhagirathi as the main
branch of the Ganges. It is interesting to note that there is no
reference to the Padma in this work, though we must not attach
undue importance to negative' evidence of this kind. But on the
whole it may be presumed on the strength of Tabakat-i-Nasiri
that in the thirteenth century A.D. the Bhagirathi was the main
channel of the Ganges.
The view that the Padma did not exist as a big river during
the Hindu period (i.e. up to 1200 A.D.) is indirectly supported by
two considerations. First, the territorial division in ancient Bengal
called PUJ;lQ.ravardhana-bhukti comprised both Northern and South-
ern Bengal. This would probably not have been the case if a mighty
river separated the two. Secondly, Hiuen Tsang, in course of his
travels over Bengal and Assam, refers to the two big rivers he crossed
viz., the Ganges which he crossed near Rajmahal in order to reach
Northern Bengal, and a hrge river (probably the Karatoya) which
he crossed over to Kamarllpa (Assam). But although he later
travelled from Kamarflpa to Samatata, i.e. Eastern Bengal, and
from Samatata to Tamralipti, he does not refer to any other big
river. It may, therefore, be presumed that from the earliest times
within the historical period the Bhagirathi was regarded as the
main branch of the Ganges.
This does not, however, disprove the existence of the Padma
river, as a great stream, at a fairly early period. For, even when
the main water of the Ganges began to flow along the Padma,
people would cling to the old religious beliefs about the sanctity
of the old channel. This is forcibly illustrated by the attitude of
the Hindus to-day towards the Tolly's Nullah (Adi-Ganga) near
1 I do not know on what grounds the Committee came to this conclusion. But
in addition to the evidence of De Barros' map referred to in the text, and the state-
ment of Tavernier quoted in the following footnote, reference may be made to
the Math Inscription of Mahendra, son of Harischandra of Sabhar, where the Ganges
is said to be the Southern boundary of Bhiivalina (Bhawal) situated between the
rivers Vathsavati and the Brahmaputra. Here the Ganges undoubtedly refers to
the river now known as Dhaleswari. The date of the inscription is not definitely
known but it is not perhaps later than the fourteenth century A.D. The inscription,
therefore, constitutes an important evidence in favour of the view that the Dhales-
wari was the earlier channel of the Ganges. (For the text of the inscription and
discussion about its date d. Dacca Review, Sept.-Oct. 1920, pp. II1-II6; January
1921, pp. 17S-1g2). If we could have been sure of the date of the inscription we
might have set a lower limit to the date when the main water of the Ganges flowed
through the Padmii. But as the date is uncertain it is useless to speculate on this
point.
PHYSICAL FSATURSS OF ANCISNT BSNGAL 35 I
southern bank of the Padma. Further beyond, to the south-east
the river called Caor fell into the Padma near a town called Bande;
or the Port. Beyond this junction the river-bed is shown as much
wider which skirts along the northern side of good many islands till
it reaches the open sea near Chittagong. This configuration of
the estuary is fully in keeping with the accounts of the foreign
travellers from the fifteenth century onwards, who regard Chitta-
gong as the grand port where people desirous of going ~o the interior
of Bengal changed from sea-vessels into smaller 'b0ats.
The description of the river Padmavati as ~iven in Tavernier's
account and Baharistan-i-Ghaybi also seems to indicate the course of
the Padma in the seventeenth century A.D. to be along the Dhaleswari
channel or a parallel channel not very far from it, such as the
Isamutty.l In the latter half ~ the eighteenth century A.D., at the
time of Major Rennell's survey, the lower course of the Padma
flowed much further to the south. Running almost due south
from Jaffargunge (where ~t was met by the Jamuna (Jum) and the
combined waters of the Atrai and Karatoya) and south-east from
Faridpore, right through the modern districts of Faridpur and
Bakarganj, it joined the Meghna just above the island of Dakhin
Shabajpur, about twenty-five miles due south, as the crow flies,
from Chandpur. Rajanagar, the famous residential city of Raj-
bullubh, was then 011 its left or eastern bank and near by this city
flowed the river Kaliganga which connected the Padma with Meghna.
Later, in the nineteenth century A.D., the main water of the Padma
flowed through this channel, which came to be known as Kirtinasa,
and gradually the course of the Padma assumed very nearly its
present position. It would, therefore, appear that, while the
Dhaleswari (with Buriganga) probabl~ represents the earliest and
most northerly course of the Padma river, the Arialkhan river
represents its most southerly course, attained in the eighteenth
century. Since the beginning of the nineteenth century the mighty
river is again moving steadily towards its old bed in the north.
The river called Caor in De Barros' map deserves a passing
notice. From its position in the map it seems to represent the
1 I have discussed the data of Baharistan-i-Ghaybi in detail in Appendix 1.
Its author and Tavernier both place J atrapur (now on the Ichamati river) on or
very near the bank of the Padma. Tavernier definitely says that at Jatrapur the
Ganges,-the name by whic~ he ref~rs to the Padma-' divides. into three branche~,
one of which goes to Dacca. (Ball s Trans., p. 104-) There IS no doubt that this
branch must have roughly corresponded to the. present Isamutt~ or ~hales'Ya~i
river. In Van der Broucke's map also ]atrapur IS shown on the I adma, but It 15
located due south of Dacca at a considerable distance, whereas it is really about
30 miles west of Dacca. Hence the lower course of the Padma river in that map
is altogether unreliable.
