PSYA0102 An Introduction To Psychological Science, 2nd Second Canadian Edition-Compressed

An Introduction to
Psychological Science
An Introduction to
Second Canadian Edition
Mark Krause
Southern Oregon University
Daniel Corts
Augustana College
Stephen Smith
University of Winnipeg
Dan Dolderman
University of Toronto
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978-0-13-430220-1
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication
Krause, Mark A. (Mark Andrew), 1971-, author
An introduction to psychological science / Mark Krause, Daniel Corts,

Stephen Smith, Dan Dolderman. — Second Canadian edition.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-13-430220-1 (hardback)
1. Psychology—Textbooks. I. Corts, Daniel Paul, 1970-, author II. Smith,

Stephen D. (Stephen Douglas), 1974-, author III. Dolderman, Dan, 1972-, author
IV. Title.
BF121.K73 2017 150 C2016-906938-9
For Andrea and Finn. Both of you fuel my passion and motivation
for this endeavor.
I cannot thank you enough.
Mark Krause
To Kim, Sophie, and Jonah, for your patience, understanding,

and forgiveness during all the hours this project has occupied me.
Dan Corts
To my brilliant wife, Jenn, and our hilarious children, Oliver and

Clara. Thank you for putting up with me.
Stephen Smith
To my children, Alexandra, Kate, and Geoff, who love this world

so deeply. And to my mother, who has had a huge impact on my
life.
Dan Dolderman
Brief Contents
1 Introducing Psychological Science 1
2 Reading and Evaluating Scientific Research 29
3 Biological Psychology 71
4 Sensation and Perception 125
5 Consciousness 180
6 Learning 227
7 Memory 270
8 Thought and Language 313
9 Intelligence Testing 349
10 Lifespan Development 385
11 Motivation and Emotion 439
12 Personality 490
13 Social Psychology 531
14 Health, Stress, and Coping 578
15 Psychological Disorders 614
16 Therapies 653
Contents
About the Authors xvii
About the Canadian Authors xvii
From the Authors xviii
Content and Features xxi
For Instructors xxvi
Acknowledgments xxviii
1 Introducing Psychological Science 1

Module 1.1 The Science of Psychology 2
The Scientific Method 3
Hypotheses: Making Predictions 3
Theories: Explaining Phenomena 4
The Biopsychosocial Model 5
Building Scientific Literacy 6
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Planning When to Study 7

Critical Thinking, Curiosity, and a Dose of Healthy Skepticism 8
Myths in Mind Abducted by Aliens! 9
Summary 10
Module 1.2 How Psychology Became a Science 11

Psychology’s Philosophical and Scientific Origins 12
Influences from the Ancients: Philosophical Insights into
Behaviour 12
Influences from Physics: Experimenting with the Mind 13
Influences from Evolutionary Theory: The Adaptive Functions of

Behaviour 13
Influences from Medicine: Diagnoses and Treatments 15
The Influence of Social Sciences: Measuring and Comparing

Humans 16
The Beginnings of Contemporary Psychology 18

Structuralism and Functionalism: The Beginnings of Psychology
18
The Rise of Behaviourism 19
Radical Behaviourism 20
Humanistic Psychology Emerges 21
The Brain and Behaviour 21
The Cognitive Revolution 21
Social and Cultural Influences 23
Emerging Themes in Psychology 24

Psychology of Women 24
Comparing Cultures 25
The Neuroimaging Explosion 25
The Search for the Positive 26
Psychology in the Real World 26
Summary 28
2 Reading and Evaluating Scientific Research 29

Module 2.1 Principles of Scientific Research 30
Five Characteristics of Quality Scientific Research 31
Scientific Measurement: Objectivity 31
Scientific Measurement: Reliability, and Validity 32
Generalizability of Results 33
Sources of Bias in Psychological Research 34
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Demand Characteristics and

Participant Behaviour 35
Techniques That Reduce Bias 36
Sharing the Results 37
Psych@ The Hospital: The Placebo Effect 37

Replication 38
Five Characteristics of Poor Research 39
Summary 41
Module 2.2 Scientific Research Designs 42

Descriptive Research 43
Case Studies 43
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Case Studies as a Form of

Scientific Research 44
Naturalistic Observation 45
Surveys and Questionnaires 46
Correlational Research 47
Myths in Mind Beware of Illusory Correlations 48
Experimental Research 49
The Experimental Method 49
The Quasi-Experimental Method 50
Converging Operations 50
Summary 51
Module 2.3 Ethics in Psychological Research 53

Promoting the Welfare of Research Participants 54
Weighing the Risks and Benefits of Research 54
Obtaining Informed Consent 55
The Right to Anonymity and Confidentiality 56
The Welfare of Animals in Research 56
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Animal Models of Disease 57

REBs for Animal-Based Research 59
Ethical Collection, Storage, and Reporting of Data 59
Summary 61
Module 2.4 A Statistical Primer 62

Descriptive Statistics 63
Frequency 63
Central Tendency 63
Variability 65
Hypothesis Testing: Evaluating the Outcome of a Study 66
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Statistical Significance 68
Summary 70
3 Biological Psychology 71
Module 3.1 Genetic and Evolutionary Perspectives on Behaviour 72
Heredity and Behaviour 73
The Genetic Code 73
Behavioural Genomics: The Molecular Approach 75
Behavioural Genetics: Twin and Adoption Studies 75
Myths in Mind Single Genes and Behaviour 76

Gene Expression and Behaviour 78
Evolutionary Insights into Human Behaviour 79

Evolutionary Psychology 80
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Hunters and Gatherers: Men,

Women, and Spatial Memory 81
Sexual Selection and Evolution 83
BIOPSYCHOSOCIAL PERSPECTIVES Sexual Selection and the

Colour Red 84
Summary 86
Module 3.2 How the Nervous System Works: Cells and

Neurotransmitters 88
Neural Communication 89
The Neuron 89
Myths in Mind We Are Born with All the Brain Cells We Will Ever
Have 90
Glial Cells 91
The Neuron’s Electrical System: Resting and Action Potentials

91
The Chemical Messengers: Neurotransmitters and Hormones 93

Types of Neurotransmitters 94
Drug Effects on Neurotransmission 95
Hormones and the Endocrine System 96
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Testosterone and Aggression 97

Neurons in Context 99
Summary 100
Module 3.3 Structure and Organization of the Nervous System 101

Divisions of the Nervous System 102
The Central Nervous System 102
The Peripheral Nervous System 102
The Brain and Its Structures 104

The Hindbrain: Sustaining the Body 104
The Midbrain: Sensation and Action 105
The Forebrain: Emotion, Memory, and Thought 106
The Cerebral Cortex 108
The Four Lobes 108
Left Brain, Right Brain: Hemispheric Specialization 111
Psych@ The Gym 111

The Changing Brain: Neuroplasticity 112
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Neuroplasticity and Recovery

from Brain Injury 113
Summary 115
Module 3.4 Windows to the Brain: Measuring and Observing Brain

Activity 116
Insights from Brain Damage 117
Lesioning and Brain Stimulation 117
Structural and Functional Neuroimaging 119
Structural Neuroimaging 119
Functional Neuroimaging 120
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Functional MRI and Behaviour

122
Summary 124
4 Sensation and Perception 125

Module 4.1 Sensation and Perception at a Glance 126
Sensing the World Around Us 127
Stimulus Thresholds 129
Signal Detection 130
Priming and Subliminal Perception 131
Myths in Mind Setting the Record Straight on Subliminal Messaging

131
Perceiving the World Around Us 132

Gestalt Principles of Perception 132
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Backward Messages in Music

134
Attention and Perception 136
Summary 137
Module 4.2 The Visual System 139

The Human Eye 140
How the Eye Gathers Light 140
The Structure of the Eye 141
The Retina: From Light to Nerve Impulse 142

The Retina and the Perception of Colours 144
Common Visual Disorders 145
Visual Perception and the Brain 146

The Ventral Stream 148
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Are Faces Special? 148

The Dorsal Stream 151
Depth Perception 152
Psych@ The Artist’s Studio 153
Summary 155
Module 4.3 The Auditory and Vestibular Systems 156

Sound and the Structures of the Ear 157
Sound 157
The Human Ear 157
The Perception of Sound 160

Sound Localization: Finding the Source 160
Theories of Pitch Perception 160
Auditory Perception and the Brain 161
The Perception of Music 162
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: The Perception of Musical Beats

162
The Vestibular System 164
Sensation and the Vestibular System 164
The Vestibular System and the Brain 165

Summary 165
Module 4.4 Touch and the Chemical Senses 167

The Sense of Touch 168
Feeling Pain 169
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Empathy and Pain 171

Phantom Limb Pain 172
The Chemical Senses: Taste and Smell 173

The Gustatory System: Taste 173
The Olfactory System: Smell 175
Multimodal Integration 176

What Is Multimodal Integration? 176
Synesthesia 177
Summary 178
5 Consciousness 180
Module 5.1 Biological Rhythms of Consciousness: Wakefulness and
Sleep 181
What Is Sleep? 182
Biological Rhythms 182
The Stages of Sleep 184
Why Do We Need Sleep? 186

Theories of Sleep 186
Sleep Deprivation and Sleep Displacement 187
Theories of Dreaming 190

The Psychoanalytic Approach 190
The Activation– Synthesis Hypothesis 190

Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Dreams, REM Sleep, and
Learning 191
Disorders and Problems with Sleep 193
Insomnia 193
Nightmares and Night Terrors 194
Movement Disturbances 194
Sleep Apnea 195
Narcolepsy 196
Overcoming Sleep Problems 196
Summary 197
Module 5.2 Altered States of Consciousness: Hypnosis, Mind-

Wandering, and Disorders of Consciousness 199
Hypnosis 200
Theories of Hypnosis 200
Applications of Hypnosis 201
Myths in Mind Recovering Lost Memories through Hypnosis 202
Mind-Wandering 203
What Is Mind-Wandering? 203
Mind-Wandering and the Brain 203
The Benefits of Mind-Wandering 204
Disorders of Consciousness 205
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Assessing Consciousness in the

Vegetative State 207
Summary 210
Module 5.3 Drugs and Conscious Experience 211
Physical and Psychological Effects of Drugs 212
Short-Term Effects 212
Long-Term Effects 213
Commonly Abused “Recreational” Drugs 215

Stimulants 215
Hallucinogens 217
Marijuana 218
BIOPSYCHOSOCIAL PERSPECTIVES Recreational and Spiritual Uses of

Salvia Divinorum 219
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Marijuana, Memory, and
Cognition 219
Opiates 221
Legal Drugs and Their Effects on Consciousness 222

Sedatives 222
Prescription Drug Abuse 222
Alcohol 224
Why Are Some Drugs Legal and Others Illegal? 224
Psych@ University Parties 224
Summary 226
6 Learning 227
Module 6.1 Classical Conditioning: Learning by Association 228
Pavlov’s Dogs: Classical Conditioning of Salivation 229
Evolutionary Function of the CR 231
Classical Conditioning and the Brain 231

Processes of Classical Conditioning 233
Acquisition, Extinction, and Spontaneous Recovery 233
Stimulus Generalization and Discrimination 234
Applications of Classical Conditioning 235

Conditioned Emotional Responses 235
Evolutionary Role for Fear Conditioning 236
Conditioned Taste Aversions 237
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Conditioning and Negative

Political Advertising 239
Drug Tolerance and Conditioning 241
Summary 242
Module 6.2 Operant Conditioning: Learning through Consequences 244

Basic Principles of Operant Conditioning 245
Reinforcement and Punishment 245
Positive and Negative Reinforcement and Punishment 247
Shaping 248
Applying Operant Conditioning 248
Processes of Operant Conditioning 249

Primary and Secondary Reinforcers 249
Discrimination and Generalization 250
Delayed Reinforcement and Extinction 251
Reward Devaluation 251
Reinforcement Schedules and Operant Conditioning 252

Schedules of Reinforcement 252
Psych@ Never Use Multiline Slot Machines 254
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Reinforcement and Superstition

255
Applying Punishment 256
Are Classical and Operant Learning Distinct Events? 257
Summary 258
Module 6.3 Cognitive and Observational Learning 260

Cognitive Perspectives on Learning 261
Latent Learning 261
S-O-R Theory of Learning 262
Observational Learning 262

Processes Supporting Observational Learning 263
Myths in Mind Is Teaching Uniquely Human? 264

Imitation and Mirror Neurons 265
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Linking Media Exposure to

Behaviour 265
BIOPSYCHOSOCIAL PERSPECTIVES Violence, Video Games, and
Culture 268
Summary 269
7 Memory 270
Module 7.1 Memory Systems 271
The Atkinson-Shiffrin Model 272
Sensory Memory 273
Short-Term Memory and the Magical Number 7 274
Long-Term Memory 275

Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Distinguishing Short-Term from
Long-Term Memory Stores 276
The Working Memory Model: An Active STM System 279
The Phonological Loop 280
The Visuospatial Sketchpad 280
The Episodic Buffer 281
The Central Executive 281
Working Memory: Putting the Pieces Together 281
Long-Term Memory Systems: Declarative and Nondeclarative

Memories 282
Declarative Memory 282
Nondeclarative Memory 283
The Cognitive Neuroscience of Memory 283

Memory at the Cellular Level 283
Memory, the Brain, and Amnesia 284
Stored Memories and the Brain 285
Summary 287
Module 7.2 Encoding and Retrieving Memories 288

Encoding and Retrieval 289
Rehearsal: The Basics of Encoding 289
Levels of Processing 290
Retrieval 290
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Context-Dependent Memory 291

State-Dependent Memory 294
Mood-Dependent Memory 294
Emotional Memories 295

Flashbulb Memories 296
Myths in Mind The Accuracy of Flashbulb Memories 297
Forgetting and Remembering 298

The Forgetting Curve: How Soon We Forget … 298
Mnemonics: Improving Your Memory Skills 298
Summary 301
Module 7.3 Constructing and Reconstructing Memories 302

How Memories Are Organized and Constructed 303
The Schema: An Active Organization Process 303
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: How Schemas Influence Memory

303
BIOPSYCHOSOCIAL PERSPECTIVES Your Earliest Memories 305
Memory Reconstruction 306

The Perils of Eyewitness Testimony 306
Psych@ Court: Is Eyewitness Testimony Reliable? 308

Imagination and False Memories 308
Creating False Memories in the Laboratory 309
The Danger of False Remembering 310
Summary 312
8 Thought and Language 313

Module 8.1 The Organization of Knowledge 314
Concepts and Categories 315
Classical Categories: Definitions and Rules 315
Prototypes: Categorization by Comparison 315
Networks and Hierarchies 316
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Priming and Semantic Networks

318
Memory, Culture, and Categories 319
Categorization and Experience 319
Categories, Memory, and the Brain 320
BIOPSYCHOSOCIAL PERSPECTIVES Culture and Categorical

Thinking 321
Myths in Mind How Many Words for Snow? 322

Categories and Culture 322
Summary 323
Module 8.2 Problem Solving, Judgment, and Decision Making 324

Defining and Solving Problems 325
Problem-Solving Strategies and Techniques 325
Cognitive Obstacles 326
Psych@ Problem Solving and Humour 327
Judgment and Decision Making 328

Conjunction Fallacies and Representativeness 328
The Availability Heuristic 329
Anchoring and Framing Effects 330
Belief Perseverance and Confirmation Bias 331
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Maximizing and Satisficing in

Complex Decisions 332
Summary 335
Module 8.3 Language and Communication 336

What Is Language? 337
Early Studies of Language 337
Properties of Language 338
Phonemes and Morphemes: The Basic Ingredients of Language

339
Syntax: The Language Recipe 339
Pragmatics: The Finishing Touches 340
The Development of Language 341

Infants, Sound Perception, and Language Acquisition 341
Producing Spoken Language 342
Sensitive Periods for Language 342
The Bilingual Brain 343
Genes, Evolution, and Language 344
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Genes and Language 344

Can Animals Use Language? 346
Summary 348
9 Intelligence Testing 349

Module 9.1 Measuring Intelligence 350
Different Approaches to Intelligence Testing 351
Intelligence and Perception: Galton’s Anthropometric Approach
351
Intelligence and Thinking: The Stanford– Binet Test 352
The Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale 353

Raven’s Progressive Matrices 355
The Checkered Past of Intelligence Testing 356

IQ Testing and the Eugenics Movement 356
The Race and IQ Controversy 357
Problems with the Racial Superiority Interpretation 358
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Beliefs about Intelligence 358
Summary 361
Module 9.2 Understanding Intelligence 362

Intelligence as a Single, General Ability 363
Spearman’s General Intelligence 363
Does G Tell Us the Whole Story? 364
Intelligence as Multiple, Specific Abilities 365

The Hierarchical Model of Intelligence 365
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Testing for Fluid and Crystallized
Intelligence 366
Sternberg’s Triarchic Theory of Intelligence 368
Myths in Mind Learning Styles 369

Gardner’s Theory of Multiple Intelligences 369
Psych@ The NFL Draft 370
The Battle of the Sexes 371

Do Males and Females have Unique Cognitive Skills? 372
Summary 373
Module 9.3 Biological, Environmental, and Behavioural Influences on

Intelligence 374
Biological Influences on Intelligence 375
The Genetics of Intelligence: Twin and Adoption Studies 375
The Heritability of Intelligence 375
Behavioural Genomics 376
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Brain Size and Intelligence 377
Environmental Influences on Intelligence 379
Birth Order 379
Socioeconomic Status 380
Nutrition 380
Stress 381
Education 381
The Flynn Effect: Is Everyone Getting Smarter? 381
Behavioural Influences on Intelligence 382

Brain Training Programs 383
Nootropic Drugs 383
Summary 384
10 Lifespan Development 385

Module 10.1 Physical Development from Conception through Infancy
386
Methods for Measuring Developmental Trends 387
Patterns of Development: Stages and Continuity 387
Zygotes to Infants: From One Cell to Billions 388

Fertilization and Gestation 388
Fetal Brain Development 388
Nutrition, Teratogens, and Fetal Development 390

Working the Scientific Literacy Model: The Long-Term Effects of
Premature Birth 392
Myths in Mind Vaccinations and Autism 394
Sensory and Motor Development in Infancy 394

Motor Development in the First Year 396
Summary 399
Module 10.2 Infancy and Childhood: Cognitive and Emotional

Development 400
Cognitive Changes: Piaget’s Cognitive Development Theory 401
The Sensorimotor Stage: Living in the Material World 401
The Preoperational Stage: Quantity and Numbers 402
The Concrete Operational Stage: Using Logical Thought 403
The Formal Operational Stage: Abstract and Hypothetical

Thought 403
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Evaluating Piaget 404

Complementary Approaches to Piaget 405
Social Development, Attachment, and Self-Awareness 406

What Is Attachment? 407
Types of Attachment 407
Development of Attachment 409
Self Awareness 409
Psychosocial Development 412

Development across the Lifespan 412
Parenting and Prosocial Behaviour 413
Parenting and Attachment 414

Summary 415
Module 10.3 Adolescence 417

Physical Changes in Adolescence 418
Emotional Challenges in Adolescence 419

Emotional Regulation during Adolescence 420
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Adolescent Risk and Decision

Making 420
Cognitive Development: Moral Reasoning vs. Emotions 422
Kohlberg’s Moral Development: Learning Right from Wrong 422
BIOPSYCHOSOCIAL PERSPECTIVES Emotion and Disgust 424
Social Development: Identity and Relationships 425

Who Am I? Identity Formation during Adolescence 425
Peer Groups 425
Romantic Relationships 426
Summary 427
Module 10.4 Adulthood and Aging 428

From Adolescence through Middle Age 429
Emerging Adults 429
Early and Middle Adulthood 429
Love and Marriage 431
Parenting 432
Late Adulthood 433

Happiness and Relationships 433
The Eventual Decline of Aging 434

Psych@ The Driver’s Seat 435
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Aging and Cognitive Change 436
Summary 438
11 Motivation and Emotion 439

Module 11.1 Hunger and Eating 440
Physiological Aspects of Hunger 442
Food and Reward 443
Psychological Aspects of Hunger 445

Attention and Eating 445
Eating and Semantic Networks 446
Eating and the Social Context 446
Disorders of Eating 448

Anorexia and Bulimia 448
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: The Effect of Media Depictions of

Beauty on Body Image 450
Summary 451
Module 11.2 Sex 452

Human Sexual Behaviour: Psychological Influences 453
Psychological Measures of Sexual Motivation 453
Human Sexual Behaviour: Physiological Influences 455

Physiological Measures of Sex 455
Sexual Orientation: Biology and Environment 456
Transgender and Transsexual Individuals 458
Psych@ Sex Ed 459

Human Sexual Behaviour: Cultural Influences 460
Sex and Technology 461
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Does Sex Sell? 462
Summary 464
Module 11.3 Social and Achievement Motivation 465

Belonging and Love Needs 466
Belonging Is a Need, Not a Want 467
Love 467
Belonging, Self-Esteem, and Our Worldview 468
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Terror Management Theory and

the Need to Belong 468
Achievement Motivation 470
Self-Determination Theory 471
Extrinsic and Intrinsic Motivation 472
A Continuum of Motivation 472
Cultural Differences in Motivation 473
Summary 475
Module 11.4 Emotion 476

Physiology of Emotion 477
The Initial Response 477
The Autonomic Response: Fight or Flight? 478
The Emotional Response: Movement 479
Emotional Regulation 479
Experiencing Emotions 479

Working the Scientific Literacy Model: The Two-Factor Theory of
Emotion 481
Expressing Emotions 484
Emotional Faces and Bodies 484
Culture, Emotion, and Display Rules 486
Culture, Context, and Emotion 487
Summary 489
12 Personality 490
Module 12.1 Contemporary Approaches to Personality 491
The Trait Perspective 492
Early Trait Research 492
The Five Factor Model 493
Openness 494
Conscientiousness 495
Extraversion 495
Agreeableness 495
Neuroticism 495
Beyond the Big Five: The Personality of Evil? 496

Honesty–Humility 496
The Dark Triad 496
Right-Wing Authoritarianism 497
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Right-Wing Authoritarianism at

the Group Level 497
Personality Traits over the Lifespan 499
Temperaments 499
Is Personality Stable over Time? 499
Personality Traits and States 500
Behaviourist and Social-Cognitive Perspectives 501

The Behaviourist Perspective 501
The Social-Cognitive Perspective 502
Summary 503
Module 12.2 Cultural and Biological Approaches to Personality 505

Culture and Personality 506
Universals and Differences across Cultures: The Big Five 506
Personality Structures in Different Cultures 506
Comparing Personality Traits between Nations 507
BIOPSYCHOSOCIAL PERSPECTIVES How Culture Shapes Our

Development: Cultural Differences in the Self 507
How Genes Affect Personality 508

Twin Studies 509
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: From Molecules to Personality

510
The Role of Evolution in Personality 511
Animal Behaviour: The Evolutionary Roots of Personality 511
Why There Are So Many Different Personalities: The

Evolutionary Explanation 512
Myths in Mind Men Are from Mars, Women Are from Venus 513
The Brain and Personality 514

Extraversion and Arousal 514
Contemporary Research: Images of Personality in the Brain 515

Extraversion 515
Neuroticism 515
Agreeableness 515
Conscientiousness 515
Openness to Experience 515
Summary 516
Module 12.3 Psychodynamic and Humanistic Approaches to

Personality 518
The Psychodynamic Perspective 519
Assumptions of Psychodynamic Theories 519
Unconscious Processes and Psychodynamics 520
The Structure of Personality 520
Defence Mechanisms 521
Personality Development: The Psychosexual Stages 522
The Oral Stage (0–18 Months) 523
The Anal Stage (18 Months–3 Years) 523
The Phallic Stage (3–6 Years) 523
The Latency Stage (6–13 years) 524
The Genital Stage 524
Exploring the Unconscious with Projective Tests 525
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Perceiving Others as a Projective

Test 526
Alternatives to the Psychodynamic Approach 527
Analytical Psychology 527
The Power of Social Factors 528

Humanistic Perspectives 528
Summary 529
13 Social Psychology 531

Module 13.1 The Power of the Situation: Social Influences on Behaviour
532
The Person and the Situation 533
Mimicry and Social Norms 534
Group Dynamics: Social Loafing and Social Facilitation 535
Groupthink 536
The Asch Experiments: Conformity 537
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Examining Why People Conform:

Seeing Is Believing 538
The Bystander Effect: Situational Influences on Helping Behaviour
541
Social Roles and Obedience 544

The Stanford Prison Study 544
Obedience to Authority: The Milgram Experiment 546
Summary 549
Module 13.2 Social Cognition 551

Person Perception 552
Thin Slices of Behaviour 553
Self-Fulfilling Prophecies and Other Consequences of First

Impressions 553
The Self in the Social World 554

Projecting the Self onto Others: False Consensus and Naive
Realism 554
Self-Serving Biases and Attributions 555
Ingroups and Outgroups 556
Stereotypes, Prejudice, and Discrimination 557
Myths in Mind Are Only Negative Aspects of Stereotypes

Problematic? 558
Prejudice in a Politically Correct World 558
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Explicit versus Implicit Measures

of Prejudice 559
Psych@ The Law Enforcement Academy 561
Improving Intergroup Relations 562
Summary 563
Module 13.3 Attitudes, Behaviour, and Effective Communication 564

Changing People’s Behaviour 565
Persuasion: Changing Attitudes through Communication 565
Using the Central Route Effectively 566

Make It Personal 567
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: The Identifiable Victim Effect 568
Value Appeals 570
Preaching or Flip-Flopping? One-Sided vs. Two-Sided Messages

570
Emotions in the Central Route 570
Using the Peripheral Route Effectively 572

Authority 572
Liking 572
Social Validation 572
Reciprocity 572
Consistency 573
The Attitude–Behaviour Feedback Loop 574

Cognitive Dissonance 574
Attitudes and Actions 575
Summary 576
14 Health, Stress, and Coping 578

Module 14.1 Behaviour and Health 579
Smoking 580
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Media Exposure and Smoking

580
Efforts to Prevent Smoking 581
Obesity 582
Defining Healthy Weights and Obesity 583
Genetics and Body Weight 584
The Sedentary Lifestyle 584
Social Factors 585
Psychology and Weight Loss 585
BIOPSYCHOSOCIAL PERSPECTIVES Ethnicity, Economics, and

Obesity 585
Psychosocial Influences on Health 586

Poverty and Discrimination 586
Family and Social Environment 587

Social Contagion 587
Summary 588
Module 14.2 Stress and Illness 590

What Causes Stress? 591
Stress and Performance 592
Physiology of Stress 593

The Stress Pathways 594
Oxytocin: To Tend and Befriend 594
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Hormones, Relationships, and

Health 596
Stress, Immunity, and Illness 597
Stress, Personality, and Heart Disease 598
Myths in Mind Stress and Ulcers 599

Stress, Food, and Drugs 599
Stress, the Brain, and Disease 599
Summary 601
Module 14.3 Coping and Well-Being 602

Coping 603
Positive Coping Strategies 603
Optimism and Pessimism 603
Resilience 604
Biofeedback 605
Meditation and Relaxation 605
Psych@ Church 607

Exercise 608
Perceived Control 609
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Compensatory Control and

Health 610
Summary 612
15 Psychological Disorders 614

Module 15.1 Defining and Classifying Psychological Disorders 615
Defining Abnormal Behaviour 616
What Is “Normal” Behaviour? 617
Psychology’s Puzzle: How to Diagnose Psychological Disorders

617
Critiquing the DSM 618
The Power of a Diagnosis 619
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Labelling and Mental Disorders

619
BIOPSYCHOSOCIAL PERSPECTIVES Symptoms, Treatments, and
Culture 621
Applications of Psychological Diagnoses 622

The Mental Disorder Defence (AKA the Insanity Defence) 622
Summary 623
Module 15.2 Personality and Dissociative Disorders 624

Defining and Classifying Personality Disorders 625
Borderline Personality 625
Narcissistic Personality 626
Histrionic Personality 626
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Antisocial Personality Disorder

626
The Biopsychosocial Approach to Personality Disorders 629
Psychological Factors 629
Sociocultural Factors 629
Biological Factors 629
Dissociative Identity Disorder 630

Types of Dissociative Disorders 630
Is Dissociative Identity Disorder “Real?” 630
Summary 631
Module 15.3 Anxiety, Obsessive–Compulsive, and Depressive

Disorders 633
Anxiety Disorders 634
Varieties of Anxiety Disorders 634
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Specific Phobias 635

The Vicious Cycle of Anxiety Disorders 637
Obsessive–Compulsive Disorder (OCD) 637
Mood Disorders 639

Types of Mood Disorders 639
Cognitive Aspects of Depression 639
Biological Aspects of Depression 640
Sociocultural and Environmental Influences on Mood Disorders

641
Suicide 641
Psych@ The Suicide Helpline 642

Summary 643
Module 15.4 Schizophrenia 644

Symptoms and Types of Schizophrenia 645
Stages of Schizophrenia 645
Symptoms of Schizophrenia 645
Common Sub-Types of Schizophrenia 646
Myths in Mind Schizophrenia Is Not a Sign of Violence or of Being a

“Mad Genius” 647
Explaining Schizophrenia 648

Genetics 648
Schizophrenia and the Nervous System 648
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: The Neurodevelopmental

Hypothesis 649
Environmental and Social Influences on Schizophrenia 650
Culture and Schizophrenia 651
Summary 652
16 Therapies 653
Module 16.1 Treating Psychological Disorders 654
Barriers to Psychological Treatment 655
Stigma about Mental Illness 655
Gender Roles 656
Logistical Barriers: Expense and Availability 656
Involuntary Treatment 656
Mental Health Providers and Settings 657

Mental Health Providers 657
Inpatient Treatment and Deinstitutionalization 658
The Importance of Community Psychology 659
Psych@ The University Mental Health Counselling Centre 659
Evaluating Treatments 660

Empirically Supported Treatments 660
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Can Self-Help Treatments Be

Effective? 661
Summary 663
Module 16.2 Psychological Therapies 664

Insight Therapies 665
Psychoanalysis: Exploring the Unconscious 665
Modern Psychodynamic Therapies 666
Humanistic–Existential Psychotherapy 666
Evaluating Insight Therapies 667
Behavioural, Cognitive, and Group Therapies 668

Systematic Desensitization 668
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Virtual Reality Therapies 669

Aversive Conditioning 671
Cognitive–Behavioural Therapies 671
Mindfulness-Based Cognitive Therapy 672
Group and Family Therapies 673
Evaluating Cognitive–Behavioural Therapies 673
Summary 674
Module 16.3 Biomedical Therapies 676

Drug Treatments 677
Antidepressants 677
Myths in Mind Antidepressant Drugs Are Happiness Pills 678
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Is St. John’s Wort Effective? 679
Mood Stabilizers 680
Antianxiety Drugs 680
Antipsychotic Drugs 680
Evaluating Drug Therapies 681
Technological and Surgical Methods 682

Focal Lesions 683
Electroconvulsive Therapy 683
Repetitive Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation 683
Deep Brain Stimulation 684
Summary 685
Glossary 686
References 701
Name Index 752
Subject Index 766

About the Authors
Dr. Mark Krause received his Bachelor’s and Master’s degrees at Central
Washington University, and his PhD at the University of Tennessee in 2000. He
completed a postdoctoral appointment at the University of Texas at Austin where
he studied classical conditioning of sexual behaviour in birds. Following this,
Krause accepted a research fellowship through the National Institute of Aging to
conduct research on cognitive neuroscience at Oregon Health and Sciences
University. He has conducted research and published on pointing and
communication in chimpanzees, predatory behaviour in snakes, the behavioural
and evolutionary basis of conditioned sexual behaviour, and the influence of
testosterone on cognition and brain function. Krause began his teaching career
as a doctoral candidate and continued to pursue this passion even during
research appointments. His teaching includes courses in general psychology,
learning and memory, and behavioural neuroscience. Krause is currently a
professor of psychology at Southern Oregon University, where his focus is on
teaching, writing, and supervising student research. His spare time is spent with
his family, cycling, reading, and enjoying Oregon’s outdoors.
Dr. Daniel Corts discovered psychology at Belmont University where he

received his B.S. He completed a PhD in Experimental Psychology at the
University of Tennessee in 1999 and then a post-doctoral position at Furman
University for one year where he focused on the teaching of psychology. He is
now professor of psychology at Augustana College in Rock Island, IL where he
has taught for over 15 years. His research interests in cognition have led to
publications on language, gesture, and memory, and he has also published in
the area of college student development. Corts is increasingly involved in applied
work, developing programming and assessments related to K-12 educational
programming and teacher preparation. Corts is enthusiastic about getting
students involved in research and has supervised or coauthored over 100
conference presentations with undergraduates. Corts has served as the local Psi
Chi advisor for a dozen years and has served on the Board of Directors for
several years, including his current term as President. In his spare time, he
enjoys spending time with his two children, travelling, camping, and cooking.
About the Canadian Authors
Dr. Stephen Smith received his Bachelor of Arts and Science in Psychology and
Political Science from the University of Lethbridge, and his M.A. and PhD in
Psychology from the University of Waterloo. After graduating in 2004, he
completed a postdoctoral fellowship in the Affective Neuroscience Laboratory at
Vanderbilt University in Nashville, TN. Smith is now an Associate Professor of
Psychology at the University of Winnipeg. His research focuses on how emotion,
attention, and movement interact, and on how these processes are performed by
the nervous system. He has published research about emotional processing in
patients with different types of brain damage, how emotion affects our perception
of time, and, using neuroimaging, how emotions influence the activity of cells in
both the brain and the spinal cord. Smith’s teaching includes introductory
psychology, physiological psychology, and third- and fourth-year courses in
cognitive neuroscience. In his spare time, he loves to travel, read, play hockey,
and spend time with his wife and two young children.
Dr. Dan Dolderman received his Bachelor of Arts, M.A., and PhD from the
University of Waterloo. He has taught psychology at the University of Toronto
(St. George campus) since 2002 and is now a Senior Lecturer. Dolderman’s
research is in the area of environmental psychology. He is actively involved in
promoting environmentally sustainable behaviours and has presented his
research in numerous public and government settings. He has published
research papers on these topics as well as on the dynamics of human
relationships. His teaching includes introductory psychology, environmental
psychology, and positive psychology. In his spare time, he enjoys meditating,
camping, and spending time with his three children.
From the Authors
Welcome to the second Canadian edition of An Introduction to Psychological
Science. It is a great privilege for us to offer an updated and revised version of
our textbook. Much has happened in psychology (and the world) since the first
Canadian edition and we are excited to present the latest and greatest that our
field has to offer. Of course, equally (if not more) important to keeping up with the
science is ensuring that our readers find our book accessible, interesting, and
hopefully inspiring. To do this, we re-read the first Canadian edition from the
perspective of someone new to psychology. By taking this perspective, we were
able to identify parts of the book that needed reworking. This exercise also
reaffirmed our belief that scientific literacy is important and should be promoted.
We need science and critical thinking skills now more than ever.
Scientific literacy is more than simply memorizing lists of scientific terms and
famous names; rather, it is the ability to encounter, understand, and evaluate
scientific as well as nonscientific claims. Scientific literacy comprises four
interrelated components:
1. Knowledge: What do we know about a phenomenon?

2. Scientific explanation: How does science explain the psychological
process we are examining?
3. Critical thinking: How do we interpret and evaluate all types of
information, including scientific reporting?
4. Application: How does research apply to our own lives and to society?
To make scientific literacy the core of our text and MyPsychLab, we developed
content and features with the model shown in the graphic as a guide. The
competencies that surround the scientific literacy core represent different
knowledge or skill sets we want to work toward during the course. The
multidirectional nature of the arrows connecting the four supporting themes for
scientific literacy demonstrates the interrelatedness of the competencies, which
span both core-level skills, such as knowing general information (e.g., terms,
concepts), and more advanced skills, such as knowing how to explain
phenomena from a scientific perspective, critical thinking, and application of
material.
An Introduction to Psychological Science presents students with a model for

scientific literacy; this model forms the core of how this book is written and
organized. We believe a scientific literacy perspective and model will prove
useful in addressing two course needs we often hear from instructors—to
provide students with a systematic way to categorize the overwhelming amount
of information they are confronted with, and to cultivate their curiosity and help
them understand the relevance, practicality, and immense appeal of
psychological science.
Psychological science is in a privileged position to help students hone their

scientific literacy. It is both a rigorous scientific discipline and a field that studies
the most complex of all phenomena: the behavioural, cognitive, and biological
basis of behaviour. With this focus on behaviour, one can rightly argue that
psychology resides at the hub or core of numerous other scientific disciplines; it
also shares connections with neuroscience, education, and public health, to
name a few linkages. From this perspective, the knowledge acquired by studying
psychological science should transfer and apply to many other fields. This is
great news when you consider that psychology is one of the few science courses
that many undergraduates will ever take.
In the second Canadian edition of this textbook, we have continued our

emphasis on helping the reader organize and assess their thinking and learning
about the material. Each module includes learning objectives of increasing depth
(knowing, understanding, analyzing, and applying) as well as quiz items that
assess learning at each level. We have also included interactive materials using
the REVEL platform (found in the e-version of this book). Together, these tools
should help make the concepts relevant to readers’ lives; this, in turn, should
improve retention of the course material.
We would like to thank the many instructors and students who have helped us
craft this model and apply it to our discipline, and we look forward to your
feedback. Please feel free to contact us and share your experiences with the
second Canadian edition of An Introduction to Psychological Science.
Mark Krause
krausema@sou.edu
Daniel Corts
danielcorts@augustana.edu
Stephen Smith
s.smith@uwinnipeg.ca
Dan Dolderman
doldermanuoft@gmail.com
What’s New in the Second
Canadian Edition?
Writing the first Canadian edition of An Introduction to Psychological Science
gave us a new appreciation for how important Canadian researchers have been
to the study of psychological science. Although Canada is a relatively small
country (in terms of population and the number of research institutions),
Canadian researchers have made incredibly important contributions to a number
of areas of psychology. These important contributions are again highlighted in
the second Canadian edition. We have also continued to focus on issues that are
of particular relevance to Canadians, including bilingualism, environmental
psychology, and the experiences of first- and second-generation immigrants to
Canada.
As Introductory Psychology professors ourselves, we had a chance to use the

first edition of our textbook in our own classes. The second edition of our
textbook provides us with an opportunity to (1) add new, cutting-edge material to
the discussion of different areas of our field, and (2) expand on topics that our
own students have found particularly interesting. In fact, several of the changes
to this edition of the book are a result of feedback and discussions with students
in Winnipeg and Toronto (as well as a few much-appreciated emails from
students at other institutions).
Each chapter of the second edition of this textbook has been updated to reflect
the latest discoveries in psychology. Indeed, we have added new topics to all 16
chapters in the book. For example:
Chapter 1 , Introducing Psychological Science, includes a new section

entitled Emerging Themes in Psychology. Here, we highlight five current
themes that are found in modern psychology: (1) the psychology of women,
(2) cross-cultural psychology, (3) neuroimaging research, (4) positive
psychology, and (5) applied psychology. Our hope is that this section will
prime readers to look for these themes as they read through the other
modules of the book. Chapter 1 also contains new information showing
the benefits of distributed (spaced) learning and provides students with
specific suggestions for improving their academic performance.
Chapter 2 , Reading and Evaluating Scientific Research, discusses the
“replication crisis” in psychology and examines its implications for our field of
study. We also include new information about the role that qualitative
research can play in psychology, with a Canadian-based study of “friends
with benefits” serving as the running example.
Chapter 3 , Biological Psychology, includes a new Working the Scientific
Literacy Model section on the role of testosterone in social aggression. We
also updated our discussion of sex difference in spatial cognition and
streamlined several sections related to evolutionary psychology.
Chapter 4 , Sensation and Perception, includes a new section on the
vestibular system as well as a new Working the Scientific Literacy Model
section on the ability to follow musical beats. This chapter also contains new
content related to two topics that have garnered significant attention in the
past year: The Great Dress Debate (about the dress that appears white and
gold to some and black and blue to others) and Autonomous Sensory
Meridian Response (ASMR), a recently identified example of atypical
multimodal integration.
Chapter 5 , Consciousness, includes a new section on mind-wandering
(replacing meditation, which is now discussed elsewhere). We have also
added material related to the effect of caffeine on circadian rhythms, the role
of social isolation in drug dependence, and the societal effects of legalizing
drugs. We have also provided updated information about the legal status of
some drugs including Salvia divinorum.
Chapter 6 , Learning, includes new information explaining how the
unconditioned response (UR) and conditioned response (CR) aren’t always
identical. We have also added a new section on how operant conditioning is
used in casino settings, and have highlighted how multiline slot machines
often produce losses that are disguised as wins. We also streamlined the
applications of classical conditioning section in an effort to provide clearer
examples of these principles.
Chapter 7 , Memory, includes new information about emotion and
memory. We have also revamped our explanations of several concepts and
have provided clearer examples of the differences in overlapping concepts
(e.g., short-term memory and working memory).
Chapter 8 , Thought and Language, includes a new Working the Scientific
Literacy Model section on semantic priming. We have also added a new
section on the relationship between problem solving and the interpretation of
humour.
Chapter 9 , Intelligence Testing, includes updated and reorganized
material on a number of topics including multiple intelligences, the
hierarchical model of intelligence, and the interactions between beliefs and
intelligence-test scores.
Chapter 10 , Lifespan Development, underwent extensive reorganization.
It includes new information about fetal alcohol syndrome as well as updated
information about several topics including the development of theory of mind
and obstacles to healthy relationships in adulthood.
Chapter 11 , Motivation and Emotion, includes a number of new sections.
We have added content about semantic networks and food cravings, terror
management theory and its role in Canadian and American elections, how
bicultural individuals are affected by intrinsic and extrinsic motivation, and
brain networks related to emotional perception and regulation. We have also
added sections related to two issues that have received a great deal of
attention in the past year: (1) the challenges affecting transgender and
transsexual individuals, and (2) the controversies surrounding Ontario’s “Sex
Ed” curriculum (which received national attention).
Chapter 12 , Personality, includes a new discussion of Bandura’s social-
cognitive theory as well as more refined discussions of several topics
including an examination of right-wing authoritarianism and the stability of
personality traits across the lifespan.
Chapter 13 , Social Psychology, includes new information about the brain
regions involved with implicit prejudice as well as updated information about
the identifiable victim effect.
Chapter 14 , Health, Stress, and Coping, includes updated statistics to
several sections of Module 14.1 (Behaviour and Health). We have also
added information about individual zones of optimal performance to our
discussion of stress and added new information to our discussion of
meditation.
Chapter 15 , Psychological Disorders, includes updated statistics related
to different psychological disorders. We have also added new information
about the neuroscience of antisocial personality disorder, genetics and
depression, and identifying and helping individuals who are considering
suicide. Several sections of this chapter were also reorganized to improve
clarity.
Chapter 16 , Therapies, includes new information about the effects of St.
John’s wort, an herbal remedy for depression, on neurotransmitter systems
in the brain. We have also updated sections related to the efficacy of
antidepressants, and the use of electroconvulsive therapy and repetitive
transcranial magnetic stimulation as treatments for depression.
We believe that these changes (among the many others made to the book) have
allowed us to achieve our goal for the second Canadian edition: to provide
readers with a thorough description of the field of psychology while also
highlighting the importance of scientific literacy and the biopsychosocial model of
human behaviour. We hope that you, the reader, feel the same. Enjoy the book!
Content and Features
Scientific Explanation How can science
explain it?
This element of scientific literacy encompasses a basic understanding of
research methodology and thinking about problems within a scientific
framework. An Introduction to Psychological Science integrates and
reinforces key research methodology concepts throughout the book. This
interweaving of methodology encourages students to continue practising
their scientific thinking skills.
In recent years, an increasing number of instructors have begun to focus
on telling students how psychological science fits within the scientific
community. Psychology serves, in essence, as a hub science. Through
this emphasis on scientific literacy in psychology, students begin to see
the practicality and relevance of psychology and become more literate in
the fields that our hub science supports.
Critical Thinking
Can we critically evaluate the evidence?

Many departments are focusing to an increasing extent on the
development of critical thinking, as these skills are highly sought after in
society and the workforce. Critical thinking is generally defined as the
ability to apply knowledge, use information in new ways, analyze
situations and concepts, and evaluate decisions. To develop critical
thinking, the module objectives and quizzes are built around an updated
Bloom’s taxonomy. Objectives are listed at four levels of increasing
complexity: know, understand, apply, and analyze. The following features
also help students organize, analyze, and synthesize information.
Collectively, these features encourage students to connect different
levels of understanding with specific objectives and quiz questions.
Application
Why is this relevant?
Psychology is a highly relevant, modern science. To be scientifically
literate, students should relate psychological concepts to their own lives,
making decisions based on knowledge, sound methodology, and skilled
interpretation of information.
For Instructors
SCIENTIFIC LITERACY is a key course goal for many introductory
psychology instructors.
Learning science is an active process. How do we help instructors model

scientific literacy in the classroom and online in a way that meets the needs of
today’s students?
Organization
Instructors consistently tell us one of the main challenges they face when
teaching the introductory psychology course is organizing engaging, current, and
relevant materials to span the breadth of content covered. How do we help
organize and access valuable course materials?
REVEL™
Educational technology designed for the way today’s students read, think,
and learn.
When students are engaged deeply, they learn more effectively and perform
better in their courses. This simple fact inspired the creation of REVEL: an
immersive learning experience designed for the way today’s students read, think,
and learn. Built in collaboration with educators and students nationwide, REVEL
is the newest, fully digital way to deliver respected Pearson content.
REVEL enlivens course content with media interactives and assessments—

integrated directly within the authors’ narrative—that provide opportunities for
students to read about and practice course material in tandem. This immersive
educational technology boosts student engagement, which leads to better
understanding of concepts and improved performance throughout the course.
Learn more about REVEL
http://www.pearsonhighered.com/revel/
MyPsychLab
MyPsychLab offers students useful and engaging self-assessment tools, and it

provides instructors with flexibility in assessing and tracking student progress.
For instructors, MyPsychLab is a powerful tool for assessing student
performance and adapting course content to students’ changing needs, without
requiring instructors to invest additional time or resources to do so.
Instructors and students have been using MyPsychLab for more than 13 years.
To date, more than 600 000 students have used MyPsychLab. During that time,
three white papers on the efficacy of MyPsychLab have been published. Both the
white papers and user feedback show compelling results: MyPsychLab helps
students succeed and improve their test scores. One of the key ways
MyPsychLab improves student outcomes is by providing continuous assessment
as part of the learning process. Over the years, both instructor and student
feedback have guided numerous improvements to this system, making
MyPsychLab even more flexible and effective.
Pearson is committed to helping instructors and students succeed with

MyPsychLab. To that end, we offer a Psychology Faculty Advisor Program
designed to provide peer-to-peer support for new users of MyPsychLab.
Experienced Faculty Advisors help instructors understand how MyPsychLab can
improve student performance. To learn more about the Faculty Advisor Program,
please contact your local Pearson representative.
MyPsychLab Video Series
The MyPsychLab Video Series is a comprehensive and cutting-edge series
featuring 17 original 30-minute videos covering the most recent research and
utilizing the most up-to-date film and animation technology. Multiple choice and
short answer essay questions are provided within MyPsychLab so episodes can
be assigned as homework.
MyPsychLab Study Plan

Students have access to a personalized study plan, based on Bloom’s
taxonomy, that arranges content from less complex thinking (such as
remembering and understanding) to more complex critical thinking (such as
applying and analyzing). This layered approach promotes better critical thinking
skills and helps students succeed in the course and beyond.
Learning Catalytics
Learning Catalytics is a “bring your own device” student engagement,
assessment, and classroom intelligence system. It allows instructors to engage
students in class with real-time diagnostics. Students can use any modern, web-
enabled device (smartphone, tablet, or laptop) to access it.
Writing Space
Better writers make great learners—who perform better in their courses. To help
you develop and assess concept mastery and critical thinking through writing, we
created Writing Space.
It’s a single place to create, track, and grade writing assignments, provide writing
resources, and exchange meaningful, personalized feedback with students,
quickly and easily, including auto-scoring for practice writing prompts. Plus,
Writing Space has integrated access to Turnitin, the global leader in plagiarism
prevention.
Instructor’s Manual
The Instructor’s Manual includes suggestions for preparing for the course,
sample syllabi, and current trends and strategies for successful teaching. Each
chapter offers integrated teaching outlines, lists the key terms for each chapter
for quick reference, and provides an extensive bank of lecture launchers,
handouts, and activities, as well as suggestions for integrating third-party videos
and web resources. The electronic format features click-and-view hotlinks that
allow instructors to quickly review or print any resource from a particular chapter.
This resource saves prep work and helps maximize classroom time. Chapter and
module quiz answers can also be found in the Instructor’s Manual.
Standard Lecture PowerPoint Slides
Standard Lecture PowerPoint Slides are available online at

www.pearsoncanada.ca/highered, with a more traditional format with excerpts
of the text material, photos, and artwork.
Assessment
Instructors consistently tell us that assessing student progress is a critical
component to their course and one of the most time-consuming tasks.
Vetted, good-quality, easy-to-use assessment tools are essential. We
have been listening and we have responded by creating the absolutely
best assessment content available on the market today.
Test Bank
The Test Bank contains more than 3000 questions, many of which were class-
tested in multiple classes at both 2-year and 4-year institutions across the
country prior to publication. Item analysis is provided for all class-tested items.
All questions have been thoroughly reviewed and analyzed line-by-line by a
development editor and a copy editor to ensure clarity, accuracy, and delivery of
the highest-quality assessment tool. The test bank for the second Canadian
edition was also extensively reviewed by a professional psychometrician with
over ten years of experience teaching university psychology. Most conceptual
and applied multiple-choice questions include rationales for each correct answer
and the key distractors. The item analysis helps instructors create balanced
tests, while the rationales serve both as an added guarantee of quality and as a
time-saver when students challenge the keyed answer for a specific item.
The Test Bank also comes with Pearson MyTest, a powerful assessment
generation program that helps instructors easily create and print quizzes and
exams. Questions and tests can be authored online, providing instructors with
the ultimate in flexibility and the ability to efficiently manage assessments
wherever and whenever they want. Instructors can easily access existing
questions and then edit, create, and store them using simple drag-and-drop and
Word-like controls. The data for each question identifies its difficulty level and the
text page number where the relevant content appears. In addition, each question
maps to the text’s major section and Learning Objective. For more information,
go to www.PearsonMyTest.com.
Acknowledgments
We cannot fathom completing a project like this without the help and support of
many individuals. Through every bit of this process have been our families and
we thank you for your love, patience, and support. Although our children will be
disappointed that this book is not about the Montreal Canadiens or sea
creatures, we hope that they’ll read and enjoy this book one day. Our extended
families, particularly Peggy Salter, also provided immense support and helped
our children feel loved even when we had to work late to finish this book. In
addition, our departments have been wonderfully understanding and helpful,
offering advice with their various specializations, providing examples and tips,
reviewing drafts, and tolerating our occasional absences.
The second Canadian edition of this book would not exist without the hard work
and dedication shown by a number of people involved with first edition. Our
original Developmental Editor, Johanna Schlaepfer, went above and beyond the
call of duty to ensure that the final product was something we could all be proud
of. The first edition also benefited from the guidance of Matthew Christian (the
Acquisitions Editor at the time); Safa Ali; and Michelle Di Nella, Steve’s former
lab coordinator and unofficial “solver of all problems.”
The second edition of this book was again a team effort. Our Developmental
Editor, Lise Dupont, showed super-human patience. Laura Neves provided
amazing copy editing and helped turn our mad scribblings into a coherent book.
We are also indebted to Darcey Pepper (Acquisitions Editor) and to everyone on
the Productions and Permissions side of things: Kathryn O’Handley and
Kimberley Blakey at Pearson Canada, Vastavikta Sharma at Cenveo Publisher
Services, and Vignesh Sadhasivam at Integra Software Services Pvt. Ltd. Dr.
Leanne Stevens of Dalhousie University deserves a separate tip-of-the-hat for
her work linking the REVEL interactivities and assessments with the text of the
book. We would also like to thank the entire Pearson sales team for promoting
this book as well as the supplements team for editing the MyPsychLab and
other online materials.
The second Canadian edition of this book benefitted from conversations with a
number of colleagues. Danielle Gaucher from the University of Winnipeg was
immensely helpful in making suggestions for the new feature on Women in
Psychology (Module 1.2). Pauline Pearson from the University of Winnipeg
helped us clarify a number of points related to perceptual constancies (Module
4.2). Dan Smilek from the University of Waterloo (and Steve’s former soccer
teammate) was kind enough to read through and edit the new section on mind-
wandering (Module 5.2). Doug Williams from the University of Winnipeg provided
us with a number of fantastic ideas that ended up influencing several new
sections in Chapters 6 (Learning).
Finally, we would like to thank the many reviewers and students who carefully
read over the first Canadian edition and/or earlier versions of chapters from the
second edition of this book. We are very grateful that you shared your expertise
in the field of psychology, and in teaching, to help bring this book to life.
We value feedback from both instructors and students, and we are sure that we
will need it for our Third Canadian Edition. Please do not hesitate to offer
suggestions or comments by writing to Steve Smith (s.smith@uwinnipeg.ca) or
Dan Dolderman (doldermanuoft@gmail.com).
List of Reviewers
Jeffrey Adams, Trent University
Kimberly Burton, Marianapolis College
Stephanie Denison, University of Waterloo
Stephane Gaskin, Concordia University and Dawson College
Peter Graf, University of British Columbia

Rick Healey, Memorial University of Newfoundland
Thom Herrmann, University of Guelph
Karsten A. Loepelmann, University of Alberta
Alison Luby, University of Toronto
Laura MacKay, Capilano University
Stacey L. MacKinnon, University of Prince Edward Island
Jamal K. Mansour, Simon Fraser University
Diano Marrone, Wilfrid Laurier University
Katherine McGuire, University of New Brunswick, Saint John
Geoffrey S. Navara, Trent University
Jeffrey Nicol, Vancouver Island University
Peter Papadogiannis, University of Guelph-Humber
JDA Parker, Trent University
Tony Robertson, Vancouver Island University
Biljana Stevanovski, University of New Brunswick
Cheryl Techentin, Mount Royal University
Jennifer Tomaszczyk, University of Waterloo
Randal Tonks, Camosun College
Christine D. Tsang, Huron University College at Western
Ashley Waggoner Denton, University of Toronto
Susan G. Walling, Memorial University of Newfoundland
Stacey Wareham-Fowler, Memorial University of Newfoundland
Doug Williams, University of Winnipeg

Ross Woolley, Langara College
Chapter 1 Introducing
1.1 The Science of Psychology

The Scientific Method 3
Module 1.1a Quiz 6
Building Scientific Literacy 6
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Planning When to Study 7
Module 1.1b Quiz 9
Module 1.1 Summary 10
1.2 How Psychology Became a Science

Psychology’s Philosophical and Scientific Origins 12
Module 1.2a Quiz 17
The Beginnings of Contemporary Psychology 18
Module 1.2b Quiz 24
Emerging Themes in Psychology 24
Module 1.2c Quiz 27

Module 1.1 The Science of
Psychology
Everett Collection
Learning Objectives
1.1a Know . . . the key terminology of the scientific method.
1.1b Understand . . . the steps of the scientific method.
1.1c Understand . . . the concept of scientific literacy.
1.1d Apply . . . the biopsychosocial model to behaviour.
1.1e Apply . . . the steps in critical thinking.
1.1f Analyze . . . the use of the term scientific theory.
Almost everyone has misinterpreted someone else’s meaning in a

conversation. You could misinterpret someone leaning closer to you as
flirting when really you were just talking too softly. You could mistake
someone’s tone of voice as being annoyed when that person was
actually talking loudly to be heard over other people in the room. We also
frequently misjudge other people’s attitudes and personalities. The
unfriendly and arrogant person at work might actually turn out to be a shy
person who dislikes crowded social events. In all of these situations, we
make inferences about another person based on the different cues they
provide us. But how do we decide which cues are important? Are they
really the right cues to be using when we want to explain other people’s
behaviour?
The situation is even more complicated in the wired world of the 21st
century, with everyone plugged in to email, online gaming, and social
networking sites like Facebook and Twitter. How do you interpret
someone’s behaviour or intentions when all you have to go by is words
on a screen and cartoon-like happy faces? How much information do you
need to (safely) disclose in order for other people to understand you?
These questions highlight the complexity of human behaviour as well as
some of the challenges involved in trying to understand it. In this
textbook, we will examine many different aspects of behaviour—from
basic brain and perception functions to memory to social behaviours. But
all of these chapters have the same central theme: the quest to
understand why and how we behave the way we do.
Focus Questions
1. How can the human mind, with its quirks and imperfections,
conduct studies on itself?
2. How can scientific and critical thinking steer us toward a clearer
understanding of human behaviour and experience?
One of the reasons psychology is such an exciting field is that it is easy to see
how this field of study relates to your own life. Although chemistry and physics
both have a profound effect on our lives, it is sometimes difficult to link formulas
and diagrams with real life experiences. Psychology is visceral—we feel
emotions, we take in sensations, and we produce behaviours such as thoughts
and actions. Psychology is you.
A more official definition of psychology is the scientific study of behaviour,

thought, and experience, and how they can be affected by physical, mental,
social, and environmental factors. This definition shows you that psychology
involves a number of overlapping areas of investigation. Some of the overarching
goals of psychology include:
to understand how different brain structures work together to produce our

behaviour
to understand how nature (genetics) and nurture (our upbringing and
environment) interact to make us who we are
to understand how previous experiences influence how we think and act
to understand how groups—family, culture, and crowds—affect the individual
to understand how feelings of control can influence happiness and health
to understand how each of these factors can influence our well-being and
could contribute to psychological disorders
Critically, these points are not independent of one another. As we will discuss
later in this module, every topic in psychology could be examined from a
biological, cognitive (thinking), or sociocultural perspective. As you progress
through this book, you will begin to understand the different factors that influence
your thoughts, actions, and feelings. Psychology can help you see the world in a
different way. And, just as important, psychology can help you understand why
other people behave the way they do. All of the factors that influence you also
influence other people in one way or another. By understanding these influences,
you can gain a better understanding—and acceptance—of the people around
you.
Importantly, our knowledge of human behaviour isn’t just a series of opinions.

Every topic that we will discuss is based on the hard work of scientists who
meticulously tested their ideas in laboratories and in the “real world.” This text
includes many references (e.g., Eastwood et al., 2016) to reinforce this fact.
The science of psychology would be nothing without the scientific method.
The Scientific Method
What exactly does it mean to be a scientist? A person who haphazardly

combines chemicals in test tubes may look like a chemist, but he is not
conducting science; a person who dissects a specimen just to see how it looks
may appear to be a biologist, but this is not science either. In contrast, a person
who carefully follows a system of observing, predicting, and testing is conducting
science, whether the subject matter is chemicals, physiology, human memory, or
social interactions. In other words, whether a field of study is a science, or a
specific type of research is scientific, is based not on the subject but on the use
of the scientific method. The scientific method is a way of learning about the
world through collecting observations, developing theories to explain them, and
using the theories to make predictions. It involves a dynamic interaction between
hypothesis testing and the construction of theories, outlined in Figure 1.1 .
Figure 1.1 The Scientific Method
Scientists use theories to generate hypotheses. Once tested, hypotheses are
either confirmed or rejected. Confirmed hypotheses lead to new ones and
strengthen theories. Rejected hypotheses are revised and tested again, and can
potentially alter an existing theory.
Hypotheses: Making Predictions

Scientific thinking and procedures revolve around the concepts of a hypothesis
and a theory. Both guide the process and progress of the sciences; however, it is
important to differentiate between these terms. A hypothesis (plural:
hypotheses) is a testable prediction about processes that can be observed and
measured. A hypothesis can be supported or rejected—you cannot prove a
hypothesis because it is always possible that a future experiment could show
that it is wrong or limited in some way. This support or rejection occurs after
scientists have tested the hypothesis. For a hypothesis to be testable, it must be
falsifiable , meaning that the hypothesis is precise enough that it could be
proven false. This precision is also important because it will help future
researchers if they try to replicate the study (i.e., reproduce the findings) to
determine if it the results were due to chance (see Module 2.1 for a more in-
depth discussion of replication).
“All swans are white” is a falsifiable statement. A swan that is not coloured white
will falsify it. Falsification is a critical component of scientific hypotheses and
theories.
Ellie Rothnie/Alamy Stock Photo
These requirements are regularly broken by people claiming to be scientific. For

example, astrologers and psychics are in the business of making predictions. An
astrologer might tell you, “It’s a good time for you to keep quiet or defer important
calls or emails.” This type of statement is impossible to test. If you keep quiet
and nothing happens to you, is that due to you following the horoscope or to the
fact that you hid from the world? Horoscopes make very general predictions—
typically so much so that you could easily find evidence for them if you looked
hard enough, and perhaps stretched an interpretation of events a bit. In contrast,
a good scientific hypothesis is stated in more precise terms that promote
testability, such as the following:
People become less likely to help a stranger if there are others around.
Cigarette smoking causes cancer.
Exercise improves memory ability.
Each of these hypotheses can be confirmed or rejected through scientific testing.

An obvious difference between science and astrology is that scientists are eager
to test hypotheses such as these, whereas astrologers would rather you just take
their word for it. We acknowledge that astrology is an easy target for criticism. In
fact, it is often referred to as pseudoscience , an idea that is presented as
science but does not actually utilize basic principles of scientific thinking or
procedure. Incidentally, a 2005 Gallup poll found that 25% of Canadians (17% of
males and 33% of females) believe that the position of the stars in the sky can
affect a person’s behaviour.
Theories: Explaining Phenomena

In contrast to hypotheses, a theory is an explanation for a broad range of
observations that also generates new hypotheses and integrates numerous
findings into a coherent whole. In other words, theories are general principles or
explanations of some aspect of the world (including human behaviours), whereas
hypotheses are specific predictions that can test the theory or, more realistically,
specific parts of that theory. Theories are built from hypotheses that are
repeatedly tested and confirmed. Similar to hypotheses, an essential quality of
scientific theories is that they can be supported or proved false with new
evidence. If a hypothesis is supported, it provides more support for the theory. In
turn, good theories eventually become accepted explanations of behaviour or
other phenomena (i.e., they can be used to generate new hypotheses).
However, if the hypothesis is not supported by the results of a well-designed
experiment, then researchers may have to rethink elements of the theory. Figure
1.1 shows how hypothesis testing eventually leads back to the theory from
which it was based, and how theories can be updated with new evidence. This
process helps to ensure that science is self-correcting—bad ideas typically do
not last long in the sciences.
The term theory is often used very casually, which has led to some persistent
and erroneous beliefs about scientific theories. The following points clarify some
common misperceptions.
Theories are not the same as opinions or beliefs. Yes, it is certainly true
that everyone is entitled to their own beliefs. But the phrase “That’s just your
theory” is confusing the terms “opinion” and “theory.” A theory can help
scientists develop testable hypotheses; opinions do not need to be testable,
or even logical.
All theories are not equally plausible. Groups of scientists might adopt
different theories for explaining the same phenomenon. For example, several
theories have been proposed to explain why people become depressed. This
does not mean that anyone can throw their hat into the ring and claim equal
status for his or her theory (or belief). A good theory can explain previous
research and can lead to even more testable hypotheses.
The quality of a theory is not related to the number of people who
believe it to be true. According to a 2009 poll, only 61% of Canadians (and
only 39% of Americans) believe in the theory of evolution by natural selection
(Angus Reid Public Opinion, 2012), despite the fact that it is the most
plausible, rigorously tested theory of biological change and diversity.
Testing hypotheses and constructing theories are both part of all sciences.
Importantly, each science, including psychology, has its own unique way of
approaching its complex subject matter as well as its own unique set of
challenges. In the case of psychology, we must remember that behaviour can
occur on a number of different levels, including the activity of cells in different
parts of the brain, thought processes such as language and memory, and
sociocultural processes that shape daily life for millions of people. Therefore,
psychology examines the individual as a product of multiple influences, including
biological, psychological, and social factors.
The Biopsychosocial Model

Because our thoughts and behaviours have multiple influences, psychologists
adopt multiple perspectives to understand them. The biopsychosocial model
is a means of explaining behaviour as a product of biological, psychological, and
sociocultural factors (see Figure 1.2 ). Biological influences on our behaviour
involve brain structures and chemicals, hormones, and external substances such
as drugs. Psychological influences involve our memories, emotions, and
personalities, and how these factors shape the way we think about and respond
to different people and situations. Finally, social factors such as our family,
peers, ethnicity, and culture can have a huge effect on our behaviour.
Importantly, none of these levels of analysis exists on its own. In fact, these
levels influence each other! The firing of brain cells can influence how we think
and remember information; this, in turn, can affect how we interact with family
members or how we respond to social situations like a concert. But, these
influences can occur in the other direction as well. Social situations can affect
how we think (e.g., getting annoyed by the crowded hallway at your university),
which, in turn, can trigger the release of chemicals and hormones in your brain.
Figure 1.2 The Biopsychosocial Model
Psychologists view behaviour from multiple perspectives. A full understanding of
human behaviour comes from analyzing biological, psychological, and
sociocultural factors.
The take-home message of this section is that almost every moment of your life
is occurring at all three levels; psychologists have taken up the exciting
challenge of trying to understand them. Indeed, behaviour can be fully explained
only if multiple perspectives—and their interactions—are investigated. This
“systems perspective” will become particularly apparent as you read about
psychological research that tackles complex topics.
Module 1.1a Quiz:

The Scientific Method
Know . . .
1. A testable prediction about processes that can be observed and
measured is referred to as a(n) .
A. theory
B. hypothesis
C. opinion
D. hunch
Understand . . .
2. A theory or prediction is falsifiable if
A. it is based on logic that is incorrect.
B. it is impossible to test.
C. it is precise enough that it could be proven false.
D. it comes from pseudoscience.
Apply . . .
3. How would you apply the biopsychosocial model to a news report
claiming that anxiety is caused by being around other people who are
anxious?
A. Recognize that the news report considers all portions of the
biopsychosocial model.
B. Recognize that psychologists do not regard biological factors
when it comes to anxiety.
C. Recognize that the only effective treatment of anxiety must be
drug-based.
D. Recognize that the news report only considers one portion of the
biopsychosocial model.
Analyze . . .
4. The hypothesis that “exercise improves one’s ability to remember lists of
words” is a scientific one because
A. it cannot be confirmed.
B. it cannot be rejected.
C. it makes a specific, testable prediction.
D. it can be proven.
Building Scientific Literacy
A major aim of this book is to teach you the theoretical foundations, concepts,
and applicable skills that are central to the field of psychology. This book is also
designed to help you develop scientific literacy , the ability to understand,
analyze, and apply scientific information. As you can see in Figure 1.3 ,
scientific literacy has several key components, starting with the ability to learn
new information. Certainly this text will provide you with new terminology and
concepts, but you will continue to encounter psychological and scientific
terminology long after you have completed this course. Being scientifically
literate means that you will be able to read and interpret new terminology, or
know where to go to find out more.
Figure 1.3 A Model for Scientific Literacy

Scientific literacy involves four different skills: gathering knowledge about the
world, explaining it using scientific terms and concepts, using critical thinking,
and applying and using information.
Memorizing different terms is not enough to make someone scientifically literate.

We also have to examine whether the ideas being presented were scientifically
tested, and whether those studies were designed properly. It is absolutely
essential that we ask such questions. Doing so allows us to separate the
information that we should find convincing from the information that we should
view with caution. It will also allow you to better analyze the information
presented to you by politicians, corporations, and the media; this will make it
more difficult for these groups to influence your behaviour. Finally, we want to be
able to apply the results of scientific studies to different situations; in other words,
to generalize the results. Generalization shows us that the studies conducted in
universities and hospitals can provide insight into behaviours that extend far
beyond the confines of the lab.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Planning
When to Study
To develop your scientific literacy skills, in every module

(beginning with Chapter 2 ) we will revisit this model and its
four components as they apply to a specific psychological topic—
a process we call working the scientific literacy model. This will
help you to move beyond simply learning the vocabulary of
psychological research toward understanding scientific
explanations, thinking critically, and discovering applications of
the material. In order to demonstrate how these sections of the
book will work, let’s use an example that will be familiar to many:
planning study time for your different classes.
What do we know about timing and studying?

In the first stage of the Scientific Literacy Model, we attempt to
gather the available knowledge about the topic that we’re
investigating, in this case the fact that students differ on how they
attempt to remember information for exams. Many students use
what is called massed learning—they perform all of their studying
for an exam in one lengthy session. Another approach is spaced
or distributed learning—having shorter study sessions, but
spreading them out over several days. Which technique do you
prefer? If you use the massed learning technique (most students
prefer it . . . or end up using it because they’ve left studying until
the last minute), it is likely because it seems easier and it may
even give you the sense that it is more effective than distributed
learning. Actually, the two strategies are not equally effective;
more than 100 years of memory research has shown us that
distributed learning is the better of the two (Cepeda et al., 2006;
Edwards, 1917).
How can science explain the effect of timing on
study success?
In the second stage of the Scientific Literacy Model, we examine
whether the information that is available about a topic has been
tested in scientific studies. In a typical study of massed vs.
distributed learning, participants are asked to remember lists of
words or concepts. The stimuli are presented multiple times.
What varies, however, is when these presentations occur. In
some conditions, the stimuli are presented in a single session (a
massed schedule). In other conditions, the studying is spread out
across multiple time periods (a spaced or distributed schedule).
As early as 1885, Herman Ebbinghaus, a German psychologist,
found that his ability to learn sets of nonsense syllables (e.g., wej)
was superior if he spread his learning over three days rather than
trying to learn the lengthy list in one sitting. Similar patterns of
results have been found in hundreds of other studies, providing
strong evidence in favour of distributed learning (Delaney et al.,
2010; Dempster, 1988). Although there is no single explanation
for this effect, one factor is particularly relevant for students.
When information is learned in one massed session, it begins to
feel repetitive. This leads the learners to pay less attention to the
material than they would in distributed learning sessions, when
some of the material may have been forgotten (Ausubel, 1966).
As a result, people learning in a distributed fashion are more
likely to pay attention to the material than massed learners, a
tendency that would obviously improve performance.
Can we critically evaluate this evidence?

In the third stage of the Scientific Literacy Model, we examine the
limitations of the studies discussed earlier; we also look for
alternative explanations for the results. The most obvious
criticism of this research is that results from laboratory-based
studies may not reflect how memory works in a real educational
setting. This is a valid concern—researchers don’t want their
effects to be isolated to the laboratory. Luckily, a number of
researchers have applied the knowledge and techniques
developed by earlier researchers to applied psychology studies in
the classroom. In one study, elementary school children were
taught scientific information about food charts (Gluckman et al.,
2014). Each child received four lessons about this topic. One
group received all four lessons on a Monday (“massed learning
condition”). A second group received two lessons on a Monday
and two lessons on a Tuesday (“clumped learning group”). The
third group received one lesson per day from Monday through
Thursday (“distributed learning group”). All groups were tested
one week after their last lesson. As can be seen in Figure 1.4 ,
the distributed learning group retained much more information
than the other two groups. Similar patterns of results have been
found in studies with middle school children (Sobel et al., 2011)
and undergraduate students at an Ontario university (Kapler et
al., 2015), suggesting that the laboratory studies of the benefits of
distributed learning generalize to the so-called real world.
Figure 1.4 Massed versus Distributed Learning
In a study by Gluckman and colleagues (2014), groups of

students learned information in one long session (massed
learning), two sessions per day on two consecutive days
(clumped learning), or spread across four days (distributed
learning). A test one week later found that the distributed learning
group retained much more information than the other groups.
Source: Information is derived from Table 1 of Gluckman et al. (2014), Spacing Simultaneously
Promotes Multiple Forms of Learning in Children’s Science Curriculum, Applied Cognitive
Psychology, 28, p. 270, Wiley Online Library.
Why is this finding relevant?

In the final stage of the Scientific Literacy Model, we attempt to
apply the results to situations outside of the laboratory. The
information about distributed learning is being presented in the
first module of this textbook for a reason: Psychology students
should benefit from psychology research. Now that you know that
retention is improved if you study over the course of a few days
rather than in one long session, you can alter your own study
schedule. The benefits to your grades could be substantial.
Distributed learning has also proven useful in many clinical
contexts, such as helping people improve their memory abilities
after suffering a traumatic brain injury (Hillary et al., 2003).
Sometimes simple experiments can have widespread
implications; that’s something to remember.
Now that you have read this feature, we hope you understand how scientific
information fits into the four components of the model. But there is still much to
learn about working the model: In the next section, we will describe critical
thinking skills and how to use them.
Critical Thinking, Curiosity, and a Dose of Healthy

Skepticism
People are confronted with more information on a daily basis than they have
been at any other point in our history. Some of it is credible and can be used to
help guide your decisions or behaviour. But we also must deal with claims—often
made by people trying to sell you things—that are not always true.
“This political party will not base its positions on public opinion polls.”
“These remedies were developed by ancient cultures and have been used for
centuries.”
“Join now and find your soul mate.”
Misinformation sometimes seems far more abundant than accurate information,

which is why it is important to develop critical thinking skills.
Refer to Figure 1.3 . As the model shows, critical thinking is an important

element of scientific literacy. Critical thinking involves exercising curiosity
and skepticism when evaluating the claims of others, and with our own
assumptions and beliefs. Critical thinking does not mean being negative or
arbitrarily critical; rather, it means that you intentionally examine knowledge,
beliefs, and the means by which conclusions were obtained.
Critical thinking involves cautious skepticism. We are constantly being told about
amazing products that help us control body weight, improve thinking and
memory, enhance sexual performance, and so on. As consumers, there will
always be claims we really hope to be true. But as critical thinkers, we meet
these claims with a good dose of skepticism (e.g., Is there sound evidence that
this diet helps people to achieve and maintain a healthy weight?). Being
skeptical can be challenging, especially when it means asking for evidence that
we may not want to find. Often the great products or miracle cures that we have
always hoped for really are “too good to be true.” Being curious and skeptical
leads you to ask important questions about the science underlying such claims.
Doing so leads us to search for and evaluate evidence, which is never a bad
thing.
Importantly, the ability to think critically can be learned and developed, although
most of us need to make a conscious effort to do so (Halpern, 1996). Research
points to a core set of habits and skills for developing critical thinking:
1. Be curious. Simple answers are sometimes too simple, and common

sense is not always correct (or even close to it). Example: Giving your
brain some time to rest after having a stroke (a form of brain damage)
hinders rather than helps your recovery (see Module 3.3 ).
2. Examine the nature and source of the evidence; not all research is of
equal quality. Example: Some studies use flawed methods or, in the case
of an infamous study linking vaccines and autism, were performed by
someone who would benefit financially if the results told a particular story
(see Module 2.3 ).
3. Examine assumptions and biases. This includes your own assumptions
as well as the assumptions of those making the claims. Example:
Research examining the impact of human behaviour on climate change
may be biased if it is funded by oil companies (see Module 2.2 ).
4. Avoid overly emotional thinking. Emotions can tell us what we value, but
they are not always helpful when it comes to making critical decisions.
Example: you may have strong responses when hearing about
differences in the cognitive abilities of males and females (see Module
3.1 ); however, it is important to put those aside to examine the studies
themselves.
5. Tolerate ambiguity. Most complex issues do not have clear-cut answers.
Example: Psychologists have identified a number of factors leading to
depression, but no single factor guarantees that a person will suffer from
this condition (see Module 15.3 ).
6. Consider alternative viewpoints and alternative interpretations of the
evidence. Example: It is clear that we require sleep in order to function
properly; however, there are several theories that can explain the
functions that sleep serves (see Module 5.1 ).
Using these critical-thinking skills might seem difficult at first. However, with
some practice, they will soon seem like a natural way of viewing the world. They
will also help you see through some rather unbelievable stories.
Myths in Mind Abducted by Aliens!
Independent reports of alien abductions often resemble events and

characters depicted in science fiction movies.
shiva3d/Shutterstock
Occasionally we hear claims of alien abductions, ghost sightings, and

other paranormal activity. Countless television shows and movies, both
fictional and documentary based, reinforce the idea that these types of
events can and do occur. Alien abductions are probably the most far-
fetched stories, yet many people believe they occur or at least regard
them as a real possibility. What is even more interesting are the
extremely detailed accounts given by purported alien abductees.
However, physical evidence of an abduction is always lacking. So what
can we make of the validity of alien abduction stories?
Scientific and critical thinking involve the use of the principle of

parsimony , which states that the simplest of all competing
explanations (the most “parsimonious”) of a phenomenon should be the
one we accept. Is there a simpler explanation for alien abductions?
Probably. Psychologists who study alien abduction cases have
discovered some interesting patterns. First, historical reports of
abductions typically spike just after the release of science fiction movies
featuring space aliens. Details of the reports often follow specific details
seen in these movies (Clancy, 2005). Second, it probably would not be
too surprising to learn that people who report being abducted are prone
to fantasizing and having false memories (vivid recollection and belief in
something that did not happen; Lynn & Kirsch, 1996; Spanos et al.,
1994). Finally, people who claim to have been abducted are likely to
experience sleep paralysis (waking up and becoming aware of being
unable to move—a temporary state that is not unusual) and
hallucinations while in the paralyzed state (McNally et al., 2004). You
can likely see how these three factors could explain reports of alien
abductions. Following the principle of parsimony typically leads to real,
though sometimes less spectacular, answers—although these answers
might leave the so-called “abductees” feeling alienated.
Module 1.1b Quiz:

Building Scientific Literacy
Know . . .
1. Someone who exercises curiosity and skepticism about assumptions and
beliefs is using .
A. critical thinking
B. a hypothesis
C. pseudoscience
D. the biopsychosocial model
Understand . . .
2. Scientific literacy does not include .
A. gathering knowledge
B. accepting common sense explanations
C. critical thinking
D. applying scientific information to everyday problems
Apply . . .
3. Paul is considering whether to take a cholesterol-reducing medicine that
has been recommended by his physician. He goes to the library and
learns that the government agency that oversees medications—Health
Canada—has approved the medication after dozens of studies had been
conducted on its usefulness. Which aspect of critical thinking does this
best represent?
A. Paul has examined the nature and source of the evidence.
B. Paul was simply curious.
C. Paul did not consider alternative viewpoints.
D. Paul was avoiding overly emotional thinking.
Module 1.1 Summary

1.1a Know . . . the key terminology of the scientific method.
biopsychosocial model
critical thinking
falsifiable
hypothesis
principle of parsimony
pseudoscience
psychology
scientific literacy
scientific method
theory
1.1b Understand . . . the steps of the scientific method.
The basic model in Figure 1.1 guides us through the steps of the scientific
method. Scientific theories generate hypotheses, which are specific and testable
predictions. If a hypothesis is confirmed, new hypotheses may stem from it, and
the original theory receives added support. If a hypothesis is rejected, the
original hypothesis may be modified and retested, or the original theory may be
modified or rejected.
1.1c Understand . . . the concept of scientific literacy.
Scientific literacy refers to the process of how we think about and understand
scientific information. The model for scientific literacy was summarized in Figure
1.3 . Working the model involves answering a set of questions:
What do we know about a phenomenon?
How can science explain it?
Can we critically evaluate the evidence?
You will see this model applied to concepts in each chapter of this text. This
includes gathering knowledge, explaining phenomena in scientific terms,
engaging in critical thinking, and knowing how to apply and use your knowledge.
1.1d Apply . . . the biopsychosocial model to behaviour.
This is a model we will use throughout the text. As you consider each topic, think
about how biological factors (e.g., the brain and genetics) are influential. Also
consider how psychological factors such as thinking, learning, emotion, and
memory are relevant. Social and cultural factors complete the model. These
three interacting factors influence our behaviour.
1.1e Apply . . . the steps in critical thinking.
To be useful, critical thinking is something not just to memorize, but rather to use
and apply. Remember, critical thinking involves (1) being curious, (2) examining
evidence, (3) examining assumptions and biases, (4) avoiding emotional
thinking, (5) tolerating ambiguity, and (6) considering alternative viewpoints. Try
applying these steps in the activity below.
Apply Activity
Practise applying critical thinking skills to the following scenario.
Magic Mileage is a high-tech fuel additive that actually increases the distance you can
drive for every litre by 20%, while costing only a fraction of the gasoline itself!! Wouldn’t
you like to cut your fuel expenses by one-fifth? Magic Mileage is a blend of complex
engine-cleaning agents and a patented “octane-booster” that not only packs in extra
kilometres per litre but also leaves your engine cleaner and running smooth while
reducing emissions!
1. How might this appeal lead to overly emotional thinking?

2. Can you identify assumptions or biases the manufacturer might have?
3. Do you have enough evidence to make a judgment about this product?
1.1f Analyze . . . the use of the term scientific theory.
As you read in this module, the term theory is often used very casually in the
English language, sometimes synonymously with opinion. Thus, it is important to
analyze the scientific meaning of the term and contrast it with the alternatives. A
scientific theory is an explanation for a broad range of observations, integrating
numerous findings into a coherent whole. Remember, theories are not the same
thing as opinions or beliefs, all theories are not equally plausible, and, strange as
it may sound, the quality of a scientific theory is not determined by the number of
people who believe it to be true.
Module 1.2 How Psychology
Became a Science
Nagib/Shutterstock
Learning Objectives
1.2a Know . . . the key terminology of psychology’s history.
1.2b Understand . . . how various philosophical and scientific fields became
major influences on psychology.
1.2c Apply . . . your knowledge to distinguish among the different
specializations in psychology.
1.2d Analyze . . . how the philosophical ideas of empiricism and determinism
are applied to human behaviour.
When we try to imagine the earliest investigations of human behaviour,

we rarely think about axe wounds to the head. As it turns out, we should.
The ancient Egyptians were a fierce military force for several centuries.
The wealth accumulated during these military campaigns filled the
palaces of the pharaohs with gold and jewels and allowed them to
construct massive monuments like the pyramids. But one side effect of
having many battles was that members of the Egyptian army also
suffered many injuries, including some to the head. Although the primitive
medical knowledge of the time condemned most brain-injured patients to
death, some did in fact survive and attempted to return to their normal
lives. However, as one might expect when someone has suffered an axe
(khopesh) wound to the head, such attempts were not always successful.
Similar problems had likely occurred in earlier times, but what makes
ancient Egypt stand out is that military doctors noticed—and documented
—patterns that emerged in their patients. As noted in the Edwin Smith
papyrus (obviously named after the American discoverer, not the
Egyptian authors), damage to different parts of the brain resulted in
different types of impairments ranging from problems with vision to
problems with higher-order cognitive abilities. Although primitive by
modern standards, this initial attempt to link a brain-based injury to a
change in behaviour marked the first step toward our modern study of
psychology.
Focus Questions
1. Why did it take so long for scientists to start applying their

methods to human thoughts and experience?
2. What has resulted from the application of scientific methods to
human behaviour?
Psychology has long dealt with some major questions and issues that span
philosophical inquiry and scientific study. For example, psychologists have
questioned how environmental, genetic, and physiological processes influence
behaviour. They have wrestled with the issue of whether our behaviour is
determined by external events, or if we have free will to act. Psychology’s search
for answers to these and other questions continues, and in this module we put
this search into historical context and see how these questions have influenced
the field of psychology as it exists today.
Psychology’s Philosophical and Scientific

Origins
Science is more than a body of facts to memorize or a set of subjects to study.

Science is actually a philosophy of knowledge that stems from two fundamental
beliefs: empiricism and determinism.
Empiricism is a philosophical tenet that knowledge comes through

experience. In everyday language, you might hear the phrase “Seeing is
believing,” but in the scientific sense, empiricism means that knowledge about
the world is based on careful observation, not on common sense or speculation.
Whatever we see or measure should be observable by anyone else who follows
the same methods. In addition, scientific theories must be logical explanations of
how the observations fit together. Thus, although the empiricist might say,
“Seeing is believing,” thinking and reasoning about observations are just as
important.
Determinism is the belief that all events are governed by lawful, cause-and-
effect relationships. This is easy enough when we discuss natural laws such as
gravity—we probably all agree that if you drop an object, it will fall (unless it is a
helium balloon). But does the lawfulness of nature apply to the way we think and
act? Does it mean that we do not have control over our own actions? This
interesting philosophical debate is often referred to as free will versus
determinism. While we certainly feel as if we are in control of our own behaviours
—that is, we sense that we have free will—there are compelling reasons
(discussed later in this book) to believe that some of our behaviours are
determined. The level of determinism or free will psychologists attribute to
humans is certainly debated, and to be a psychologist, you do not have to
believe that every single thought, behaviour, or experience is determined by
natural laws. But psychologists certainly do recognize that behaviour is
determined by both internal (e.g., genes, brain chemistry) and external (e.g.,
cultural) influences.
Psychological science is both empirical and deterministic. We now know that

behaviour can only be understood by making observations and testing
hypotheses. We also know that behaviour occurs at several different levels
ranging from cells to societies. However, this modern knowledge did not appear
overnight. Instead, our understanding of why we behave the way we do is built
upon the hard work, creativity, and astute observational powers of scientists
throughout history dating (at least) as far back as the ancient Mediterranean
societies of Egypt, Greece, and Rome.
Influences from the Ancients: Philosophical

Insights into Behaviour
As you read in the opening section of this module, ancient Egyptian doctors
noticed that damage to different brain areas led to vastly different impairments.
While such an observation marked the first recorded linking of biology and
behaviour, it was not the only important insight to come out of ancient societies.
In ancient Greece, the physician Hippocrates (460–370 BCE) developed the

world’s first personality classification scheme. The ancient Greeks believed that
four humours or fluids flowed throughout the body and influenced both health
and personality. These four humours included blood, yellow bile, black bile, and
phlegm (theories were a bit gross in ancient times). Different combinations of
these four humours were thought to lead to specific moods and behaviours.
Galen of Pergamon (127–217), arguably the greatest of the ancient Roman
physicians, refined Hippocrates’s more general work and suggested that the four
humours combined to create temperaments, or emotional and personality
characteristics that remained stable throughout the lifetime. Galen’s four
temperaments (each related to a humour) included:
Sanguine (blood), a tendency to be impulsive, pleasure-seeking, and

charismatic;
Choleric (yellow bile), a tendency to be ambitious, energetic, and a bit
aggressive;
Melancholic (black bile), a tendency to be independent, perfectionistic, and
a bit introverted; and
Phlegmatic (phlegm), a tendency to be quiet, relaxed, and content with life.
Although such a classification system is primitive by modern standards, the work

of Hippocrates and Galen moved the understanding of human behaviour forward
by attempting to categorize different types of personalities; we will see much
more scientifically rigorous attempts to do the same thing later in this book (see
Module 12.1 ). However, the golden age of Greek and Roman thought came
to a crashing halt in the latter parts of the fourth century; this was the beginning
of the Dark Ages. Although some discoveries were made about human anatomy
during this period, few notable advances in the study of behaviour were made
over the next one thousand years.
Psychology also did not immediately benefit from the scientific revolution of the
1500s and 1600s. Once the scientific method started to take hold around 1600,
physics, astronomy, physiology, biology, and chemistry all experienced
unprecedented growth in knowledge and technology. But it took psychology until
the late 1800s to become scientific. Why was this the case? One of the main
reasons was zeitgeist, a German word meaning “spirit of the times.” Zeitgeist
refers to a general set of beliefs of a particular culture at a specific time in
history. It can be used to understand why some ideas take off immediately,
whereas other perfectly good ideas may go unnoticed for years.
The power of zeitgeist can be very strong, and there are several ways it
prevented psychological science from emerging in the 1600s. Perhaps most
important is that people were not ready to accept a science that could be applied
to human behaviour and thought. To the average person of the 1600s, viewing
human behaviour as the result of predictable physical laws was troubling. Doing
so would seem to imply the philosophy of materialism : the belief that
humans, and other living beings, are composed exclusively of physical matter.
Accepting this idea would mean that we are nothing more than complex
machines that lack a self-conscious, self-controlling soul. The opposing belief,
that there are properties of humans that are not material (a mind or soul separate
from the body), is called dualism .
Although most early thinking about the mind and behaviour remained
philosophical in nature, scientific methods were generating great discoveries for
the natural sciences of physics, biology, and physiology. This meant that the
early influences on psychology came from the natural and physical sciences.
(Figure 1.5 provides a timeline that summarizes some of the major events in
the history of psychology.)
Figure 1.5 Major Events in the History of Psychology
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Cognitive Science (CSBBCS). Reprinted by permission.
Influences from Physics: Experimenting with the

Mind
The initial forays into scientific psychology were conducted by physicists and
physiologists. One of the earliest explorations was made by Gustav Fechner
(1801–1887), who studied sensation and perception (see Module 4.1 ). As a
physicist, Fechner was interested in the natural world of moving objects and
energy. He turned his knowledge to psychological questions about how the
physical and mental worlds interact. Fechner coined the term
psychophysics , which is the study of the relationship between the physical
world and the mental representation of that world.
As an example of psychophysical research, imagine you are holding a one-

pound (0.45 kg) weight in your right hand and a five-pound (2.27 kg) weight in
your left hand. Obviously, your left hand will feel the heavier weight, but that is
not what interested Fechner. What if a researcher places a quarter-pound weight
(113 g) in each hand, resting on top of the weight that is already there? Fechner
wanted to know which of the quarter-pound weights would be perceived as
heavier. Oddly enough, although both weigh the same amount, the quarter-
pound weight in your right hand will be more noticeable than the quarter-pound
weight added to your left hand, almost as if it were heavier (see Figure 1.6 ).
Through experiments like these, Fechner demonstrated basic principles of how
the physical and mental worlds interact. In fact, he developed an equation to
precisely calculate the perceived change in weight, and then extended this
formula to apply to changes in brightness, loudness, and other perceptual
experiences. This work served as the foundation for the modern study of
perception.
Figure 1.6 The Study of Psychophysics

Gustav Fechner studied relationships between the physical world and our mental
representations of that world. For example, Fechner tested how people detect
changes in physical stimuli.
Influences from Evolutionary Theory: The Adaptive

Functions of Behaviour
Around the same time Fechner was doing his experiments, Charles Darwin
(1809–1882) was studying the many varieties of plants and animals found
around the world. Darwin noticed that animal groups that were isolated from one
another often differed by only minor variations in physical features. These
variations seemed to fine-tune the species according to the particular
environment in which they lived, making them better equipped for survival and
reproduction. Darwin’s theory of evolution by natural selection was based on his
observations that the genetically inherited traits that contribute to survival and
reproductive success are more likely to flourish within the breeding population
(i.e., useful traits will be passed on to future generations). These specific traits
differ across locations because different traits will prove beneficial in different
environments. This theory explains why there is such a diversity of life on Earth.
Darwin’s theory also helps to explain human (and animal) behaviour. As Darwin
pointed out in The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals (1872),
behaviour is shaped by natural selection, just as physical traits are (see Module
3.1 ). Over the course of millions of years of evolution, a certain range of
behaviours helped our ancestors survive and reproduce. The modern behaviours
that we engage in every day—memory, emotions, forming social bonds, and so
on—were the same behaviours that allowed our ancestors to flourish over the
course of our species’ history. The same principle applies to other species as
well. Darwin’s recognition that behaviours, like physical traits, are subject to
hereditary influences and natural selection was a major contribution to
psychology.
Charles Darwin proposed the theory of natural selection to explain how evolution
works.
Pictorial Press Ltd/Alamy Stock Photo
Influences from Medicine: Diagnoses and