352 D. R. BHANDARKAR VOLUME
1 I follow here the generally accepted view about the identification of PUJ;l<;lra-
vardhana with Mahasthan. This view is, however, not accepted by all.
2 Martin-Eastern India, Vol. III, p. IS.
S Quar. Jour. Geo. Soc. (quoted in J.A.S.B., 1896, pp. 4-5).
, Statistical Account of Bengal, Purnea, 1877 (quoted in J.A.S.B., 1896, p. 5).
354 D. R. BHANDARKAR vo~un
APPENDIX
called old kella and Duapeka kella. The small canal undoubtedly
represents the old bed of the Dulay river. If we presume that there
was a canal towards Demra at this point or regard the portion of the
Buriganga from the Dhaleswari to Fatulla as the headwaters of the
Dulay which branched off at this point into two streams, one going
to Khi~rptir and the other via Dacca to Demra, the two forts shown
on Rennell's map might be taken as the two forts mentioned in the
Baharistan. In that case the town of Dacca or at least its outskirts
must have extended further towards the east than it does now.
But there are indications in the text in support of this conjecture.
Reference, is made to a •Pagiri (Pakur) tree which stood midway
between the fort of the Khan and the house of Mirza Nathan, on
the boundary between old and new Dhaka' (p. 152). Rennell's map
also marks a big tree at the easter» end of the modem town, near
the point where the Dulai khal falls into the Buriganga. If this is
the tree intended, the old Dhaka must have begun at Dolaigunj
and might have extended close up to Fatulla. But this view rests
upon so many conjectures that while we may regard it as by no
means an impossible one we should not attach much value to it so
long as it is not supported by other evidences. '
From the accounts given above it would appear that the Baha-
ristan mentions by name only the rivers Padmavati, Isamati,
Dulay and Lakhya in the account of the expedition of the imperial
force from ]atraptir to Dacca. We have already pointed out
that there are reasons to believe that the course of the Padma
after J atraptir flowed to the north of the Ichhamati. If this pre-
sumption be correct we have to regard the Padma as following
more or less the channel of the lower course of the river now called
Dhaleswari, which is nowhere mentioned in Baharistan, although
the imperial forces must have crossed it on their way to Dacca.
The Stevenson Moore Committee held on independent grounds that
the river Padma at first flowed past Rampur Boalia, Chalan-Jhil,
the Dhaleswari and the Buriganga rivers past Dacca into the Meghna.
The map of De Barros (c. 1550 A.D.) supports this view. The
account of Baharistan, as I have interpreted it, also leads to the
same conclusion. In any case it is not in conflict with this view,
though the Buriganga channel seems to have been deserted by that
time in favour of the more southern bed represented by the Dhales-
wari. The name Dulai probably shows that it was still a second or
subsidiary channel of the Padma, and the name Vrddha-Ganga
or BuQ,iganga also points in the same direction, as Padma gradually
came to be recognized as the Ganges proper (as in Portuguese maps).
ON THE EDICTS OF ASOKA
SOME POINTS OF INTERPRETATION
By B. M. BARUA
~peci1ied but ~e11 understood .by the officers concerned).1 Even if,
m the alternative, we choose to mterpret the first clause with reference
to the context of R.E. III alo.ne, it should be taken, in my opinion,
to refer to the duty of sending out officers of all grades by their
superiors on periodical tours.
Referring to R.E. IV, I am to observe that a wrong punctuation
of its text has so far proved to be a palpahle cause of its miscon.
struction. In it, Asoka states: T a aja Devanatrtpiyasa Priyadasino
rano dhatrtma-cara1Jena bheri-ghoso aha dhatrtmaghosv vimiina-darsa1Ja
ca hasti-dasa1Ja ca agikhatrtdhani ca anani ca di-uyatti rupani dasayitpa
janatrt yarise bahuhi vasa-satehi na bhuta-puve tarise aja vaif,hite
Devanatrtpriyasa Priyadasino ra1io dhatrtmiinusas#ya anaratrtbho .....
thaira-susrusa.