Treatments
Medicine contributed a great deal to the biological perspective in psychology. It
also had a considerable influence on the development of clinical
psychology , the field of psychology that concentrates on the diagnosis and
treatment of psychological disorders. A research topic that impacted both fields
was the study of localization of brain function, the idea that certain parts of the
brain control specific mental abilities and personality characteristics.
In the mid-1800s, localization was studied in two different ways. The first was
phrenology, which gained considerable popularity for more than 100 years
thanks to physicians Franz Gall (1758–1828) and Johann Spurzheim (1776–
1832). Gall, Spurzheim, and their followers believed that the brain consisted of
27 “organs,” corresponding to mental traits and dispositions that could be
detected by examining the surface of the skull. Although it seems silly now, there
was a logic behind phrenology. Its supporters believed that different traits and
abilities were distributed across different regions of the brain (e.g.,
“combativeness” was located at the back of the brain behind the ears). If a
person possessed a particular trait or ability, then the brain area related to that
characteristic would be larger in the same way that the muscles in your arms
would be larger if your job required you to lift things. Larger brain areas would
cause bumps on a person’s head in the same way that a muscular arm could
cause the fabric of a shirt to stretch. So, by measuring the bumps on a person’s
head, proponents of phrenology believed that it would be possible to identify the
different traits that an individual possessed. Phrenology continued to gather
supporters for nearly a century before being abandoned by serious scientists.
You may have encountered images of the phrenological map of the skull (see
Figure 1.7 ).
Figure 1.7 A Phrenology Map
Early scholars of the brain believed that mental capacities and personalities
could be measured by the contours, bumps, and ridges distributed across the
surface of the skull.
Classic Image/Alamy Stock Photo
The other approach to localization entailed the study of brain injuries and the
ways in which they affect behaviour. This work had a scientific grounding that
phrenology lacked. There were many intriguing cases described by physicians of
the 1800s. For example:
Physician Paul Broca found that a patient who had difficulties producing
spoken language had brain damage in an area of the left frontal lobes of
brain (near his left temple).
Prussian physician Karl Wernicke found that damage to another area in the
left hemisphere led to problems with speech comprehension.
Doctors in Vermont described a railroad employee who became impulsive
and somewhat childlike after suffering damage to part of his frontal lobes.
These compelling clinical cases provided early brain researchers with new
information about the roles of different brain areas, findings that are still relevant
today.
Of course, the influence of the medical perspective was not isolated to studies of
the localization of brain function. Additional medical influences on psychology
came from outside of mainstream practices. Franz Mesmer, an 18th-century
Austrian physician practising in Paris, believed that prolonged exposure to
magnets could redirect the flow of metallic fluids in the body, thereby curing
disease and insanity. Although his claim was rejected outright by the medical
and scientific communities in France, some of his patients seemed to be cured
after being lulled into a trance. Modern physicians and scientists attribute these
“cures” to the patients’ belief in the treatment—what we now call psychosomatic
medicine.
The medical establishment eventually grew more intrigued by the trances
Mesmer produced in his patients, naming the phenomenon hypnosis (see
Module 5.2 ). This practice also caught the attention of an Austrian physician
named Sigmund Freud (1856–1939), who began to use hypnosis to treat his own
patients. Freud was particularly interested in how hypnosis seemed to have
cured several patients of hysterical paralysis—a condition in which an individual
loses feeling and control in a specific body part, despite the lack of any known
neurological damage or disease. These experiences led Freud to develop his
famous theory and technique called psychoanalysis.
Psychoanalysis is a psychological approach that attempts to explain how

behaviour and personality are influenced by unconscious processes. Freud
acknowledged that conscious experience includes perceptions, thoughts, a
sense of self, and the sense that we are in control of ourselves. However, he
also believed in an unconscious mind that contained forgotten episodes from
early childhood as well as urges to fulfill self-serving sexual and aggressive
impulses. Freud proposed that because these urges were unconscious, they
could exert influence in strange ways, such as restricting the use of a body part
(psychosomatic or hysterical paralysis). Freud believed hypnosis played a
valuable role in his work. When a person is hypnotized, dreaming, or perhaps
medicated into a trancelike state, he thought, the psychoanalyst could have more
direct access into the individual’s unconscious mind. Once Freud gained access,
he could attempt to determine and correct any desires or emotions he believed
were causing the unconscious to create the psychosomatic conditions.
Sigmund Freud developed the concept of an unconscious mind and its
underlying processes in his theory of psychoanalysis.
Mary Evans Picture Library/Alamy Stock Photo
Although Freud did not conduct scientific experiments, his legacy can be seen in
some key elements of scientific psychology. First, many modern psychologists
make inferences about unconscious mental activity, just as Freud had advocated
(although not all of them agree with the specific theories proposed by Freud).
Second, the use of medical ideas to treat disorders of emotions, thought, and
behaviour—an approach known as the medical model—can be traced to Freud’s
influence. Third, Freud incorporated evolutionary thinking into his work; he
emphasized how physiological needs and urges relating to survival and
reproduction can influence our behaviour. Finally, Freud placed great emphasis
on how early life experiences influence our behaviour as adults—a perspective
that comes up many times in this text. So, although people often mock some of
his theories, Freud’s impact on modern psychology is deserving of respect.
The Influence of Social Sciences: Measuring and

Comparing Humans
A fifth influential force came out of the social sciences of economics, sociology,
and anthropology. These disciplines developed statistical methods for measuring
human traits, which soon became relevant to the emerging field of psychology.
An early pioneer in measuring perception and in applying statistical analyses to
the study of behaviour was Sir Francis Galton.
Galton was also influential in the study of individual differences between people.
He noticed that great achievement tended to run in families; as a result, Galton
came to believe that heredity (genetics) could explain the physical and
psychological differences found in a population. After all, Galton’s cousin—some
guy named Charles Darwin—was a great naturalist, his uncle Erasmus was a
celebrated physician and writer, and Galton himself was no slouch (he began
reading as a 2-year-old child, and was a fan of Shakespeare by age 6). To
Galton, it seemed natural that people who did better in scholarship, business,
and wealth were able to do so because they were better people (genetically
speaking).
To support his beliefs, Galton developed ways of measuring what he called

eminence—a combination of ability, morality, and achievement. One observation
supporting his claim for a hereditary basis for eminence was that the closer a
relative, the more similar the traits. Galton was one of the first investigators to
scientifically take on the question of nature and nurture relationships , the
inquiry into how heredity (nature) and environment (nurture) influence behaviour
and mental processes. Galton came down decidedly on the nature side,
seemingly ignoring the likelihood that nurturing influences such as upbringing
and family traditions, rather than biological endowments, could explain
similarities among relatives.
Galton’s beliefs and biases led him to pursue scientific justification for eugenics,
which literally translates as “good genes.” He promoted the belief that social
programs should encourage intelligent, talented individuals to have children,
whereas criminals, those with physical or mental disability, and non-White races
should not receive such encouragement (see Module 9.1 ). The eugenics
movement was based largely on what the researchers wanted to believe was
true, not on quality research methods. It ultimately led to the mistreatment of
many individuals, particularly immigrants and the descendants of slaves who
were not of Galton’s own demographic group. It also influenced the thinking of
Adolf Hitler, with chilling consequences.
In modern times, biological and genetic approaches to explaining behaviour are

thriving (and, thankfully, eugenics has vanished). With the advent of new brain-
imaging techniques, this area of psychology— biological psychology—is poised
to provide new and important insights into the underlying causes of our
behaviour.
Module 1.2a Quiz:

Psychology’s Philosophical and Scientific Origins
Know . . .
1. In philosophical terms, a materialist is someone who might believe that
A. money buys happiness.
B. species evolve through natural selection.
C. personality can be measured by feeling for bumps on the surface
of the skull.
D. everything that exists, including human beings, is composed
exclusively of physical matter.
Understand . . .
2. According to Sigmund Freud, which of the following would be the most
likely explanation for why someone is behaving aggressively?
A. They are acting according to psychophysics.
B. There is something going on at the unconscious level that is
causing them to behave this way.
C. Their cigars are missing and someone’s got to pay.
D. The environment is determining their behavioural response.
Apply . . .
3. Jan believes that all knowledge is acquired through careful observation.
Jan is probably .
A. an empiricist
B. a supporter of eugenics
C. a clinical psychologist
D. a phrenologist
Analyze . . .
4. Francis Galton made a significant contribution to psychology by
introducing methods for studying how heredity contributes to human
behaviour. Which alternative explanation did Galton overlook when he
argued that heredity accounts for these similarities?
A. The primary importance of the nature side of the nature-versus-
nurture debate
B. The fact that people who share genes live together in families, so
they tend to share environmental privileges or disadvantages
C. A materialistic account of behaviour
D. The concept of dualism, which states that the mind is separate
from the body
The Beginnings of Contemporary

Psychology
Before psychology became its own discipline, there were scientists working
across different fields who were converging on a study of human behaviour. By
modern standards, Darwin, Fechner, and others had produced psychological
research but it was not referred to as such because the field had not yet fully
formed. Nevertheless, progress toward a distinct discipline of psychology was
beginning.
By the late 1800s, the zeitgeist had changed so that the study of human
behaviour was acceptable. Ideas flourished. Most importantly, researchers
began to investigate behaviour in a number of different ways. You will see this
breadth as you read the rest of this module. We will include references to other
modules (e.g., see Module 6.1 ) to illustrate that the history that you are
reading in this module had a direct effect on the modern understanding of
behaviour that you will read about in the rest of this textbook.
Structuralism and Functionalism: The Beginnings

of Psychology
Most contemporary psychologists agree that Wilhelm Wundt (1832–1920) was
largely responsible for establishing psychology as an independent scientific field.
Wundt established the first laboratory dedicated to studying human behaviour in
1879 at the University of Leipzig, where he conducted numerous experiments on
how people sense and perceive. His primary research method was introspection,
meaning “to look within.” Introspection required a trained volunteer to experience
a stimulus and then report each individual sensation he or she could identify. For
example, if the volunteer was given a steel ball to hold in one hand, he would
likely report the sensations of cold, hard, smooth, and heavy. To Wundt, these
basic sensations were the mental “atoms” that combined to form the molecules
of experience. Wundt also developed reaction time methods as a way of
measuring mental effort. In one such study, volunteers watched an apparatus in
which two metal balls swung into each other to make a clicking sound. The
volunteers required about one-eighth of a second to react to the sound, leading
Wundt to conclude that mental activity is not instantaneous, but rather requires a
small amount of effort measured by the amount of time it takes to react. What
made Wundt’s work distinctly psychological was his focus on measuring mental
events and examining how they were affected by his experimental
manipulations.
Wundt’s ideas made their way to the United States and Canada through students
who worked with him. However, whereas Wundt’s research often attempted to
link a person’s perceptions with concepts such as free will (a philosophy known
as voluntarism), many of his students wanted to move psychological research in
a different direction (Rieber & Tobinson, 1980). One student, Edward Titchener,
adopted the same method of introspection used by Wundt to devise an
organized map of the structure of human consciousness. His line of research,
structuralism , was an attempt to analyze conscious experience by breaking
it down into basic elements, and to understand how these elements work
together. Titchener chose the term elements deliberately as an analogy with the
periodic table in the physical sciences. He believed that mental experiences
were made up of a limited number of sensations, which were analogous to
elements in physics and chemistry. According to Titchener, different sensations
can form and create complex compounds, just like hydrogen and oxygen can
combine to form water—H2O—or the hydroxide ion—OH–. The challenge for
psychologists was to determine which elements were grouped together during
different conscious experiences and to figure out what caused these specific
groupings to occur (Titchener, 1898).
German scientist Wilhelm Wundt is widely credited as the “father” of
experimental psychology.
AKG Images/Newscom
The same year Wundt set up his first laboratory, an American scholar named
William James (1842–1910) set out to write the first textbook in psychology, The
Principles of Psychology, which was eventually published in 1890. Trained as a
physician, James combined his knowledge of physiology with his interest in the
philosophy of mental activity. Among his many interests, he sought to
understand how the mind functions. In contrast to structuralism, which looks for
permanent, unchanging elements of thought, James was influenced by Darwin’s
evolutionary principles; he preferred to examine behaviour in context and explain
how our thoughts and actions help us adapt to our environment. This led to the
development of functionalism, the study of the purpose and function of
behaviour and conscious experience. According to functionalists, in order to fully
understand a behaviour, one must try to figure out what purpose it may have
served over the course of our evolution. These principles are found today in the
modern field of evolutionary psychology, an approach that interprets and
explains modern human behaviour in terms of forces acting upon our distant
ancestors (see Module 3.1 ). According to this approach, our brains and
behaviours have been shaped by the physical and social environment that our
ancestors encountered. Over the next century, this idea was extended to a
number of subfields in psychology ranging from the study of brain structures to
the study of social groups. Indeed, regardless of their research area, most
psychologists are still fascinated by the question, What function does the
behaviour we’re investigating serve? In other words, why do we behave the way
we do?
William James was a highly influential American psychologist who took a
functionalist approach to explaining behaviour.
During the early years of psychology, the pioneers of this field were trying to find
a way to use the methods and instruments of the natural sciences to understand
behaviour. Although some of their techniques fell out of favour, by the beginning
of the 20th century it was clear that the discipline of psychology was here to stay.
With that sense of permanence in place, the second generation of psychologists
could focus on refining the subject matter and the methods, and on turning
psychology into a widely accepted scientific field.
The Rise of Behaviourism

Early in the 20th century, biologists became interested in how organisms learn to
anticipate their bodily functions and responses. One of the first to do so was
Professor Edwin Twitmyer (1873–1943), an American psychologist interested in
reflexes. His work involved a contraption with a rubber mallet that would regularly
tap the patellar tendon just below the kneecap; this, of course, causes a kicking
reflex in most individuals. To make sure his volunteers were not startled by the
mallet, the contraption would ring a bell right before the mallet struck the tendon.
As is often the case in experiments, the technology failed after a number of these
bell-ringing and hammer-tapping combinations: The machine rang the bell, but
the hammer did not come down on the volunteer’s knee. But the real surprise
was this—the volunteer’s leg kicked anyway! How did that happen? Because the
sound of the bell successfully predicted the hammer, the ringing soon had the
effect of the hammer itself, a process now called classical conditioning (see
Module 6.1 ). The study of conditioning would soon become a focus of
behaviourism , an approach that dominated the first half of the 20th century
of North American psychology and had a singular focus on studying only
observable behaviour, with little to no reference to mental events or instincts as
possible influences on behaviour.
Twitmyer’s research was coolly received when he announced his findings at the
American Psychological Association meeting. Not a single colleague bothered to
ask him a question. The credit for discovering classical conditioning typically
goes to a Russian physiologist named Ivan Pavlov (1849–1936). Pavlov, who
won the 1904 Nobel Prize for his research on the digestive system, noticed that
the dogs in his laboratory began to salivate when the research technician
entered the room and turned on the device that distributed the meat powder
(food). Importantly, salivation occurred before the delivery of food, suggesting
that the dogs had learned an association between the technician and machine
noises and the later appearance of food. This observation quickly led to more
focused research on mechanisms of learning; the principles of learning that
Pavlov and others identified provided a foundation for the behaviourist
movement.
Ivan Pavlov (on the right) explained classical conditioning through his studies of
salivary reflexes in dogs.
Mansell/Time Life Pictures/Getty Images
In North America, behaviourism was championed by John B. Watson, a

researcher at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore (1878–1958). As research
accumulated on the breadth of behaviours that could be conditioned, Watson
began to believe that all behaviour could ultimately be explained through
conditioning. This emphasis on learning also came with stipulations about what
could and could not be studied in psychology. Watson was adamant that only
observable changes in the environment and behaviour were appropriate for
scientific study. Methods such as Wundt’s introspection, he said, were too
subjective to even consider:
Psychology as the behaviorist views it is a purely objective natural science. Its

theoretical goal is the prediction and control of behavior. Introspection forms no
essential part of its methods. (Watson, 1913, p. 158)
In the diplomatic world of science, this statement was akin to carving “Wundt
sucks!” in a park bench. Watson believed so much in the power of experience
(and so little in the power of genetics) that he was certain he could engineer a
personality however he wished, if given enough control over the environment.
Perhaps his most famous statement sums it up:
Give me a dozen healthy infants, well-formed, and my own specified world to bring
them up in and I’ll guarantee to take any one at random and train him to become any
type of specialist I might select—doctor, lawyer, artist, merchant-chief and, yes, even
beggar-man and thief, regardless of his talents, penchants, tendencies, abilities,
vocations, and race of his ancestors. (John Broadus Watson, Behaviorism. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press. p. 82, 1930.)
After a rather public indiscretion involving a female graduate student (due to his
wife’s social status, his extramarital affair appeared on the front page of the
Baltimore newspapers; Fancher, 1990), Watson was dismissed from his
university job. But, he quickly found his new career—as well as his fortune—in
advertising. Most advertisers at the time just assumed they should inform people
about the merits of a product. Watson and his colleagues applied a scientific
approach to advertising and discovered a consumer’s knowledge about the
product really was not that important, so long as he or she had positive emotions
associated with it. Thus, Watson’s company developed ads that employed
behaviourist principles to form associations between a product’s brand image
and positive emotions. If Pavlov’s dogs could be conditioned to salivate when
they heard a tone, what possibilities might there be for conditioning humans in a
similar way? Modern advertisers want the logos for their brands of snacks or the
trademark signs for their restaurants to bring on a specific craving, and some
salivation along the way. And so, from beer commercials with scantily clad
women dancing at parties, to car commercials with high-intensity music and
vistas of the Cabot Trail, and from impossibly cute kittens playing with toilet
paper rolls to giant billboards of bunnies and hippos pitching telecommunications
products, the influence of John B. Watson and his colleagues on modern
advertising is felt every day.
Radical Behaviourism
The study of learning was not limited to classical conditioning. As early as 1905,
psychologists such as Edward Thorndike (1874–1949) had shown that the
frequency of different behaviours could be changed based on whether or not that
behaviour led to positive consequences or “satisfaction” (Thorndike, 1905).
Taking up the reins from Thorndike was B. F. Skinner (1904–1990), another
behaviourist who had considerable influence over North American psychology for
several decades (see Module 6.2 ).
In Skinner’s view, known as radical behaviourism, the foundation of behaviour

was how an organism responded to rewards and punishments. This theory is
logical in many ways—we tend to repeat actions that are rewarded (e.g.,
studying for exams leads to better grades, so we study for other exams) and
avoid actions that lead to punishment (e.g., if you vomit after eating a 2L
container of ice cream, you will be unlikely to do so again . . . for a while). In
order to identify the principles of reward and punishment, Skinner opted to use a
tightly controlled experimental setup involving animals such as rats and pigeons.
Typically, these studies occurred with animals held in small chambers in which
they could manipulate a lever to receive rewards. The experimenter would
control when rewards were available, and would observe the effects that
changing the reward schedule had on the animals’ behaviour. You might ask
what this work had to do with human behaviour. The behaviourists believed that
the principles of reward and punishment could apply to all organisms, both
human and nonhuman. Indeed, Watson explicitly stated that behaviourist
psychology “recognizes no line between man and brute” (Watson, 1913, p. 158).
B. F. Skinner revealed how rewards affect behaviour by conducting laboratory

studies on animals.
Nina Leen/Time Life Pictures/Getty Images
Humanistic Psychology Emerges

Psychology, by the mid-20th century, was dominated by two perspectives,
behaviourism and Freudian psychoanalytic approaches, which had almost
entirely removed free will from the understanding of human behaviour. To the
behaviourists, human experience was the product of a lifetime of rewards,
punishments, and learned associations. To the psychoanalysts, human
experience was the result of unconscious forces at work deep in the human
psyche. From both perspectives, the individual person was merely a product of
forces that operated on her, and she had little if any control over her own destiny
or indeed, even her own choices, beliefs, and feelings.
In contrast to these disempowering perspectives, a new movement of

psychologists arose, which emphasized personal responsibility; free will; and the
universal longing for growth, meaning and connection, and which highlighted the
power that individuals possessed to shape their own consciousness and choose
their own path through life. This new perspective, humanistic psychology ,
focuses on the unique aspects of each individual human, each person’s freedom
to act, his or her rational thought, and the belief that humans are fundamentally
different from other animals. Among the many major figures of humanistic
psychology were Carl Rogers (1902–1987) and Abraham Maslow (1908–1970).
Both psychologists focused on the positive aspects of humanity and the factors
that lead to a productive and fulfilling life. Humanistic psychologists sought to
understand the meaning of personal experience. They believed that people could
attain mental well-being and satisfaction through gaining a greater understanding
of themselves, rather than by being diagnosed with a disorder or having their
problems labelled. Both Rogers and Maslow believed that humans strive to
develop a sense of self and are motivated to personally grow and fulfill their
potential (see Module 12.3 ). This view stands in particular contrast to the
psychoanalytic tradition, which originated from a medical model and, therefore,
focused on illnesses of the body and brain. The humanistic perspective also
contrasted with behaviourism in proposing that humans had the freedom to act
and a rational mind to guide the process.
The Brain and Behaviour

The behaviourists and humanists were not the only researchers attempting to
understand human abilities. Many neurologists, surgeons, and brain scientists
were also focused on these questions. Notable among them was Donald Hebb
(1904–1985), a Canadian neuroscientist working at the Montreal Neurological
Institute. Hebb conducted numerous studies examining how cells in the brain
change over the course of learning. He observed that when a brain cell
consistently stimulates another cell, metabolic and physical changes occur to
strengthen this relationship. In other words, cells that fire together wire together
(Hebb, 1949; see Module 7.1 ). This theory, now known as Hebb’s Law,
demonstrated that memory—a behaviour that we can measure and that affects
so many parts of our lives—is actually related to activity occurring at the cellular
level (Brown & Milner, 2003; Cooper, 2005). It also reinforced the notion that
behaviour can be studied at a number of different levels ranging from neurons
(brain cells) to the entire brain. (Later research, discussed in Module 7.3 , has
noted that memory is related to social factors as well.)
Further evidence for the relationship between the brain and everyday behaviours
came from the stimulating work of Wilder Penfield (1891–1976), founder and
original director of the Montreal Neurological Institute. Along with his colleague,
Herbert Jasper, Penfield developed a surgical procedure to help patients with
epilepsy. This procedure involved removing cells from the brain regions where
the seizures began; doing so would prevent the seizures from spreading to other
areas of the brain. However, before operating, Penfield needed to find a way to
map out the functions of the surrounding brain regions so that he could try to
avoid damaging areas that performed important functions such as language. To
do this, Penfield electrically stimulated each patient’s brain while the patient was
under local anesthetic (i.e., was awake, and therefore conscious). The patient
was then able to report the sensations he experienced after each burst of
electricity. Based on several patients’ reports, Penfield was able to create
precise maps of the sensory and motor (movement) cortices in the brain
(Penfield & Jasper, 1951; Todman, 2008). Importantly, his work also showed
that people’s subjective experiences can be represented in the brain (see
Module 3.3 ). This insight suggested that the simple learning model put forth
by the behaviourists was not a complete representation of our complex mental
world.
The Cognitive Revolution

Although behaviourism dominated psychology in the United States and Canada
throughout the first half of the 20th century, the view that observable behaviours
were more important than thoughts and mental imagery was not universal. In
Europe, psychologists retained an emphasis on thinking, and ignored the North
Americans’ cries to study only what could be directly observed. The European
focus on thought flourished through the early 1900s, long before psychologists in
North America began to take seriously the idea that they could study mental
processes, even if they could not directly see them. Thus, it was the work of
European psychologists that formed the basis of the cognitive perspective. Early
evidence of an emerging cognitive perspective concerned the study of memory.
The German psychologist Hermann Ebbinghaus (1850–1909) collected reams of
data on remembering and forgetting (see Module 7.2 ). British psychologist
Frederick Bartlett (1886–1969) found that our memory was not like a photograph.
Instead, our cultural knowledge and previous experiences shape what elements
of an event or storyline are judged to be important enough to remember.
Donald Hebb made significant contributions to our understanding of memory and
the brain.
Montreal Gazette/The Canadian Press
Another precursor to cognitive psychology can be seen in the early to mid-1900s

movement of Gestalt psychology , an approach emphasizing that
psychologists need to focus on the whole of perception and experience, rather
than its parts (see Module 4.1 ). (Gestalt is a German word that refers to the
complete form of an object; see Figure 1.8 .) This contrasts with the
structuralist goal of breaking experience into its individual parts. For example, if
Wundt or Titchener were to hand you an apple, you would not think, “Round, red,
has a stem …”; you would simply think to yourself, “This is an apple.” Gestalt
psychologists argued that much of our thinking and experience occur at a higher,
more organized level than Wundt emphasized; they believed that Wundt’s
approach to understanding experience made about as much sense as
understanding water only by studying its hydrogen and oxygen atoms.
Figure 1.8 The Whole Is Greater Than the Sum of Its Parts
The Gestalt psychologists emphasized humans’ ability to see whole forms. For
example, you probably perceive a sphere in the centre of this figure, even though
it does not exist on the page.
Wilder Penfield, founder of the world-famous Montreal Neurological Institute,
used electrical stimulation of the brain to discover how movement and touch
were represented in the brain. Like Hebb’s, many of his discoveries are still
taught in psychology and neuroscience classes throughout the world.
Montreal Gazette/The Canadian Press
In the 1950s and 1960s—around the time that there was increasing interest in
humanistic psychology—the scientific study of cognition was becoming accepted
practice in North American psychology. The invention of the computer gave
psychologists a useful analogy for understanding and talking about the mind (the
software of the brain). Linguists such as Noam Chomsky argued that grammar
and vocabulary were far too complex to be explained in behaviourist terms; the
alternative was to propose abstract mental processes. There was a great deal of
interest in memory and perception as well, but it was not until 1968 that these
areas of research were given the name “cognitive psychology” by Ulrich Neisser
(1928–2012). Cognitive psychology is a modern psychological perspective
that focuses on processes such as memory, thinking, and language. Thus, much
of what cognitive psychologists study consists of mental processes that are
inferred through rigorous experimentation.
Social and Cultural Influences

The vast majority of behaviourist and cognitive psychology research focuses on
an individual’s responses to some sort of stimulus. Missing from this equation,
however, is that fact that people often have to respond to stimuli or events in the
presence of other people. The effects of other people on one’s behaviour have
not been lost on psychologists; indeed, the recognition of this influence can be
found in the very early years of psychology. An American psychologist, Norman
Triplett (1861–1931), conducted one of the first formal experiments in this area,
observing that cyclists ride faster in the presence of other people than when
riding alone. Triplett published the first social psychology research in 1898, and a
few social psychology textbooks appeared in 1908.
Despite the early interest in this field, studies of how people influence the
behaviour of others did not take off until the 1940s. The events in Nazi-controlled
Germany that led up to World War II contributed to the development of this new
perspective in psychology. Images from the Holocaust highlighted the need to
learn about the role that social factors play in human behaviour. Researchers
(and the general public) wanted to understand how normal individuals could be
transformed into brutal prison camp guards, how political propaganda affected
people, and how society might address issues of stereotyping and prejudice (see
Module 13.1 ). This research evolved into what is now known as social
psychology , the study of the influence of other people on our behaviour.
However, psychologists also noted that not all people responded to social groups
or the presence of others in the same way. While some people were transformed
into prison camp guards in World War II, others objected and joined resistance
movements. These individual differences were observable in normal, everyday
life as well: Some people are talkative and outgoing while others are quiet.
These observations led to the development of personality psychology , the
study of how different personality characteristics can influence how we think and
act.
Social psychologists are often inspired to study human behaviours observed in

real-world events. Some of these behaviour are heart-warming—others are not.
akg-images/Newscom
Although it’s easy to think of social psychology (the effect of external factors) and
personality psychology (the effect of internal traits) as being distinct, in reality,
your personality and the social situations you are in interact. This relationship
was most eloquently described by Kurt Lewin (1890–1947), the founder of
modern social psychology. Lewin suggested that behaviour is a function of the
individual and the environment, or, if you’re a fan of formulas (and who isn’t?), B
= f{I,E}. What Lewin meant was that all behaviours could be predicted and
explained through understanding how an individual with a specific set of traits
would respond in a context that involved a specific set of conditions. Take two
individuals as an example: One tends to be quiet and engages in solitary
activities such as reading, whereas the other is talkative and enjoys being where
the action is. Now put them in a social situation, such as a large party at a
university dorm or a small get-together at a friend’s house. How will the two
behave? Given the disparity between the individuals and between the two
environments, we would suspect that very different behaviours would emerge for
these two individuals in the different settings. The outgoing person may have a
wonderful time at the big party, while the quiet person desperately tries to find
someone to talk to or pretends to be fascinated by something on his phone. But,
at the smaller get-together, the quieter person will likely be much more relaxed,
while the outgoing person might be bored. Neither behaviour is better, but they
are different. These outcomes illustrate the essence of Lewin’s formulation of
social psychology.
Module 1.2b Quiz:

The Beginnings of Contemporary Psychology
Know . . .
1. was the study of the basic components of the mind, while
examined the role that specific behaviours may have served in
our species’ evolution.
A. Structuralism; functionalism
B. Behaviourism; functionalism
C. Functionalism; structuralism
D. Humanism; structuralism
Understand . . .
2. A distinct feature of behaviourism is its
A. search for the deeper meaning of human existence.
B. search for patterns that create a whole that is greater than its
parts.
C. use of introspection.
D. exclusive emphasis on observable behaviour.
Apply . . .
3. Gwen is in search of the deeper meaning of her life, and would like to
learn more about her potential as a human being. Which of the following
types of psychologists would likely be most useful to her?
A. Humanistic
B. Cognitive
C. Behaviourist
D. Social
4. The Gestalt psychologists, with their focus on perception and experience,

are closely linked to modern-day psychologists.
A. developmental
B. social
C. cognitive
D. evolutionary
Emerging Themes in Psychology
The history of psychology is not over, of course. All of the fields discussed in the
previous section of this module continue today. Indeed, psychology is expanding,
examining new topics and using new research tools to provide interesting
insights into human behaviour. In this section, we highlight five trends or topics
that are becoming particularly prominent in psychology. This is not an exhaustive
list of “hot topics.” Instead, it is a list of important themes that are currently
influencing the course of modern psychology.
Psychology of Women
After reading earlier sections of this module, many readers might assume that
psychology is the exclusive domain of older white men, many sporting
impressive beards. In fact, this module does have photographs of nine prominent
male psychologists (five with beards). There were female psychologists teaching
and performing research during the early stages of the history of psychology.
Indeed, Anna Freud (1895–1982) and Karen Horney (1885–1952) made
groundbreaking contributions to our understanding of personality. The 1960s
saw a dramatic shift in both the role of women in society and in the study of the
psychology of women. Until then, many people believed that the male
domination of society was due to innate differences between the sexes that
made men better leaders; women were thought to be more agreeable and
emotional. However, pioneering research from psychologists such as Sandra
Bem began to change these views. Researchers began examining how sex
differences in power were due in large part to the rampant sexism in politics, the
business world, academia, and the home (Bem & Bem, 1973). They also
examined how stereotypes could affect women’s beliefs about their own abilities
(Bem, 1981, 1993). This research led to changes that helped promote greater
equality between the sexes. This important work continues today, with new
generations of female and male psychologists working to promote equality.
Studies of the psychology of women also examine important issues such as

women’s health, violence toward women, and experiences that are unique to
females (e.g., pregnancy). However, this field is not meant to appear “man
hating” or exclusive. In fact, many researchers are interested in differences
between the sexes and how they influence social behaviour. For instance, in
Module 14.2 , you will read about the research of Shelly Taylor, who
examined sex differences in response to stress. She found that while males in
general produce a “fight or flight” response to stress, females are more likely to
seek out social supports, a tendency she called the “tend and befriend” response
(Taylor et al., 2000). Although a complete description of the psychology of
women requires its own course, the purpose of this section is to highlight this
topic for readers so that they will see how important these types of questions can
be for understanding human behaviour, and so that they can better appreciate
the obstacles that many of these early researchers faced.
Comparing Cultures
In addition to studying differences between the sexes, researchers have
performed numerous studies examining how human behaviour differs across
cultures. Cross-cultural psychology is the field that draws comparisons about
individual and group behaviour among cultures; it helps us understand the role of
society in shaping behaviour, beliefs, and values. Many cross-cultural studies
compare the responses of North American research participants (generally
psychology students like you) to those of individuals in non-Western countries
such as China or Japan. However, Western countries with high immigration rates
like Canada and the U.S. also provide researchers with the opportunity to
compare the responses and experiences of first- and second-generation
Canadians (Abouguendia & Noels, 2001; Gaudet et al., 2005). This type of
research therefore allows us to examine how people respond when being pulled
in different directions by family history and the culture of their current country of
residence. Such comparisons are also being performed using brain imaging,
demonstrating that our social and cultural experiences can also be embedded in
our brain tissue (Losin et al., 2010).
Pioneering researchers such as Sandra Bem began the systematic study of the
psychology of women.
Photograph Provided by Daryl Bem
The Neuroimaging Explosion

Although it has been possible to detect brain activity using sensors attached the
scalp since the late 1920s, the use of brain imaging to study behaviour became
much more common in the early 1990s. It was at this time that a technique
known as functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) was developed. fMRI
allows us to reliably detect activity throughout the entire brain and to depict this
activity on clear three-dimensional images (see Module 3.4 ). Initially, fMRI
was used to examine relatively straightforward behaviours such as visual
perception. However, it quickly became the “go to” tool for researchers interested
in understanding the neural mechanisms for cognitive behaviours such as
memory, emotion, and decision-making. This field, which combines elements of
cognitive psychology and biopsychology is known as cognitive neuroscience.
fMRIs allow us to reliably detect activity throughout the entire brain and to depict
this activity in clear three-dimensional images.
Living Art Enterprises/Photo Researchers, Inc./Science Source
As fMRI became accessible, researchers in other fields of psychology began to

incorporate it into their studies. Psychologists studying social behaviours ranging
from racism to relationships use fMRI in their experiments; this new field is
known as social neuroscience. Neuroimaging has also been used to study
personality traits and consumer behaviour. In fact, it is difficult to find an area not
touched by the development of neuroimaging technologies.
The Search for the Positive

Another rapidly growing area of psychology involves promoting human strengths
and potentials. Rather than focusing on pathologies or negative events such as
rejection, the goal of positive psychology is to help people see the good in their
lives by promoting self-acceptance and improving social relationships with
others. The eventual goal of this field is to help people experience feelings of
happiness and fulfillment; in short, to help them flourish (Seligman &
Csikszentmihalyi, 2000).
Positivity has been linked with improvements in some cognitive abilities

(Fredrickson, 2003) and to changes in neural pathways associated with
controlling your attention (Tang et al., 2010). In fact, researchers are only
beginning to understand the potential benefits of positive thinking. Elements of
positive psychology can be found in a number areas of psychological study,
ranging from our motivation to achieve (Module 11.3 ) to techniques for
coping with stress and psychological disorders (Modules 14.3 and 16.2 ).
Psychology in the Real World

Finally, it is important to remember that psychology research isn’t limited to the
laboratory. Although many researchers are interested in the basic mechanisms
of human behaviour, many others apply psychological science in different
settings. Applied psychology can take place in schools, in the workplace, in the
military, or in a number of other settings. For example, researchers at Memorial
University in Newfoundland are performing research that will lead to
improvements in how children are interviewed in the legal arena (Eastwood et
al., 2016; Snook et al., 2014); researchers at the University of Alberta,
University of Victoria, Queen’s University, and Simon Fraser University examine
other areas of psychology in the law, ranging from psychopathy to eyewitness
testimony (Douglas et al., 2009; Lindsay et al., 2008). Psychologists across the
country have come together to help develop anti-bullying policy and educational
initiatives (http://www.prevnet.ca/). Industrial/organizational psychologists at
the University of Guelph, University of Waterloo, and St. Mary’s University,
among others, apply psychological research to the workplace, helping to ensure
that the work environment is fair for all employees. Human factors psychologists
help to ensure that our interactions with technologies ranging from computer
programs to airplane cockpits are intuitive and efficient. And, psychologists are
also involved in the promotion of environmentally sustainable behaviours,
searching for factors that influence attitudes toward the environment and for
ways to transform our society into one that works with nature, rather than against
it (Hirsh & Dolderman, 2007; Nisbet & Gick, 2008). In short, psychological
science affects every aspect of our society, even if we don’t realize or appreciate
it.
Psychologists work in a number of applied settings. For example, researchers

from a number of provinces are involved in important anti-bullying research.
These studies are used to influence policies of provincial agencies and local
school boards.
Steve Debenport/E+/Getty Images
In conclusion, the trends that emerged during the formative years of psychology
laid the foundation for the modern perspectives and theories we see today.
Psychology is now a clearly established discipline—there are established venues
such as professional organizations and journals to disseminate the results of
psychological research. Although modern technology, such as brain imaging and
computing, would astound psychology’s founders, it is likely that they would find
the results of modern research absolutely relevant to their own interests. It is
also likely that they would be enthusiastic about the increasing levels of
collaboration between the different areas of psychology, and about the current
zeitgeist of treating human behaviour as a complex system with biological,
psychological, and sociocultural components.
Module 1.2c Quiz:

Emerging Themes in Psychology
Know . . .
1. Cognitive neuroscience examines
A. what computers can tell us about different cognitive functions.
B. how functions like memory differ across cultures.
C. how different brain areas are involved with different cognitive
abilities.
D. how the brains of different animals can help us understand
evolutionary forces on behaviour.
Apply . . .
2. Which is NOT an example of applied psychology?
A. Calculating how many words participants can remember from a
lengthy list
B. Examining whether the wording of questions influences the
reports of people who witnessed a crime
C. Testing ways to promote recycling in the workplace
D. Examining different techniques to improve relations between
police and the community
Module 1.2 Summary

1.2a Know . . . the key terminology of psychology’s history.
behaviourism
clinical psychology
cognitive psychology
determinism
dualism
empiricism
functionalism
Gestalt psychology
humanistic psychology
materialism
nature and nurture relationships
personality psychology
psychoanalysis
psychophysics
social psychology
structuralism
zeitgeist
1.2b Understand . . . how various philosophical and scientific fields

became major influences on psychology.
The philosophical schools of determinism, empiricism, and materialism provided

a background for a scientific study of human behaviour. The first psychologists
were trained as physicists and physiologists. Fechner, for example, developed
psychophysics, whereas Titchener looked for the elements of thought. Darwin’s
theory of natural selection influenced psychologist William James’s idea of
functionalism—the search for how behaviours may aid the survival and
reproduction of the organism.
1.2c Apply . . . your knowledge to distinguish among the different

specializations in psychology.
Apply Activity
Apply your knowledge to distinguish among different specializations in
psychology. You should be able to read a description of a psychologist on the left
of Table 1.1 and match her or his work to a specialization on the right.
Table 1.1 Areas of Specialization within Psychology
1. I am an academic psychologist who studies various a. social

methods for improving study habits. I hope to help psychologist
people increase memory performance and become b. cross-
better students. I am a(n) . cultural
2. My work focuses on how the presence of other people psychologist
influences an individual’s acceptance of and willingness c. cognitive
to express various stereotypes. I am a(n) . psychologist
3. I have been studying how childrearing practices in d. humanistic
Guatemala, Canada, and Cambodia all share some psychologist
common elements, as well as how they differ. I am e. evolutionary
a(n) . psychologist
4. I am interested in behaviours that are genetically
influenced to help animals adapt to their changing
environments. I am a(n) .
5. I help individuals identify problem areas of their lives
and ways to correct them, and guide them to live up to
their full potential. I am a(n) .
1.2d Analyze . . . how the philosophical ideas of empiricism and

determinism are applied to human behaviour.
Psychology is based on empiricism, the belief that all knowledge—including

knowledge about human behaviour—is acquired through the senses. All
sciences, including psychology, require a deterministic viewpoint. Determinism is
the philosophical tenet that all events in the world, including human actions, have
a physical cause. The deterministic view is also essential to the sciences.
Applying determinism to human behaviour has been met with resistance by
many because it appears to deny a place for free will.
Chapter 2 Reading and
Evaluating Scientific Research
2.1 Principles of Scientific Research

Five Characteristics of Quality Scientific Research 31
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Demand Characteristics and

Participant Behaviour 35
Module 1.2a Quiz 39
Five Characteristics of Poor Research 39
Module 2.1b Quiz 40
2.2 Scientific Research Designs

Descriptive Research 43
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Case Studies as a Form of

Scientific Research 44
Module 2.2a Quiz 46
Correlational Research 47
Module 2.2b Quiz 49
Experimental Research 49
Module 2.2c Quiz 51

2.3 Ethics in Psychological Research

Promoting the Welfare of Research Participants 54
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Animal Models of Disease 57
Module 3.2a Quiz 59
Ethical Collection, Storage, and Reporting of Data 59
Module 2.3b Quiz 60
2.4 A Statistical Primer

Descriptive Statistics 63
Module 4.2a Quiz 66
Hypothesis Testing: Evaluating the Outcome of a Study 66
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Statistical Significance 68
Module 2.4b Quiz 69

Module 2.1 Principles of
Scientific Research
Miodrag Gajic/E+/Getty Images
Learning Objectives
2.1a Know . . . the key terminology related to the principles of scientific
research.
2.1b Understand . . . the five characteristics of quality scientific research.
2.1c Understand . . . how biases might influence the outcome of a study.
2.1d Apply . . . the concepts of reliability and validity to examples.
2.1e Analyze . . . whether anecdotes, authority figures, and common sense
are reliably truthful sources of information.
Does listening to classical music make you smarter? In January 1998,

Governor Zell Miller of Georgia placed a $105 000 line in his state budget
dedicated to purchasing classical music CDs for children (Sack, 1998).
He even paid the conductor of the Atlanta Symphony to select optimal
pieces for this CD. Apparently, Georgia’s well-meaning governor and
state legislature believed that providing young children with classical
music would make them smarter. There were many reasons to believe
this assumption might be true, starting with the observation that most
people we know who listen to classical music seem intelligent and
sophisticated. At around the same time that Georgia took this step,
consumers were being bombarded with advertisements about “the
Mozart effect,” the scientific finding that listening to Mozart improves
intelligence. Suddenly the classical sections at music stores were dusted
off and moved to the front of the store, with signs drawing customers’
attention to the intelligence-boosting effects of the CDs. Parents were told
that it was never too early to start their children on a Mozart program,
even as fetuses residing in the womb. In fact, part of the Georgia budget,
as well as the budget in some other U.S. states, was dedicated to
handing out classical CDs along with hospital birth certificates.
Eventually, the enthusiasm toward the Mozart effect died down after
other scientists were unable to replicate the results. It turns out that the
hype surrounding the Mozart effect was based on the results of one study
(Rauscher et al., 1993). In this study, the twelve adult participants who
listened to Mozart performed better than other adults on a test of spatial
ability. These (temporary) differences in spatial intelligence were then
inflated by the popular press to mean intelligence in general (a big
difference!). Based on a single study, companies created a multi-million
dollar industry, and the state of Georgia spent an extra $105 000.
This example is not meant to demonize the media or to mock Governor

Miller. Rather, it highlights the need for greater scientific literacy in our
society. The researchers did not make any unethical claims, the media
were trying to present an interesting science-based story to their
audience, and Governor Miller wanted to improve the well-being of the
children in his state. But, because of a lack of scientific literacy and
critical thinking, these events have now become a cautionary tale.
Focus Questions
1. We hear claims from marketers and politicians every day, but how
can we evaluate them?
2. Can we evaluate evidence even if we are not scientists?
This chapter might be the most important one in the book. It will give you the
training to become a critical consumer of scientific claims that are made by the
media, corporations, politicians, and even scientists. Every time you open a
news website, you encounter scientific topics such as how certain foods are
linked with cancer risks or psychological issues, or you read about wonder drugs
that will improve your grades. Some of this research is fantastic, but some is not.
The goal of this chapter is to help you separate the good from the questionable,
and to show you that asking tough questions about how research was designed
and conducted is never a bad thing. Doing so prevents you from being tricked
and manipulated . . . and from spending $105 000 on Mozart CDs.
What makes science such a powerful technique for examining behaviour?

Perhaps the single most important aspect of scientific research is that it strives
for objectivity. Objectivity assumes that certain facts about the world can be
observed and tested independently from the individual who describes them (e.g.,
the scientist). Everyone—not just the experts—should be able to agree on these
facts given the same tools, the same methods, and the same context. Achieving
objectivity is not a simple task, however.
As soon as people observe an event, their interpretation of it becomes

subjective, meaning that their knowledge of the event is shaped by prior beliefs,
expectations, experiences, and even their mood. A scientific, objective approach
to answering questions differs greatly from a subjective one. Most individuals
tend to regard a scientific approach as one that is rigorous and demands proof.
In this module, we will discuss the key elements of this scientific approach, and
how it can help us understand human behaviour.
Five Characteristics of Quality Scientific

Research
During the past few centuries, scientists have developed methods to help bring
us to an objective understanding of the world. The drive for objectivity influences
how scientific research is conducted in at least five ways. Quality scientific
research meets the following criteria:
1. It is based on measurements that are objective, valid, and reliable.

2. It can be generalized.
3. It uses techniques that reduce bias.
4. It is made public.
5. It can be replicated.
As you will soon read, these five characteristics of good research overlap in
many ways, and they will apply to any of the methods of conducting research
that you will read about in this textbook.
Scientific Measurement: Objectivity

The foundation of scientific methodology is the use of objective
measurements , the measure of an entity or behaviour that, within an allowed
margin of error, is consistent across instruments and observers. In other words,
the way that a quality or a behaviour is measured must be the same regardless
of who is doing the measuring and the exact tool being used. For example,
weight is measured in pounds or kilograms. One kilogram in St. John’s is the
same as one kilogram in Victoria—researchers don’t get to choose how much
mass a kilogram is worth. Similarly, your weight will be the same regardless of
whether you’re using the scale in your bathroom or the scale in the change room
at the gym. However, your weight will vary slightly from scale to scale—this is the
margin of error mentioned in the definition. Scientists in a given field have to
agree upon how much variability is allowable. Most people will be comfortable if
their weight differs by one or two kilograms depending on the scale being used.
But, if you weigh 70 kg on one scale and 95 kg on the other, then you know one
of your measurement tools is inaccurate.
In this example, weight would be considered a variable , the object, concept,

or event being measured. Variables are a key part of the research described in
all of the chapters in this book ranging from perceptual processes, to learning
and memory, to how we interact with each other, and so on. Each of these
variables can be described and measured. For most of psychology’s history,
measurements involved observations of behaviour in different situations or
examinations of how participants responded on a questionnaire or to stimuli
presented on a computer. However, as technology advanced, so did the ability to
ask psychological questions in new and interesting ways. High-tech equipment,
such as functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), allows researchers to
view the brain and see which areas are activated while you perform different
tasks such as remembering words or viewing emotional pictures. Other
physiological measures might involve gathering samples of blood or saliva,
which can then be analyzed for enzymes, hormones, and other biological
variables that relate to behaviour and mental functioning. With this greater
number of measurement options, it’s now possible to examine the same variable
(e.g., anxiety) using a number of different techniques. Doing so strengthens our
ability to understand the different elements of behaviour.
Regardless of the specific experimental question being asked, any method used
by a researcher to measure a variable needs to include carefully defined terms.
This isn’t always as easy as it sounds. How would you define personality,
shyness, or cognitive ability? This is the type of question a researcher would
want to answer very carefully, not only for planning and conducting a study, but
also when sharing the results of that research. In order to do so, researchers
must decide upon a precise definition that other researchers can understand.
These operational definitions are statements that describe the procedures
(or operations) and specific measures that are used to record observations
(Figure 2.1 ). For example, depression could be operationally defined as “a
score of 20 or higher on the Beck Depression Inventory” (Beck & Steer, 1977),
with the measure being a common and widely accepted clinical questionnaire.
Figure 2.1 Operational Definitions

A variable, such as the level of intoxication, can be operationally defined in
multiple ways. This figure shows operational definitions based on physiology,
behaviour, and self-report measures.
The concept of operational definitions would have been helpful when the Georgia
legislators considered implementing a state-wide program based on the Mozart
effect. They should have asked, “How do the researchers define the outcome of
their study? Do they mean listening to classical music makes you smarter, or just
that it helps you remember better? Do they claim the effect is permanent, or
does it occur only while listening to Mozart?” If these elected officials had
examined the science behind the Mozart effect, they would have found that the
results were based primarily on studies of adults (not infants) and led to a small
effect on spatial reasoning abilities, not overall intelligence. In fact, subsequent
studies by a different group of researchers found the same type and size of
effect after participants listened to a recording of a Stephen King horror novel, a
result that companies producing Mozart-effect CDs clearly did not share with
consumers. These conclusions make a very strong argument against investing
the time, money, and effort in writing policy that relies so heavily on the Mozart
effect. They also provide an important lesson to anyone making policy decisions
that involve human behaviour: thoroughly examine the existing research
literature before you make any decisions.
Scientific Measurement: Reliability, and Validity

Once researchers have defined their terms, they then turn their attention toward
the tools they plan to use to measure their variable(s) of interest. The
behavioural measurements that psychologists make must be valid and reliable.
Validity refers to the degree to which an instrument or procedure actually
measures what it claims to measure. This seems like a simple task, but creating
valid measures of complex behaviours is quite challenging. To go back to the
depression example, researchers cannot simply ask people a few questions and
then randomly decide that one score qualifies as depressed while another does
not. Instead, for the measure to be valid, a particular score would have to
differentiate depressed and non-depressed people in a way that accurately maps
onto how these people actually feel (i.e., a depressed person would score
differently than a non-depressed person). The creation of valid measures is
therefore quite time-consuming and requires a great deal of testing and revising
before the final product is ready for use.
In addition to being valid, a measurement tool must also be reliable. A measure

demonstrates reliability when it provides consistent and stable answers
across multiple observations and points in time. There are actually a number of
different types of reliability that affect psychological research (see Figure 2.2 ).
Test-retest reliability examines whether scores on a given measure of behaviour
are consistent across test sessions. If your scores on a test of depression vary
widely each time you take the test, then it is unlikely that your test is reliable.
Alternate-forms reliability is a bit more complicated. This form of reliability
examines whether different forms of the same test produce the same results.
Why would you need multiple forms of a test? In many situations, a person will
be tested on multiple occasions. For instance, individuals with brain damage
might have their memory tested soon after they arrive at the hospital and then at
one or more points during their rehabilitation. If you give these individuals the
exact same test, it is possible that any improvement is simply due to practice. By
having multiple versions of a test that produce the same results (e.g., two equally
difficult lists of words as stimuli for memory tests), researchers and hospital
workers can test individuals on multiple occasions and know that their
measurement tools are equivalent.
Figure 2.2 Test-Retest and Alternate-Forms Reliability

Test-retest reliability assumes that if the same test is taken at two or more
different times, the scores will be similar. Alternate-forms reliability assumes that
if a person completed different versions of the same test (e.g., Version A and
Version B), her scores would be similar.
A third type of reliability takes place when observers have to score or rate a
behaviour or response. For example, psychologists might be interested in the
effects of nonverbal behaviour when people interact, so they might videotape
participants solving a problem and then have trained raters count the number of
touches or the amount of eye contact that occurred during the experiment. As
another example, participants might write down lengthy, open-ended responses
to an experimenter’s questions; these responses would then be rated on different
variables by laboratory personnel. The catch is that more than one person must
do the rating; otherwise it is impossible to determine if the responses were
accurately measured or if the results were due to the single rater. Having more
than one rater allows you to have inter-rater reliability, meaning that the raters
agree on the measurements that were taken. If you design an experiment with
clear operational definitions and criteria for the raters, then it is likely that you will
have high inter-rater reliability.
Reliability and validity are essential components of scientific research. In

addition, it is usually very important that your results are not limited to a small
group of people in a single laboratory. Instead, it is ideal for these results to
relate to other groups and situations—in other words, to be generalizable.
Generalizability of Results
Although personal testimony can be persuasive and (sometimes) interesting,
psychologists are primarily interested in understanding behaviour in general.
This involves examining trends and patterns that will allow us to predict how
most people will respond to different stimuli and situations. Generalizability
refers to the degree to which one set of results can be applied to other situations,
individuals, or events. For example, imagine that one person you know claimed
that a memory-improvement course helped her raise her grades. How useful is
the course? Based on this information, you might initially view the course
favourably. However, upon further reflection, you’d realize that a number of other
factors could have influenced your friend’s improvement, not the least of which is
that she is suddenly paying more attention to her grades! At this point, you would
wisely decide to wait until you’ve heard more about the course before investing
your hard-earned money. But, if you found out that several hundred people in
your city had taken the same course and had experienced similar benefits, then
these results will appear more likely to predict what would happen if you or other
people took the course. They are generalizable.
As you can see from this example, one way to increase the possibility that
research results will generalize is to study a large group of participants. By
examining and reporting an average effect for that group, psychologists can get
a much better sense of how individuals are likely to behave. But how large of a
group is it possible to study? Ideally, it would be best to study an entire
population , the group that researchers want to generalize about. In reality,
the task of finding all population members, persuading them to participate, and
measuring their behaviour is impossible in most cases. Instead, psychologists
typically study a sample , a select group of population members. Once the
sample has been studied, then the results may be generalized to the population
as a whole.
It is important to note that how a sample is selected will determine whether your
results are generalizable. If your sample for the memory-improvement course
was limited to middle-aged male doctors in Edmonton, it would be difficult to
generalize those results to all Canadians. Instead, researchers try to use a
random sample , a sampling technique in which every individual of a
population has an equal chance of being included. If you wanted to study the
population of students at your school, for example, the best way to obtain a true
random sample would be to have a computer generate a list of names from the
entire student body. Your random sample—a subset of this population—would
then be identified, with each member of the population having an equal chance
of being selected regardless of class standing, gender, major, living situation,
and other factors. Of course, it isn’t always possible to use random sampling.
This is particularly true if you are hoping that your results generalize to a large
population or to all of humanity. In these cases, researchers often have to settle
for convenience samples , samples of individuals who are the most readily
available—for example, Introductory Psychology students.
In a random sample, all members of a population (e.g., Winnipeggers) would be

equally likely to be selected to be part of a study. This type of sampling is not
always possible. Instead, many psychologists test their hypotheses using a
convenience sample, such as psychology students.
Ariel Skelley/Blend Images/Getty Images
In addition to generalizing across individuals, psychological research should

generalize across time and location. Research should ideally have high
ecological validity , meaning that the results of a laboratory study can be
applied to or repeated in the natural environment. Sometimes this connection
doesn’t seem obvious, such as computer-based studies testing your ability to
pay attention to different stimuli on a computer screen, but such seemingly
artificial situations are assessing human abilities that are used in very common
situations such as driving or finding a friend in a crowded classroom.
Although generalizability and ecological validity are important qualities of good

research, we need to be careful not to over-generalize. For example, results from
a convenience sample of university students might not predict how a group of
elderly people would do on the same task. Conversely, in the Mozart effect
example that began this module, most of the studies involved adults, yet
companies and politicians assumed—with very little evidence—that the results
would generalize to children, including infants. Therefore, scientific literacy also
involves thinking critically about when it is appropriate to generalize results to
other groups, times, and locations.
Sources of Bias in Psychological Research

Of course, generalizability is only important if the experiment itself was
conducted without bias. While creating objective, reliable, and valid measures is
important in quality research, various types of bias can be unintentionally
introduced by the researchers; this is known as a researcher bias. For instance,
the experimenter may treat participants in different experimental conditions
differently, thus making it impossible to know if any differences were due to the
experimental manipulation being tested or were instead due to the
experimenter’s behaviour. It is also possible for the participants, including
animals, to introduce their own bias; these effects are known as subject biases
or participant biases. Sometimes this bias will involve a participant trying to figure
out what the experimenters are testing or trying to predict the responses that the
researchers are hoping to find.
Bias can also be introduced by the act of observation itself. A wonderful example
of this tendency was provided by workers at the Western Electric Company’s
Hawthorne Works, a Chicago-area factory in the 1920s. Researchers went to the
factory to study the relationship between productivity and working conditions.
When the researchers introduced some minor change in working conditions,
such as an adjustment to the lighting, the workers were more productive for a
period of time. When they changed another variable in a different study—such as
having fewer but longer breaks—productivity increased again. What was not
obvious to the researchers was that any change in factory conditions brought
about increased productivity, presumably because the changes were always
followed by close attention from the factory supervisors (Adair, 1984; Parsons,
1974). The results were due to the participants noticing that they were being
observed rather than to the variables being manipulated. In honour of these
observations, a behaviour change that occurs as a result of being observed is
now known as the Hawthorne effect .
In most psychological research, the participants are aware that they are being
observed. This presents a different form of problem, however. Participants may
respond in ways that increase the chances that they will be viewed favourably by
the experimenter and/or other participants, a tendency known as social
desirability (or socially desirable responding). This type of bias is particularly
relevant when the study involves an interview in which the researcher has face-
to-face contact with the volunteers. As a result, many researchers now collect
data using computers; this allows the participants to respond with relative
anonymity, thereby reducing the desire to appear likeable.
In these situations, the participants can look for feedback—intentional or

unintentional—and then adapt their responses to be consistent with what they
think is expected of them. The potential biasing effects of social desirability show
us a challenge faced by many psychologists: the need to limit the effect that they
have on the results of their own study so that the results are due to the variables
being studied rather than to the participants responding to cues from the
researcher. As you will read in the next section, this challenge is not as simple as
it appears.
The Hawthorne Effect, named after the Western Electric Company’s Hawthorne
Works in Chicago, states that individuals sometimes change their behaviour
when they think they are being observed.
Hawthorne Works Museum of Morton College.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Demand

Characteristics and Participant Behaviour
Results of psychological studies should provide uncontaminated

views of behaviour. In reality, however, people who participate in
psychological studies typically enter the research environment
with a curiosity about the subject of the study. Researchers need
to withhold as much detail as possible (while still being ethical) to
get the best, least biased results possible.
What do we know about how bias affects research

participants?
When studying human behaviour, a major concern is demand
characteristics , inadvertent cues given off by the
experimenter or the experimental context that provide information
about how participants are expected to behave. Early
psychologists often thought of the people being tested as
“subjects.” This term, still commonly used, assumes that
individuals taking part in an experiment will follow instructions
(within reason) and will not put too much thought into why certain
stimuli are being presented or certain experimental manipulations
are occurring. This view changed in the 1950s and 1960s, when
psychologists began applying the scientific method to more
cognitive topics. Researchers quickly realized that people are
active participants in psychological experiments (Orne, 1962).
These participants examine their environment and attempt to
understand why certain stimuli and procedures are being used.
As part of this attempt to “figure out” the study, participants will
look to the behaviour of other people in that setting, including the
experimenters. Sometimes, the actions, tone of voice, body
language, or facial expressions of the experimenter can bias
participants’ responses. These demand characteristics can range
from very subtle to obvious influences on the behaviour of
research participants (Orne, 1962).
How can science test the effects of demand characteristics

on behaviour?
Some classic examples of how demand characteristics can
influence results come from the research of Rosenthal and
colleagues. In one study, researchers told teachers in 18 different
classrooms that a group of children had an “unusual” potential for
learning, when in reality they were just a random selection of
students (Rosenthal & Jacobson, 1966). After eight months of
schooling, the children singled out as especially promising
showed significant gains not just in grades, but in intelligence test
scores, which are believed to be relatively stable. Why would this
occur if the students were randomly selected? The best
explanation is that the observers (i.e., teachers) assumed those
students would do well, and were therefore more likely to pay
attention to those students and to give them positive and
encouraging feedback. These positive experiences with the
teachers likely motivated these students to improve themselves.
In other words, the students changed their behaviour patterns in
order to match up with the expectations of the teachers. It is easy
to see how similar experimenter effects could occur in
psychological research studies.
Experimenter bias can even be found when people work with

animals. When research assistants were told they were handling
“bright” rats, it appeared that the animals learned significantly
faster than when the assistants were told they were handling
“dull” rats. Because it is unlikely that the rats were influenced by
demand characteristics—they were not trying to give the
researchers what they wanted—the most likely explanation for
this difference is that researchers made subtle changes in how
they treated the animals, and in how they observed and recorded
behaviour (Rosenthal & Fode, 1963).
How can we critically evaluate the issue of bias in research?

This issue of bias in research is very difficult to overcome. Very
few researchers intentionally manipulate their participants;
however, as you have read, many times these influences are
subtle and accidental. In most cases, experimenters (often
graduate students and undergraduate research assistants)
complete rigorous training and follow careful scripts when
explaining experimental procedures to participants. These
precautions help reduce experimenter effects. Additionally, many
studies include interviews or questionnaires at the end of the
study asking participants what they thought the experiment was
about. This information can then be used by the experimenters to
determine if the data from that participant are due to the
experimental manipulation or to demand characteristics.
One way to evaluate whether participants’ expectations are

influencing the results is to create an additional manipulation in
which the researchers give different groups of participants
different expectations of the results. If the groups then differ when
performing the same task, then some form of demand
characteristic, in this case from the participant, might be
influencing performance. Of course, it is not always practical to
include an additional group in a study, and, when doing clinical
research, manipulating expectations might not be ethical. But
when researchers begin performing research on new topics or
with new research methods, testing for demand characteristics
would be a wise decision.

Demand characteristics and other sources of bias all have the
potential to compromise research studies. Given the time,
energy, and monetary cost of conducting research, it is critical
that results are as free from contamination as possible. The
science of psychology involves the study of a number of very
sensitive topics; the results are often used to help policymakers
make better-informed decisions. Producing biased results will
therefore have negative effects upon society as a whole. Demand
effects are particularly problematic when studying clinical
populations or when performing experiments with different types
of clinical treatments. The results of these studies affect what we
know about different patient populations and how we can help
them recover from their different conditions. Biased results could
therefore affect the health care of vulnerable members of our
society.
The fact that demand characteristics can alter results is of particular importance
for researchers investigating new drug treatments for different conditions.
Patients enter treatment programs (and experiments) with a number of
expectations. It turns out these expectations can produce their own unique
effects.
Techniques That Reduce Bias

Although biases can be a threat to the validity and reliability of psychological
research, experimenters have established a number of techniques that can
reduce the impact of subject and researcher biases. One of the best techniques
for reducing subject bias is to provide anonymity and confidentiality to the
volunteers. Anonymity means that each individual’s responses are recorded
without any name or other personal information that could link a particular
individual to specific results. Confidentiality means that the results will be seen
only by the researcher. Ensuring anonymity and confidentiality are important
steps toward gathering honest responses from research participants.
Participants are much more likely to provide information about sensitive issues
like their sexual history, drug use, or emotional state if they can do so
confidentially and anonymously.
Psych@ The Hospital: The Placebo Effect

The demand effect that we know the most about is the placebo
effect , a measurable and experienced improvement in health or
behaviour that cannot be attributable to a medication or treatment. This
term comes from drug studies, in which it is standard procedure for a
group, unbeknownst to them, to be given an inactive substance (the
placebo) so that this group can be compared to a group given the active
drug. What often happens is that people in the placebo group report
feeling better because they have the expectation that the drug will have
an effect on their brain and body. This effect has been reported time and
again—not just with drugs, but with other medical treatments as well.
Why do people receiving a placebo claim to feel better? The initial
explanation was that the patients’ expectations caused them to simply
convince themselves they feel better (i.e., it is “all in their head”). Other
research noted that many people who are given a placebo show
physiological evidence of relief from pain and nausea (Hrobjartsson &
Gotzsche, 2010). Research conducted at the Rotman Research Institute
in Toronto suggests that both of these explanations have merit. Helen
Mayberg and colleagues (2002) found that people responding to
placebos showed increased activity in several regions of the frontal
lobes. This activity may relate to the participants creating a new “mental
set” of their current state; in other words, creating the belief that their pain
was going to decrease. Interestingly, these researchers also noted a
decrease in activity in a number of other brain regions that might
represent changes in the sensitivity of pain pathways. These results
suggest that there are multiple ways for placebos to affect our responses
to pain. Placebos are an important part of experimental research in
psychology and related fields, so it is important to recognize their
potential influence on how research participants respond.
In a related issue, participant anxiety about the experiment—which often leads to

changes in how people respond to questions—can be reduced if researchers
provide full information about how they will eventually use the data. Many people
assume that psychologists are “analyzing them”; in fact, if you mention at your
next family gathering that you’re taking a psychology course, it is almost certain
that someone will make a joke about this. If volunteers know that the data will not
be used to diagnose psychiatric problems, affect their grades, or harm them in
some other way, then their concerns about the study will be less likely to affect
their performance.
Another source of bias in psychological research involves participants’

expectations of the effects of a treatment or manipulation. We saw this tendency
in the discussion of the placebo effect earlier. The critical element of the placebo
effect is that the participants believe the pill or liquid they are consuming is
actually a drug. If they knew that they were receiving a sugar pill instead of a
pain medication, they would not experience any pain relief. Therefore, it is
important that experiments involving drugs (recreational or therapeutic) utilize
what are known as blind procedures. In a single-blind study , the participants
do not know the true purpose of the study, or else do not know which type of
treatment they are receiving (for example, a placebo or a drug). In this case, the
subjects are “blind” to the purpose of the study. Of course, a researcher can
introduce bias as well. This bias is not going to be overt. It is unlikely that a
researcher will laugh and call the placebo group “suckers” and then play Pink
Floyd albums and Spongebob cartoons for the people in the drug condition. But
the researcher might unintentionally treat individuals in the two conditions
differently, thus biasing the results. In order to eliminate this possibility,
researchers often use a technique known as a double-blind study , a study in
which neither the participant nor the experimenter knows the exact treatment for
any individual. To carry out a double-blind procedure, the researcher must
arrange for an assistant to conduct the observations or, at the very least, the
researcher must not be told which type of treatment a person is receiving until
after the study is completed.
Double-blind procedures are also sometimes used when researchers are testing
groups that differ on variables such as personality characteristics or subtle
demographic factors such as sexual orientation. If the experimenter knows that
a participant has scored high on a test of psychopathy, she might treat him
differently than she treated a person who scored low on the same test. Keeping
the experimenter (and participants) blind to these results allows the research to
remain objective. Therefore, researchers should use these techniques whenever
possible.
Sharing The Results

Once a group of researchers has designed and conducted an objective
experiment that is free of bias, it is important to communicate their findings to
other scientists. Psychology’s primary mode of communication is through
academic journals. Academic journals resemble magazines in that they are
usually soft-bound periodicals with a number of articles by different authors
(online formats are typically available as well). Unlike magazines, however,
journal articles represent primary research or reviews of multiple studies on a
single topic. When scientists complete a piece of research, they may write a
detailed description of the theory, hypotheses, measures, and results and submit
the article for possible publication. You will not find journals or research books in
your average mall bookstore because they are too technical and specialized for
the general market (and are not exactly page-turners), but you will find
thousands of them in your university library.
However, only a fraction of the journal articles that are written eventually get
published. Rather, before research findings can be published, they must go
through peer review , a process in which papers submitted for publication in
scholarly journals are read and critiqued by experts in the specific field of study.
In the field of psychology, peer review involves two main tasks. First, an editor
receives the manuscript from the researcher and determines whether it is
appropriate subject matter for the journal (for example, an article on 17th-century
Italian sculpture would not be appropriate for publication in the Journal of
Cognitive Neuroscience, which is focused on biological explanations for memory,
thinking, language, and decision making). Second, the editor sends copies of the
manuscript to a select group of peer reviewers—“peer” in this case refers to
another professional working within the same field of study. These reviewers
critique the methods and results of the research and make recommendations to
the editor regarding the merits of the research. In this process, the editors and
reviewers serve as gatekeepers for the discipline, which helps increase the
likelihood that the best research is made public.
Replication
Once research findings have been published, it is then possible for other
researchers to build upon the knowledge that you have created; it is also
possible for researchers to double check whether or not your results simply
occurred by chance (which does happen). Science is an ongoing and self-
correcting process. The finest, most interesting published research study can
quickly become obsolete if it cannot be replicated. Replication is the process
of repeating a study and finding a similar outcome each time. As long as an
experiment uses sufficiently objective measurements and techniques, and if the
original hypothesis was correct, then similar results should be achieved by later
researchers who perform the same types of studies.
Results are not always replicated in subsequent investigations, however.

Psychology, like many other scientific fields, is experiencing what the media call
a “replication crisis.” In 2015, the influential journal Science published a paper
describing the efforts of a group of researchers—known as the Open Science
Collaboration (OSC)—to replicate 100 studies that had been published in three
well-known journals (OSC, 2015). Although one would hope that the vast
majority of these studies would replicate, the results showed the opposite.
Depending upon the statistical cut-offs used, only 36 to 47% of the studies were
successfully replicated. This result was quite upsetting for most psychologists, as
it implied that our field has some serious methodological problems. However,
before assuming that psychology should be tossed aside, it is worth thinking
about this issue in more detail. Psychology, like all sciences, has a publication
bias in which successful and novel results are published and studies that showed
no effects are not. Indeed, this bias is why replication is so important—it helps us
determine if these published studies are simply statistical flukes. However, if a
single replication attempt is unsuccessful, which result should we believe—the
original published experiment or the failed attempt to replicate it? This dilemma
was not only pointed out by critics of the original OSC paper (Gilbert et al.,
2016), but was noted by some of the OSC researchers themselves. The solution
appears to involve performing the same study a number of times to see if it
generally produces similar results. Such a strategy was used by the Many Labs
Project (MLP). (It is unclear why these replication teams give themselves catchy
“squad names.”) These researchers performed the same studies over 30 times
and found that 10 of the 13 studies they critiqued were replicable (Klein et al.,
2014). Regardless of the specific number of studies that can be replicated,
however, these efforts send an important message to both researchers and
students: replication is important and makes science better.
Incidentally, researchers have had a difficult time replicating the Mozart effect
(Steele et al., 1997), the example describing at the beginning of this module.
These results likely had Georgia Governor Zell Miller singing the blues.
Module 2.1a Quiz:
Five Characteristics of Quality Scientific Research
Know . . .
1. The degree to which an instrument measures what it is intended to
measure is known as .
A. validity
B. generalizability
C. verifiability
D. reliability
2. When psychologists question how well the results of a study apply to

other samples or perhaps other situations, they are inquiring about the
of the study.
A. validity
B. generalizability
C. verifiability
D. reliability
Understand . . .
3. In a single-blind study, the participants do not know the purpose of the
study or the condition to which they are assigned. What is the difference
in a double-blind study?
A. The researcher tells the participants the purpose and their
assigned conditions in the study.
B. The participants also do not know when the actual study begins
or ends.
C. The researcher also does not know which condition the
participants are in.
D. The participants know the condition to which they have been
assigned, but the researcher does not.
Apply . . .
4. Dr. Rose gives a standardized personality test to a group of psychology
majors in January and again in March. Each individual’s score remains
nearly the same over the two-month period. From this, Dr. Rose can infer
that the test is .
A. reliable
B. generalizable
C. objective
D. verified
Five Characteristics of Poor Research
In the preceding section, you read about for the characteristics of quality
research. It is generally safe to assume that the opposite characteristics detract
from the quality of research. Good research uses valid, objective measures; poor
research uses measures that are less valid, less reliable, and, therefore, less
likely to be replicable. However, other issues must also be scrutinized if you hear
someone make a scientific-sounding claim. Most claims are accompanied by
what might sound like evidence, but evidence can come in many forms. How can
we differentiate between weak and strong evidence? Poor evidence comes most
often in one of five varieties: untestable hypotheses, anecdotes, a biased
selection of available data, appeals to authority, and appeals to (so-called)
common sense.
Perhaps the most important characteristic of science is that its hypotheses are
testable. For a hypothesis to be testable, it must be falsifiable , meaning that
the hypothesis is precise enough that it could be proven false. If a hypothesis is
not falsifiable, that means that there is no pattern of data that could possibly
prove that this view is wrong; instead, there is always a way to reinterpret the
results to make the hypothesis match the data. If you cannot disconfirm a
hypothesis, then there is no point in testing it. There are very few examples of
unfalsifiable hypotheses in modern psychology. However, early personality work
by Freud did suffer from this problem (although, to be fair, he wasn’t trying to
create a testable theory). Briefly, Freud believed that our personality consisted of
three components: the id (which was focused on pleasure), the superego (which
was based on following rules), and the ego (which attempted to balance the two
opposing forces). Although this theory provided wonderful metaphors for
behaviour, it is impossible to test. If a person does not behave in the predicted
fashion, the analyst can simply say that the other personality component (e.g.,
the id) was more involved at that moment. There would be no way to prove him
wrong. Luckily, researchers have built upon Freud’s pioneering work and have
created much more scientific (and falsifiable) theories of personality.
A second characteristic of poor research is the use of anecdotal evidence ,

an individual’s story or testimony about an observation or event that is used to
make a claim as evidence. For example, a personal testimonial on a product’s
webpage might claim that a man used subliminal weight-loss recordings to lose
50 pounds in six months. But there is no way of knowing whether the recordings
were responsible for the person’s weight loss; the outcome could have been due
to any number of things, such as a separate physical problem or changes in food
intake and lifestyle that had nothing to do with the subliminal messages. In fact,
you do not even know if the anecdote itself is true: The “before” and “after”
photos could easily be doctored. Therefore, we must be wary of such anecdotal
claims. If they are not backed up by a peer-reviewed scientific study, then we
should view the claims with caution.
However, we still need to be careful even if a scientific claim is backed up by

published data. It is possible that some individuals—particularly politicians and
corporations—might present only the data that support their views. A beautiful
example of this data selection bias is shown in the debate over whether human
behaviour is a major cause of climate change. A climate-change denier could
point out that 24 peer-reviewed scientific studies cast doubt on whether human
behaviour is a cause of global warming. Twenty-four sounds like a large body of
research. However, James Powell, a member of the U.S. National Science
Board, carefully examined all of the climate-change data from 1991–2012 and
found 13 926 papers supporting this view (see Figure 2.3 ). Therefore, a very
selective slice of the data would present one (biased) result, but a thorough and
scientific representation of the data would present an entirely different view of the
same issue.
Figure 2.3 Data Selection Bias
People with a particular political or economic agenda can still make claims that
appear scientific if they perform a biased selection of the available data. Groups
opposed to the idea that human activity is playing a role in global warming often
point to published research supporting their view. However, when one examines
all of the data on global warming, it appears that negative findings make up less
than 1% of the results, suggesting that these individuals are full of hot air.
Source: 1991-2012 Pie Chart, Retrieved from http://www.jamespowell.org. Reprinted with permission of James Powell.
The fourth kind of questionable evidence is the appeal to authority —the

belief in an “expert’s” claim even when no supporting data or scientific evidence
is present. Expertise is not actually evidence; “expert” describes the person
making the claim, not the claim itself. It is entirely possible that the expert is
mistaken, dishonest, or misquoted. True experts are good at developing
evidence, so if a claim cites someone’s expertise as evidence, then you should
see whether the expert offers the corresponding data to support the claim. It is
not unusual for people to find that an expert’s claim actually has no evidence
backing it, but rather that it is simply an opinion. It is also possible that that the
experts have a hidden agenda or a conflict of interest, such as when scientists
funded by the oil industry produce research that says human behaviour has no
effect on the climate.
Finally, the evidence may consist of an appeal to common sense , a claim
that appears to be sound, but lacks supporting scientific evidence. For example,
many people throughout history assumed the world was the stationary centre of
the universe. The idea that the Earth could orbit the sun at blinding speeds was
deemed nonsense—the force generated would seemingly cause all the people
and objects to be flung into space!
In addition to common sense, beliefs can originate from other potentially

unreliable sources. For example, appeals to tradition (“We have always done it
this way!”) as well as their opposite, appeals to novelty (“It is the latest thing!”),
can lead people to believe the wrong things. Claims based on common sense,
tradition, or novelty may be worthy of consideration, but whether something is
true cannot be evaluated by these standards alone. Instead, what we need is
careful and objective testing. What we need is science.
Module 2.1b Quiz:

Five Characteristics of Poor Research
Know . . .
1. Claiming that something is true because “it should be obvious” is really

just .
A. anecdotal evidence
B. an appeal to common sense
C. an appeal to authority
D. generalizability
Understand . . .
2. Appeals to authority do not qualify as good evidence because

A. they always lack common sense.
B. authority figures are quite likely to distort the truth.
C. authority does not mean that there is sound, scientific evidence.
D. authority is typically based on anecdotal evidence.
Apply . . .
3. Ann is convinced that corporal punishment (e.g., spanking) is a good idea

because she knows a child whose behaviour improved because of it.
Whether or not you agree with her, Ann is using a flawed argument.
Which type of evidence is she using?
A. Anecdotal
B. Objective
C. Generalizable
D. Authority-based
Module 2.1 Summary

2.1a Know . . . the key terminology related to the principles of scientific
research.
anecdotal evidence
appeal to authority
appeal to common sense
convenience samples
demand characteristics
double-blind study
ecological validity
falsifiable
generalizability
Hawthorne effect
objective measurements
operational definitions
peer review
placebo effect
population random sample
reliability
replication
sample
single-blind study
social desirability
validity
variable
2.1b Understand . . . the five characteristics of quality scientific research.
These characteristics include that (1) measurements are objective, valid, and
reliable; (2) the research can be generalized; (3) it uses techniques that reduce
bias; (4) the findings are made public; and (5) the results can be replicated. For
example, objective, valid, and reliable measurements make it possible for other
scientists to test whether they could come up with the same results if they
followed the same procedures. Psychologists typically study samples of
individuals; their goal is usually to describe principles that generalize to a
broader population. Single- and double-blind procedures are standard ways of
reducing bias. Finally, the process of publishing results is what allows scientists
to share information, evaluate hypotheses that have been confirmed or refuted,
and, if needed, replicate other researchers’ work.
2.1c Understand . . . how biases might influence the outcome of a study.
Demand characteristics affect how participants respond in research studies—

understandably, they often attempt to portray themselves in a positive light, even
if that means not answering questions or behaving in a fully truthful manner.
Researchers can also influence the outcomes of their own studies, even
unintentionally.
2.1d Apply . . . the concepts of reliability and validity to examples.
Try this activity to see how well you can apply these concepts.
Apply Activity
Read the following descriptions and determine whether each scenario involves
an issue with reliability or validity.
1. Dr. Williams is performing very standard physiological recording

techniques on human participants. Each morning he checks whether the
instruments are calibrated and ready for use. One day he discovers that
although the instruments are still measuring physiological activity, their
recordings are not as sensitive as on previous testing days. Would this
affect the reliability or validity of his research? Explain.
2. Dr. Nielson uses a behavioural checklist to measure happiness in the
children he studies at an elementary school. Every time he and his
associates observe the children, they reach near-perfect agreement on
what they observed. Another group of psychologists observes the same
children in an attempt to identify which children are energetic and which
seem tired and lethargic. It turns out that the same children whom Dr.
Nielson identifies as happy, using his checklist, are also the children
whom the second group of psychologists identify as energetic. It appears
there may be a problem with Dr. Nielson’s measure of happiness. Do you
think it is a problem of reliability or validity? Explain.
2.1e Analyze . . . whether anecdotes, authority figures, and common

sense are reliably truthful sources of information.
To evaluate evidence, you should ask several questions. First, is someone

supplying anecdotal evidence? As convincing as a personal testimony may be,
anecdotal evidence is not sufficient for backing any claim that can be
scientifically tested. Second, is support for the claim based on the words or
endorsement of an authority figure? Endorsement by an authority figure is not
necessarily a bad thing, as someone who is an authority at something should be
able to back up the claim. But the authority of the individual alone is not
satisfactory, especially if data gathered through good scientific methods do not
support the claim. Finally, common sense also has its place in daily life, but by
itself is insufficient as a final explanation for anything. Explanations based on
good scientific research should override those based on common sense.
Module 2.2 Scientific Research
Designs
Andersen Ross/Blend Images/Getty Images
Learning Objectives
2.2a Know . . . the key terminology related to research designs.
2.2b Understand . . . what it means when variables are positively or negatively
correlated.
2.2c Understand . . . how experiments help demonstrate cause-and-effect
relationships.
2.2d Apply . . . the terms and concepts of experimental methods to research
examples.
2.2e Analyze . . . the pros and cons of descriptive, correlational, and
experimental research designs
Can your attitude affect your health? This is the old question of “mind
over matter,” and psychologist Rod Martin from Western University in
London, ON, thinks the answer is definitely yes. He says that if you can
laugh in the face of stress, your psychological and physical health will
benefit. Martin has found several interesting ways to build evidence for
this argument (Martin, 2002, 2007). For example, he developed a self-
report instrument that measures sense of humour. People who score high
on this measure—those who enjoy a good laugh on a regular basis—
appear to be healthier in a number of ways. As interesting as this
evidence is, it simply illustrates that humour and health are related—there
is no guarantee that one causes the other. To make such a claim,
researchers would have to use the experimental method, one of the
many research designs discussed in this module.
Focus Questions
1. What are some of the ways researchers make observations?

2. Do some research techniques provide stronger evidence than
others?
Psychologists always begin their research with a research question, such as

“What is the most effective way to study?”, “What causes us to feel hungry?”, or
“How does attitude affect health?” In most cases, they also make a prediction
about the outcome they expect—the hypothesis. Psychologists then create a
research design , a set of methods that allows a hypothesis to be tested.
Research designs influence how investigators (1) organize the stimuli used to
test the hypothesis, (2) make observations, and (3) evaluate the results.
Because several types of designs are available, psychologists must choose the
one that best addresses the research question and that is most suitable to the
subject of their research. Before we examine different research designs, we
should quickly review the characteristics that all of them have in common.
Variables. A variable is a property of an object, organism, event, or

something else that can take on different values. How frequently you laugh is
a variable that could be measured and analyzed.
Operational definitions. Operational definitions are the details that define
the variables for the purposes of a specific study. For sense of humour, this
definition might be “the score on the Coping Humour Scale.”
Data. When scientists collect observations about the variables of interest, the
information they record is called data. For example, data might consist of the
collection of scores on the Coping Humour Scale from each individual in the
sample.
These characteristics of research designs are important regardless of the design

that is used. However, a number of other factors will guide the researchers as
they select the appropriate research design for their topic of interest.
Descriptive Research
The beginning of any new line of research must involve descriptive data.
Descriptive research answers the question of “what” a phenomenon is; it
describes its characteristics. Once these observations have been performed and
the data examined, they can be used to inform more sophisticated future studies
that ask “why” and “how” that phenomenon occurs.
These descriptions can be performed in different ways. Qualitative research

involves examining an issue or behaviour without performing numerical
measurements of the variables. In psychology, qualitative research often takes
the form of interviews in which participants describe their thoughts and feelings
about particular events or experiences (Madill & Gough, 2008). For example,
researchers at St. Francis Xavier University in Nova Scotia performed a
qualitative study of how males and females experienced “friends with benefits”
relationships (Weaver et al., 2011). As you likely know, “friends with benefits”
refers to sexual activity that occurs between partners who do not view the
relationship as being romantic. In this study, the researchers performed a semi-
structured interview with 16 female and 10 male students. Although the interview
contained six primary questions that would be asked over the course of the
meeting, the interviews varied widely from person to person, as each individual
had a different experience with their friends-with-benefits relationship. In this
case, the fact that the researchers weren’t restricted to numerical data helped
them answer their research question.
Quantitative research , on the other hand, involves examining an issue or

behaviour by using numerical measurements and/or statistics. The majority of
psychological studies are quantitative in nature. These designs can involve
complex manipulations (discussed later in this module); but, it is also possible to
perform more descriptive studies using numbers. For instance, if you wanted to
examine friends with benefits quantitatively, you could conduct an interview or
survey in which participants provided specific responses to questions (e.g., “On a
scale of 1 (sad) to 7 (happy), how did you feel when your friends-with-benefits
relationship ended?”).
Here are a few other examples of descriptive research questions:
How many words can the average 2-year-old speak?

How many hours per week does the typical university student spend on
homework?
What proportion of the population will experience depression or an anxiety
disorder at some point in their lives?
As you can see, research questions can address the appearance of a behaviour,
its duration or frequency, its prevalence in a population, and so on. To answer
these questions, researchers usually gather data using one or more of the
following designs: case studies, naturalistic observation, and surveys and
questionnaires.
Case Studies
A case study is an in-depth report about the details of a specific case. Rather
than developing a hypothesis and then objectively testing it on a number of
different individuals, scientists performing a case study describe an individual’s
history and behaviour in great detail. Of course, case studies are not performed
on just anyone. They are generally reserved for individuals who have a very
uncommon characteristic or have lived through a very unusual experience.
Perhaps the most famous case study in psychology (and neurology) is that of
Phineas Gage (1823–1860). Gage was a foreman working for the Rutland and
Burlington Railroad Company in the northeastern U.S. state of Vermont. On
September 13, 1848, 25-year-old Gage was helping his crew blast through a
rocky outcrop near the town of Cavendish and was involved in an accident that
caused an iron rod to be propelled upwards underneath Gage’s eye and through
his head. According to the original medical report of the incident (Harlow, 1848;
available online for interested readers), the iron rod was found 25 m away,
suggesting that it was travelling very quickly as it tore through Gage’s brain.
Amazingly, Gage survived the accident, although his physical recovery took most
of a year (Bigelow, 1850; Harlow, 1849). However, it quickly became apparent
that Gage’s injuries were not limited to physical damage; his mental state had
also been affected. Reports indicate that while he had been a reputable citizen
prior to the accident, afterward he became much more impulsive, inconsiderate,
indecisive, and impatient. Harlow (1868) reported that Gage’s friends claimed
that the changes were so pronounced that he “was no longer Gage.” The doctors
treating Gage rightfully concluded that these sudden changes were due to the
brain damage that he had suffered. Examination at the time of the accident—
which involved Dr. Harlow sticking his finger into the hole in Gage’s head—
suggested that this damage was located in the frontal lobes of the brain, a region
now known to be involved in a number of complex behaviours including decision
making and emotional regulation (see Modules 8.2 and 11.4 ). Because
Gage’s case was documented in a series of detailed case-study reports, it was
possible for future doctors and researchers to use this information to gain a
better understanding of the role of the frontal lobes and the problems that
emerge when this brain area is damaged.
Phineas Gage proudly holding the tamping iron that nearly killed him, and that
made him one of the most famous names in the history of psychology and
neuroscience. The information learned from case studies of Gage led to
hundreds of subsequent scientific studies that have helped researchers learn a
great deal about the frontal lobes of the brain. Interestingly, over the course of a
few years, Gage slowly recovered enough of his self-control to hold down
different jobs, including one as a long-distance stagecoach driver in South
America (Macmillan, 2008); however, he never did recover all of his self-control.
Had doctors paid more attention to this partial recovery, it would have been one
of the first reported cases of the brain’s ability to compensate and repair itself
after injury.
Warren Anatomical Museum in the Francis A. Countway Library of Medicine. Gift of Jack and Beverly Wilgus.
The case of Phineas Gage is obviously quite striking. However, although case
studies tell us a lot about an individual’s condition, is it really science? Different
researchers have different opinions about the merit of such reports, with some
viewing them as important scientific contributions and others viewing them as
simply interesting stories.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Case

Studies as a Form of Scientific Research
Case studies allow the clinician or researcher to present more

details about an individual than would be possible in a research
report involving a number of participants; however, this detail
comes at a price. Is a thorough description of a single individual
still a form of science or is it simply an example of anecdotal
evidence?
What do we know about using case studies as a form of

scientific research?
Case studies have been a form of psychological research for over
a century. Freud used case studies of unique patients when he
initially described many of his theories of personality and
development. Case studies have also been critical for our
understanding of the brain. Phineas Gage was just one of many
unique neurological patients who have taught us how different
areas of the brain influence particular behaviours. In each
situation, the researchers described their patient in great detail so
the case study could improve the treatment of similar patients in
the future.
Case studies can also be useful in describing symptoms of

psychological disorders and providing detailed descriptions about
specific successes or failures in their treatment. One recently
published example of a case study did both (Elkins & Moore,
2011). The authors of this study described the experience of a
certain type of anxiety disorder and the steps used in therapy to
treat the anxiety over a 16-week period. They were able to
document how and when changes occurred and the effects of the
treatment on other aspects of the individual’s life. This level of
detail would not be available if the authors had not focused on a
single case. However, as case studies only describe a single
individual, there is no guarantee that the findings can be
generalized to other people and situations.
How can science test the usefulness of case studies?

Although it is tempting to view case studies as simply being
descriptions of an individual, they can also serve another
important scientific function: They can be used to test an existing
hypothesis. For example, until a couple of years ago, researchers
thought that the amygdala—a fear centre in the brain—was
essential for emotional information to grab our attention (e.g., the
way your attention is almost always drawn to a spider walking
across your ceiling). It made sense that a fear centre would be a
necessary part of a fear response. Brain-imaging studies showed
that this structure was active when these types of images were
displayed to healthy participants. But, what would happen if
someone with no amygdala on either side of her brain was put in
this situation? A case study with one such patient (there are
fewer than 300 worldwide) found that her attention was still
grabbed by emotional stimuli (Tsuchiya et al., 2009). This told
researchers that their models of how emotion and attention work
together were too simplistic, and forced them to look at other
brain structures that could be influencing these processes. In
other words, the case study was used not to generate
hypotheses, but to actually test an existing scientific theory.
How can we critically evaluate the role of case studies in

research?
The above section demonstrates that case studies can help guide
our understanding of existing scientific theories. Case studies can
also be used to help scientists form hypotheses for future
research studies. Take Phineas Gage, for example. Although
there are very few, if any, other reports of individuals
experiencing a tamping rod shooting through their frontal lobes,
patients who suffered damage to the frontal lobes after car
accidents and strokes have noted impairments similar to those
suffered by Gage. Specifically, these individuals became more
impulsive and risk-prone than they had been before their accident
(Bechara et al., 1994; Damasio, 1994). Researchers have also
created lesions similar to Phineas Gage’s in animal subjects
(e.g., laboratory rats) and observed similar tendencies (Quirk &
Beer, 2006).
Researchers can also use computer simulations to model the

effects of this form of brain damage. In one study—cheekily
entitled “Spiking Phineas Gage”—Brandon Wagar and Paul
Thagard (2004) of the University of Waterloo created a
computerized neural network that used both cognitive and
emotional information to produce simple decisions. After the
network “learned” the task, the researchers altered its parameters
so that the frontal lobe node of the network did not function
properly. As predicted, this network’s responses quickly became
more dependent upon emotional impulses, just like patients with
frontal-lobe damage such as Phineas Gage.