Hultzsch and other editors J1ave arbitrarily put a f1ill-stop after
dasayitpa janam in utter disregard of the grammatical construction of
the sentence or clause which is completed with bherighoso aho dhatp,-
maghoso. The next sentence or clause begins with vimana-darsa1Jti
and ends in thaira-susrusa. Of the two statements, the second is
intended to serve as a nirdesa to the uddesa in the first: ranD dhamma-
cara1Jena bherighoso aho dhatrtmaghoso', 'by the practice of dhamma
(piety and morality) on the part of the king the sound of the drum
has become the sound of dhamma'. The second statement must
accordingly read: 'By exhibiting to the people the celestial mansions,
the (celestial) elephant, the fiery and other celestial (artistic) forms so
much [of Dhamma] during many hundred years, in the past, could
not be increased as has been done to-day by moral instructions on
the part of His Gifted Majesty and Grace the king, viz. the non-
sacrificial slaughter of living creatures, the non-harming of living
beings, etc.'. • •
Reading the second statement (serving as nirdesa) together with
the first (serving as uddeSa) , one may easily make out that here
'the sound of drum' symbolizes popular demonstrations of religion,
and 'the sound of Dhamma' stands for the imparting of moral or
religious instruction. The seco!ld statement is to set forth a contrast
between the effects of the two methods. And reading this statement
with reference to the preamble and body of P.E. VII, one may
suggest that the first method of promoting th~ cau~e o~ Dha1'!!ma
(piety and morality) among the people was tned Wlth lUsuffiClent
effect by the former kings of India. 2
1 Cf. S.R.E. 1. .. . . . .
2 Author's view is noticed by Dr. H. C. Raychaudhun In his Political History
of Ancient India, 4th ed., p. 282, f.n. 2.
D. R. BHANDARKAR VOI,UME
word Ziti or "it"i in the sense of < nights' . One may be allowed to
assume indeed that what is indicated by a numerical :figure is also
expressed in words, and that here no additional fact is intended
to be brought out. This allowed, we will have no other alternative
but to take sapa'l'{tniilati as a combination of sapa1f£na and alati
(arati) , and to render the whole expression t;4us: 'two hundred
together with :fifty and «rlitis (Le., six) '1. The only difficulty in the
way of doing this is to prove that this system of T'::!presentation of a
numeral by an enumerative word-symbol was in vogue in ASokan
times.
Reading the concluding portion of M.R.E. (Rfipanath and
Sahasram copies), with that of the Schism Pillar Edict (Sarnath
copy), one may at last reasonably suggest that by the enigmatic
expression vyuthena 256 was ~ant neither the llumber of nights
spent, nor that of years elapsed, nor even that of missioners employed,
but only that of the copies of the particular proclamation sent out
from the capital to different places, stations or centres. Accordingly,
the whole statement may be rendered: '[When] this proclamation
was caused to be made by despatch, two hundred fifty-six
[scheduled copies thereof] were despatched'.
1 Atthasalini, p. 399.
2 Ibid., p. 399. Penambangana is a different reading.
s Geiger, op. cit., p. x.
, Geiger, op. cit., p. x. "
I) The identification of Mahanaga with Buddhadasa, father of Mahiinama in
my Life and Work of Buddhaghosa, p. 22, is untenable.
6 Sumaiigala.Vilasini, Pt. I, p. 302.
7 C. D. Chatterjee, Some Numismatic Data in Pall Literature in my Buddhistic
Studies, pp. 384ff.
8 Mahawanse, Edward Upham's transl., p. 229. According to the Pali
M ahavamsa, 19 years.
II Kathavatthu-Comy., Introd.
10 My Life and Work of Buddhaghosa, p. 43.
CONTltMPORANlU'l'Y OF 'l'~ KINGS OF INDIA AND CEYLON 375
could have been no other than the king of the same name who is
reputed in literary tradition to have kept in confinement the three
Tamil kings, the Cera, Cola and P~<;lya'.1 .
Thus the contemporaneity of Buddhaghosa and Buddhadatta
may ~e taken to establish the con~emporaneity of Sirinivasa Siripala,
the king of Ceylon, and Accuta Vikkanta, the king of Cola.
A notable omission on the part of Geiger is th....t of the fact
of a matrimonial connection established by Vijay~.bahu I (c. 1054-
nog A.D.),2 through his marriage with Tilokasundan, a highly
accomplished Indian princess, born of the royal family of Kalinga,8
serving as a chronological basis of contemporaneity of the Indian
and Sinhalese kings. An attempt has recently been made on
the evidence of the Belava copper-plate of king Bhojavarman of the
Vai!?l;laVa Varman dynasty of :iast Bengal that Tilokasundari, the
second queen of king Vijayabahu I, mentioned in the Culavalhsa, is
not other than Trailokyasundan praised in the Belava plate as the
daughter of king Samalavarman the father and immediate predecessor
of Bhojavarman. It is rightly pointed out that in the Belava copper-
plate the Varmans of East Bengal claim to have their descent from
the royal family of Simhapura, and Bhojavarman expresses in
pathetic terms his solicitude for the contemporary Ceylon king in his
difficulties arising from an inimical action on the part of the rak$asas.
Once the personal relationship between Bhojavarman and Vijaya-
bahu I, is assumed as a historical fact, it becomes easy to
understand why the former should express this solicituqe for the
lord of Lanka. 4 It is evident from a Manimangala inscription of
1053 A.D. that the Cola kings of the age were bringing heavy pressure
to bear upon the kings of Ceylon. 6 The possibility of the matri-
monial connection of the Ceylon king Vi;ayabahu I, with the Varmans
of East Bengal lies in the fact that Vijayabahu and his successors
themselves felt proud in claiming their descent from the royal family
of Simhapura which was most probably a place in Kal.iilga. 8
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