These studies demonstrate that case studies are not simply
anecdotes that scientists tell each other when they sit around the
campfire. The case study of a single patient who somehow
survived a terrifying brain injury has stimulated hundreds of
scientific research papers leading to improvements in our
understanding of how the brain works. Fittingly, such information
will be essential in the treatment of any modern-day Phineas
Gages. As you continue reading this textbook, you’ll be
introduced to a number of unique individuals whose stories have
informed and guided psychological science for over a century.
Without them, our understanding of topics ranging from vision to
memory to language to emotions would not be as sophisticated
as it has become. These topics would also lack the story-like
narratives that make psychology so compelling.
Of course, case studies are often limited to individuals with unique conditions or
experiences. They cannot be used to answer all types of research questions. For
instance, there are times when a researcher might be interested in how groups
of people or animals behave in environments outside of the controlled laboratory
setting or interview room. In these situations, an entirely different form of
descriptive research is necessary to examine psychological behaviours.
Naturalistic Observation
An alternative form of descriptive research is to observe people (or animals) in
their natural settings. When psychologists engage in such naturalistic
observations , they unobtrusively observe and record behaviour as it occurs
in the subject’s natural environment. The key word here is “unobtrusively”; in
other words, the individuals being observed shouldn’t know that they are being
observed. Otherwise, the mere act of observation could change the participants’
behaviours (imagine how your conversations with friends would change if you
knew a psychologist was listening and taking notes). Most students have seen
television programs about scientists in search of chimpanzees in a rain forest or
driving a Range Rover in pursuit of a herd of elephants. This certainly is a form
of observation, but there is more to it than just watching animals in the wild.
When a scientist conducts naturalistic observation research, she is making
systematic observations of specific variables according to operational definitions.
By having a very precise definition of what a variable is and how it will be
measured, researchers using naturalistic observations can ensure that their
results are objective and that different people observing the same environment
would score the behaviours in the same way (e.g., two observers would both call
the same movement by a chimpanzee a grooming behaviour).
Although it may appear that naturalistic observation is only useful for animal
studies or nature programs on TV, there have been a number of interesting
human-focused naturalistic observation studies conducted as well. For example,
a study conducted by psychologists at Carleton University in Ottawa measured
the behaviour of spectators at youth hockey games (Bowker et al., 2009). These
researchers were specifically interested in the types of comments made by
spectators—the intensity of the remarks, who made them (male vs. female), and
who they were directed toward (players, other spectators, or everyone’s favourite
target, the referees), among other variables. They also examined whether the
observed trends changed depending upon whether the game was in a highly
competitive or a more recreational league. The researchers found that females
made more comments than males; these comments were largely positive and
directed toward the players. Males tended to make more negative comments as
well as directions on how to improve play (e.g., “Skate faster!”). Both female and
male spectators made more negative comments when watching competitive, as
opposed to recreational, leagues; these comments were largely directed toward
the referees. Based on these observations, which involved five observers
attending 69 hockey games, the researchers concluded that the behaviour of
spectators is not as negative and unsettling as is often reported in the media
(Bowker et al., 2009).
Thus, naturalistic observations can occur anywhere that behaviours occur, be it

in “nature,” in a hockey rink, or even in a bar (Graham & Wells, 2004). The key
point is that the researchers must pay attention to specific variables and use
operational definitions. However, naturalistic observations may not always
provide researchers with the specific types of information they are after. In these
cases, researchers may need to adopt a different research strategy in order to
describe a given behaviour.
Surveys and Questionnaires

Another common method of descriptive research used by psychologists is self-
reporting , a method in which responses are provided directly by the people
who are being studied, typically through face-to-face interviews, phone surveys,
paper and pencil tests, and web-based questionnaires. These methods allow
researchers to assess attitudes, opinions, beliefs, and abilities. Despite the range
in topics and techniques, their common element is that the individuals speak for
themselves. Surveys and questionnaires are still a method of observation, but
the observations are provided by the people who are being studied rather than
by the psychologist.
Although this method initially sounds simple, the creation of objective survey and
questionnaire items is extremely challenging. Care must be taken not to create
biased questions that could affect the results one way or another. If you’re
interested in studying emotional sensitivity, you can’t ask, “Given that men are
drooling pigs, how likely are they to notice someone is unhappy?” Similarly, if
you’re studying a subject that some individuals might not want to openly discuss,
it is important to develop questions that touch on the issue without being too off-
putting. For example, asking people, “How depressed are you?” and giving them
a 7-point scale might not work, as some respondents might not want to state that
they are depressed. But, questionnaires can tap into the symptoms of
depression by asking questions about energy levels, problems with sleeping,
problems concentrating, and changes in one’s mood. The researchers could
then use the responses for these questions to determine if a respondent was
depressed.
This leads to an important question: How do researchers figure out if their

questions are valid? For clinical questionnaires, the researchers can compare
results to a participant’s clinical diagnosis. For questionnaires examining other
phenomena, researchers perform a large amount of pretesting in order to
calculate norms, or average patterns of data. Almost all of the questionnaires
that you will encounter as a psychology student will have undergone prior testing
to establish norms and to confirm that the research tool is both valid and reliable.
This testing will involve hundreds or even thousands of participants; their efforts
help ensure that self-report measures such as questionnaires are a useful tool in
psychology’s quest to understand different behaviours.
Module 2.2a Quiz:

Descriptive Research
Know . . .
1. When psychologists observe behaviour and record data in the
environment where it normally occurs, they are using .
A. case studies
B. naturalistic observation
C. the supervisory method
D. artificial observation
2. Any property of an organism, event, or something else that can take on

different values is called .
A. an operational definition
B. data
C. a variable
D. a case study
Apply . . .
3. A psychologist is completing a naturalistic observation study of children’s
aggressive behaviour on a playground. She says that aggression is “any
verbal or physical act that appears to be intended to hurt or control
another child.” She then goes on to list specific examples. It appears that
the psychologist is attempting to establish a(n)
A. good relationship with the children.
B. variable.
C. observational definition.
D. operational definition.
Correlational Research
Psychologists performing descriptive research almost always record information

about more than one variable when they are collecting data. In these situations,
the researchers may look for an association among the variables. They will ask
whether the variables tend to occur together in some pattern, or if they tend to
occur at opposite times. Correlational research involves measuring the
degree of association between two or more variables. For example, consider
these two questions:
What is the average education level of Canadians over the age of 30?
What is the average income of Canadians over the age of 30?
These two questions ask for different types of information, but their answers may
be related. Is it likely that people with higher education levels also tend to have
higher income levels? By asking two or more questions—perhaps through a
survey—researchers can start to understand the associations among variables.
Correlations can be visualized when presented in a graph called a scatterplot, as

shown in Figure 2.4 . In scatterplot (a), you can see the data for education
and income. Each dot represents one participant’s data; when you enter dots for
all of the participants, you often see a pattern emerge. In this case, the dots
show a pattern that slopes upward and to the right, indicating that people with
higher education levels tend to have a higher average income. That correlation is
not surprising, but it illustrates one of the two main characteristics that describe
correlations:
Direction: The pattern of the data points on the scatterplot will vary based on
the relationship between the variables. If correlations are positive (see
Figure 2.4 a), it means that the two variables change values in the same
direction. So, if the value of one variable increases, the value of the other
variable also tends to increase, and if the value of one variable decreases,
the value of the other variable decreases. For example, education levels and
average income both tend to rise and fall together, with educated people
tending to be wealthier. In contrast, if correlations are negative (see Figure
2.4 b), it means that as the value of one variable increases, the value of
the other variable tends to decrease. For instance, if you get a lot of sleep,
you are less likely to be irritable; but, if you don’t get much sleep, then you
will be more likely to be irritable.
Magnitude (or strength): This refers to how closely the changes in one
variable are linked to changes in another variable (e.g., if variable A goes up
one unit, will variable B also go up one unit?). This magnitude is described in
terms of a mathematical measure called the correlation coefficient. A
correlation coefficient of zero means that there is no relationship between the
two variables (see Figure 2.4 c). A coefficient of +1.0 means that there is a
very strong positive correlation between the variables (+1.0 is the most
positive correlation coefficient possible). A coefficient of −1.0 means that
there is a very strong negative correlation between the variables (−1.0 is the
most negative correlation coefficient possible). Importantly, +1.0 and −1.0
coefficients have an equal magnitude or strength; however, they have a
different direction.
Figure 2.4 Correlations Are Depicted in Scatterplots
Here we see two variables that are positively correlated (a) and negatively
correlated (b). In the example of a zero correlation (c), there is no relationship
between the two variables.
Myths in Mind Beware of Illusory Correlations
Chances are you have heard the following claims:
Crime and emergency room intakes suddenly increase when there is

a full moon.
Opposites attract.
Competitive basketball players (and even gamblers) get on a “hot
streak” where one success leads to the next.
Many common beliefs such as these are deeply ingrained in our culture.
They become even more widely accepted when they are repeated
frequently. It is difficult to argue with a hospital nurse or police officer who
swears that full-moon nights are the busiest and craziest of all. The
conventional, reserved, and studious man who dates a carefree and
spirited woman confirms that opposites attract. And, after Kyle Lowry has
hit a few amazing jump shots for the Raptors, of course his chances of
success just get better and better as the game wears on.
But do they? Each of these three scenarios is an example of what are

called illusory correlations —relationships that really exist only in the
mind, rather than in reality. It turns out that well-designed studies have
found no evidence that a full moon leads to, or is even related to, bizarre
or violent behaviour (Lilienfeld & Arkowitz, 2009). People who are
attracted to each other are typically very similar (Buston & Emlen,
2003). Also, although some games may be better than others, overall the
notion of a “hot streak” is not a reality in basketball or in blackjack
(Caruso et al., 2010; Gilovich et al., 1985).
Why do these illusory correlations exist? Instances of them come to mind

easily and are more memorable than humdrum examples of “normal”
nights in the ER, perfectly matched couples, and all of the times Kyle
Lowry missed a shot, even in his best games. However, just because
examples are easy to imagine, it does not mean that this is what typically
occurs.
Contrary to very popular belief, a full moon is statistically unrelated to
unusual events or increased emergency room visits.
Shutterstock
Florian Franke/Corbis
You will encounter many correlations in this text, and it will be important to keep
in mind the direction of the relationship—whether the variables are positively or
negatively associated. One key point to remember is that the correlation
coefficient is a measure of association only—it is not a measure of causality. In
other words, correlation does not equal causation. This is an extremely important
point!
In many cases, a correlation gives the impression that one variable causes the
other, but that relationship cannot be determined from correlational research. For
example, we noted in the beginning of the module that a sense of humour is
associated with good health—this is a positive correlation. But this does not
mean that humour is responsible for the good health. Perhaps good health leads
to a better sense of humour. Or perhaps neither causes the other, but rather a
third variable causes both good health and good sense of humour. This
possibility is known as the third variable problem , the possibility that a third,
unmeasured variable is actually responsible for a well-established correlation
between two variables. Consider the negative correlation between sleep and
irritability shown in scatterplot (b) of Figure 2.4 . Numerous third variables
could account for this relationship. Stress, depression, diet, and workload could
cause both increased irritability and lost sleep. As you can see, correlations must
be interpreted with caution.
Module 2.2b Quiz:

Correlational Research
Know . . .
1. Which of the following correlation coefficients shows the strongest

relationship between two variables?
A. +.54
B. −.72
C. +10.1
D. +.10
Understand . . .
2. What does it mean to say that two variables are negatively correlated?
A. An increase in one variable is associated with a decrease in the
other.
B. An increase in one variable is associated with an increase in the
other.
C. A decrease in one variable is associated with a decrease in the
other.
D. The two variables have no relationship.
Analyze . . .
3. Imagine Dr. Martin finds that sense of humour is positively correlated with
psychological well-being. From this, we can conclude that
A. humour causes people to be healthier.
B. health causes people to be funnier.
C. people who have a good sense of humour tend to be healthier.
D. people who have a good sense of humour tend to be less
healthy.
Experimental Research
Experimental designs improve on descriptive and correlational studies because

they are the only designs that can provide strong evidence for cause-and-effect
relationships. Like correlational research, experiments have a minimum of two
variables, but there are two key differences between correlational research and
experiments: the random assignment of the participants and the experimenter’s
control over the variables being studied. As you will see, these unique features
are what make experimental designs so powerful.
The Experimental Method

Imagine you were conducting an experiment testing whether seeing photographs
of nature scenes would reduce people’s responses to stressful events. You
carefully created two sets of images—one of peaceful images of the B.C. rain
forests, Lake Louise, Algonquin Park in Ontario, and rugged Maritime coastlines
—and another of neutral images such as houses. When the first two participants
arrive at the laboratory for your study, one is wearing a t-shirt supporting a local
environmental organization and the other is wearing a t-shirt emblazoned with an
oil sands company logo. Which participant gets assigned to the nature scene
condition and which gets assigned to the neutral condition? If you are conducting
an objective, unbiased study, the answer to this question is that either participant
is equally likely to be assigned to either condition. Indeed, a critical element of
experiments is random assignment , a technique for dividing samples into
two or more groups in which participants are equally likely to be placed in any
condition of the experiment. Random assignment allows us to assume the two
groups will be roughly equal (Figure 2.5 ).
Figure 2.5 Elements of an Experiment
If we wanted to test whether exposure to nature-related images causes a
reduction in stress (as is assumed by people who have nature scenes as their
computer’s wallpaper), we would first need to randomly assign people in our
sample to either the experimental or control condition. The dependent variable,
the stress levels, would be measured following exposure to either nature-related
or neutral material. To test whether the hypothesis is true, the average stress
scores in both groups would be compared.
If we assigned anyone who looked like they were nature lovers to the nature
scene condition, then our experiment might not be telling us about the effects of
the images. Instead, some other confounding variable —a variable outside
of the researcher’s control that might affect or provide an alternative explanation
for the results—could potentially enter the picture. In our example, the variables
of political awareness or tendency to be “outdoorsy” might play an even larger
role in the study than the stimuli you worked so hard to create. Randomly
assigning participants to the different experimental conditions also allows the
researcher to assume that other sources of variability such as mood and
personality are evenly spread across the different conditions. This allows you to
infer that any differences between the two groups are because of the variable
you are testing.
In this experiment, we are manipulating one variable (the types of images being
viewed) and measuring another variable (stress response). The variable that the
experimenter manipulates to distinguish between two or more groups is known
as the independent variable . The participants cannot alter these variables,
as they are controlled by the researcher. In contrast, the dependent variable
is the observation or measurement that is recorded during the experiment and
subsequently compared across all groups. The levels of this variable are
dependent upon the participants’ responses or performance. In our example, the
type of images being viewed is the independent variable and the participants’
stress response is the dependent variable.
This experiment is an example of a between-subjects design , an

experimental design in which we compare the performance of participants who
are in different groups. One of these groups, the experimental group , is the
group in the experiment that receives a treatment or the stimuli targeting a
specific behaviour, which in this specific example would be exposure to nature
scenes. The experimental group always receives the treatment. In contrast, the
control group is the group that does not receive the treatment or stimuli
targeting a specific behaviour; this group therefore serves as a baseline to which
the experimental group is compared. In our example, the control group would not
be exposed to nature photographs. What if the experimental group showed
reduced stress compared to the control group? Assuming that the experiment
was well designed and all possible confounds were accounted for, the
researchers could conclude that the independent variable—exposure to images
of nature—is responsible for the difference.
A between-subjects design allows the researcher to examine differences

between groups; however, it is also open to criticism. What if the two groups
were different from each other simply by chance? That would make it more
difficult to detect any differences caused by your independent variable. In order
to reduce this possibility, researchers often use within-subjects designs , an
experimental design in which the same participants respond to all types of stimuli
or experience all experimental conditions. In the experiment we’ve discussed in
this section, a within-subjects design would have involved participants viewing all
of the images from one condition (e.g., nature photographs) before being tested,
and then viewing all of the images from the other condition (e.g., neutral
photographs) before being tested again. In this case, the order of the conditions
would be randomly assigned for each participant.
As you can see, designing an experiment requires the experimenter to make

many decisions. However, in some cases, some of these decisions are taken out
of the researchers’ hands.
The Quasi-Experimental Method

Random assignment and manipulation of a variable are required for
experiments. They allow researchers to make the case that differences between
the groups originate from the independent variable. In some cases, though,
random assignment is not possible. Quasi-experimental research is a
research technique in which the two or more groups that are compared are
selected based on predetermined characteristics, rather than random
assignment. For example, you will read about many studies in this text that
compare men and women. Obviously, in this case one cannot flip a coin to
randomly assign people to one group or the other. Also, if you gather one sample
of men and one sample of women, they could differ in any number of ways that
are not necessarily relevant to the questions you are studying. As a result, all
sorts of causes could account for any differences that would appear: genetics,
gender roles, family history, and so on. Thus, quasi-experiments can point out
relationships among pre-existing groups, but they cannot determine what it is
about those groups that leads to the differences.
Converging Operations
An underlying theme of this module has been that each method of studying
behaviour has benefits as well as limitations (see Table 2.1 ). For example,
naturalistic observation research allows psychologists to see behaviour as it
normally occurs, but it makes experimental control very difficult—some would
argue impossible. Conversely, to achieve true random assignment while
controlling for any number of confounding variables and outside influences, the
situation may be made so artificial that the results of an experiment do not apply
to natural behaviour. Luckily, psychologists do not have to settle on only one
method of studying behaviour. Most interesting topics have been studied using a
variety of possible designs, measures, and samples. In fact, when a theory’s
predictions hold up to dozens of tests using a variety of designs—a perspective
known as converging operations—we can be much more confident of its
accuracy, and are one step closer to understanding the many mysteries of
human (and animal) behaviour.
Table 2.1 Strengths and Limitations of Different Research Designs
Method Strengths Limitations
Case studies Yields detailed Focus on a single subject limits

information, often of generalizability
rare conditions or
observations
Naturalistic observation Allows for detailed Poor control over possibly

descriptions of subjects influential variables
in environments where
behaviour normally
occurs
Surveys/questionnaires Quick and often Poor control; participants may

convenient way of not answer honestly, written
gathering large responses may not be truly
quantities of self-report representative of actual
data behaviour
Correlational study Shows strength of Does not allow researcher to

relationships between determine cause-and-effect
variables relationships
Experiment Tests for cause-and- Risk of being artificial with

effect relationships; limited generalization to real-
offers good control over world situations
influential variables
Module 2.2c Quiz:
Experimental Research
Know . . .
1. If each participant in an experiment has an equal chance of being
assigned to the experimental group or the control group, we can assume
that this study involves .
A. a correlational design
B. a quasi-experimental design
C. the random assignment of participants
D. the experimental selection of participants
Understand . . .
2. A researcher sets up an experiment to test a new antidepressant
medication. One group receives the treatment and the other receives a
placebo. The researcher then measures depression using a standardized
self-report measure. What is the independent variable in this case?
A. Whether the individuals scored high or low on the depression
measure
B. Whether the individuals received the treatment or a placebo
C. Whether the individuals were experiencing depression before the
study began
D. Whether the individuals’ depression decreased or increased
during the study period
Apply . . .
3. A researcher compares a group of Conservatives and a group of Liberals
on a measure of beliefs about poverty. What makes this a quasi-
experimental design?
A. The researcher is comparing pre-existing groups, rather than
randomly assigning people to them.
B. You cannot be both a Conservative and a Liberal at the same
time.
C. There are two independent variables.
D. There is no operational definition for the dependent variable.
Analyze . . .
4. A researcher is able to conduct an experiment on study habits in his
laboratory and finds some exciting results. What is one possible limitation
of using this method?
A. Results from laboratory experiments do not always generalize to
real-world situations.
B. Experiments do not provide evidence about cause-and-effect
relationships.
C. It is not possible to conduct experiments on issues such as study
habits.
D. Laboratory experiments do not control for confounding variables.
Module 2.2 Summary
2.2a Know . . . the key terminology related to research designs.
between-subjects design
case study
confounding variable
control group
correlational research
dependent variable
experimental group
illusory correlations
independent variable
naturalistic observation
qualitative research
quantitative research
quasi-experimental research
random assignment
research design
self-reporting
third variable problem
within-subjects design
2.2b Understand . . . what it means when variables are positively or

negatively correlated.
When two or more variables are positively correlated, their relationship is direct
—they increase or decrease together. For example, income and education level
are positively correlated. Negatively correlated variables are inversely related—
as one increases, the other decreases. Substance abuse may be inversely
related to cognitive performance—higher levels of substance abuse are often
associated with lower cognitive functioning.
2.2c Understand . . . how experiments help demonstrate cause-and-effect

relationships.
Experiments rely on randomization and the manipulation of an independent

variable to show cause and effect. At the beginning of an experiment, two or
more groups are randomly assigned—a process that helps ensure that the two
groups are roughly equivalent. Then, researchers manipulate an independent
variable; perhaps they give one group a drug and the other group a placebo. At
the end of the study, if one group turns out to be different, that difference is most
likely due to the effects of the independent variable.
2.2d Apply . . . the terms and concepts of experimental methods to

research examples.
Here are two examples for practice.
Apply Activity
1. Dr. Vincent randomly assigns participants in a study to exercise versus
no exercise conditions and, after 30 minutes, measures mood levels. In
this case, exercise level is the variable and mood is the
variable.
2. Dr. Harrington surveyed students on multiple lifestyle measures. He
discovered that as the number of semesters that university students
complete increases, their anxiety level increases. If number of semesters
and anxiety increase together, this is an example of a(n)
correlation. Dr. Harrington also found that the more time students spent
socializing, the less likely they were to become depressed. The increase
in socializing and decrease in depression is an example of a(n)
correlation.
2.2e Analyze . . . the pros and cons of descriptive, correlational, and

experimental research designs.
Descriptive methods have many advantages, including observing naturally

occurring behaviour and providing detailed observations of individuals. In
addition, when correlational methods are used in descriptive research, we can
see how key variables are related. Experimental methods can be used to test for
cause-and-effect relationships. One drawback is that laboratory experiments
might not generalize to real-world situations.
Module 2.3 Ethics in
Psychological Research
Bettmann/Getty Images
Learning Objectives
2.3a Know . . . the key terminology of research ethics.
2.3b Understand . . . the importance of reporting and storing data.
2.3c Understand . . . why animals are often used in scientific research.
2.3d Apply . . . the ethical principles of scientific research to examples.
2.3e Analyze . . . the role of using deception in psychological research.
In the early 1950s, the United States’ Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)
became involved in the field of psychology. After hearing that their
enemies in the Soviet Union, China, and North Korea had tried to use
mind-control techniques—including mind-altering drugs—on U.S.
prisoners of war, the CIA felt it had no choice but to research these
techniques themselves. Project MKUltra began. After recruiting former
Nazi scientists who had studied torture and “brainwashing” during World
War II (and who had been prosecuted as war criminals), the CIA secretly
poured tens of millions of dollars into research laboratories at hospitals
and universities in order to study mind-control techniques that would alter
people’s personalities, memories, and ability to control themselves while
being interrogated. At least one of these institutions was in Canada.
Scottish psychiatrist Donald Ewen Cameron used CIA funds (as well as
$500 000 from the Canadian government) to perform terrifying
experiments at the Allan Memorial Institute of McGill University from 1957
to 1964. Patients who were admitted to the institute for fairly minor
problems such as anxiety disorders or depression were—without giving
proper consent or being informed of the reason for the “treatment”—
subjected to manipulations that can only be called torture. These patients
received drugs that caused temporary paralysis or even coma,
electroconvulsive therapy set at more than 30 times the recommended
strength, constant noises, and even looped tapes repeating messages
(Klein, 2007). These treatments led to amnesia, confusion, and anxiety;
participants in these programs were never the same (Collins, 1988).
Project MKUltra was officially ended in 1973. The experiments are now
generally accepted as being among the most unethical studies in the
history of science. In the 1980s, the Canadian government paid $100 000
to each of the 127 victims of Cameron’s unauthorized research program.
For several decades, the CIA’s interrogation manual referred to “studies
at McGill University” (McCoy, 2006).
Focus Questions
1. Which institutional safeguards are now in place to protect the

well-being of research participants?
2. Does all research today require that people be informed of risks
and consent to participate in a study?
The topics that psychologists study deal with living, sensing organisms, which
raises a number of ethical issues that must be addressed before any study
begins. These concerns include protecting the physical and mental well-being of
participants, obtaining consent from them, and ensuring that their responses
remain confidential. The procedures discussed in the next section have been
developed as protections for participants; they are critical not only to ensure the
individual well-being of the study participants, but also to maintain a positive and
trustworthy image of the scientists who conduct research.
Promoting the Welfare of Research

Participants
The CIA mind-control research program certainly is an extreme case—extreme

in the harm done to the volunteers, the disregard for their well-being, and its
secretive nature. Today, most research with human participants involves short-
term, low-risk methods, and there are now ethical guidelines and procedures for
ensuring the safety and well-being of all individuals involved in research. In
Canada, all institutions that engage in research with humans, including colleges
and universities, are required to have a research ethics board (REB) ,a
committee of researchers and officials at an institution charged with the
protection of human research participants. (If you read a research report from an
American institution, they will refer to Institutional Review Boards [IRBs]; these
are the same thing as REBs.) REBs help ensure that researchers abide by the
ethical rules set out in the Tri-Council Policy Statement: Ethical Conduct for
Research Involving Humans (2nd edition), a set of requirements created by the
Government of Canada’s Panel of Research Ethics. The REBs are intended to
protect individuals in two main ways: (1) The committee weighs potential risks to
the volunteers against the possible benefits of the research, and (2) it requires
that volunteers agree to participate in the research (i.e., they give informed
consent).
Weighing the Risks and Benefits of Research

The majority of psychological research, such as computer-based studies of
perception or questionnaires studying personality traits, involves minimal
exposure to physical or mental stress. Even so, great care is taken to protect
participants. Some research involves more risk, such as exposing individuals to
brief periods of stress, inducing a negative mood, asking about sensitive topics,
or even asking participants to engage in brief periods of exercise. Some studies
have even exposed humans to the virus that causes the common cold, or made
small cuts to the skin to study factors that affect healing. The benefits that this
type of research provides in promoting health and well-being must be weighed
against the short-term risks to the people who consent to participate in these
studies.
It must be stressed that physical risks are rare in psychological research. More
common are measures that involve possible cognitive and emotional stress.
Here are a couple of examples:
Mortality salience. In this situation participants are made more aware of

death, which can be done in a number of ways. For example, participants
may be asked to read or write about what happens to a human body after
death.
Writing about upsetting or traumatic experiences. People who have
experienced recent trauma such as the death of a loved one or being laid off
from a long-term job might be asked to write about that experience in great
detail, sometimes repeatedly.
Another source of risk is related to the fact that some studies ask participants to
provide the experimenter with sensitive and/or personal information. Think about
all the topics in psychology that people might want to keep to themselves:
opinions about teachers or supervisors, a history of substance abuse, criminal
records, medical records, Internet search history, and so on. Disclosing this
information is a potential threat to a person’s reputation, friends, and family.
Psychologists must find ways to minimize these risks so that participants do not
suffer any unintended consequences of participating in psychological research.
Indeed, everyone involved in the research process—the researcher, the REB,

and the potential volunteer—must determine whether the study’s inherent risks
are worth what can potentially be learned if the research goes forward. Consider
again the stressors mentioned previously:
Mortality salience. The stress tends to be short term, and psychologists

learn how decisions are influenced by recent events in a person’s life, such
as the loss of a loved one or experiencing a major natural disaster. These
decisions range from making charitable donations to voting for or against
going to war.
Writing about upsetting experiences. Although revisiting a stressful
experience can be difficult, researchers learn how coping through expression
can help emotional adjustment and physical health. In fact, participants who
write about stress tend to be healthier—emotionally and physically—than
those who write about everyday topics (such as describing their dorms or
apartments).
These stressful situations have potential benefits that can be applied to other
people. The psychologists who undertake such research tend to be motivated by
several factors—including the desire to help others, the drive to satisfy their
intellectual curiosity, and even their own livelihood and employment. The REB
serves as a third party that weighs the risks and benefits of research without
being personally invested in the outcome. Under today’s standards, there is no
chance that the CIA mind-control studies would have been initiated, except in
secrecy outside of the public process of science. The danger to the participants
in that study—victims might be a better term—far outweighed any scientific
benefit gained from the experiments, even if the participants had known what
they were getting into. Today, it is mandatory that research participants be
informed of any risks to which they may be exposed and willfully volunteer to
take part in a study.
Obtaining Informed Consent

In addition to weighing the risks versus the benefits of a study, researchers must
ensure that human volunteers truly are volunteers. This may seem redundant,
but it is actually a tricky issue. Recall that the human subjects in the CIA mind-
control studies were volunteers only in the sense that they voluntarily sought
treatment from the researchers. But did they volunteer to undergo procedures
that were very close to being torture? Had the men and women known the true
nature of the study, it is doubtful that any would have continued to participate.
Currently, participants and patients have much more protection than they did in
the 1950s and 1960s. Before any experimental procedures begin, all participants
must provide informed consent : A potential volunteer must be informed
(know the purpose, tasks, and risks involved in the study) and give consent
(agree to participate based on the information provided) without pressure.
To be truly informed about the study, volunteers should be told, at minimum, the
following details (see also Figure 2.6 ):
The topic of the study

The nature of any stimuli to which they will be exposed (e.g., images,
sounds, smells)
The nature of any tasks they will complete (e.g., tests, puzzles)
The approximate duration of the study
Any potential physical, psychological, or social risks involved
The steps that the researchers have taken to minimize those risks
Ethical practices often involve resolving conflicting interests, and in psychological

research the main conflict is between the need for informed consent and the
need for “blinded” volunteers. (Recall from Module 2.1 that in the best
experimental designs the participants do not know exactly what the study is
about, because such information may lead to subject bias.) Consider the
mortality salience example. If a researcher told a participant, “We are going to
test how a recent stressor you have experienced has affected your behaviour,”
then the experiment probably would not work. In these cases, researchers use
deception — misleading or only partially informing participants of the true
topic or hypothesis under investigation. In psychological research, this typically
amounts to a “white lie” of sorts. The participants are given enough information
to evaluate their own risks. In medical research situations, however, deception
can be much more serious. For example, patients who are being tested with an
experimental drug may be randomly chosen to receive a placebo. Importantly, in
both cases, the deception is only short-term; once the experiment is over, the
participants are informed of the true nature of the study and why deception was
necessary. Additionally, if a treatment was found to be effective for the
experimental group, it will often be made available to participants in the control
group at the end of the experiment. This helps to ensure that anyone who could
benefit from the study does benefit from the study.
Figure 2.6 Informed Consent
Research participants must provide informed consent before taking part in any
study. As shown here, the participant must be made aware of the basic topic of
the study as well as any possible risks.
Once participants are informed, they must also be able to give consent. Again,
meeting this standard is trickier than it sounds. To revisit the mind-control
studies, the patients were emotionally vulnerable people seeking help from a
noted psychiatrist (Dr. Cameron was the president of both the Canadian and
American Psychiatric Associations) at a world-class university. They were not
told of the treatments they would receive; in some cases, the patients were not
informed that they were part of a study at all! Clearly, informed consent was not
provided by these research participants. Based on the ethical issues arising from
this and many other disturbing studies, modern psychological (and psychiatric
and neurological) research includes the following elements in determining
whether full consent is given:
Freedom to choose. Individuals should not be at risk for financial loss,

physical harm, or damage to their reputation if they choose not to participate.
Equal opportunities. Volunteers should have choices. For example, if the
volunteers are introductory psychology students seeking course credit, they
must have non-research alternatives available to them for credit should they
choose not to participate in a study.
The right to withdraw. Volunteers should have the right to withdraw from
the study, at any time, without penalty. The right to give informed consent
stays with the participants throughout the entire study.
The right to withhold responses. Volunteers responding to surveys or
interviews should not have to answer any question that they feel
uncomfortable answering.
Usually, these criteria are sufficient for ensuring full consent. Sometimes,
however, psychologists are interested in participants who cannot give their
consent that easily. If researchers are studying children or individuals with
mental disabilities, some severe psychiatric disorders, or certain neurological
conditions, then a third party must give consent on behalf of the participant. This
usually amounts to a parent or next-of-kin and, of course, all the rules of
informed consent still apply.
After participating in the research study, participants must undergo a full

debriefing , meaning that the researchers should explain the true nature of
the study, and especially the nature of and reason for any deception. Although
the debriefing of subjects might sound like some kind of military term, it is
actually a very important part of the scientific process. You’ve already read how it
is used when deception (or a placebo) is part of a study. But, even in more
straightforward experiments, debriefing is necessary to ensure that the
participants understand why their time and effort was necessary. This results in
the participants leaving the experiment better-informed about your topic of study
as well as about the many considerations involved in creating a psychology
experiment. In short, it helps them become more scientifically literate.
The Right to Anonymity and Confidentiality

A final measure of protection involves anonymity and confidentiality. Anonymity
means that the data collected during a research study cannot be connected to
individual participants. In many cases, volunteers can respond on a survey or
through a computer-based experimental task without recording their name. This
setup is ideal because it reduces both methodological problems (socially
desirable responding) and the social risks to participants. If pure anonymity is not
possible—for example, when a researcher must watch the participant perform a
task—then confidentiality is a reasonable substitute. Confidentiality includes at
least two parts. First, researchers cannot share specific data or observations that
can be connected with an individual. Second, all records must be kept secure
(for example, in a password-protected database or locked filing cabinet) so that
identities cannot be revealed unintentionally.
The Welfare of Animals in Research

Many people who have never taken a psychology course view psychology as the
study of human behaviour, possibly because most psychological research does
involve humans. But research with animals is just as important to psychological
science for a number of reasons. The simplest and perhaps most obvious is that
the study of psychology does include the behaviour of animals. However, the
most significant reason is that scientists can administer treatments to animals
that could never be applied to humans, such as lesioning (damaging) specific
areas of the brain in order to examine the resulting behavioural impairments. In
addition, genetic research requires species with much shorter life spans than our
own so that several successive generations can be observed. Finally, scientists
can manipulate the breeding of laboratory animals to meet the needs of their
experimental procedures. Selective breeding allows researchers to study highly
similar groups of subjects, which helps control for individual differences based on
genetic factors.
These forms of animal-based experimentation have improved our understanding

of a number of different areas of behaviour. The research area that has benefited
most from the use of animal subjects is the study of different brain-related
diseases. This leads to an ethical dilemma, however: Is it ethically acceptable to
create disease-like symptoms in animals if it could lead to discoveries that could
help thousands—or sometimes millions—of people?
Many psychologists use animals in their research, so ethical codes have been
extended to cover nonhuman species.
Mona Lisa Production/Photo Researchers, Inc./Science Source
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Animal

Models of Disease
MPTP (1-methyl-4-phenyl-1,2,3,6-tetrahydropyridine) was

accidentally discovered in 1976 by a 23-year-old chemistry
graduate student who was attempting to create MPPP, a
synthetic drug that produces morphine-like effects. Three days
after injecting himself with what he thought would be a pleasure-
inducing drug, he began to show symptoms of Parkinson’s
disease, including tremors and difficulties initiating movements.
Six years later, seven young people in Santa Clara County,
California, were diagnosed with Parkinson’s disease, which
typically develops in older adults. Again, these individuals had
injected doses of MPPP that were contaminated with MPTP.
Based on these cases, neurologists realized that the compound
MPTP could prove useful as a model of Parkinson’s disease
(Langston et al., 1983). Animals receiving injections of MPTP
quickly develop Parkinsonian symptoms; it is therefore possible
to use these animals to test possible treatments of this disorder.
MPTP is now the toxin most frequently used for animal models of
Parkinson’s disease (Blesa et al., 2012). This leads to interesting
questions, however. Are animal models valid and useful tools for
researchers trying to find treatments and cures for diseases? Is
this process ethical?
What do we know about animal models of diseases?

MPTP is just one of hundreds of techniques for modelling
different diseases. There are animal models for Alzheimer’s
disease, depression, schizophrenia, autism, stroke, Huntington’s
disease, epilepsy, and drug addiction, among many others
(Nestler & Hyman, 2010; Virdee et al., 2012). Not all diseases
or conditions can be modelled in the same way, however.
Depending upon the underlying cause of the disorder and the
brain areas that are likely involved, there are at least four
methods scientists can use to create an animal model. First, if a
disease is associated with a specific brain area, researchers
could anesthetize an animal and remove or damage that part of
its brain. Brain damage could also occur by introducing a toxic
substance, as occurred in the MPTP patients. Second, scientists
could introduce a substance that increased or decreased the
levels of certain brain chemicals known as neurotransmitters in
the brain (see Module 3.2 ). Parkinson’s disease is caused by
a loss of the neurotransmitter dopamine; therefore, a drug that
reduced dopamine levels could simulate the symptoms of
Parkinson’s. Third, researchers could create animal models of
certain disorders by altering the environments of the animals. For
instance, placing animals in an environment that is physically or
socially stressful can cause them to behave similarly to
individuals with anxiety disorders (Willner et al., 1987). Finally,
scientists can manipulate the genetic make-up of animals. While
earlier research was limited to selectively breeding animals so
that they became more prone to a disease, it is now possible to
directly alter the genetic codes of animals so that particular traits
and physical structures are altered (Spires-Jones & Knafo,
2012). However, despite the enormous possibilities associated
with animal models, these techniques are only as good as the
scientists who use them.
How can science test animal models of diseases?

The primary goal of developing animal models of a neurological
condition, such as the MPTP model of Parkinson’s disease, is to
simulate the characteristics of a disease so that researchers can
test possible treatments without harming humans. Although this
may sound unethical at first, there is a logic behind the use of
animal models. In order to find treatments for a disease,
scientists need a very large number of individuals with the
disease to use as test subjects. Any given treatment that is
currently available to humans underwent testing with thousands
—sometimes tens of thousands—of animals in order to test
different chemical compounds and doses to ensure that the side
effects of the treatment did not outweigh its benefits. There are
simply not enough people with some diseases for this type of
trial-and-error testing to occur. Any study that could take place
would require the cooperation of universities and hospitals across
the world. And, if that single attempt did not work, it would be
difficult to find patients who had not already been tested to use in
subsequent treatment attempts. Therefore, the use of animal
models was a product of necessity.
Importantly, animal models are not developed in a random

fashion. Instead, each animal model of a disease must have the
following characteristics (Dzirasa & Covington III, 2012). First, it
must share the same physiological and behavioural features of
the disease as appear in humans. An animal model of depression
would not be accepted if the animals were energetic and playful;
instead, the animals’ behaviours must resemble the behaviours of
humans with depression. Second, both the animal model and the
“real” disorder must involve similar brain structures; otherwise,
researchers would be comparing apples and oranges. Third, the
tests used to measure the behaviours must be valid. For
depressed humans, laboratory tests often involve questionnaires
or computer-based tests; these are obviously not useful research
methods when testing rats or mice. Instead, the researcher must
use an indirect test to try to tap into the same underlying
symptom. For example, one symptom of depression is
anhedonia, the tendency to get less pleasure out of life than one
previously did. To test anhedonia in rats, scientists use a sucrose
preference test, a task in which rats have the opportunity to seek
out a pleasurable taste (sugar!) if they are motivated to do so.
The assumption is that “depressed” rats, just like depressed
humans, would be less likely to seek out such stimuli (Cryan et
al., 2002).
How can we critically evaluate these models?

The easiest criticism of animal models of disease is that animal
brains are not human brains. Human brains are obviously more
complex; therefore, how valid is it to assume that treatments that
change an animal’s behaviour will benefit humans? And, if this
isn’t guaranteed, is it ethical to use animal subjects in this way? A
second criticism is that researchers are only beginning to
understand the specific brain areas involved with a number of
different conditions. Oftentimes, a large number of interacting
brain areas are involved with a disorder. So, if we are unclear of
the biology involved in the human version of the disease, how
accurate can the resulting animal models really be? Additionally,
it is fairly easy to test the validity of animal models of neurological
diseases that have clear, observable symptoms (e.g., Parkinson’s
disease and epilepsy); animals modelling epilepsy will have
seizures that you can see. However, models of psychological
conditions like depression and schizophrenia present a greater
challenge, as the symptoms are often thought-based and
subjective. The rat can’t explain what he is seeing or feeling.
Instead, the researchers must infer that these mental states are
occurring (in one form or another) in the animal subjects being
tested. Finally, is an animal with limited cognitive abilities even
capable of serving as a model for a disorder that involves
impairments of higher-order cognitive abilities (Nestler & Hyman,
2010)? For example, how can you tell if a laboratory rat is having
a hallucination?
These are all valid criticisms and highlight the importance of

meeting the conditions of a good model discussed in the previous
section. Our confidence in an animal model will also increase if
other lines of research produce similar results. So, if brain-
imaging tests in humans find problems in the same brain areas
being manipulated in an animal model, that model will become
more valid. Through the use of converging operations—using
multiple research methods to analyze the same question—it is
possible to create effective animal models.

Anyone who has watched an elderly relative become a shadow of
his or her former self as a result of a neurological disease such
as Alzheimer’s or Parkinson’s disease can likely understand the
usefulness of animal models. It is impossible to perform large-
scale research investigating these disorders and their possible
treatment without the use of these experiments. Therefore, the
animals used in these studies are helping to reduce the suffering
of millions of people around the world. Whether you agree that it
is appropriate to use animals in this fashion is a personal decision
that you will have to make on your own. It is important to note that
the researchers who perform this type of research also think
about these issues. They certainly don’t take their ethical
responsibilities lightly; every university and research hospital has
extremely strict requirements for the treatment of laboratory
animals and the well-being of all animals is monitored by
laboratory technicians and veterinarians. Importantly, all of these
activities are closely monitored by the institution’s REB.
Rebs for Animal-Based Research

Many ethical standards for animal research were developed at the same time as
those for human research. In fact, hospitals and universities have established
committees responsible for the ethical treatment of animals, which are in some
ways similar to REBs that monitor human research. To be sure, there are
differences in standards applied to human research and animal research. For
example, we obviously do not ask for informed consent from animals.
Nevertheless, similar procedures have been put in place to ensure that risk and
discomfort are managed in a humane way, and that the pain or stress an animal
may experience can be justified by the potential scientific value of the research.
Three main areas of ethical treatment are emphasized by researchers and

animal welfare committees. The first is the basic care of laboratory animals—that
is, providing appropriate housing, feeding, and sanitation for the species. The
second is minimization of any pain or discomfort experienced by the animals.
Third, although it is rare for a study to require discomfort, when it is necessary,
the researchers must ensure that the pain can be justified by the potential
benefits of the research. The same standards apply if animals are to be
sacrificed for the research.
Module 2.3a Quiz:
Promoting the Welfare of Research Participants
Know . . .
1. The Research Ethics Board (REB) is the group that determines
A. whether a hypothesis is valid.
B. whether the benefits of a proposed study outweigh its potential
risks.
C. whether a study should be published in a scientific journal.
D. whether animal research is overall an ethical practice.
Understand . . .
2. Which of the following is not a requirement for informed consent?
A. Participants need to know the nature of the stimuli to which they
will be exposed.
B. Participants need to understand any potential physical,
psychological, or social risks involved in the research.
C. Participants need to have a face-to-face meeting with the
researcher before volunteering.
D. Participants need to know the approximate duration of the study.
Analyze . . .
3. In a memory study, researchers have participants study a list of words
and then tell them it was the wrong list and that they should forget it. This
deception is meant to see how effectively participants can forget
something they have already studied. If the researchers plan to debrief
the participants afterward, would this design meet the standards of an
ethical study?
A. No, it is not okay to mislead individuals during the course of a
study.
B. Yes, given that the participants are not at risk and that they will be
debriefed, this seems to be an ethical study.
C. No, because the researchers should not debrief the participants.
D. Yes, because the participants fully understood all aspects of the
study.
Ethical Collection, Storage, and Reporting

of Data
Ethical research does not end when the volunteers go home. Researchers have
continuing commitments to the participants, such as the requirement to maintain
the anonymity, confidentiality, and security of the data. Once data are reported in
a journal or at a conference, they should be kept for a reasonable amount of time
—generally, three to five years is acceptable. The purpose of keeping data for a
lengthy period relates to the public nature of good research. Other researchers
may request access to the data to reinterpret it, or perhaps examine the data
before attempting to replicate the findings. It might seem as though the
confidentiality requirement conflicts with the need to make data public, but this is
not necessarily true. For example, if the data are anonymous, then none of the
participants will be affected if and when the data are shared.
In addition to keeping data safe, scientists must be honest with their data. Some
researchers experience great external pressure to obtain certain results. These
pressures may relate to receiving tenure at a university; gaining funding from a
governmental, industrial, or nonprofit agency; or providing evidence that a
product (for example, a medical treatment for depression) is effective.
Unfortunately, cases of scientific misconduct sometimes arise when individuals

fabricate or manipulate their data to fit their desired results. For instance, in
1998, British researcher Andrew Wakefield and his colleagues published a paper
in the highly influential medical journal The Lancet describing a link between the
vaccine for measles, mumps, and rubella and the incidence rate of autism
(Wakefield et al., 1998). The response was immediate—many concerned
parents stopped having their children vaccinated out of fear that their kids would
then develop autism. Panic was increased by sensationalistic media reports of
the study as well as by an anti-vaccine media campaign launched by celebrity
personality (and, apparently, amateur developmental neurobiologist) Jenny
McCarthy. Vaccine rates plummeted. However, autism rates did not change;
what did change were the incidence rates of the diseases the vaccines would
have prevented. Hundreds of preventable deaths occurred because children
were not vaccinated. Then something interesting happened: Numerous
institutions in several different countries reported that they were unable to
replicate Wakefield’s results. As his data received more attention, it became
clear that some of it had been manipulated to fit his theory. Additional
investigations uncovered the fact that Wakefield planned to develop screening
kits to test for stomach problems associated with the vaccine; in other words, he
had a financial motivation for creating a controversy related to the vaccine.
Luckily, such cases of misconduct seem to be rare and, as occurred in this
instance, other scientists are likely to find that the study cannot be replicated in
such instances.
The chances of fraudulent data being published can also be decreased by

requiring researchers to acknowledge any potential conflicts of interest, which
might include personal financial gain from an institution or company that funded
the work. If you look at most published journal articles, you will see a footnote
indicating which agency or organization provided the funds for the study. This
annotation is not just a goodwill gesture; it also informs the public when there is
the potential for a company or government agency to influence research.
Incidentally, the CIA was not mentioned in any published work resulting from the
mind-control studies discussed at the beginning of this module. Dr. Cameron’s
family destroyed all of his papers upon his death in 1967.
Module 2.3b Quiz:

Ethical Collection, Storage, and Reporting of Data
Understand . . .
1. Researchers should store their data after they present or publish it

because
A. other researchers may want to examine the data before
conducting a replication study.
B. other researchers may want to reinterpret the data using different
techniques.
C. the process of informed consent requires it.
D. both a and b are true.
Apply . . .
2. After completing a naturalistic observation study, a researcher does not

have quite enough evidence to support her hypothesis. If she decides to
go back to her records and slightly alters a few of the observations to fit
her hypothesis, she is engaged in .
A. informed forgery
B. scientific misconduct
C. correcting the data
D. ethical behaviour
Module 2.3 Summary

2.3a Know . . . the key terminology of research ethics.
debriefing
deception
informed consent
research ethics board (REB)
2.3b Understand . . . the importance of reporting and storing data.
Making data public allows scientific peers as well as the general public to have
access to the details of research studies. This information includes details about
participants, the procedures they experienced, and the outcome of the study.
Furthermore, the requirement that data be stored allows fellow researchers to
verify reports as well as to examine the study for any possible misconduct.
Fortunately, such cases are rare.
2.3c Understand . . . why animals are often used in scientific research.
First, many research questions that affect medical and public health cannot be
answered without animal testing. Second, obvious ethical considerations may
not allow such research to be conducted on human subjects. Third, by working
with animal models, scientists can control genetic and environmental variables
that cannot be controlled with humans.
2.3d Apply . . . the ethical principles of scientific research to examples.
For practice, read the following two scenarios and identify why they may fail to
meet ethical standards.
Apply Activity
1. Dr. Nguyen wants to expose individuals first to a virus that causes people
to experience colds, and then to varying levels of exercise to test whether
exercise either facilitates or inhibits recovery. She is concerned that
people will not volunteer if they know they may experience a cold, so she
wants to give them the informed consent form after completing the study.
2. Researchers set up a study on sexuality that involves answering a series
of questions in an online survey. At the end of each page of the survey,
the software checks whether all of the questions are answered; it will not
continue if any questions are left blank. Students cannot advance to the
end of the survey and receive credit for participation until they answer all
the questions.
2.3e Analyze . . . the role of using deception in psychological research.
It is often the case that fully disclosing the purpose of a study before people
participate in it would render the results useless. Thus, specific details of the
study are not provided during informed consent (although all potential risks are
disclosed). When deception of any kind is used, researchers must justify that the
benefits of doing so outweigh the costs.
Module 2.4 A Statistical Primer
Image Source/Glow Images
Learning Objectives
2.4a Know . . . the key terminology of statistics.
2.4b Understand . . . how and why psychologists use significance tests.
2.4c Apply . . . your knowledge to interpret the most frequently used types of
graphs.
2.4d Analyze . . . the choice of central tendency statistics based on the shape
of the distribution.
Would you be surprised to learn that even infants and toddlers can think
about probability, the foundation of statistics? Dr. Allison Gopnik (2010)
writes about some interesting experiments showing just how statistically
minded young children are. For example, consider the illustration below.
If a researcher reached in and randomly selected five balls, would you be
more surprised if they were all red or all white? Given that the white balls
outnumber the red, you would be much more surprised if the researcher
pulled out five red balls. Interestingly, infants show the same response. In
another experiment, Gopnik’s research team placed blue or yellow blocks
into a fancy contraption. Yellow blocks appeared to make the machine
light up two out of three times (67% of the time), whereas the blue blocks
only seemed to work two out of six times (33% of the time). When asked
to “make the machine light up,” preschoolers selected the yellow blocks,
which had a higher probability of working. If eight-month-olds and
preschoolers can think statistically, adults should also be able to do so!
Focus Questions
1. How do psychologists use statistics to describe their

observations?
2. How are statistics useful in testing the results of experiments?
Statistics initially seem scary to a lot of people. But, they don’t have to be.
Statistics can be boiled down to two general steps. First, we need to organize the
numbers so that we can get a “big picture” view of the results; this process is
helped by the creation of tables or graphs. Second, we want to test to see if any
differences between groups or between experimental conditions are meaningful.
Once these steps have been completed, it is possible to determine whether the
data supported or refuted our hypothesis. In order to keep statistics simple, this
module is organized around these two general steps.
Descriptive Statistics
Once research data have been collected, psychologists use descriptive

statistics , a set of techniques used to organize, summarize, and interpret
data. This gives you the “big picture” of the results. In most research, the
statistics used to describe and understand the data are of three types: frequency,
central tendency, and variability.
Frequency
Imagine that you asked a group of students who had just taken the Graduate
Record Exam (GRE), a standardized test taken by people who want to go to
graduate school, how well they did on the exam. Assuming they were honest,
you would likely find scores ranging from the 300s up to the high 600s. What you
would want to know is (1) whether some scores occurred more often than others
and (2) whether all of the scores were clumped in the middle or more evenly
spaced across the whole range. These two pieces of information make up the
data’s distribution; the examination of the distribution is a useful first step when
analyzing data. Figure 2.7 depicts these data in the form of a histogram, a
type of bar graph. As with most bar graphs, the vertical axis of this graph shows
the frequency , the number of observations that fall within a certain category
or range of scores. These graphs are generally very easy to interpret: The higher
the bar, the more scores that fall into the specific range. For example, if you look
on the horizontal axis in Figure 2.7 , you will see a column of test scores
corresponding to people who scored around 500 on the test. Looking over to the
vertical axis, you will see there were four individuals in that range. It is usually
easy to describe the distribution of scores from a histogram. By examining
changes in frequency across the horizontal axis—basically by describing the
heights of the bars—we can learn something about the variable.
Figure 2.7 Graphing Psychological Data
The frequency of standardized test scores forming a normal curve.
Histograms are a nice and simple way to present data and are excellent for
providing researchers and students with an initial idea of what the data look like.
But, they are not the only way to depict results of an experiment. Sometimes it is
easier to answer questions about the distribution of the data if we present the
same information using a smooth line called a curve. Sometimes a distribution is
a symmetrical curve, as it is with our GRE scores. In this case, the left half is the
mirror image of the right half. This is known as a normal distribution
(sometimes called the bell curve), a symmetrical distribution with values
clustered around a central, mean value.
Many variables wind up in a normal distribution, such as the scores on most

standardized tests. Other variables have what is known as a skewed distribution,
like the ones shown in Figure 2.8 . You’ve likely encountered skewed
distributions in your own life. Imagine a situation in which the grades on a school
assignment were incredibly high, with only a few people performing poorly. In
this case, the curve would show a negatively skewed distribution ,a
distribution in which the curve has an extended tail to the left of the cluster.
However, what if the test were extremely difficult, like a calculus exam written by
a professor with a mean streak? In this case, most people in the course would
have low scores, with only a few stellar students getting As. These results would
produce a positively skewed distribution , a distribution in which the long tail
is on the right of the cluster. Although researchers generally prefer to have
normally distributed data, skewed results are quite common. Most of the time,
skews occur because there is an upper or lower limit to the data. For example, a
person cannot take less than 0 minutes to complete a quiz, so a curve depicting
times to complete a quiz cannot continue indefinitely to the left, beyond the zero
point. In contrast, just one person could take a very long time to complete a quiz,
causing the right side of the curve to extend far to the right.
Figure 2.8 Skewed Distributions

Negatively skewed distributions have an extended tail to the left (as in the left
graph below). Positively skewed distributions have an extended tail to the right
(as in the right graph below).
Central Tendency
When examining data, it is often useful to look at where the scores seem to
cluster together. When we do this, we are estimating central tendency ,a
measure of the central point of a distribution. Although we naturally assume that
the central tendency is “the average,” there are actually three different measures
of central tendency used in psychology. The first measure is known as the
mean , the arithmetic average of a set of numbers. This is the measure of
central tendency that we are most familiar with as it is used for class averages
and in most sports (e.g., batting average in baseball or goals-against average in
hockey). A second measure of central tendency is the median , the 50th
percentile—the point on the horizontal axis at which 50% of all observations are
lower, and 50% of all observations are higher. The third and final measure of
central tendency is the mode , which is the category with the highest
frequency (that is, the category with the most observations).
At first glance, it might seem silly to have three different methods of measuring
the central tendency of your data. Indeed, when the data are normally distributed
as they are in Figure 2.9 , the mean, median, and mode are identical. The
mean is $30 000, which is exactly in the centre of the histogram. The same can
be said for the median; again, it is $30 000, with half of the incomes less than
$30 000 and half more than $30 000. Likewise, the mode is the same as the
mean and median—$30 000 has the highest frequency, which, as seen in
Figure 2.9 , is 3. So, if the three measures of central tendency are equal,
which do we use? If the data are normally distributed, researchers generally use
the mean. But, if the data are skewed in some way, then researchers need to
think about which measure is best. The measure used least is the mode.
Because it provides less information than the mean or the median, the mode is
typically only used when dealing with categories of data. For example, when you
vote for a candidate, the mode represents the candidate with the most votes, and
(in most cases) that person wins.
Figure 2.9 Central Tendency in Symmetrical Distributions
This symmetrical histogram shows the annual income of nine randomly sampled
households. Notice that the mean, median, and mode are all in the same spot—
this is a characteristic of normal distributions.
When the data are not a perfectly symmetrical curve, the mean, median, and
mode produce different values. If the histogram spreads out in one direction—in
Figure 2.10 , it is positively skewed—we are usually better off calculating
central tendency by using the median. This is because extreme values (positive
or negative) will have a large effect on the mean, but will not affect the median.
In other words, when you start to add extremely wealthy households to the data
set, the tail extends to the right and the mean is pulled in that direction. The
longer the tail, the more the mean is pulled away from the centre of the curve. By
comparison, the median stays relatively stable, so it is a better choice for
describing central tendency when dealing with skewed data. For instance, if you
added Bill Gates’s annual income (approximately $11.5 billion dollars—for a net
worth over $72 billion) to the list of nine incomes in Figure 2.10 , the mean
annual income becomes just over $1.5 billion. If you take the median of those ten
incomes, the central tendency is $30 000. Looking at those data, which measure
seems most consistent with the “big picture” of the results?
Figure 2.10 Central Tendency in a Skewed Distribution

The mean is not always the ideal measure of central tendency. In this example,
the mode and the median are actually more indicative of how much money most
people make.
Variability
Measures of central tendency help us summarize a group of individual cases
with a single number by identifying a cluster of scores. However, this information
only tells us part of the story. As you can see in Figure 2.11 , scores can differ
in terms of their variability , the degree to which scores are dispersed in a
distribution. In other words, some scores are quite spread out while others are
more clustered. High variability means that there are a larger number of cases
that are closer to the extreme ends of the continuum for that set of data (e.g., a
lot of excellent students and a lot of poor students in a class). Low variability
means that most of the scores are similar (e.g., a class filled with “B” students).
Variability can be caused by measurement errors, imperfect measurement tools,
differences between participants in the study, or characteristics of participants on
that given day (e.g., mood, fatigue levels). All data sets have some variability.
But, if information about variability is not provided by the researcher, it is
impossible to understand how well the measure of central tendency—the single
score representing the data—reflects the entire data set. Therefore, whenever
psychologists report data from their research, their measures of central tendency
are almost always accompanied by measures of variability.
Figure 2.11 Visualizing Variability

Imagine that these curves show how two classes fared on a 20-point quiz. Both
classes averaged scores of 15 points. However, the students in one class
(depicted in red) scored much more similarly to one another compared to
students in another class (depicted in black), whose scores showed greater
variability. The class represented by the black line would have a higher standard
deviation.
One calculation that allows researchers to link central tendency and variability is
known as the standard deviation , a measure of variability around the mean.
Think of it as an estimate of the average distance from the mean. A large
standard deviation would indicate that there is a lot of variability in the data and
that the values are quite spread out from the mean. A small standard deviation
would indicate the opposite.
Standard deviations allow investigators to see how different scores relate to the
mean and to each other. Perhaps the best way to understand the standard
deviation is by working through an example. In a standard intelligence test, there
is a normal distribution (a bell curve) with a mean of 100 and a standard
deviation of 15 (see Module 9.1 ). Based on what you’ve read in this module,
you would infer that 100 is the mid-point of the curve when these data are
graphed. But, how much of the data is included in each standard deviation? As
you can see in Figure 2.12 , researchers have found that approximately 68%
of the data are found within one standard deviation of the mean—34% above the
mean (between 100 and 115) and 34% below the mean (between 85 and 100).
This makes intuitive sense—we would expect a fairly large proportion of the
scores to be grouped near the average score. As we move further away from the
average score, each standard deviation would make up less and less of the data,
because really high or really low scores are relatively rare. So, the next standard
deviation in our example makes up roughly 27% of the data—13.5% of the
scores would fall between 70 and 85 and 13.5% would fall between 115 and 130.
When you add the two standard deviations together, you can see that they
include over 95% of the IQ scores in the population. Therefore, when you hear
about people like the physicist Stephen Hawking, whose IQ is estimated to be
around 160, you can see that these are rare individuals indeed (comprising less
than one-tenth of a percent of the population).
Figure 2.12 Standard Deviations in a Normal Distribution
In a normal curve, most of the data are clustered within one standard deviation of
the mean. Over 95% of the data in a normal distribution are found within two
standard deviations of the mean.
This section of the module demonstrates that by making a graph and reporting
two numbers—the measure of central tendency and the standard deviation—you
can provide a “big picture” summary of your data that almost anyone can
understand. That’s Step 1 of statistics. Step 2 uses these measures to test
whether or not your hypothesis is supported by your data—in other words,
whether your project worked.
Module 2.4a Quiz:
Descriptive Statistics
Know . . .
1. The always marks the 50th percentile of the distribution.
A. mean
B. median
C. mode
D. standard deviation
2. The is a measure of variability around the mean of a
distribution.
A. mean deviation
B. median
C. mode
D. standard deviation
Apply . . .
3. Dr. Lee taught two sections of Introductory Psychology. The mean score
for both classes was 70%. However, the standard deviation was 15% for
the first class and 5% for the second class. What can we infer about Dr.
Lee’s two classes?
A. There was more variability in the test scores of the first class.
B. The mode would equal the mean in the first class but not in the
second class.
C. There was more variability in the second class than in the first
class.
D. The mean, median, and mode would all be equal in the second
class.
Analyze . . .
4. In a survey of recent graduates, your university reports that the mean
salaries of the former students are positively skewed. What are the
consequences of choosing the mean rather than the median or the mode
in this case?
A. The mean is likely to provide a number that is lower than the
largest cluster of scores.
B. The mean is likely to provide a reliable estimate of where the
scores cluster.
C. The mean is likely to provide a number that is higher than the
largest cluster of scores.
D. The mean provides the 50th percentile of the distribution, making
it the best choice to depict this cluster of scores.
Hypothesis Testing: Evaluating the
Outcome of a Study
After researchers have described their data, the next step is to test whether the
data support their hypothesis. In order to do this, researchers analyze data using
a hypothesis test —a statistical method of evaluating whether differences
among groups are meaningful, or could have been arrived at by chance alone.
What scientists are essentially trying to do is determine if their experimental
manipulation is the cause of any difference between groups or between
conditions. However, the ability to tease out these differences is affected by the
concepts discussed earlier in this module—specifically, the measure of central
tendency for the groups being measured as well as the variability of data in each
of the groups. The difference in the central tendency for the two groups
represents a “signal” that we are trying to detect, similar to a voice in a loud
room. The variability represents the “noise,” the outside forces that are making it
difficult to detect the signal.
To make this discussion more concrete, let’s use an example of a behaviour that
almost everyone performs: texting. Let’s say that we wanted to test whether text
messaging reduces feelings of loneliness in first-year university students. For
three days, randomly selected students who regularly send text messages are
assigned to one of two groups: those who can text and those who cannot. After
three days, the students fill out a survey measuring how lonely they have felt.
The diagram in Figure 2.13 shows us the key elements of such an
experiment. Individuals are sampled from the population and randomly assigned
to either the experimental or control group. The independent variable consists of
the two groups, which includes texting or no texting. The dependent variable is
the outcome—in this case, loneliness (as measured by a valid questionnaire),
with larger scores indicating greater loneliness. As you can see, the mean
loneliness score of the group who could text message is three points below the
mean of the group who did not text message (78 vs. 81, respectively). So, based
on this information, are you willing to say that texting causes people to feel less
lonely? Or have we left something out?
Figure 2.13 Testing a Simple Hypothesis
To conduct an experiment on whether texting reduces loneliness, students would
be randomly assigned to either text-messaging or no-text-messaging groups.
Their average scores on a loneliness scale would then be compared.
What we do not know from the diagram is the variability of test scores. On the
one hand, it is quite possible that the scores of the two groups look like the
graphs on the left in Figure 2.14 . In that situation, the means are three points
apart and the standard deviation is very small, so the curves have very little
overlap. In this case, it is fairly easy to detect differences between the groups;
the “signal” is easy to pick out from the “noise.” On the other hand, the scores of
each group could have a broad range and therefore look like the graphs on the
right. In that case, the group means are three points apart, but the groups
overlap so much—the standard deviations are very high—that they seem
virtually identical. In this case, the “noise”—the variability within each of the two
groups—is so large that it is difficult to detect the “signal,” the differences
between the two groups.
Figure 2.14 How Variability Affects Hypothesis Testing
(a) The means (represented by M) differ between the two groups, and there is
little overlap in the distribution of scores. When this occurs, the groups are much
more likely to be significantly different. (b) Even though the means differ, there is
much overlap between the distributions of scores. It is unlikely that these two
means would be significantly different.
How, then, would researchers know if the difference in scores is meaningful?

“Meaningful” seems like a vague term; as we have already discussed, science
requires precise definitions. In order to address this problem, psychologists
perform analyses that rely on the concept of statistical significance.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Statistical

Significance
Statistical significance is a concept that implies that the

means of the groups are farther apart than you would expect
them to be by random chance alone. It was first proposed in 1925
by Ronald Fisher, an English statistician working at an
agricultural research station east of London (U.K.). Statistical
significance quickly became a key component of research in
many disciplines. However, it has also been a source of some
surprisingly intense arguments (Cohen, 1994).
What do we know about statistical significance?
Statistical significance testing is based on the researcher making
two hypotheses. The null hypothesis assumes that any
differences between groups (or conditions) are due to chance.
The experimental hypothesis assumes that any differences
are due to a variable controlled by the experimenter. The goal of
researchers is to find differences between groups that are so
large that it is virtually impossible for the null hypothesis to be
true; in other words, they are not due to chance. The probability
of the results being due to chance is known as a p-value. Lower
p-values (e.g., p = 0.01 as opposed to p = 0.45) indicate a
decreased likelihood that your results were a fluke, and therefore
an increased likelihood that you had a great idea and designed a
good experiment.
So, how do we find the p-value? The specific formulas used for
these calculations will vary according to how the experiment is
set up. But, they all involve a measure of central tendency
(usually the mean) and a measure of variability (usually the
standard deviation). These numbers are then used in statistical
tests that will produce a p-value.
What can science tell us about statistical

significance?
When Fisher first presented the idea of significance testing, he
noted that scientists needed to establish a fairly conservative
threshold for rejecting the null hypothesis (i.e., for deciding that
the results were significant). He correctly thought that if it were
quite easy for researchers to find a significant result, it would
increase the likelihood that results labelled as being significant
were actually due to chance. If enough of these false positives
occurred, then the entire idea of significance would soon become
meaningless. Fisher therefore recommended that researchers
use p < 0.05 as the cut-off point (this value was consistent with
earlier statistical techniques, so his decision was likely an attempt
to compromise with other statisticians; Stigler, 2008). If a p-value
were less than 0.05, then there was less than a 5% chance that
the results were due to chance. This p-value quickly became the
standard in a number of fields, including psychology.
Of course, just because a particular value is widely accepted

does not mean that scientists can stop using their critical thinking
skills. Sometimes the consequences of having a false positive are
quite severe, as in the case of testing new medicines for a
disease. It would be tragic to make claims about a wonder drug
only to find out that the results were due to a chance result that
could not be reproduced. In such cases, researchers sometimes
use an even more conservative p-value, such as requiring results
to be less than 0.01 (i.e., p < 0.01).
It is also worth noting that when testing small sample sizes, it is

difficult for the results to reach significance. But, some types of
research, such as studies of rare brain-damaged patients, have a
limited number of potential participants. It therefore becomes
more difficult to detect statistically significant differences in these
studies despite the fact that the groups do appear to differ when
you look at graphs of the data (Bezeau & Graves, 2001). In
these cases, significance testing might not be the best statistical
tool for analyzing the data. Luckily, significance testing is not the
only technique available.
Can we critically evaluate the use of statistical

significance testing in research?
Although significance testing has been a potent tool for
researchers in the social sciences for almost a century, it does
have some detractors. American psychologist Paul Meehl (1967)
subtly described significance testing as “a potent but sterile
intellectual rake who leaves in his merry path a long train of
ravished maidens but no viable scientific offspring” (p. 265).
Although this description may be a touch dramatic, there are at
least two concerns related to significance testing. The first is the
problem of multiple comparisons. If a “fluke” result can occur
approximately 5% of the time, the more tests you perform for your
experiment, the greater the likelihood that one of them is due to
chance. In order to cope with this problem, researchers generally
use a stricter acceptable p-value; as the number of comparisons
increases, researchers decrease the p-value (i.e., make it more
conservative). This makes it more difficult to produce significant
results, but does help ensure that the results are not due to
chance. A second problem is the fact that as you increase the
number of participants in your study, it becomes easier to find
significant effects. At first blush, this doesn’t seem like a valid
concern. Having more participants means that you are sampling
a larger portion of the population of interest. Isn’t that a good
thing? The answer is yes, of course it is. But, if you sample
thousands of people—as often happens in medical studies
tracking potential lifestyle causes of diseases—extremely small
differences will still be statistically significant. The media provides
almost daily reports of different foods increasing or decreasing
the risk of particular diseases. Before totally altering your lifestyle,
it is best to look up the original report to see if the difference was
large, or was simply due to the fact that the sample size was in
the thousands.
As an alternative to significance testing, Jacob Cohen (1988)

developed a technique known as power analysis, whose goal is
to calculate effect sizes. Rather than saying that a difference is
significant, which is essentially a yes–no decision, effect sizes tell
the researcher whether the difference is statistically small or
large. So, instead of an experiment supporting or disproving a
theory, effect sizes allow the researcher to adjust how much they
believe that their hypothesis is true (Cohen, 1994).
Statistical significance gives psychology researchers a useful
standard for deciding if the differences between groups (or
experimental conditions) are meaningful. Having established
criteria for deciding if an effect is significant is important, because
it means that all researchers are using standardized tools. If
different research groups were using different criteria for deciding
that effects were “real,” then it would be nearly impossible for that
research area to move forward—people would be speaking
different languages. Significance testing makes sure that
everyone is on the same page, statistically speaking. However,
as noted above, there are alternative methods for examining
data. Effect sizes are becoming commonplace in many areas of
psychology; an increasing number of academic journals now
require researchers to calculate both statistical significance and
effect sizes, thus giving readers an even more detailed picture of
the data.
A final point is that, although statistical significance tells us that results are
meaningful, there is still a possibility that the results were due to chance. It is
only through replication—having other laboratories repeat the experiments and
produce similar results—that we can become confident that a difference is
meaningful. Many scientists now make their stimuli and data available to other
researchers in order to encourage this process. This move toward openness and
replication is itself quite significant.
Module 2.4b Quiz:

Hypothesis Testing: Evaluating the Outcome of a Study
Understand . . .
1. A hypothesis test is conducted after an experiment to

A. determine whether the two groups in the study are exactly the
same.
B. determine how well the two groups are correlated.
C. see if the groups are significantly different, as opposed to being
different due to chance.
D. summarize the distribution using a single score.
Analyze . . .
2. Imagine an experiment where the mean of the experimental group is 50

and the mean of the control group is 40. Given that the two means are
obviously different, is it still possible for a researcher to say that the two
groups are not significantly different?
A. Yes, the two groups could overlap so much that the difference
was not significant.
B. Yes, if the difference was not predicted by the hypothesis.
C. No, because the two groups are so far apart that the difference
must be significant.
D. No, in statistics a difference of 10 points is just enough to be
significant.
Module 2.4 Summary

2.4a Know . . . the key terminology of statistics.
central tendency
descriptive statistics
experimental hypothesis
frequency
hypothesis test
mean
median
mode
negatively skewed distribution
normal distribution
null hypothesis
positively skewed distribution
standard deviation
statistical significance
variability
2.4b Understand . . . how and why psychologists use significance tests.
Significance tests are statistics that tell us whether differences between groups
or distributions are meaningful. For example, the averages of two groups being
compared may be very different. However, how much variability there is among
individuals within each of the groups will determine whether the averages are
significantly different. In some cases, the averages of the two groups may be
different, yet not statistically different because the groups overlap so much. This
possibility explains why psychologists use significance tests—to test whether
groups really are different from one another.
2.4c Apply . . . your knowledge to interpret the most frequently used

types of graphs.
Take a look at Figure 2.15 , a histogram showing the grades from a quiz in a
statistics course, and then answer the following questions.
1. What is the shape of this distribution? Normal, negatively skewed, or

positively skewed?
2. What grade range is the mode for this class?
3. How many people earned a grade in the “B” range (between 80 and 89)?
Figure 2.15 Application Activity
2.4d Analyze . . . the choice of central tendency statistics based on the

shape of the distribution.
Although the mean is the most commonly used measure of central tendency, it is
not always the best method for describing a set of data. For example, incomes
are positively skewed. Suppose one politician claims the mean income level is
$40 000, while the other claims that the median income level is $25 000. Which
politician is giving the more representative measure? It would seem that the
median would be a more representative statistic because it is not overly
influenced by extremely high scores.
Chapter 3 Biological
Psychology
3.1 Genetic and Evolutionary Perspectives on Behaviour

Heredity and Behaviour 73
Module 3.1a Quiz 79
Evolutionary Insights into Human Behaviour 79
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Hunters and Gatherers: Men,

Women, and Spatial Memory 81
Module 3.1b Quiz 86
3.2 How the Nervous System Works: Cells and Neurotransmitters

Neural Communication 89
Module 3.2a Quiz 93
The Chemical Messengers: Neurotransmitters and Hormones 93
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Testosterone and Aggression 97
Module 3.2b Quiz 99
3.3 Structure and Organization of the Nervous System

Divisions of the Nervous System 102
Module 3.3a Quiz 104
The Brain and Its Structures 104
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Neuroplasticity and Recovery

from Brain Injury 113
Module 3.3b Quiz 114
3.4 Windows to the Brain: Measuring and Observing Brain Activity

Insights from Brain Damage 117
Structural and Functional Neuroimaging 119
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Functional MRI and Behaviour

122

Module 3.1 Genetic and
Evolutionary Perspectives on
Behaviour
Roberto A Sanchez/E+/Getty Images
Learning Objectives
3.1a Know . . . the key terminology related to genes, heredity, and
evolutionary psychology.
3.1b Understand . . . how twin and adoption studies reveal relationships
between genes and behaviour.
3.1c Apply . . . your knowledge of genes and behaviour to hypothesize why a
trait might be adaptive.
3.1d Analyze . . . claims that scientists have located a specific gene that
controls a single trait or behaviour.
3.1e Analyze . . . explanations for cognitive gender differences that are rooted
in genetics.
Psychologist Martie Haselton has given new meaning to the phrase dress
for success. She is not talking about professional advancement, however;
rather, she is referring to success in attracting a mate. Dr. Haselton is an
evolutionary psychologist—she studies how human behaviour has
evolved to solve problems that relate to survival and reproductive
success. As part of her work, she has discovered that the clothes people
choose are related to sexual motivation in some subtle ways.
In one project, Dr. Haselton and her colleagues invited female volunteers
to the laboratory to participate in a study about personality, sexuality, and
health. The young women were not given any specific directions about
what to wear and during their visit to the laboratory they agreed to be
photographed. Later, male and female volunteers viewed the
photographs to judge whether they thought the women in the photos had
dressed to look attractive. It turns out that women were rated as having
dressed more attractively when they were in their peak level of fertility of
the menstrual cycle (Durante et al., 2008; Haselton et al., 2007). The
researchers suggested that wearing such clothing during the fertile phase
of the menstrual cycle was an attempt to be noticed by a potential mate
(although the women in the study might disagree).
Of course, evolutionary psychologists are quick to point out that females

are not alone in “signalling” their receptiveness for sexual activity. Males
provide numerous—if not more obvious—examples. Indeed, body
building, flaunting material assets, and other public displays of strength
and status are common male strategies for attracting mates. Researchers
must ask themselves this question: Is this behaviour just a coincidence?
Or is this how the evolutionary forces that allowed our species to survive
for hundreds of thousands of years are influencing our behaviour in the
modern world? Evolutionary psychologists like Dr. Haselton are building
evidence to argue that how we dress and how we send many other
signals can be explained by evolutionary principles, a topic we explore in
this module.
Focus Questions
1. How is human behaviour influenced by genetic factors?

2. How has evolution played a role in modern-day human
behaviour?
A question that underlies a great deal of psychological inquiry is “Why do we

behave the way we do?” In some situations, you might be tempted to say that
your behaviour was a reaction to someone else or to the situation that you were
in. In others, you might say that you interpreted a situation in a particular way,
and that led to a particular response. You might also say that you just reacted
“naturally,” which implies that your behaviour is sometimes hard-wired.
According to the biopsychosocial model of psychology, all three explanations can
be valid in some situations. Therefore, to fully understand why you behave the
way you do, it is necessary to understand the forces that influence each of these
factors that affect our behaviour. In the current module, we will focus on genetic
and evolutionary explanations; however, it is important to remember that almost
everything you do—or anyone else does—is due to biological, cognitive
(psychological), and social factors.
Heredity and Behaviour
Examples of genetic influences on physical traits easily come to mind because

we tend to share our eye colour, facial characteristics, stature, and skin
colouration with our parents. But research has made it clear that behaviours are
influenced by genes just as physical characteristics are; indeed, the two are
often related. Genetics has an influence on the brain, just as it has an influence
on eye colour, and changes in brain functions lead to changes in behaviour.
Therefore, although a discussion of genetics may seem unrelated to how you
think or feel, the work of genes—both during development and during everyday
life—has a dramatic effect on your behaviour.
The Genetic Code

Given that genetics can influence so many aspects of our lives, it is important to
review some of this field’s basic concepts. Our genetic code isn’t hidden in the
darkest corners of our brains. Instead, it is found in the nucleus of most of the
billions of cells in the human body. This genetic material is organized into
genes , the basic units of heredity; genes are responsible for guiding the
process of creating the proteins that make up our physical structures and
regulate development and physiological processes throughout the lifespan.
Genes are composed of segments of DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid) ,a

molecule formed in a double-helix shape that contains four nucleotides: adenine,
cytosine, guanine, and thymine (see Figure 3.1 ). These nucleotides are
typically abbreviated using the first letter of their names—A, C, G, and T. Each
gene is a unique combination of these four nucleotides. For example, a gene
may consist of sequences of nucleotides such as AGCCTAATCGATGCGCCA . .
. and so on. These sequences of nucleotides (i.e., these genes) represent the
instructions or code used to create the thousands of different proteins found in
the human body. These proteins specify which types of molecules to produce
and when to produce them. Genes also contain information about which
environmental factors might influence whether the genes become active
(“expressed”) or not. Together, this information makes up an individual’s
genotype , the genetic makeup of an organism—the unique set of genes that
comprise that individual’s genetic code.
Figure 3.1 DNA Molecules
The nucleus of a cell contains copies of each chromosome. Chromosomes are
composed of the genes arranged in the familiar double helix—a long strand of
DNA molecules.
Source: Lilienfeld, Scott O.; Lynn, Steven J; Namy, Laura L.; Woolf, Nancy J., Psychology: From Inquiry To Understanding,
2nd Ed., ©2011. Reprinted And Electronically Reproduced By Permission Of Pearson Education, Inc., New York, NY.
The result is an organism’s phenotype , the physical traits and behavioural

characteristics that show genetic variation, such as eye colour, the shape and
size of facial features, intelligence, and even personality. This phenotype
develops because of differences in the nucleotide sequencing of A, C, G, and T,
as well as through interactions with the environment.
Genes are organized in pairs along chromosomes , structures in the cellular

nucleus that are lined with all of the genes an individual inherits. Humans have
approximately 20 000–25 000 genes distributed across 23 pairs of
chromosomes, half contributed by the mother and half by the father (see Figure
3.2 ). (In some cases, an extra chromosome—a trisomy—is present, thus
altering the genetic make-up as well as the phenotype of the individual. The most
common chromosomal abnormality is Down Syndrome, a trisomy on the 21st
chromosome, although many others exist.)
Figure 3.2 Human Chromosomes
Human DNA is aligned along 23 paired chromosomes. Numbers 1–22 are
common to both males and females. Chromosome 23 is sex linked, with males
having the XY pattern and females the XX pattern.
somersault1824/Shutterstock
If two corresponding genes at a given location on a pair of chromosomes are the

same, they are referred to as homozygous. If the two genes differ, they are
heterozygous. Whether a trait is expressed depends on which combination of
pairs is inherited. In order to make these abstract concepts more concrete, let’s
look at an example that affects everyone: our sense of taste. Researchers have
shown that the ability to taste a very bitter substance called phenylthiocarbamide
(PTC) is based on which combination of genes we inherit from either parent (the
genotype; see Figure 3.3 ). The test for whether you can taste PTC (the
phenotype) is typically performed by placing a small tab of paper soaked in the
substance on the tongue. Some people are “tasters”; they cringe at the bitter
taste of PTC. Others—the “non-tasters”—cannot taste anything other than the
tab of paper. Those who are tasters inherited at least one copy of the dominant
gene for tasting (abbreviated capital “T”) from either parent. People can also
inherit a recessive copy of this gene (t). Those who report tasting PTC are either
homozygous dominant (TT) or heterozygous (Tt). Non-tasters are homozygous
recessive (tt)—they inherited a recessive copy of the gene from both parents.
Those who are tasters may find foods such as Brussels sprouts, cauliflower, and
cabbage to be unpleasant, or at least too bitter to eat, as these foods contain
PTC.
Figure 3.3 Genetic Inheritance

Whether someone tastes the bitter compound PTC depends on which copies of
the gene he or she inherits. Shown here is the statistically probable outcome of
two heterozygous (Tt) parents with four children.
Source: Data from Influence of life stress on depression: Moderation by a polymorphism in the 5-HTT gene by Caspi, A., et
al., Science, 301, 386–389. 2003.
In this example, the genotype represents what was inherited (i.e., tt, Tt, or TT).
The phenotype represents the physical and behavioural manifestation of that
genotype that occurs through interactions with the environment (i.e., being a
taster or a non-taster for this specific sensation—note that non-tasters in this
context might have normal responses to other tastes). As you will see, this
attempt to link genes to behaviour is a rapidly growing area of research in
psychology and medicine.
As geneticists continue to unravel different parts of the entire human genome, it

is becoming increasingly clear that simple examples like the taster/non-taster
trait provide only a glimpse of what knowledge might soon be available to us.
Indeed, in recent years, an entirely new field has developed that attempts to
identify the genes involved with specific behaviours: behavioural genomics.
Behavioural Genomics: The Molecular Approach

Although researchers have suggested that genetics play a role in many abilities
and behaviours, until recently it has not been possible to determine how traits
are inherited. To make this determination, researchers now go straight to the
source of genetic influence—to the genes themselves. Behavioural genomics
is the study of DNA and the ways in which specific genes are related to
behaviour. The technology supporting behavioural genomics is relatively new,
but once it became available, researchers initiated a massive effort to identify the
components of the entire human genome—the Human Genome Project. This
project, which was completed in 2003, resulted in the identification of
approximately 20 000–25 000 genes. Imagine the undertaking: determining the
sequences of the billions of A, C, G, and T nucleotides making up the genes,
including where each gene begins and ends, and how they are all arranged on
the chromosomes. The Human Genome Project itself did not directly provide a
cure for a disease or an understanding of any particular behaviour. Instead, it
has led to an abundance of new techniques and information about where genes
are located, and it opened the door for an entirely new era of research (Plomin
& Crabbe, 2000). Indeed, researchers can now compare the genotypes of
different groups of people (e.g., depressed and non-depressed individuals) to
look for differences that might shed light on the cause of different conditions. For
example, in 1997, researchers identified a gene that was found in families prone
to Parkinson’s disease, a neurological disorder involving tremors and difficulties
making movements (Polymeropoulos et al., 1997). Since then, a number of
mutations that are linked to Parkinson’s have been identified including SNCA,
Parkin, PINK1, DJ1, and LRRK2 (Klein & Schlossmacher, 2006).
However, we must be cautious in our interpretation of such discoveries. Like any

approach to answering scientific questions, behavioural genomic research does
have its limitations. For example, although a single gene has been identified as a
risk factor for Alzheimer’s disease, not everyone who inherits it develops the
disease. The same is true for many other conditions. This is a common
misconception about genes and behaviour.
Behavioural Genetics: Twin and Adoption Studies

Although behavioural genomics studies can identify genes related to behaviours,
they don’t tell us how sensitive these genes are to environmental factors like
stress, family life, or socioeconomic status. These questions are examined using
a complementary field known as behavioural genetics , the study of how
genes and the environment influence behaviour. Behavioural genetic methods
applied to humans typically involve comparing people of different levels of
relatedness, such as parents and their offspring, siblings, and unrelated
individuals, and measuring resemblances for a specific trait of interest. The
group that has provided the most insight into the genetic effects on behaviour is
twins.
Myths in Mind Single Genes and Behaviour

Enter the phrase “scientists find the gene for” into your favourite Internet
search engine and you will wind up with more hits than you would ever
have time to sift through. Although it is true that behaviour, both normal
and abnormal, can be traced to individual genes, typically combinations
of genes influence behaviour. When it comes to complex characteristics
such as personality or disorders like Alzheimer’s disease and
schizophrenia, there is very little chance that any single gene could be
responsible for them (Duan et al., 2010). A person’s intelligence and his
predisposition to alcoholism, anxiety, shyness, and depression are all
examples of traits and conditions with genetic links, but they all involve
multiple genes.
Another misconception is that a single gene can affect only one trait. In
reality, the discovery that a particular gene predisposes someone to
alcoholism does not mean that this gene is only relevant to alcohol
addiction; it most likely affects other traits as well. For example, genes
that are present in people who abuse alcohol are also more likely to be
found in individuals who have a history of other problems such as
additional forms of drug dependence and antisocial behaviour. In other
words, these different behaviours may share some characteristics, and
the gene may be related to that “shared genetic liability” (Dick, 2007).
So, when you encounter a headline beginning “Scientists find gene for . .
.,” don’t read it as “Scientists found THE gene for. . . .” It is likely that the
news describes the work of scientists who found another one of the many
genes involved in a disorder or, in the case of Alzheimer’s disease, a
gene that is a risk factor and not the sole cause.
Twins present an amazing opportunity to conduct natural experiments on how

genes influence behaviour. One method commonly used in twin studies involves
comparing identical and fraternal twins. Monozygotic twins come from a
single ovum (egg), which makes them genetically identical (almost 100% genetic
similarity). An ideal comparison group, dizygotic twins (fraternal twins) come
from two separate eggs fertilized by two different sperm cells that share the
same womb; these twins have approximately 50% of their genetics in common.
Researchers around the world have studied the genetic and environmental
bases of behaviour by comparing monozygotic twins, dizygotic twins, non-twin
siblings, and unrelated individuals. The assumption underlying these studies is
that if a trait is genetically determined, then individuals with a greater genetic
similarity will also have a greater similarity for that trait. Researchers have also
examined these different groups in longitudinal studies , studies that follow
the same individuals for many years, often decades. For example, one twin study
determined the degree to which anxiety and depression are influenced by
genetics in children and adolescents. It was far more likely for both monozygotic
twins to show anxiety or depressive symptoms than for both dizygotic twins to do
so; thus, these results demonstrate the influential role that genes play in
depression (Boomsma et al., 2005).
Behavioural geneticists use twin studies to calculate heritability —a statistic,

expressed as a number between zero and one, that represents the degree to
which genetic differences between individuals contribute to individual differences
in a behaviour or trait found in a population. A heritability of 0 means that genes
do not contribute to individual differences in a trait, whereas a heritability of 1.0
indicates that genes account for all individual differences in a trait. It is important
to point out that heritability scores do not simply reflect how much genetics
contributes to the trait itself. Rather, heritability scores tell us the degree to which
genetics explain differences between people with that trait. So, the heritability of
having a tongue is 0 because we all have a tongue (i.e., there are no differences
to explain). But, the taste sensitivity of that tongue differs based on genetics and
on the foods you were exposed to while growing up. Taste will therefore have a
heritability score somewhere between 0 and 1.
Identical twins are genetically the same, whereas fraternal twins are no more
closely related than full siblings from different pregnancies. However, fraternal
twins do share much of the same prenatal and postnatal environment if they are
reared together. Researchers assume, then, that if the identical twins are more
similar on a given trait than fraternal twins, this difference is due to genetics. But,
it is possible that identical twins are treated more similarly than are fraternal
twins (so they have more nature and more nurture in common). How would this
affect your interpretation of twin studies?
Top: Creatas Images/Thinkstock/Getty Images bottom: Martin Harvey/Alamy Stock Photo
Heritability estimates are rarely, if ever, an extreme value of 0 or 1.0. Instead,

genetics and environmental influences (e.g., family life) both account for some of
the differences in our behaviour. For instance, the estimated heritability found in
the study on depression and anxiety described earlier was approximately .76 for
3-year-old identical twin pairs (Boomsma et al., 2005). This tells us that 76% of
individual differences in depression and anxiety at age 3 can be attributed to
genetic factors in the population that was studied. However, depression and
anxiety can also obviously be influenced by our different life experiences. It
should not be a surprise to learn that heritability estimates for these behaviours
change as we age. In the Boomsma and colleagues (2005) study, the heritability
of anxiety and depression went from .76 at age 3 to .48 at age 12 for the
identical twin pairs. This change is likely due to the fact that an individual’s peer
group and social life can have a larger effect on one’s emotional well-being
during the “tween” and teen-aged years than they would during the toddler years
(when family is the main non-genetic factor). This finding should serve as a
reminder that the environment never stops interacting with genes.
Behavioural geneticists also study adopted children to estimate genetic

contributions to behaviour. The adopted family represents the nurture side of the
continuum, whereas the biological family represents the nature side. On the one
hand, if adopted children are more like their biological parents than their adoptive
parents on measures of traits such as personality and intelligence, we might
conclude that these traits have a strong genetic component. On the other hand, if
the children are more like their adoptive, genetically unrelated parents, a strong
case can be made that environmental factors outweigh the biological
predispositions. Interestingly, young adopted children are more similar to their
adoptive parents in intelligence levels than they are to their biological parents. By
the time they reach 16 years, however, adopted adolescents score more
similarly to their biological parents than their adoptive parents in tests of
intelligence, suggesting that some genes related to intelligence do not exert their
influence(s) on behaviour until later on in development (Plomin et al., 1997).
Compare this finding to that from the study described in the preceding
paragraphs: For intelligence, heritability seems to increase with age, whereas the
opposite is true for depression and anxiety.
Although heritability estimates provide important information about the different

effects of “nature” and “nurture” on different behaviours, we have to be cautious
about how we generalize this information. Heritability estimates are limited to the
population being studied. We cannot make definitive statements about the
heritability of depression in Brazil based on the results of a study conducted in
Canada (although we can use the Canadian study to generate hypotheses about
what we think we would find if we performed the same study in Brazil). This is
because any estimate of heritability is affected by (1) the amount of genetic
variability within the group being studied and (2) the variability in the
environments that members of that group might be exposed to. For example,
people from an isolated village in the Amazon rain forest would likely not have
much variability in their genetics because they would not have a lot of contact
with outside groups. In contrast, many Canadians have diverse genetic
backgrounds. Therefore, the individual differences in the Amazon village would
most likely be due to environmental factors; this would lead to a lower heritability
estimate for this group. This is not to say that one way of life is better than
another—but we need to be mindful of these differences in genetic and
environmental variability so that we don’t incorrectly assume that North American
genetic studies generalize to the entire world.
Heritability estimates can vary with age. The heritability of depression and
anxiety decreases with age whereas the heritability of intelligence increases with
age.
Ale Ventura/PhotoAlto Agency RF Collections/Getty Images;
Steve Debenport/E+/Getty Images.
Gene Expression and Behaviour

The fact that heritability estimates change over time based on our different
experiences shows us that nature and nurture interact to produce behaviour.
What these estimates don’t tell us is how that interaction occurs in our bodies
and brains. Recent advances in our understanding of genetics and the human
genome have begun to shed light on some of these relationships.
Almost every cell in our bodies contains the same genes, the basic unit of
heredity. But, only some of these genes are active, leading to the production of
proteins (or other gene products like ribosomal RNA); the other genes are
inactive and do not influence protein production. Of the approximately 20 000–25
000 genes in the human genome, between 6000 and 7000 are active in the
human brain. These genes influence the development of different brain
structures, the production of chemicals that allow brain cells to communicate with
each other, and the refinement of connections between cells that allow large-
scale brain networks to form (French & Pavlidis, 2011). The expression of these
genes is influenced by genetics, environmental factors that influence the
chemical make-up of the cells, or a combination of the two.
If some genes fail to be activated (or expressed) properly, people may be at a

greater risk for developing brain-related disorders. For example, Dan Geschwind
and colleagues (2011) found that children with autism had less gene expression
in several regions of the brain. This decrease in gene expression was linked to
problems with language, decision making, and understanding other people’s
emotions. Researchers are now investigating ways to alter gene expression in
order to treat different brain disorders such as Parkinson’s disease and
Alzheimer’s disease.
Importantly, gene expression is a lifelong process (Champagne, 2010). Factors

such as diet, stress level, and sleep can influence whether genes are turned on
or off. This study of changes in gene expression that occur as a result of
experience and that do not alter the genetic code is known as epigenetics .
Studies with mice have shown that increased maternal licking and grooming (the
rodent equivalent of cuddling) led to an increase in the expression of the GR
gene in the hippocampus (Francis et al., 1999). This gene influences stress
responses and can affect how well (or poorly) individuals respond to novel
situations. Low levels of licking and grooming led to decreased GR expression
and a larger stress response (Weaver et al., 2004). Similar effects have been
observed in humans. Decreased GR expression was noted in a recent study of
childhood abuse victims who later committed suicide, demonstrating the power
of these gene–environment interactions. Indeed, there is increasing evidence
that epigenetics plays a role in a number of psychological disorders (Labrie et
al., 2012).
Epigenetics research suggests that grooming not only influences social bonds,
but can also affect the expression of genes.
Eric Isselee/123RF
The fact that gene expression can be influenced by the environment is an

example of the social part of the biopsychosocial model of behaviour discussed
throughout this textbook—nurture can influence nature. Some researchers have
speculated that gene expression could also be influenced by the culture in which
one lives. Culture, family, and other social bonds all influence how we respond—
both psychologically and biologically—to different situations and stimuli.
Therefore, these sociocultural factors have the potential to influence whether or
not certain genes are expressed (Richardson & Boyd, 2005).
Although many of the changes in gene expression do not alter the genetic code,
some do get passed on from generation to generation. Chemically induced
changes in the expression of genes in the amygdala and hippocampus—
structures related to emotion and memory—have been shown to influence
anxiety-related behaviours for three generations of rats (Skinner et al., 2008)!
Licking and grooming have similarly been shown to affect both gene expression
and maternal behaviours across three generations (Champagne et al., 2003).
Therefore, how you behave now could have lasting effects on the genetic codes
of your grandchildren.
Module 3.1a Quiz:
Heredity and Behaviour
Know . . .
1. The chemical units that provide instructions on how specific proteins are
to be produced are called .
A. chromosomes
B. genes
C. genomic
D. autosomes
Understand . . .
2. A person who is homozygous for a trait
A. always has two dominant copies of a gene.
B. always has two recessive copies of a gene.
C. has identical copies of the gene.
D. has different copies of the gene.
Apply . . .
3. If a researcher wanted to identify how someone’s life experiences could
affect the expression of specific genes and thus put that person at risk for
developing depression, she would most likely use which of the following
methods?
A. Behavioural genetics
B. A comparison of monozygotic and dizygotic twins in different
parts of the world
C. An adoption study
D. Epigenetics
Analyze . . .
4. Imagine you hear a report about a heritability study that claims trait X is
“50% genetic.” Which of the following is a more accurate way of stating
this?
A. Fifty percent of individual differences of trait X within a population
are due to genetic factors.
B. Only half of a population has the trait.
C. Half of that trait is dependent upon genetics.
D. More than 50% of similarities of trait X within a population are due
to genetic factors.
Knowing about genes gives us some idea as to why individuals differ. But, they
don’t tell the whole story. We also need to examine how some traits or physical
characteristics enhanced our ancestors’ ability to survive and to pass on these
genes to future generations, including us.
Evolutionary Insights into Human

Behaviour
On December 27, 1831, a young Charles Darwin began his voyage on the HMS
Beagle, a ship tasked to survey the coastline of South America. Darwin’s (self-
funded) position was to act as a naturalist, examining the wildlife, flora, and
geology of the areas the ship visited. This five-year voyage, which included
additional stops in Australia and South Africa, exposed Darwin to a vast number
of species and eventually led to him developing one of the most important (and
controversial) theories in human history.
While travelling among the different Galápagos Islands (900 km west of modern-
day Ecuador), Darwin made a number of important observations. First, he
identified fossils from several extinct species. This discovery highlighted the fact
that not all species were able to survive in this environment. But, some species
did have characteristics that allowed them to flourish. Second, he noticed small
differences between the same species of birds and turtles living on different
islands. These differences meshed quite well with the particular environments
the animals lived in. From these observations, Darwin deduced that the species
that were a good “fit” for their environment survived while other species did not.
The challenge for Darwin was to find a way to explain this observation. Looking
at the individual animals, he saw a number of small differences similar to the
differences you’d see between people in your classroom. Some individuals had
traits that would enhance their ability to survive such as speed and strength.
These individuals would likely get enough food to eat and would be able to find
mates. Individuals without these traits would be less likely to mate. If this pattern
continued, there would be more offspring with the favourable traits (strength and
speed) than without those characteristics. Darwin developed these observations
into his theory of natural selection , the process by which favourable traits
become increasingly common in a population of interbreeding individuals, while
traits that are unfavourable become less common (see Figure 3.4 ).
Figure 3.4 How Traits Evolve

Evolution through natural selection requires both that a trait be heritable (i.e., be
passed down through reproductive means) and that certain individuals within a
breeding population have a reproductive advantage for having the trait.
© Pearson Education, Inc.
Although genes had not yet been discovered, they lay at the heart of Darwin’s
theories. When animals mate, each parent provides half of the offspring’s genetic
material. The genes of some animals would combine in such a way to produce
traits favourable to that setting (i.e., they were adaptive) and the genes of other
animals would combine in less useful ways. Because the adaptive or fit animals
were more likely to survive and reproduce, these traits—and therefore these
genes—would be more likely to be passed on to future generations. This process
is known as evolution , the change in the frequency of genes occurring in an
interbreeding population over generations.
Evolution is not a continuous process, however. If an animal is perfectly adapted

for its environment, then there is no evolutionary pressure for change to occur.
Let’s call that version 1.0 of the animal. But what if some pressure such as a
change in the climate or the availability of food occurs? In this case, a given trait
might be advantageous in that specific environment and specific point in time.
Individuals with that trait would survive; those without it might not. Through
natural selection, this trait would eventually become common within that species
and may in the future serve other functions and interact with the environment in
novel ways. Let’s call this version 2.0 of the animal. When the next
environmental pressure occurred, a subset of version 2.0 of the animal would
possess traits to make them more evolutionarily fit than the other version 2.0
animals. This subset would survive and reproduce, eventually leading to version
3.0 of the animal. While this description is over-simplified, it does illustrate a key
point: Any modern species is based upon version after version after version of
species that were fit for their particular environment and time.
Evolutionary Psychology
Darwin suggested that humans followed a similar evolutionary path, changing
and adapting over the course of thousands of generations. He was correct—
there is now fossil evidence showing that many branches of our ancestral family
tree died out, likely because their physical and mental characteristics were not fit
for their environment. What separated our species, Homo sapiens, from other
animals was that our ancestors had (1) larger frontal lobes than other species
(see Figure 3.5 ) and (2) had brains with more folds, thus allowing for more
brain cells to be squeezed inside their skulls. These adaptations allowed our
ancestors to form plans, solve problems, make quick decisions, and control our
attention and actions (Stuss, 2011). As a result, they were able to think their way
out of different challenges such as changes to the environment or food supply.
They also were able to communicate this knowledge using symbolic
representations of objects and ideas, as shown in carvings and cave paintings
(Chase & Dibble, 1987); this allowed them to pass on knowledge from
generation to generation, just as they passed on their genes.
Figure 3.5 The Prefrontal Cortex in Different Species

Human brains have much more space dedicated to the frontal lobes, particularly
the prefrontal cortex, than any other species. This brain area is related to many
of our higher cognitive functions like problem solving and decision making.
Source: Based on Fuster, J.M., The Prefrontal Cortex: Anatomy, Physiology, and Neuropsychology of the Frontal Lobe, 2nd
edition. New York: Raven Press, 1989.
Although all of this makes intuitive sense to us now, in the second half of the
19th century, Darwin’s theories met with considerable opposition. By stating that
animals evolved over time based on environmental pressures, Darwin was
challenging the view that animals had been created “as is” by an all-knowing
deity. By stating that all humans had common ancestors that evolved into
modern people, Darwin was demonstrating that all people—regardless of
ethnicity or economic status—were essentially equal. This view was not popular
in Victorian England, where the aristocracy looked at the working class with
disdain and where the English felt that they had the right to colonize non-
Caucasian countries such as India and parts of Africa. However, over time,
Darwin’s ideas became accepted in almost all scientific circles. Today, a modern
branch of psychology known as evolutionary psychology attempts to
explain human behaviours based on the beneficial function(s) they may have
served in our species’ development.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Hunters

and Gatherers: Men, Women, and Spatial Memory
Evolutionary psychologists are now attempting to link

evolutionarily useful behaviours that were performed by our
ancestors with our own modern cognitive abilities. One notable
area of investigation is the study of differences in male and
female cognitive abilities.
What do we know about the sex differences in spatial

memory?
Evolutionary psychologists hypothesize that male and female
brains will differ in some ways because males and females have
had to solve a different set of problems in order to survive and
reproduce. Specifically, due to their size and strength, males
were traditionally responsible for tracking and killing animals.
These responsibilities would require males to travel over long
distances without becoming lost. Females, due to the fact that
they cared for children, remained closer to home and instead
spent time foraging for berries and edible plants. Males’
responsibilities would favour individuals with good spatial skills;
females’ responsibilities would favour memory for the location of
objects (e.g., plants). The question, then, is whether the abilities
that were adaptive for males and females over the course of our
species’ evolution are still present today (Silverman & Eals,
1992). Put another way, will modern males and females show
performance differences on different tests of spatial abilities that
are consistent with their historic roles as hunter (males) and
gatherer (females)? This is the logic behind the hunter-gatherer
theory , which explicitly links performance on specific tasks to
the different roles performed by males and females over the
course of our evolutionary history.
How can science test sex differences and spatial memory?

One sex difference that has been reported involves solving the
mental rotation task. In this task, participants see a three-
dimensional image. They are then shown several additional
figures, one of which is a rotated version of the original image.
The task is to identify the rotated figure as quickly and as
accurately as possible. To make this task more concrete, try the
examples shown in Figure 3.6 .
Figure 3.6 Mental Rotation Task
Instructions: Take a close look at standard object #1. One of the

three objects to the right of it is the same. Which one matches the
standard? Repeat this with standard object #2 and the three
comparison shapes to the right of it.
Source: Lilienfeld, Scott O.; Lynn, Steven J; Namy, Laura L.; Woolf, Nancy J., Psychology: From
Inquiry to Understanding, 2nd Ed., ©2011, pp.344. Reprinted and Electronically reproduced by
permission of Pearson Education, Inc., New York, NY.
Research shows that males are generally able to perform this

task more quickly than females, and with greater accuracy. A
possible reason for this difference is that it is influenced by
testosterone levels, which are typically higher in males. In fact,
researchers have found that males with high testosterone levels
were better at solving the task than males with low levels of
testosterone (Hooven et al., 2004). These studies suggests that
there is a biological (and possibly evolutionary) explanation for
the male advantage in performing this specific task.
Answers: 1. A; 2. B
Researchers have also found that females outperform males on
different types of spatial tasks, specifically, tests involving
memory for the spatial location of objects (see Figure 3.7 ). In
addition to laboratory-based tests, females outperformed men in
experiments conducted in natural settings. In one study, women
were able to locate specific plants more quickly than were men
and also made fewer mistakes in identifying them (New et al.,
2007). This advantage may be due to females’ evolutionary role
as a gatherer rather than as a hunter.
Figure 3.7 Spatial Location Memory Task
In this task, participants are asked to remember the location of

specific items.
Source: Republished with permission of Springer Science, from The Hunter-Gatherer Theory of Sex
Difference in Spatial Abilities: Data from 40 Countries, Irwin Silverman; Jean Choi; Michael Peters,
36, and 2007; permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc.

Although sex differences on different forms of spatial abilities
have been observed in a number of conditions (Voyer et al.,
2004), there are some points worth considering. The first is that
an overall sex difference does not mean that all males will be
better at mental-rotation tasks than all females. There is a great
deal of variability within each group on almost all cognitive and
perceptual abilities. It is better to think of the sex differences in
mental rotation and spatial location tasks in terms of overlapping
curves whose average scores differ slightly rather than as one
sex being superior to the other on that cognitive ability. A second
issue is whether these differences occur across cultures.
Although the roles of hunter and gatherer were likely present in
most ancient cultures due to females’ need to be with young
children, there are much greater differences in modern cultures.
Some cultures have very strict sex roles that could influence the
education and abilities of males and females. Would culture
influence the size of the sex differences on tests like the mental-
rotation task? As it turns out, the answer is no. The male
advantage in the mental-rotation task has been observed across
40 different countries, suggesting that the finding is not restricted
to Canadian universities (Silverman et al., 2007). However,
although these results support the hypothesis that the differences
on tasks like the mental-rotation task are biological in origin, they
do not necessarily show that these differences are due to the
evolutionary roles of hunter and gatherer. Additionally, while
evolutionary psychology presents possible explanations, it is
more likely that they are only one of many factors influencing your
behaviour. Remember the biopsychosocial model!

The hunter-gatherer hypothesis shows us that the behaviours of
our ancestors might have had an effect on the abilities of modern
humans. The physical and cognitive characteristics that made
males evolutionarily fit likely differed slightly from the
characteristics that benefited females. Males with good spatial
skills and females with good location memory would have been
more successful than individuals who did not have those abilities.
But, while males and females differ on some skills, the
differences are generally quite small, with many females
outperforming males on spatial tasks. Therefore, it is important to
be careful about over-interpreting the results of these studies.
Natural selection suggests that some traits make an individual more likely to
survive and therefore to reproduce. The question is how do these individuals let
others know that they possess these traits? In other words, how do they
convince someone to mate with them? According to Darwin (1871), certain traits
or adaptations will have evolved to help some individuals increase their chances
of mating while others do not. How this works varies from species to species.
Sexual Selection and Evolution

In some species, members of one sex (usually males) compete for access to the
other sex (usually females). For instance, some deer and caribou literally lock
horns in violent fights known as rutting. The winner of the fight is much more
likely to mate with females than is the loser. Similar examples occur in many
primate species. Here, a dominant male—often referred to as the alpha male—
intimidates other males and is more likely to mate with multiple females than are
the subordinate males. These are examples of intrasexual selection ,a
situation in which members of the same sex compete in order to win the
opportunity to mate with members of the opposite sex. Intrasexual selection is
evolutionarily advantageous because the animals most likely to become
dominant are the strongest and/or smartest, and therefore the most fit for that
time and place. If this trend continues across many generations, the species as a
whole will become stronger and smarter (i.e., more evolutionarily “fit”).
A second form of sexual selection is known as intersexual selection ,a

situation in which members of one sex select a mating partner based on their
desirable traits. In the animal kingdom, we see numerous examples of males
attempting to attract the attention of females. For instance, many male birds
display bright feathers and perform intricate dances or songs to attract females.
This might seem cute, but this has a darker function as well. Brightly coloured
birds must be fast and aware of their surroundings (i.e., evolutionarily fit).
Otherwise, that glorious plumage, which also attracts predators, would turn them
into someone’s lunch rather than into someone’s mate. Therefore, the brightly
coloured birds that do survive must have physical and mental characteristics that
should be passed on to future generations.
Facial Symmetry and Attraction Which face do you prefer of these five? You
likely chose the middle face because it has the highest level of symmetry. People
can detect this quality without even having to study the faces very closely.
The University of Western Australia
Humans also have characteristics that enhance mating success. On average,

heterosexual women prefer men who are taller (6’0 or 1.83 m), with good
posture, and who are not very hairy (Buss, 2003; Dixson et al., 2010).
Heterosexual men prefer women who are slightly shorter than them, have full
lips, high cheekbones, and a small chin. A number of experiments have shown
that people rate symmetrical faces as being more attractive than asymmetrical
faces (Gangestad et al., 1994; Rhodes, 2006). Overall, people tend to prefer
partners who appear healthy. An evolutionary psychologist would suggest that
such individuals would also be more likely to be fertile and to possess good
genes.
Importantly, not all elements of intersexual selection are the gift (or curse) of our
genes. Men often present cues that highlight their masculinity, such as wearing
clothes that display their muscles. They also attempt to appear large and athletic,
particularly when around potential mates. For example, if an attractive woman
walks by a group of men, they tend to stand up straight to appear taller and
healthier, and thus more attractive (this makes for wonderful people-watching at
bars). Evolutionary psychologists suggest that this behaviour is an attempt to
appear more genetically fit than their competitors; doing so would suggest to
potential mates that their offspring would be similarly fit. Women also attempt to
highlight attractive elements of their physique. At the beginning of this module,
you learned that women dress more attractively when they are ovulating. As
noted in the Biopsychosocial Perspectives box on page 84, some of these
clothing selections might actually be tapping into other primal impulses.
Biopsychosocial Perspectives Sexual
Selection and the Colour Red

Most of us have had the experience of seeing a woman in a red dress
walk into a room and turn everyone’s head. A number of studies have
found that the colour red has a powerful effect on people’s behaviour and
judgments of beauty. For instance, when black-and-white photographs of
women are presented on a red background, these women are rated as
being more attractive than when the same images are presented on a
white background (Elliot & Niesta, 2008). Researchers in France have
found that males tip waitresses more generously when the women are
wearing a red shirt (Guéguen & Jacob, 2012a), have a red ornament in
their hair (Jacob et al., 2012), or are wearing red (rather than pink or
brown) lipstick (Guéguen & Jacob, 2012b). So why does the colour red
have these effects? This question has a one-word answer: SEX. Women
who are wearing red clothes are perceived to be more interested in
having sex than women wearing other colours. This perception occurs
even when the same woman is shown in identical t-shirts whose colour
has been digitally altered (Guéguen, 2012); it is not affected by the
attractiveness of the female model.
Of course, some of these results may be due to social factors. The colour
red is related to sex in many cultures (e.g., “red light districts”). To test
this hypothesis, researchers tested individuals in a remote village in
Burkina Faso (in Western Africa). Importantly, in this village, the colour
red had negative associations—death, bad luck, and sickness—and no
sexual connotations. The participants viewed black-and-white
photographs of women surrounded by either a red or a blue border.
Consistent with North American and European studies—and contrary to
their cultural norms—the women with the red borders were rated as
being more attractive (Elliot et al., 2013).
Evolutionary psychologists are quick to point out that red is associated

with sexual receptivity in many animals, including humans. Female
baboons and chimpanzees—species that are evolutionarily close to
humans—have redder chests and genitals when they are near ovulation
than at other times of their cycles (Deschner et al., 2004; Dixson, 1983).
This blushing appears to be linked to estrogen levels, which open up the
blood vessels of these regions (Setchell & Wickings, 2004). In these
species, males respond to the red swellings with copulation attempts
(Waitt et al., 2006). These researchers also found that male rhesus
monkeys (Macaca mulatta) spent more time looking at red-enhanced
photographs of female anogenital regions than at other images. In
humans, sexual interest is associated with flushing in the face, neck, and
upper chest (Changizi, 2009). Anthropological research has shown that
women have used lipstick and rouge to mimic these vascular changes
(and thus appear more attractive to potential mates) for over 10 000
years (Low, 1979).
Of course, it is important to point out that women wearing red are not
necessarily indicating their willingness to have sex! These data are
trends across the population and do not predict individual people’s
behaviour. But, it does show how evolutionary psychology can provide a
new perspective on everyday behaviours.
Of course, there are other qualities we look for in a potential partner, particularly
when it comes to long-term mates. But what are these qualities, and do
members of other cultures value similar characteristics? Buss (1989) conducted
a survey of more than 10 000 people from 37 different cultures to discover what
they most valued in a long-term partner. Across this broad sample, both men and
women agreed that love, kindness, commitment, character, and emotional
maturity were important. However, there were some interesting differences.
Women valued men with strong financial prospects, status, and good health
whereas men placed a greater emphasis on physical beauty, youth, and other
characteristics that relate to reproduction. Other investigators have found similar
sex differences (see Figure 3.8 ). Researchers in the United States showed
yearbook photographs to heterosexual male and female research participants.
Along with the photographs, participants were provided with information about
each individual’s socioeconomic status (SES), a measure of their financial
status. SES had a much greater effect on females’ willingness to enter
relationships with these individuals than it did for males (Townsend & Levy,
1990b). In a subsequent study, these researchers clothed the same models in
outfits that implied high, medium, or low SES. Participants were asked to rate
their willingness to engage in different types of relationships with this person
ranging from “Coffee and conversation” to “Sex only” to “Marriage.” Clothing, the
indicator of SES, had a much larger effect on females than males, particularly
when the model was not physically attractive. Men were much more willing to
engage in “Sex only” relationships regardless of SES or attractiveness
(Townsend & Levy, 1990a).
Figure 3.8 Sex Differences in the Minimum Acceptable Earning Level for
Different Types of Relationships
Females place a much higher value on economic stability than do males,
particularly for long-term relationships. This result may be due to the fact that
females can produce a limited number of offspring and therefore need to ensure
that a mate has enough resources to ensure their survival. Evolutionary
psychology is not necessarily romantic.
Source: From Evolution, traits and the stages of human courtship: Qualifying the parental investment model, Journal of
Personality, 58, 97–116 by Douglas T. Kenrick, Edward K. Sadalla, Gary Groth, Melanie R. Trost. Copyright © 1990 John
Wiley & Sons, Inc. Reproduced with permission of John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
How can we explain this difference? According to evolutionary psychologists, this

difference might be due to the resources required to raise offspring. Females
have a limited number of eggs, and thus a finite number of opportunities to pass
on their genes to another generation. If a female became pregnant and had a
baby, she would require resources to help raise the child, particularly when the
child is quite young and it is difficult for the woman to bring in her own resources.
Therefore, it would make sense that females would be attracted to males who
can provide these resources; this sometimes means mating with someone who
is older and more established in life (Trivers, 1972). In contrast, men have a
seemingly infinite amount of sperm and have fewer limits on the number of
people they could theoretically impregnate. Given that their evolutionary impulse
is to pass on their genes to as many offspring as possible, it makes sense for
them to be attracted to young, healthy women who are likely able to reproduce
(Buss, 1989). Oddly, these motivations don’t appear in many love songs.
Module 3.1b Quiz:
Evolutionary Insights into Human Behaviour
Know . . .
1. For a trait to evolve, it must have a(n) basis.
A. learned
B. social
C. heritable
D. developmental
Apply . . .
2. Evolution is best defined as
A. a gradual increase in complexity.
B. a change in gene frequency over generations.
C. solving the challenge of survival by adapting.
D. a progression toward a complex human brain.
Analyze . . .
3. Evolutionary psychologists have made some claims that sex differences
in cognitive abilities are genetically determined. Which of the following is
not an alternative explanation for such claims?
A. Hormone levels affect performance.
B. Sociocultural history affects performance.
C. Different educational experiences affect performance.
D. Technological limitations prevent the accurate study of sex
differences.
Module 3.1 Summary

3.1a Know . . . the key terminology related to genes, heredity, and
evolutionary psychology.
behavioural genetics
behavioural genomics
chromosomes
dizygotic twins
DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid)
epigenetics
evolution
evolutionary psychology
genes
genotype
heritability
hunter-gatherer theory
intersexual selection
intrasexual selection
longitudinal studies
monozygotic twins
natural selection
phenotype
3.1b Understand . . . how twin and adoption studies reveal relationships
between genes and behaviour.
Both methods measure genetic, environmental, and interactive contributions to

behaviour. Twin studies typically compare monozygotic twins (genetically
identical) and dizygotic twins (full siblings sharing the prenatal environment).
Adoption studies compare adopted children to their adoptive and biological
parents. These designs allow researchers to determine heritability, a number
between 0 and 1 that estimates the degree to which individual differences in a
trait (in a given population) are due to genetic factors. A heritability of 1.0 would
mean that genes contribute to 100% of individual differences. A heritability of 0
would mean that genes have no effect on individual differences. Many human
characteristics, including intelligence and personality, have heritability estimates
typically ranging between .40 and .70.
3.1c Apply . . . your knowledge of genes and behaviour to hypothesize

why a trait might be adaptive.
Apply Activity
Try putting yourself in an evolutionary psychologist’s position and answer the
following two questions.
1. Many evolutionary psychologists claim that men are more interested in a

mate’s physical attractiveness and youth, whereas women are more
interested in qualities that contribute to childrearing success, such as
intelligence and wealth. If this is the case, then who do you think would
express more jealousy over sexual infidelity—men or women?
2. Researchers (Cramer et al., 2008) asked volunteers to rate how upset
they would be by sexual infidelity in a mate and then they plotted the
results in the graph shown in Figure 3.9 . Do their results confirm your
hypothesis?
Figure 3.9 Men’s and Women’s Reactions to Infidelity
Men find sexual infidelity more distressing than do women, regardless of how a
question is framed.
Source: Copyright 2008 From Sex differences in subjective distress to unfaithfulness: Testing competing evolutionary and
violation of infidelity expectations hypotheses, The Journal of Social Psychology 148 (4): 389–405. by Robert Ervin Cramera,
Ryan E. Lipinskia, John D. Meteerb, Jeremy Ashton Houskac. Reproduced by permission of Taylor & Francis LLC,
(http://www.tandfonline.com).
3.1d Analyze . . . claims that scientists have located a specific gene that
controls a single trait or behaviour.
Most psychological traits, as well as disorders such as Alzheimer’s disease,

involve multiple genes, some of which may not yet have even been discovered.
(See the Myths in Mind feature .)
3.1e Analyze . . . explanations for cognitive gender differences that are

rooted in genetics.
The Working the Scientific Literacy Model feature summarized research showing
that males have an advantage when it comes to a specific mental rotation task.
Given that this is a relatively consistent sex difference, high testosterone levels
are associated with better performance on the task, and the male advantage has
been found cross-culturally, it seems plausible that this difference has a genetic
basis. In future chapters we will return to issues related to sex-based differences
in cognitive abilities (see Module 9.2 ).
Module 3.2 How the Nervous
System Works: Cells and
Neurotransmitters
Rod Williams/Nature Picture Library
Learning Objectives
3.2a Know . . . the key terminology associated with nerve cells, hormones, and
their functioning.
3.2b Understand . . . how nerve cells communicate.
3.2c Understand . . . the ways that drugs and other substances affect the
brain.
3.2d Understand . . . the roles that hormones play in our behaviour.
3.2e Apply . . . your knowledge of neurotransmitters to form hypotheses about
drug actions.
3.2f Analyze . . . the claim that we are born with all the nerve cells we will ever
have.
A bite from an Australian species of snake called the taipan can kill an
adult human within 30 minutes. In fact, it is recognized as the most
lethally venomous species of snake in the world (50 times more potent
than the also fatal venom of the king cobra). The venom of the taipan is
neurotoxic, meaning that it specifically attacks cells of the nervous
system. These cells are involved with more than just “thinking”—in fact,
networks of nervous system cells working together are critical for basic
life functions like breathing and having a heartbeat. A direct attack on
these cells, therefore, spells trouble. In the case of the taipan, its bite first
leads to drowsiness followed by difficulties controlling one’s head and
neck muscles. Victims then experience progressive difficulty with
swallowing, followed by tightness of the chest and paralysis of breathing.
If enough venom was injected and treatment is not available, coma and
death occur. All of this happens because of damage to the cells that will
be discussed in this module—cells that work together to produce the
complex human behaviours we engage in every day.
Incidentally, not all snake venom attacks the nervous system. The venom
found in most rattlesnakes in North America is not neurotoxic (although
you still shouldn’t hug one). Instead, it damages tissue in the vicinity of
the bite as well as those tissues it reaches within the bloodstream,
particularly the heart. Although this is not exactly comforting news, it
should at least allow you to enjoy nature without being afraid that a snake
will attack your nervous system’s cells. That’s what spiders are for . . .
Focus Questions
1. Which normal processes of nerve cells are disrupted by a

substance like snake venom?
2. What roles do chemicals play in normal nerve cell functioning?
When we think of cells, we often imagine looking at plants or earthworms

through a microscope in high-school biology class. Although thrilling, this activity
likely seems to be the furthest thing from the study of behaviour. However, cells
—particularly cells in the nervous system—play an incredibly important role in
absolutely everything you do, from moving and sensing to thinking and feeling.
Understanding how cells function and communicate with each other as part of
networks will help you better understand topics discussed in later modules, such
as how we learn (Modules 6.1 , 6.2 , and 7.1 ), how different drugs (both
clinical and recreational) work (Modules 5.3 and 16.3 ), and how stress
affects our bodies and brains (Module 14.2 ). This module therefore serves as
a building block that will deepen your understanding of almost all of the
behaviours that make you “you.”
Neural Communication
The human body is composed of many different types of cells. Psychologists are
most interested in neurons , one of the major types of cells found in the
nervous system, that are responsible for sending and receiving messages
throughout the body. Billions of these cells receive and transmit messages every
day, including while you are asleep. Millions of them are firing as a result of you
reading these words. In order to understand how this particular type of cell can
produce complex behaviours, it is necessary to take a closer look at the structure
and function of the neuron.
The Neuron
The primary purpose of neurons is to “fire,” to receive input from one group of
neurons and to then transmit that information to other neurons. Doing so allows
single neurons to work together as part of networks involving thousands (and
sometimes millions) of other cells; this will eventually lead to some form of
behaviour. To that end, neurons are designed in such a way that there are parts
of the cell specialized for receiving incoming information from other neurons and
parts of the cell specialized for transmitting information to other neurons.
All neurons have a cell body (also known as the soma), the part of a neuron
that contains the nucleus that houses the cell’s genetic material (see Figure
3.10 ). Genes in the cell body synthesize proteins that form the chemicals and
structures that allow the neuron to function. The activity of these genes can be
influenced by the input coming from other cells. This input is received by
dendrites , small branches radiating from the cell body that receive messages
from other cells and transmit those messages toward the rest of the cell. At any
given point in time, a neuron will receive input from several other neurons
(sometimes over 1000 other neurons!). These impulses from other cells will
travel across the neuron to the base of the cell body known as the axon hillock. If
the axon hillock receives enough stimulation from other neurons, it will initiate a
chemical reaction that will flow down the rest of the neuron.
Figure 3.10 A Neuron and Its Key Components
Each part of a nerve cell is specialized for a specific task.
This chemical reaction is the initial step in a neuron communicating with other
cells (i.e., influencing whether other cells will fire or not). The activity will travel
from the axon hillock along a tail-like structure that protrudes from the cell body.
This structure, the axon , transports information in the form of electrochemical
reactions from the cell body to the end of the neuron. When the activity reaches
the end of the axon, it will arrive at axon terminals, bulb-like extensions filled with
vesicles (little bags of molecules). These vesicles contain neurotransmitters ,
the chemicals that function as messengers allowing neurons to communicate
with each other. The impulse travelling down the axon will stimulate the release
of these neurotransmitters, thus allowing neural communication to take place.
Many different types of neurotransmitters exist, and each can have a number of
different functions—something we will explore in more detail later in this module.
Although all neurons are designed to transmit information, not all neurons
perform the same function. Sensory neurons receive information from the bodily
senses and bring it toward the brain, often via the spinal cord. In contrast, motor
neurons carry messages away from the brain and spinal cord and toward
muscles in order to control their flexion and extension (see Figure 3.11 ).
Figure 3.11 Sensory and Motor Neurons

Sensory neurons carry information toward the spinal cord and the brain, whereas
motor neurons send messages to muscles of the body. The interneuron links the
sensory and motor neurons. This is the pathway of a simple withdrawal response
to a painful stimulus.
Within the brain itself, the structure and function of neurons varies considerably.
Some cells have few if any dendrites extending from the cell body; these cells do
not perform tasks requiring a lot of interactions with other neurons. In contrast,
some neurons have huge branches of dendrites. Obviously, these latter neurons
will perform functions involving more communication between neurons. The key
point is that these differences between neurons are not simply due to chance—
they have a purpose. The physical structure of a neuron is related to the function
it performs.
Myths in Mind We Are Born with All the Brain
Cells We Will Ever Have

For decades, neuroscience taught us that nerves do not regenerate; in
other words, scientists believed that we are born with all of the brain cells
we will ever have. This conclusion made perfect sense because no one
had ever seen new neurons form in adults, and severe neurological
damage is often permanent.
In the past 15 years or so, however, advances in brain science have

challenged this belief (Wojtowicz, 2012). Researchers have observed
neurogenesis —the formation of new neurons—in a limited number of
brain regions, particularly in a region critical for learning and memory
(Eriksson et al., 1998; Tashiro et al., 2007). The growth of a new cell,
including neurons, starts with stem cells —a unique type of cell that
does not have a predestined function. When a stem cell divides, the
resulting cells can become part of just about anything—bone, kidney, or
brain tissue. The deciding factor seems to be the stem cell’s chemical
environment (Abematsu et al., 2006).
Our increased understanding of neurogenesis has raised some exciting

possibilities—perhaps scientists can discover how to trigger the neural
growth in other parts of the nervous system. Doing so might allow
scientists to repair damaged brain structures or to add cells to brain
areas affected by degenerative diseases like Parkinson’s disease and
Alzheimer’s disease. When this technology is developed, there may
finally be hope for recovery from injury and disease in all nerve cells.
Glial Cells
Although neurons are essential for our ability to sense, move, and think, they
cannot function without support from other cells. This support comes from
different types of cells collectively known as glia (Greek for “glue”). Glial cells
are specialized cells of the nervous system that are involved in mounting
immune responses in the brain, removing waste, and synchronizing the activity
of the billions of neurons that constitute the nervous system. Given that glial cells
perform so many different support functions, it should come as no surprise to
learn that they outnumber neurons in the brain by a ratio of approximately 10 to
1.
A critical function served by certain glial cells is to insulate the axon of a neuron.
These glial cells form a white substance called myelin , a fatty sheath that
insulates axons from one another, resulting in increased speed and efficiency of
neural communication. In an unmyelinated axon, the neural impulse decays
quickly and needs to be regenerated along the axon; the myelin protects the
impulse from this decay, thus reducing how often the impulse needs to be
regenerated. The speed difference between axons with and without myelin is
substantial. Axons without myelin transmit information at speeds ranging from
0.5 to 10 m/s (metres per second); myelinated axons transmit information at
speeds of up to 150 m/s (Hartline & Coleman, 2007; Hursh, 1939). For obvious
reasons, most neurons in the brain have myelin.
When the myelin sheath is damaged, the efficiency of the axon decreases
substantially. For instance, multiple sclerosis is a disease in which the immune
system does not recognize myelin and attacks it—a process that can devastate
the structural and functional integrity of the nervous system. When myelin breaks
down in multiple sclerosis, it impairs the ability of the affected neurons to transmit
information along their axons. As a result, groups of brain structures that
normally fire together to produce a behaviour can no longer work as a functional
network (Rocca et al., 2010; Shu et al., 2011). It would be similar to trying to
drive a car that is missing a wheel. The specific symptoms associated with
multiple sclerosis differ depending upon where in the brain the myelin damage
occurred. Numbness or tingling sensations could be caused by the disruption of
sensory nerve cell signals that should otherwise reach the brain. Problems with
voluntary, coordinated movement could be due to the breakdown of myelin that
supports motor nerves. The important point is that damage to a small group of
axons can lead to impairments in the functioning of large networks of brain areas
(Rocca et al., 2012).
As you can see, each part of an individual neuron and glial cell performs an
important function. Ultimately, however, it is the activity of networks of nerve cells
that allows messages to be transmitted within the brain and the rest of the body.
This activity involves the most important function a neuron can perform: to fire.
The Neuron’s Electrical System: Resting and

Action Potentials
Neural activity is based on changes in the concentrations of charged atoms
called ions. When a neuron is not transmitting information, the outside of the
neuron has a relatively high concentration of positively charged ions, particularly
sodium and potassium, while the interior of the axon has fewer positively
charged ions as well as a relatively high concentration of negatively charged
chloride ions. This difference in charge between the inside and outside of the cell
leaves the inside of the axon with a negative charge of approximately −70
millivolts (−70 mV; see the first panel of Figure 3.12 ). This relatively stable
state during which the cell is not transmitting messages is known as its resting
potential .
Figure 3.12 Electrical Charges of the Inner and Outer Regions of Nerve
Cells
The inner and outer environments of a nerve cell at rest differ in terms of their
electrical charge. During the resting potential, there is a net negative charge.
When a nerve cell is stimulated, generating an action potential, positively
charged ions rush inside the cell membrane. After the cell has fired, the
positively charged ions are channelled back outside the nerve cell as it returns to
a resting state.
Importantly, this seemingly stable resting state involves a great deal of tension.
This is because of two forces, the electrostatic gradient and the concentration
gradient. Don’t let these technical terms scare you: the electrostatic gradient just
means that the inside and outside of the cell have different charges (negative
and positive, respectively), and the concentration gradient just means that
different types of ions are more densely packed on one side of the membrane
than on the other (e.g., there are more sodium ions outside the cell than inside
the cell). However, most substances have a tendency to move from areas of high
concentration to areas of low concentration whenever possible; in other words,
substances spread out whenever they can so that they are evenly distributed.
So, if small pores (known as ion channels) opened up in the neuron’s cell
membrane, there would be a natural tendency for positively charged sodium ions
to rush into the cell.
This is what happens when a neuron is stimulated. The surge of positive ions
into the cell changes the potential of the neuron (e.g., changing from –70 mV to –
68 mV). These charges flow down the dendrites and cross the cell body to the
axon hillock, where the cell body meets the axon. If enough positively charged
ions reach the axon hillock to push its charge past that cell’s firing threshold
(e.g., –55 mV), the neuron will then initiate an action potential , a wave of
electrical activity that originates at the beginning of the axon near the cell body
and rapidly travels down its length (see the middle panel of Figure 3.12 ).
When an action potential occurs, the charge of that part of the axon changes
from approximately –70 mV to approximately +35 mV; in other words, the cell
changes from being negatively to positively charged (see Figure 3.13 ). This
change does not occur along the entire axon at once. Rather, as one part of the
axon becomes depolarized, it forces open the ion channels ahead of it, thus
causing the action potential to move down the length of the axon as positively
charged ions rush through the membrane pores (Hodgkin, 1937). This pattern
continues until the action potential reaches the axon terminal.
Figure 3.13 Time Course and Phases of a Nerve Cell Going from a Resting
Potential to an Action Potential
Nerve cells fire once the threshold of excitation is reached. During the action
potential, positively charged ions rush inside the cell membrane, creating a net
positive charge within the cell. Positively charged ions are then forced out of the
cell as it returns to its resting potential.
Source: Based on “The Time Course and Phases of a Nerve Cell Going from Resting to Action Potential,” adapted from
Sternberg, 2004.
Of course, if this were the entire story, then all of our neurons would fire once
and never fire again because the ion channels would remain open. Luckily for us,
there are mechanisms in place to help our neurons return to their resting state (–
70 mV) so that they can fire again. At each point of the axon, the ion channels
slam shut as soon as the action potential occurs. The sodium ions that had
rushed into the axon are then rapidly pumped back out of the cell, returning it to
a resting state. This process of removing the sodium ions from the cell often
causes the neuron to become hyperpolarized; this means that the cell is more
negative than its normal resting potential (e.g., –72 mV instead of –70 mV). This
additional negativity makes the cell less likely to fire. It normally takes 2–3
milliseconds for the membrane to adjust back to its normal resting potential. This
brief period in which a neuron cannot fire is known as a refractory period .
When the action potential reaches the axon terminal, it triggers the release of
that cell’s neurotransmitters into the synapses , the microscopically small
spaces that separate individual nerve cells. The cell that releases these
chemicals is known as the presynaptic cell (“before the synapse”) whereas the
cell that receives this input is known as the postsynaptic cell (or “after the
synapse”). The dendrites of the postsynaptic cell contain specialized receptors
that are designed to hold specific molecules, including neurotransmitters. Then,
this process of neural communication will begin again.
Although this description of an action potential explains how a neuron fires, it

does not explain how the nervous system differentiates between a weak and a
strong neural response. It would make intuitive sense for a stronger stimulus
(e.g., a loud noise) to produce a larger action potential than a weak stimulus
(e.g., someone whispering); however, this is not the case. When stimulated, a
given neuron always fires at the same intensity and speed. This activity adheres
to the all-or-none principle : Individual nerve cells fire at the same strength
every time an action potential occurs. Neurons do not “sort of” fire, or “overfire”—
they just fire. Instead, the strength of a sensation is determined by the rate at
which nerve cells fire as well as by the number of nerve cells that are stimulated.
A stimulus is experienced intensely because a greater number of cells are
stimulated, and the firing of each cell occurs repeatedly.
Module 3.2a Quiz:
Neural Communication
Know . . .
1. A positive electrical charge that is carried away from the cell body and
down the length of the axon is a(n) .
A. refractory period
B. resting potential
C. action potential
D. dendrite
2. Which of the following is a function of glial cells?

A. Glial cells slow down the activity of nerve cells.
B. Glial cells help form myelin.
C. Glial cells suppress the immune system response.
D. Glial cells contain the nucleus that houses the cell’s genetic
material.
Understand . . .
3. A neuron will fire when the ions inside the cell body are
A. in the resting potential.
B. shifted to a threshold more positive than the resting potential.
C. shifted to a threshold more negative than the resting potential.
D. in the refractory period.
4. Sensory and motor nerves differ in that

A. only sensory neurons have dendrites.
B. only motor neurons have axons.
C. sensory neurons carry messages toward the brain, and motor
neurons carry information away from the brain.
D. sensory neurons carry messages away from the brain, and motor
neurons carry information toward the brain.
The Chemical Messengers:

Neurotransmitters and Hormones
As you read in the first part of this module, the presynaptic neuron releases
neurotransmitters into the synapse; a fraction of these neurotransmitters will bind
to receptors on the postsynaptic neuron. This binding can have one of two
effects on the postsynaptic cell. If the actions of a neurotransmitter cause the
neuron’s membrane potential to become less negative (e.g., changing from –70
mV to –68 mV), it is referred to as excitatory because it has increased the
probability that an action potential will occur in a given period of time. In contrast,
if the actions of a neurotransmitter cause the membrane potential to become
more negative (e.g., changing from –70 mV to –72 mV), it is referred to as
inhibitory because it has decreased the likelihood that an action potential will
occur. An important factor in determining whether a postsynaptic neuron is
excited or inhibited is the type of neurotransmitter(s) binding with its receptors.
Many different types of neurotransmitters have been identified, although most

neurons send and receive a limited number of these substances. Each
neurotransmitter typically has its own unique molecular shape. A lock-and-key
analogy is sometimes used to explain how neurotransmitters and their receptors
work: When neurotransmitters are released at the axon terminal, they cross the
synapse and fit in a particular receptor of the dendrite like a key in a lock (see
Figure 3.14 ).
Figure 3.14 The Lock-and-Key Analogy for Matching of Neurotransmitters
and Receptors
The molecular structures of different neurotransmitters must have specific
shapes in order to bind with the receptors on a neuron.
Source: Lilienfeld, Scott O.; Lynn, Steven; Namy, Laura L.; Woolf, Nancy J., Psychology: From Inquiry To Understanding,
Books A La Carte Edition, 2nd Ed., ©2011. Reprinted and Electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson Education,
Inc., New York, NY.
After neurotransmitter molecules have bound to postsynaptic receptors of a

neighbouring cell, they are released back into the synaptic cleft , the minute
space between the axon terminal (terminal button) and the dendrite. This
process is almost as important as the action potential itself. Prolonged
stimulation of the receptors makes it more difficult for the cell to return to its
resting potential; this is obviously necessary for the neuron to be able to fire
again. Therefore, if a neurotransmitter remained latched onto a receptor for long
periods of time, it would decrease the number of times that the neurons could fire
(i.e., it would make your brain less powerful).
Once neurotransmitters have detached from the receptors and float back into the
synapse, they are either broken down by enzymes or go through reuptake ,a
process whereby neurotransmitter molecules that have been released into the
synapse are reabsorbed into the axon terminals of the presynaptic neuron (see
Figure 3.15 ). Reuptake serves as a sort of natural recycling system for
neurotransmitters. It is also a process that is modified by many commonly used
drugs. For example, the class of antidepressant drugs known as selective
serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs), not surprisingly, inhibits reuptake of the
neurotransmitter serotonin; in this way, SSRIs such as fluoxetine (Prozac)
eventually increase the amount of serotonin available at the synapse. The result
is a decrease in depression and anxiety. The process of reuptake occurs for a
number of different neurotransmitters released throughout the nervous system.
Figure 3.15 Major Events at the Synapse

As the action potential reaches the axon terminals, neurotransmitters (packed
into spherically shaped vesicles) are released across the synaptic cleft. The
neurotransmitters bind to the postsynaptic (receiving) neuron. In the process of
reuptake, some neurotransmitters are returned to the presynaptic neuron via
reuptake proteins. These neurotransmitters are then repackaged into synaptic
vesicles.
Types of Neurotransmitters
There are literally dozens of neurotransmitters influencing the functioning of your
brain as you read this module. The various neurotransmitters listed in Table
3.1 are only a small sample of the chemicals that produce your behaviour.
Each of these neurotransmitters has a molecular structure and is designed to
match particular types of receptors, similar to how different keys will fit into
different locks. These substances also differ in terms of the specific brain areas
they target. As a result, different neurotransmitters will have different effects on
our behaviour.
Table 3.1 Major Neurotransmitters and Their Functions
Neurotransmitter Some Major Functions
Glutamate Excites nervous system; memory and autonomic nervous

system reactions
GABA (gamma-amino Inhibits brain activity; lowers arousal, anxiety, and

butyric acid) excitation; facilitates sleep
Acetylcholine Movement; attention
Dopamine Control of movement; reward-seeking behaviour;

cognition and attention
Norepinephrine Memory; attention to new or important stimuli; regulation

of sleep and mood
Serotonin Regulation of sleep, appetite, mood
The most common neurotransmitters in the brain are glutamate and GABA.
Glutamate is the most common excitatory neurotransmitter in the brains of
vertebrates (Dingledine et al., 1999; Meldrum, 2000). It is involved in a number
of processes, including our ability to form new memories (Bliss & Collingridge,
1993; Peng et al., 2011). Abnormal functioning of glutamate-releasing neurons
has also been implicated in a number of brain disorders including the triggering
of seizures in epilepsy (During & Spencer, 1993) and damage caused by
strokes (Hazell, 2007; McCulloch et al., 1991). In contrast, GABA (gamma-
amino butyric acid , for those of you enraged by acronyms) is the primary
inhibitory neurotransmitter of the nervous system, meaning that it prevents
neurons from generating action potentials. It accomplishes this feat by reducing
the negative charge of neighbouring neurons even further than their resting state
of −70 mV. When GABA binds to receptors, it causes an influx of negatively
charged chloride ions to enter the cell, which is the opposite net effect of what
happens when a neuron is stimulated. As an inhibitor, GABA facilitates sleep
(Tobler et al., 2001) and reduces arousal of the nervous system. Low levels of
GABA have been linked to epilepsy, likely because there is an imbalance
between inhibitory GABA and excitatory glutamate (Upton, 1994).
Another common neurotransmitter is acetylcholine. Acetylcholine is one of

the most widespread neurotransmitters within the body, found at the junctions
between nerve cells and skeletal muscles; it is very important for voluntary
movement. Acetylcholine released from neurons connected to the spinal cord
binds to receptors on muscles. The change in the electrical properties of the
muscle fibres leads to a contraction of that muscle. This link between the
nervous system and muscles is known as a neuromuscular junction. A number of
animals release venom that influences the release of acetylcholine, including the
black widow spider (Diaz, 2004) and a number of snakes. Recall the neurotoxic
snake venom discussed at the beginning of this module: This toxin disrupts the
activity of acetylcholine transmission at the neuromuscular junctions. Different
snakes carry slightly different types of neurotoxic venom. Some types of venom
block acetylcholine release at the presynaptic terminals, preventing its release
into the synapse. Another type of venom blocks the receptors on the
postsynaptic cell, preventing acetylcholine from binding to them (Lewis &
Gutmann, 2004). Either way, the effects are devastating.
In addition to these effects in neuromuscular junctions, acetylcholine activity in

the brain is associated with attention and memory (Drachman & Leavitt, 1974;
Himmelheber et al., 2000). Altered levels of this neurotransmitter have also
been linked to cognitive deficits associated with aging and Alzheimer’s disease
(Bartus et al., 1982; Craig et al., 2011). Indeed, several drugs used to reduce
the progression of Alzheimer’s disease are designed to slow the removal of
acetylcholine from the synapse, thus allowing it to have a larger effect on
postsynaptic cells (Darvesh et al., 2003). The fact that acetylcholine can
influence functions ranging from movement to memory shows us that where in
the nervous system a neurotransmitter is released can have a dramatic influence
on what roles that neurotransmitter will serve.
This point is particularly noticeable when one discusses a class of

neurotransmitters known as the monoamines. This group of brain chemicals
includes the well-known neurotransmitters dopamine, norepinephrine, and
serotonin. Dopamine is a monoamine neurotransmitter involved in such
varied functions as mood, control of voluntary movement, and processing of
rewarding experiences. When reading this definition, you can’t help but be
stunned by the variety of processes influenced by dopamine. This breadth is due
to the fact that dopamine is released by neurons in (at least) three pathways
extending to different parts of the brain including areas in the centre of the brain
related to movement and to reward responses (Koob & Volkow, 2010; Martinez
& Narendren, 2010; see Module 5.3 ) and areas in the front third of the brain
involved with controlling our attention (Robbins, 2000).
Attention is also influenced by our overall alertness or arousal, a characteristic

that is affected by the neurotransmitter norepinephrine. Norepinephrine (also
known as noradrenaline) is a monoamine synthesized from dopamine molecules
that is involved in regulating stress responses, including increasing arousal,
attention, and heart rate. Norepinephrine is formed in specialized nuclei in the
bottom of the brain (known as the brainstem) and projects throughout the cortex,
influencing the activity of a number of different systems ranging from
wakefulness to attention (Berridge & Waterhouse, 2003). It also projects down
the spinal cord and serves as part of the “fight-or-flight” response to threatening
stimuli. Norepinephrine often works alongside epinephrine (also known as
adrenaline), a hormone and neurotransmitter created in the adrenal gland on the
kidneys. Both norepinephrine and epinephrine energize individuals to help them
become more engaged with a given activity. (Interesting trivia: Epinephrine has
its name because the name adrenaline was trademarked by a drug company.)
Finally, serotonin is a monoamine involved in regulating mood, sleep,
aggression, and appetite (Cappadocia et al., 2009; Young & Leyton, 2002). It
is formed in the brainstem and projects throughout the brain and spinal cord.
Serotonin is the neurotransmitter that you are most likely to have heard of due to
its critical role in depression. As discussed earlier in this module, many
antidepressant medications block the reuptake of serotonin, thus ensuring that
this substance remains in the synapse for longer durations. The result is an
elevation of mood and a decrease in symptoms of depression and anxiety.
Throughout this section, we have noted that medications (or other substances)
can influence the levels of these neurotransmitters as well as how efficiently they
bind to their targets. But, as you will see, not all drugs affect neurotransmission
in the same way.
Drug Effects on Neurotransmission

Drugs of all varieties, from prescription to recreational, affect the chemical
signalling that takes place between nerve cells. Agonists are drugs that
enhance or mimic the effects of a neurotransmitter’s action. The well-known drug
nicotine is an acetylcholine agonist, meaning that it stimulates the receptor sites
for this neurotransmitter. The antianxiety drug alprazolam (Xanax) is a GABA
agonist—it causes relaxation by increasing the activity of this inhibitory
neurotransmitter. Drugs can behave as agonists either directly or indirectly. A
drug that behaves as a direct agonist physically binds to that neurotransmitter’s
receptors at the postsynaptic cells (e.g., nicotine molecules attach themselves to
receptors that acetylcholine molecules would normally stimulate). A drug that
acts as an indirect agonist facilitates the effects of a neurotransmitter, but does
not physically bind to the same part of the receptor as the neurotransmitter. For
example, a drug that blocks the process of reuptake would be an indirect
agonist. A drug that attaches to another binding site on a receptor but does not
interfere with the neurotransmitter’s binding would also be an indirect agonist.
Drugs classified as antagonists inhibit neurotransmitter activity by blocking

receptors or preventing synthesis of a neurotransmitter (see Figure 3.16 ).
You may have heard of the cosmetic medical procedure known as a Botox
injection. Botox, which is derived from the nerve-paralyzing bacterium that
causes botulism, blocks the action of acetylcholine by binding to its postsynaptic
receptor sites (Dastoor et al., 2007). Blocking acetylcholine could lead to
paralysis of the heart and lungs; however, when very small amounts are injected
into tissue around the eyes, the antagonist simply paralyzes the muscles that
lead to wrinkles. When muscles are not used, they cannot stretch the skin—
hence the reduction in wrinkling when acetylcholine activity is blocked. Because
Botox directly binds with acetylcholine receptors and thus prevents acetylcholine
from doing so, it is considered a direct antagonist. If a chemical reduces the
influence of a neurotransmitter without physically blocking the receptor, it would
be classified as an indirect antagonist.
Figure 3.16 Drug Effects at the Synapses

Drugs can act as agonists by facilitating the effects of a neurotransmitter, or as
antagonists by blocking these effects.
Botox injections paralyze muscles, which can increase youthful appearance in
areas such as the face. It is a direct antagonist for acetylcholine.
Thinkstock/Stockbyte/Getty Images
Hormones and the Endocrine System

Neurotransmitters are not the body’s only chemical messenger system.
Hormones are chemicals secreted by the glands of the endocrine system.
Generally, neurotransmitters work almost immediately within the microscopic
space of the synapse, whereas hormones are secreted into the bloodstream and
travel throughout the body. Thus, the effects of hormones are much slower than
those of neurotransmitters. With help from the nervous system, the endocrine
system contributes to homeostasis—the balance of energy, metabolism, body
temperature, and other basic functions that keeps the body working properly
(see Figure 3.17 ; see Module 11.1 ). In other words, the brain triggers
activity in the endocrine system which then influences the brain’s activity via
hormones. This cycle continues as our brain and body attempt to maintain the
appropriate energy levels for dealing with the environment.
Figure 3.17 The Endocrine System
Glands throughout the body release and exchange hormones. The
hypothalamus interacts with the endocrine system to regulate hormonal
processes.
The brain area that is critical for this brain-endocrine relationship is the
hypothalamus , a brain structure that regulates basic biological needs and
motivational systems. The hypothalamus releases specialized chemicals called
releasing factors that stimulate the pituitary gland —the master gland of the
endocrine system that produces hormones and sends commands about
hormone production to the other glands of the endocrine system. These
hormones can be released by glands throughout the body before finding their
way to the brain via the bloodstream.
How we respond to stress illustrates nicely how the nervous and endocrine
systems influence each other. In psychological terms, stress is loosely defined
as an imbalance between perceived demands and the perceived resources
available to meet those demands. Such an imbalance might occur if you
suddenly realize your midterm exam is tomorrow at 8:00 a.m. Your resources—
time and energy—may not be enough to meet the demand of succeeding on the
exam. The hypothalamus, however, sets chemical events in motion that
physically prepare the body for stress. It signals the pituitary gland to release a
hormone into the bloodstream that in turn stimulates the adrenal glands ,a
pair of endocrine glands located adjacent to the kidneys that release stress
hormones, such as cortisol and epinephrine. Cortisol and epinephrine help
mobilize the body during stress, thus providing enough energy for you to deal
with the sudden increase in activity necessary to respond to the stress-inducing
situation (see Module 14.2 ).
Another important chemical is endorphin , a hormone produced by the

pituitary gland and the hypothalamus that functions to reduce pain and induce
feelings of pleasure. Endorphins are released into the bloodstream during events
such as strenuous exercise, sexual activity, or injury. They act on portions of the
brain that are attuned to reward, reinforcement, and pleasure, inhibiting the
perception of pain and increasing feelings of euphoria (extreme pleasantness
and relaxation). Morphine—a drug derived from the poppy plant—binds to
endorphin receptors (the term endorphin translates to endogenous [internal]
morphine). Morphine molecules fit into the same receptor sites as endorphins
and, therefore, produce the same painkilling and euphoric effects.
Extracts from the seeds of some poppy flowers contain opium. Morphine and
one of its derivatives, heroin, can be synthesized from these seeds.
Martin Nemec/Shutterstock
The final hormone that will be discussed is perhaps the best known:
testosterone. This hormone serves multiple functions, including driving physical
and sexual development over the long term. Testosterone levels also surge
during sexual activity. However, as you will read in the next section, these are
not testosterone’s only functions.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model

Testosterone and Aggression
Testosterone is one of the main sex hormones produced by the
body. In men, it is produced by specialized cells in the testes; in
women, it is produced in the ovaries. It can also be secreted by
the adrenal cortex on the kidneys (Mazur & Booth, 1998).
Because it is related to male sexual development and functioning,
this hormone was traditionally targeted as an explanation for why
men tend to be more physically aggressive than women. In other
words, there was an assumption that testosterone causes
aggression. Scientific studies paint a slightly more complex
picture.
What do we know about testosterone and aggression?

There is a large body of research linking testosterone and
aggression. In one experiment, researchers castrated a group of
mice, an experience that obviously reduced their testosterone
levels. The castrated mice as well as a control group of healthy
mice then encountered an aggressive mouse. Although this type
of interaction would usually lead to physical fights, the castrated
mice showed almost no aggressive response (Beeman, 1947).
However, when castrated mice received an injection of
testosterone prior to the interaction, they did respond
aggressively. This study suggested a causal link between
testosterone and aggression. Human research also indicates a
similar relationship. High testosterone levels were associated with
a history of violent crime (e.g., murder, armed robbery) in both
male and female prisoners (Dabbs et al., 1995; Dabbs &
Hargrove, 1997). Prisoners who were jailed for less violent
crimes had lower testosterone levels. Thus, both animal and
human research has historically shown some link between
testosterone and aggression.
How can science explain the relationship between

testosterone and aggression?
Scientific studies show that the relationship between testosterone
and aggression is more specific than was once thought.
Testosterone appears to be involved with social aggression and
dominance rather than with non-social forms of aggression such
as hunting or responding to attacks (Eisenegger et al., 2011).
Dominance involves an individual striving for or attempting to
maintain a high social status. In animals, such a status is often
linked with increased access to food and potential mates. In
many primate species such as rhesus monkeys, dominance is
achieved non-violently through stares, threatening body
language, and shouts rather than through physical contact
(Higley et al., 1996). It is also associated with higher
testosterone levels. In studies with human participants, socially
dominant adolescents and adults tended to have higher levels of
testosterone (Carré et al., 2009; Rowe et al., 2004).
Testosterone also increased when participants perceived a

potential threat to their status. Chimpanzees who anticipate
competing for access to food show an elevated testosterone
response (Wobber et al., 2010). In humans, several studies have
found that competition was linked with increased testosterone,
with activities ranging from wrestling and tennis to chess (Booth
et al., 1989; Mazur et al., 1992)! Importantly, higher testosterone
levels were found for winners than for losers, again suggesting a
link between this hormone and social dominance (Oliveira et al.,
2009).
Can we critically evaluate this research?

One concern with many of these studies is that they are
correlational. As you read in Module 2.2 , correlational designs
show a relationship between two variables but cannot be used to
state that one causes the other. For instance, it is impossible to
say if winning led to an increase in testosterone or if players with
higher testosterone levels were more likely to win. In order to deal
with this concern, some researchers have manipulated the
competitions so that one player or the other wins. The results of
these studies showed that winning leads to an increase in
testosterone (e.g., Schultheiss et al., 2005).
Another question that arises is how does testosterone actually

affect behaviour? What does testosterone do to allow people and
animals to become (or feel) more socially dominant? Several
studies suggest that injections of testosterone lead to less
socially minded behaviour (Eisenegger et al., 2011). For
instance, in most situations, people tend to subtly mimic the facial
expressions of others; this makes the other person feel like they
are being understood and increases social bonds. Researchers
have found that injections of testosterone decrease facial mimicry
(Hermans et al., 2006). Participants who have received
testosterone are also more aware of potential threats. When you
perceive a happy face, it does not likely cause any alarm. The
same is true for people who have received an injection of
testosterone (see Figure 3.18 ). However, when these same
individuals view an angry face—which is a potential threat—their
heart rate increases much more than the heart rates of control
participants (van Honk et al., 2001). Together, these studies
suggest that testosterone alters behaviours that would promote
social bonding, thus making the individual more likely to respond
with social aggression.
Figure 3.18 Testosterone and Social Threat
Individuals who received an injection of testosterone showed

much larger heart rate responses to threatening faces than did
control participants. The groups did not differ when viewing non-
threatening happy faces.
Source: Republished with permission of Elsevier Science, Inc., from The role of testosterone in social
interaction. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, Vol. 15, No. 6, 2011., by Christoph Eisenegger; Johannes
Haushofer; Ernst Fehr. Permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc.

These studies demonstrate that testosterone is not simply related
to aggression. Instead, it is related to social aggression. Although
this still means that this hormone could be linked with violent
crime (which is, in some ways, a form of dominance), social
dominance also has an evolutionary purpose. Dominant
individuals are more likely to survive (and therefore reproduce) in
many species. They would receive better food and access to
mates. They would also experience less stress caused by attacks
from dominant members of the group. Therefore, although we
don’t think of social aggression as being as a good thing,
testosterone likely helped our ancestors to survive while others
did not.
Neurons in Context
When reading about neuronal structures, neurotransmitters, and hormones, it is
easy to lose sight of how these cells and molecules fit together with discussions
of genetics (Module 3.1 ) and larger brain structures (Module 3.3 ). In the
last few years, a number of genes related to different neurotransmitters have
been identified. These genes can influence how the neurotransmitters are
formed as well as processes such as reuptake. These seemingly minor
differences in genes can affect neurotransmitter levels and thus how neurons
communicate with each other. This alters the networks of neurons firing together
in the brain; these networks of structures produce your thoughts, movements,
and sensations. So, while a discussion of brain cells seems far removed from the
science of behaviour, these brain cells are, in fact, what makes you “you.”
Module 3.2b Quiz:
The Chemical Messengers: Neurotransmitters and Hormones
Know . . .
1. A(n) is a drug that blocks the actions of a neurotransmitter.
A. agonist
B. antagonist
C. stop agent
D. endorphin
Understand . . .
2. To reverse the effects of neurotoxic venom from a snakebite, which of the
following actions would likely be most effective?
A. Give the patient a high dose of dopamine.
B. Give the patient a substance that would allow the body to resume
transmission of acetylcholine.
C. Give the patient a drug that would increase GABA transmission.
D. Give the patient an acetylcholine antagonist.
Apply . . .
3. People who experience a loss of pain sensation in the middle of exercise
are likely having a rush of .
A. adrenaline
B. norepinephrine
C. pituitary
D. endorphin
Analyze . . .
4. People often attribute male aggression to high levels of testosterone.
Which of the following statements is an important consideration regarding
this claim?
A. High testosterone levels may be correlated with predatory
aggression (e.g., hunting behaviours), but may not necessarily be
the cause of it.
B. Testosterone is found exclusively in males and, therefore, is a
likely cause of male aggression.
C. There are multiple types of aggression; testosterone is only linked
with social aggression.
D. Testosterone does not affect aggressive behaviours.
Module 3.2 Summary

3.2a Know . . . the key terminology associated with nerve cells,
hormones, and their functioning.
acetylcholine
action potential
adrenal glands
agonists
all-or-none principle
antagonists
axon
cell body
dendrites
dopamine
endorphin
GABA (gamma-amino butyric acid)
glial cells
glutamate
hormones
hypothalamus
myelin
neurogenesis
neuron
neurotransmitters
norepinephrine
pituitary gland
refractory period
resting potential
reuptake
serotonin
stem cells
synapses
synaptic cleft
3.2b Understand . . . how nerve cells communicate.
Nerve cells fire because of processes involving both electrical and chemical
factors. A stimulated nerve cell goes from resting potential to action potential
following an influx of positively charged ions inside the membrane of the cell. As
the message reaches the end of the nerve cell, neurotransmitters are released
into synapses and bind to neighbouring postsynaptic cells. Depending on the
type of neurotransmitter, the effect can be either inhibitory or excitatory.
3.2c Understand . . . the ways that drugs and other substances affect the
brain.
Drugs can be agonists or antagonists. A drug is an agonist if it enhances the
effects of a neurotransmitter. This outcome occurs if the drug increases the
release of a neurotransmitter, blocks reuptake, or mimics the neurotransmitter by
binding to the postsynaptic cell. A drug is an antagonist if it blocks the effects of
a neurotransmitter. Antagonists block neurotransmitter release, break down
neurotransmitters in the synapse, or block neurotransmitters by binding to
postsynaptic receptors.
3.2d Understand . . . the roles that hormones play in our behaviour.
Hormones have multiple influences on behaviour. The nervous system—in

particular, the hypothalamus—interacts with the endocrine system in controlling
the release of hormones. A few of humans’ many hormonally controlled
responses include reactions to stress and pain as well as sexual responses.
Some hormones are associated with, though not necessarily a primary cause of,
aggressive behaviour.
3.2e Apply . . . your knowledge of neurotransmitters to form hypotheses

about drug actions.
In this module you read about how selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors
(SSRIs) slow down the reuptake process to increase the amount of serotonin at
the synapse.
Apply Activity
Consider another drug—a monoamine oxidase inhibitor (MAOI).
1. Based on its name, monoamine oxidase inhibitor, which

neurotransmitters would be affected by such a drug? (See page 95.)
2. If monoamine oxidase is an enzyme that breaks down monoamine
transmitters, what would happen if a drug inhibits the enzyme? What
effect would this action have on levels of the neurotransmitters (i.e., an
overall increase or decrease)?
3. Would the effects of an MAOI resemble those of an SSRI?
3.2f Analyze . . . the claim that we are born with all the nerve cells we will
ever have.
Earlier in this module, a Myths in Mind feature addressed the question of

whether we are born with all of the nerve cells we will ever have. Although
scientists once believed this to be true, we now know that neurogenesis—the
growth of new neurons—takes place in several parts of the brain. One of these
regions is the hippocampus, which is involved in learning and memory (see
Module 7.1 ).
Module 3.3 Structure and
Organization of the Nervous
System
Montreal Neurological Hospital and Institute
Learning Objectives
3.3a Know . . . the key terminology associated with the structure and
organization of the nervous system.
3.3b Understand . . . how studies of split-brain patients reveal the workings of
the brain.
3.3c Apply . . . your knowledge of brain regions to predict which abilities might
be affected when a specific area is injured or diseased.
3.3d Analyze . . . whether neuroplasticity will help people with brain damage.
Some of you may have seen this Canadian Heritage Moment on

television: A woman smells toast burning and then collapses to the
ground while having a seizure. The scene then changes to a surgical
suite. Dr. Wilder Penfield, a doctor at the Montreal Neurological Institute,
is electrically stimulating different parts of the woman’s brain prior to her
surgery to remove the brain tissue causing her seizures. In one scene,
she reports that she sees “the most wonderful lights.” After another
electrical burst, she asks, “Did you pour cold water on my hand, Dr.
Penfield?” Then, in the scene’s climax, the patient says, “Dr. Penfield! I
can smell burnt toast!” By locating the sensation that immediately
preceded the woman’s seizure, Dr. Penfield was able to deduce the
probable source of the woman’s seizures.
In addition to showing us that early brain researchers were part scientist

and part detective, this Canadian Heritage Moment also makes an
important point about the organization of the brain: Different parts of the
brain will be related to different functions, including sensations,
memories, and emotions. In this module, we will discuss many of the
important brain regions related to the biology of behaviour. (Note: If you
haven’t seen the video mentioned in this section, you can find it online at
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mSN86kphL68.)
Focus Questions
1. How do the different divisions of the nervous system work

together when you are startled?
2. How does the brain control movement?
In this module, we translate our knowledge of nerve cells into an understanding
of how they work as an integrated system. This section is rich with terminology
and can be challenging. As you read through it, try to think about how the
different parts of the nervous system apply to your own behaviour and
experiences. Doing so will help you remember the terms, and will also show you
that many different parts of your nervous system interact when you perform even
the simplest of behaviours.
Divisions of the Nervous System
Think about it: billions of cells work together to let you have a personality, feel
emotions, dance, enjoy music, and remember all of the ups and downs you
experience in life. In addition to these voluntary activities, the nervous system is
also involved in a number of involuntary processes like controlling your heart
rate, blinking, and breathing. Given these diverse functions, it shouldn’t be
surprising to hear that the nervous system has a number of divisions that allow
these processes to seamlessly take place. We begin our exploration of the
nervous system by examining the most basic of these distinctions—the
difference between the central and peripheral nervous systems.
The Central Nervous System

Look up from this page and examine the objects around you. What are they?
Can you use words to describe them? How would you use them? Your ability to
think up answers to these questions involves different parts of your central
nervous system. The central nervous system (CNS) consists of the brain
and the spinal cord (see Figure 3.19 ). The human brain is perhaps the most
complex entity known. Its capacity to store information is almost limitless. Your
personality, preferences, memories, and conscious awareness are all packed
into this three-pound structure made up of approximately 100 billion individual
neurons. The other part of the CNS, the spinal cord, runs from your neck down to
the base of your spine. The spinal cord receives information from the brain and
stimulates nerves that extend out into the body; this stimulation produces
movements. It also receives information from sensory nerves in the body and
transmits it back to the brain (or, in the case of reflexes, organizes rapid
movements without the help of the brain). These two structures are critical for
our survival. But, our ability to move and to sense the outside world would be
impossible without another major division of the nervous system.
Figure 3.19 The Organization of the Nervous System

The nervous system can be divided into several different components, each with
a specific set of structures and functions.
The Peripheral Nervous System

Wiggle your fingers. Now feel the edges of this book (or the edge of your
computer if you’re reading an eText). In both cases, you are sending information
from your central nervous system to the nerves in the rest of your body that
control movement. You are also receiving sensory input from your body as you
interact with your environment. These processes are performed by the
peripheral nervous system (PNS) , a division of the nervous system that
transmits signals between the brain and the rest of the body and is divided into
two subcomponents, the somatic system and the autonomic system (see Figure
3.20 ). The somatic nervous system consists of nerves that control
skeletal muscles, which are responsible for voluntary and reflexive movement; it
also consists of nerves that receive sensory input from the body. This would be
the division of the PNS that is active when you wiggle your fingers or feel the
edge of a book. Any voluntary behaviour, such as coordinating the movements
needed to reach, walk, or move a computer mouse, makes use of the somatic
nervous system.
Figure 3.20 The Autonomic Nervous System

The sympathetic and parasympathetic divisions of the autonomic nervous
system control and regulate responses of the glands and organs of the body.
Inc., New York, NY.
But, not all behaviours are voluntary. For example, it is unlikely that you can
make your heart race or your palms sweat. Responses such as these are often
automatic, occurring outside of our conscious control. These behaviours are
performed by the autonomic nervous system , the portion of the peripheral
nervous system responsible for regulating the activity of organs and glands. This
system includes two subcomponents, one that increases our ability to make
rapid responses, and one that helps us return to normal levels of emotional
arousal. The sympathetic nervous system is responsible for the fight-or-
flight response of an increased heart rate, dilated pupils, and decreased salivary
flow—responses that prepare the body for action. If you hear footsteps behind
you as you are walking alone or if you barely avoid an accident while driving,
then you will experience sympathetic arousal. In this process, blood is directed
toward your skeletal muscles, heart rate and perspiration increase, and digestive
processes are slowed; each of these responses helps to direct energy where it is
most needed in case you need to respond. However, if you remained in this
heightened state of emotional arousal, you would quickly run out of energy
resources. It is therefore important for you to have a system in place that allows
your body to quickly return to normal levels of energy use. The parasympathetic
nervous system helps maintain homeostatic balance in the presence of
change; following sympathetic arousal, it works to return the body to a baseline,
nonemergency state. Generally speaking, the parasympathetic nervous system
does the opposite of what the sympathetic nervous system does (see Figure
3.20 ).
So, if you thought you saw a snake beside your foot, you would have a
sympathetic nervous system (PNS) response that would increase your heart rate
and would send blood toward your leg muscles. Your brain (CNS) would initiate
a movement and send that order down the spinal cord (CNS) where it would
project out from spinal nerves (PNS) that influence the activity of muscles.
Sensory feedback (PNS) from the skin and muscles would travel back to the
spinal cord (CNS) and up to the brain (CNS). After some time had passed and
you realized that it was actually a stick, not a snake, your parasympathetic
nervous system (PNS) would help you calm down so that you were no longer
frightened and no longer using up all of your energy responding to this stimulus.
Although these different parts of the PNS and CNS clearly influence a number of
our responses, most of these activities are biologically simple. An exception is
the activity that occurs in the brain, a stunningly complex structure made up of
hundreds of smaller parts. As most of our behaviour is directed by brain activity,
the rest of this module will focus on explaining how the different parts of this
biological marvel function, alone and in larger networks.
Module 3.3a Quiz:
Divisions of the Nervous System
Know . . .
1. Which division of the peripheral nervous system is responsible for
countering much of the activity associated with the sympathetic nervous
system?
A. Somatic nervous system
B. Pseudosympathetic nervous system
C. Central nervous system
D. Parasympathetic nervous system
2. The central nervous system consists of which of the following?

A. The brain and the spinal cord
B. The sympathetic and parasympathetic nervous system
C. The brain and the nerves controlling digestion and other
automatic functions
D. The somatic and autonomic systems
Understand . . .
3. A major difference between the somatic and autonomic branches of the
nervous system is that
A. the somatic nervous system controls involuntary responses, and
the autonomic nervous system controls voluntary movement.
B. the somatic nervous system is located in the brain, and the
autonomic nervous system is located peripherally.
C. the somatic nervous system controls voluntary movement, and
the autonomic nervous system controls involuntary responses.
D. the somatic nervous system controls sensation, and the
autonomic nervous system controls movement.
The Brain and Its Structures
When you look at the brain, you will immediately notice that it appears to be
divided into two symmetrical halves known as cerebral hemispheres. Each
hemisphere contains the same structures, although there are some small
differences in the size of these brain areas (Springer & Deutsch, 1998). Within
each hemisphere, the structures of the brain are organized in a hierarchical
fashion. The human brain, as well as that of other animals, can be subdivided
into three main regions: the hindbrain, the midbrain, and the forebrain (Table
3.2 ). This system of dividing the brain may tempt you to view it as a mass of
separate compartments. Keep in mind that the entire brain is composed of highly
integrated circuitry and feedback loops. In other words, although the forebrain
may perform complex thinking processes like decision making, its activity is
influenced by (and influences) structures in the midbrain and the hindbrain.
Table 3.2 Major Brain Regions, Structures, and Their Functions
Regions and Structures Functions
Hindbrain
Brainstem (medulla and Breathing, heart rate, sleep, and wakefulness

pons)
Cerebellum Balance, coordination and timing of movements; attention

and emotion
Midbrain
Superior colliculus Orienting visual attention
Inferior colliculus Orienting auditory attention

Forebrain
Basal ganglia Movement, reward processing
Amygdala Emotion
Hippocampus Memory
Hypothalamus Temperature regulation, motivation (hunger, thirst, sex)
Thalamus Sensory relay station
Cerebral Cortex
Occipital lobe Visual processing
Parietal lobe Sensory processing, bodily awareness
Temporal lobe Hearing, object recognition, language, emotion
Frontal lobe Thought, planning, language, movement
The Hindbrain: Sustaining the Body

The hindbrain consists of structures that are critical to controlling basic, life-
sustaining processes. At the top of the spinal cord is a region called the
brainstem , which is the “stem” or bottom of the brain and consists of two
structures: the medulla and the pons (Figure 3.21 ). Nerve cells in the medulla
connect with the body to perform basic functions such as regulating breathing,
heart rate, sneezing, salivating, and even vomiting—all those actions your body
does with little conscious control on your part. The fact that the medulla can
control all of these activities without us consciously controlling our responses is
important—without this ability, our lives would consist of nothing more than
sending signals to various organs to ensure that we stayed alive. The pons
contributes to general levels of wakefulness, and also appears to have a role in
dreaming (see Module 5.1 ). Due to its connections to other structures in the
brain and spinal cord, the pons is also part of a number of networks including
those that control balance, eye movements, and swallowing (Nolte, 1999).
Figure 3.21 The Hindbrain and Midbrain

Structures in the hindbrain are responsible for basic functions that sustain the
body. The midbrain includes structures that control basic sensory responses and
voluntary movement.
An additional hindbrain structure, the reticular formation, extends from the

medulla upwards to the midbrain, a higher brain region that will be described
shortly. The reticular formation influences attention and alertness. When you
wake up in the morning, you can thank (in part) your reticular formation. This
structure also communicates with cells in the spinal cord involved with
movements related to walking and posture.
The structures in the hindbrain are able to influence a number of different

behaviours through their connections to other parts of the brain and spinal cord.
They also have dense connections with another hindbrain structure, the
cerebellum. The cerebellum (Latin for “little brain”) is the lobe-like structure at
the base of the brain that is involved in the monitoring of movement, maintaining
balance, attention, and emotional responses. The cerebellum’s role in movement
has been known for almost two centuries (Flourens, 1824; Schmahmann,
2004). Damage to this structure leads to uncoordinated and jerky movements
that interfere with walking, posture, and most limb movements. These symptoms
suggest that the cerebellum is involved with coordinating and timing ongoing
movements rather than with generating responses on its own (Yamazaki &
Tanaka, 2009). However, recent research indicates that these timing functions
extend beyond movement. Patients with damage to the cerebellum have
difficulty controlling their attention (Schweizer, Alexander, et al., 2007;
Schweizer, Oriet, et al., 2007). They also have problems with emotional control,
including personality changes and impulsivity, a set of symptoms now known as
the cognitive affective behavioural syndrome (Schmahmann & Sherman, 1998).
The cerebellum is likely able to influence this wide variety of functions because it
has dense connections to a number of areas in the forebrain as well as to
evolutionarily older structures in the base of the brain like the hypothalamus, a
structure related to the autonomic nervous system (Stoodley & Schmahmann,
2010; Zhu et al., 2006). Through these connections, the so-called “little brain” is
able to have a big effect on behaviour.
The Midbrain: Sensation and Action

The cerebellum is not the only neural region involved with both movement and
attention. The midbrain , which resides just above the hindbrain, primarily
functions as a relay station between sensory and motor areas (Figure 3.21 ).
For example, have you ever detected a sudden movement out of the corner of
your eye? This ability to capture your visual attention is influenced by the
superior colliculus (plural colliculi). Of course, your ability to orient your attention
is not limited to visual stimuli. How do you respond when someone’s phone rings
in class? You, quite naturally, pay attention to that new sound and turn your head
toward its source (while mentally judging the person’s ringtone). This ability to
move your auditory attention is influenced by another midbrain structure, the
inferior colliculus (plural colliculi).
Like the hindbrain, structures in the midbrain do not act as independent units;
rather, they are part of much larger networks. This concept is powerfully
illustrated by the substantia nigra. This midbrain area has connections to
structures in the forebrain (discussed below); this network of dopamine-releasing
cells is involved with the control of movements. Parkinson’s disease—a condition
marked by major impairments in voluntary movement—is caused by a loss of the
dopamine-producing cells in this network.
The Forebrain: Emotion, Memory, and Thought

The forebrain , the most visibly obvious region of the brain, consists of all of
the neural structures that are located above the midbrain, including all of the
folds and grooves on the outer surface of the brain; the multiple interconnected
structures in the forebrain are critical to such complex processes as emotion,
memory, thinking, and reasoning. The forebrain also contains spaces called
ventricles (Figure 3.22 ). Although the ventricles appear hollow, they are filled
with cerebrospinal fluid, a solution that helps to eliminate wastes and provides
nutrition and hormones to the brain and spinal cord. Cerebrospinal fluid also
cushions the brain from impact against the skull.
Figure 3.22 The Cerebral Ventricles
Four ventricles in the brain contain cerebrospinal fluid. This provides nutrition
and cushioning for many parts of the brain.
Source: Carlson, Neil R., Physiology of Behaviour, 11th ed., ©2013, pp. 29, 72. Reprinted and Electronically reproduced by
permission of Pearson Education, Inc., Upper Saddle River, New Jersey.
Sitting next to the ventricles are the basal ganglia , a group of three structures
that are involved in facilitating planned movements, skill learning, and integrating
sensory and movement information with the brain’s reward system (Figure
3.23 ). The basal ganglia form networks that promote and inhibit movements.
These two networks interact to allow us to have our different muscles work
together in the correct sequence rather than having them “flex” at random times.
People who are very practised at a specific motor skill, such as playing an
instrument or riding a bicycle, have actually modified their basal ganglia through
practice to better coordinate engaging in the activity. Improper functioning of the
basal ganglia can lead to movement disorders like Parkinson’s disease and
Huntington’s disease, a condition involving uncontrollable movements of the
body, head, and face. The basal ganglia are also affected in people who have
Tourette’s syndrome—a condition marked by erratic and repetitive facial and
muscle movements (called tics), heavy eye blinking, and frequent noise making
such as grunting, snorting, or sniffing. The excess dopamine that appears to be
transmitted within the basal ganglia contributes to many of the classic Tourette’s
symptoms (Baym et al., 2008). Incidentally, contrary to popular belief, the
shouting of obscenities (coprolalia) is actually relatively uncommon in people
with Tourette’s syndrome.
Figure 3.23 The Basal Ganglia

The basal ganglia function in both voluntary movement and responses to
rewarding stimuli.
Some parts of the basal ganglia are also involved in emotion, particularly
experiences of pleasure and reward (Berridge et al., 2009). These structures
respond to several different types of rewards including tasty foods like chocolate
(Small et al., 2003) and monetary rewards (Elliott et al., 2003; Zald et al., 2004).
They also form a network with a nearby structure—the nucleus accumbens—
whose activity accompanies many kinds of pleasurable experiences, including
sexual excitement and satisfying a food craving (Avena et al., 2008). As you will
read in Module 5.3 , this basal ganglia–nucleus accumbens network is also
related to the pleasurable effects caused by some drugs (Uchimura & North,
1990).
Another major set of forebrain structures comprises the limbic system , an

integrated network involved in emotion and memory (Maclean, 1952; see Figure
3.24 ). One key structure in the limbic system is the amygdala , which
facilitates memory formation for emotional events, mediates fear responses, and
appears to play a role in recognizing and interpreting emotional stimuli, including
facial expressions. In addition, the amygdala connects with structures in the
nervous system that are responsible for adaptive fear responses such as
freezing in position when a possible threat is detected; it is also connected to
areas responsible for attention, which is why you usually notice when a spider is
on your wall. Just below the amygdala is another limbic structure called the
hippocampus (Greek for “seahorse”—something it physically resembles if you’ve
had a few drinks). The hippocampus is critical for learning and memory,
particularly the formation of new memories (Squire et al., 2007; see Module
7.1 ).
Figure 3.24 The Limbic System
Structures in the limbic system include the hypothalamus, hippocampus, and
amygdala, which play roles in regulating motivation, memory, and emotion.
Source: Lilienfeld, Scott O.; Lynn, Steven J; Namy, Laural L.; Woolf, Nancy J., Psychology: From Inquiry to Understanding,
Books A La Carte Edtion, 2nd Ed., ©2011. Reprinted and Electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson Education,
Inc., New York, NY.
You already encountered the hypothalamus in Module 3.2 when you read
about its relationship to the endocrine system, and you will encounter it again in
Module 11.1 when you read about its influence on the regulation of hunger
and thirst. The hypothalamus serves as a sort of thermostat, maintaining the
appropriate body temperature, and it regulates drives such as aggression and
sex by interacting with the endocrine system. In fact, regions of the
hypothalamus trigger orgasm for both females and males (Meston et al., 2004;
Peeters & Giuliano, 2007). Direct electrical stimulation of parts of the
hypothalamus can produce intense physical pleasure. In a classic set of studies
in the 1950s, Olds (1958) found that rats who could press a lever to stimulate the
lateral (outside part) of the hypothalamus did so for hours on end, often forgoing
food and sleep in order to repeatedly press the lever. In fact, the rats were willing
to cross a painful electrical grid in order to reach the lever so that they could
return to stimulating themselves.
Another important, albeit less arousing, forebrain structure is the thalamus ,a

set of nuclei involved in relaying sensory information to different regions of the
brain. Most of the incoming sensory information, including what we see and hear,
is routed through specific nuclei in the thalamus. Different types of information
are processed by different nuclei before being sent to more specialized regions
of the brain for further processing (Sherman, 2007; Sherman & Guillery, 1996).
Many of these regions are found in the outer layer known as the cerebral cortex.
The Cerebral Cortex

The cerebral cortex is the convoluted, wrinkled outer layer of the brain that is
involved in multiple higher functions, such as thought, language, and personality.
This highly advanced, complex structure has increased dramatically in size as
the primate brain has evolved (Kouprina et al., 2002; see Module 3.1 ). The
wrinkled surface of the brain seems to have solved a biological problem endured
by our species, as well as by many other mammals: how to pack more cells (i.e.,
more computing power) into the same amount of space. Because the skull can
only be so large, the brain has countered this constraint by forming a wrinkled
surface, thereby increasing the surface area of the cortex. More surface area
means more neurons and, likely, greater cognitive complexity.
The cerebral cortex consists primarily of the cell bodies and dendrites of
neurons; these parts of the neuron give the outer part of the brain a grey-brown
colour. The axons of these neurons extend throughout the brain and allow
communication between different neural regions to occur. Most of these axons
are wrapped in a white, fatty substance called myelin (see Module 3.2 ), which
helps speed up the transmission of neural impulses. Figure 3.25 shows a
slice of the brain revealing contrasting light and dark regions, known as white
matter and grey matter. When you see an image like Figure 3.25 , it is easy to
underestimate the complexity of the brain and its connections. Just to put this
image into perspective:
The grey matter of the brain consists of approximately 100 billion neurons
(Drachman, 2005).
The white matter of a 20-year-old male brain would extend approximately
176 000 km; for a 20-year-old female brain, it would extend approximately
149 000 km (Marner et al., 2003).
Healthy adults have between 100 and 500 trillion synapses, or connections
between cells (Drachman, 2005). Each of these synapses can fire several
times a second.
That is a considerable amount of computing power.
Figure 3.25 Grey and White Matter of the Brain

The cerebral cortex includes both grey matter and white matter, which consist of
myelinated axons. Also seen here are the ventricles of the brain. These cavities
within the brain are filled with cerebrospinal fluid that provides nourishment and
exchange of chemicals with the brain as well as its protective structure.
The Four Lobes

In each cerebral hemisphere, the cortex forms the outer surface of four major
areas known as lobes: the occipital, parietal, temporal, and frontal lobes (Figure
3.26 ). Each of the cerebral lobes has a particular set of functions. Nerve cells
from each of the four lobes are interconnected, however, and are also networked
with regions of the midbrain and hindbrain already described.
Figure 3.26 The Four Lobes of the Cerebral Cortex

The cerebral cortex is divided into the frontal, parietal, occipital, and temporal
lobes.
The occipital lobes are located at the rear of the brain and are where visual
information is processed. The occipital lobes receive visual information from the
thalamus. After processing this information, they send it out along two different
visual pathways, one that projects to the temporal lobes and is involved with
object recognition and one that projects to the parietal lobes and is involved with
using vision to guide our movements (Milner & Goodale, 2006).
The parietal lobes are involved in our experiences of touch as well our bodily
awareness. At the anterior (front) edge of the parietal lobe is the somatosensory
cortex—a band of densely packed nerve cells that register touch sensations. The
amount of neural tissue dedicated to a given body part in this region is roughly
based on the number of sensory receptors present at each respective body
region. For instance, the volume of nerve cells in the somatosensory cortex
corresponding to the face and hands is proportionally greater than the volume of
cells devoted to less sensitive regions like the torso and legs. This is because we
acquire more sensory information from our face and hands than we do from most
other body parts; very few people use their stomach when trying to identify
objects by touch. This difference in the amount of space in the somatosensory
cortex allocated to different parts of the body is depicted in Figure 3.27 ;
figures such as this are referred to as a homunculus or “little man.”
Figure 3.27 The Body as Mapped on the Motor Cortex and Somatosensory
Cortex
The regions of the motor cortex are involved in controlling specific body parts.
The somatosensory cortex registers touch and other sensations that correspond
to the body region depicted. Why do you think it is evolutionarily useful to have
these two cortices next to each other in the brain?
Source: Marieb, Elaine N.; Hoehn, Katja, Human Anatomy And Physiology, 7th Ed., ©2007, p.438. Reprinted And
Electronically reproduced by permission Of Pearson Education, Inc., New York, NY.
Regions within the parietal lobes also function in performing mathematical,

visuospatial, and attention tasks. Damage to different regions of the parietal lobe
can lead to specific impairments. For instance, right parietal lobe damage can
lead to neglect, a situation in which the patient does not attend to anything that
appears in the left half of his or her visual field (Heilman & Valenstein, 1979;
Hughlings Jackson, 1876/1932); examples of a neglect patient’s drawings are
shown in Figure 3.28 . Neglect can even occur for the left half of the patient’s
imagined visual images (Bisiach & Luzatti, 1978)!
Figure 3.28 Unilateral Neglect

Patients with damage to the right parietal lobe sometimes show evidence of
neglect, a failure to attend to the left half of their visual field.
Source: Republished with permission of British Medical Journal (BMJ Publishing Group), from Hemispatial neglect, J Neurol
Neurosurg Psychiatry, Vol 75, pg 13-21, 2004. Retrieved from http://jnnp.bmj.com/content/75/1/13.abstract?sid=28fd8ac7-
acc2-414c-b0b0-e97478852233 by A Parton, P Malhotra, M Husain. Permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance
Center, Inc.
The temporal lobes are located at the sides of the brain near the ears and
are involved in hearing, language, and some higher-level aspects of vision such
as object and face recognition. Different sections of the temporal cortex perform
different roles. The superior (top) part of the temporal cortex is known as the
auditory cortex—it is essential for our ability to hear. Damage to this region leads
to problems with hearing despite the fact that the patient’s ears work perfectly;
this condition is known as cortical deafness (Mott, 1907). Slightly behind this
region, near the back of the temporal lobe, is Wernicke’s area, which is related to
understanding language (Wernicke, 1874). The close proximity of the hearing
and language-comprehension areas makes sense, as these two functions are
closely related (see Module 8.3 for a detailed discussion of language).
Some of the structures on the bottom surface of the temporal lobes have a key
role in memory. These brain areas send information about the objects being
viewed and their location or context to the hippocampus, a forebrain structure
discussed above (Diana et al., 2007; Eichenbaum et al., 2007). The
hippocampus—which is found in the medial or middle portions of the temporal
lobes—then sends output to different brain areas, particularly regions of the
frontal lobes, showing again that many different areas of the brain work together
to produce almost every behaviour we perform.
The frontal lobes are important in numerous higher cognitive functions, such
as planning, regulating impulses and emotions, language production, and
voluntary movement (Goldman-Rakic, 1996). The frontal lobes also allow you to
deliberately guide and reflect on your own thought processes. Like the temporal
lobes, the frontal lobes can be divided into a number of subsections with specific
functions (Miller & Cummings, 2007). A key distinction is between areas related
to movement and areas related to the control of our mental lives.
Toward the rear of the frontal lobes is a thick band of neurons that form the
primary motor cortex, which is involved in the control of voluntary movement.
Like the somatosensory cortex discussed above, the primary motor cortex is
organized in a homunculus, with different body areas requiring different amounts
of space (see Figure 3.27 ). Body parts such as the fingers that perform fine-
motor control will require more space in the motor cortex than areas like the
upper thigh, which does not perform many intricate movements. Importantly,
motor areas in the frontal lobes are active not just when moving the
corresponding body part, but also when planning a movement. This ability to
prepare movements before they are needed would clearly be useful when
dealing with threats and likely contributed to our species’ survival.
The front two-thirds of the frontal lobes are known as the prefrontal cortex. This
region, which itself can be divided into a number of subsections, performs many
of our higher-order cognitive functions such as decision making and controlling
our attention. The prefrontal cortex has connections to many of the other brain
areas discussed in this module, and appears to help regulate their activity; these
control processes are known as executive functions. Such functions are not
always necessary; however, when we encounter new situations or need to
override our normal responses, the prefrontal cortex is almost always involved
(Milner, 1963; Stuss & Knight, 2002).
We would obviously like to find ways to strengthen our executive functions. The
Psych@ section on page 111 provides on interesting technique: exercise.
The four lobes of the brain are found in both of our cerebral hemispheres. It is
therefore important to have some way for these brain regions to communicate
with each other. This prevents us from having our left and right hemispheres
working against each other. In Figure 3.29 , you can see that crossing the
midline of the brain is a densely concentrated bundle of nerve cells called the
corpus callosum , a collection of neural fibres connecting the two brain
hemispheres. This thick band of fibres allows the right and left hemispheres to
communicate with each other. This communication has an added benefit: It
allows the two hemispheres to work together to produce some of our behaviours.
It also opens up the possibility that each hemisphere will become specialized for
performing certain functions.
Figure 3.29 The Corpus Callosum

The left and right hemispheres of the brain are connected by a thick band of
axons called the corpus callosum.
PSYCH@ The Gym
Somehow, physical exertion, pain, and breaking down and rebuilding
muscle end up making people feel better. But the benefits of exercise do
not apply just to one’s mood: Exercise also affects cognitive activities
such as learning and memory. But how?
In recent years, neuroscientists have begun unravelling the mystery of

how exercise benefits brain health. Brain imaging studies have revealed
that people who engage in regular exercise show improved functioning of
the prefrontal cortex compared to non-exercisers. In addition, people who
exercise perform better than non-exercisers on tasks involving planning,
scheduling, and multitasking (see Davis et al., 2011; Hillman et al.,
2008). Animal studies have shown that exercise increases the number of
cells in the hippocampus, which is critical for memory, and increases the
quantity of brain chemicals that are responsible for promoting cell growth
and functioning (Cotman & Berchtold, 2002). But animals are not the
only beneficiaries of an exercise program; similar findings have been
reported for elderly people who regularly engage in aerobic exercise
(Erickson et al., 2011).
Despite the clear benefits associated with exercise, many school

curricula have dropped physical education in favour of spending more
time on preparation for standardized testing. It is not clear that time away
from the gym and the playground is having much benefit. A review of 14
studies—12 conducted in the U.S., one in British Columbia (Ahamed et
al., 2007), and one in South Africa—found a “significant positive
relationship” between physical activity and academic performance
(Singh et al., 2012). This effect may be due to changes in blood flow to
the brain, a reduction in stress due to time away from schoolwork, a
positive emotional experience associated with play, or, more likely, a
combination of several factors. Science is clearly demonstrating that
exercise affects the brain basis of learning and memory (Cotman &
Berchtold, 2002; Hillman et al., 2008). These results suggest that
provincial governments should increase, not decrease, funding for
physical education in schools. Hopefully these studies will help get that
ball rolling.
Left Brain, Right Brain: Hemispheric Specialization

Although they appear to be mirror images of each other, the two sides of the
cortex often perform very different functions, a phenomenon called hemispheric
specialization. Speaking in very general terms, the right hemisphere is
specialized for cognitive tasks that involve visual and spatial skills, recognition of
visual stimuli, and musical processing. In contrast, the left hemisphere is more
specialized for language and math (Corballis, 1993; Gazzaniga, 1967, 2000).
However, although some hemispheric differences are quite pronounced, many
are a matter of degree (Springer & Deutsch, 1998).
Our understanding of hemispheric specialization expanded greatly through work

with split-brain patients. In the 1960s, physicians hoping to curtail severe
epileptic seizures in their patients used a surgical procedure to treat individuals
who were not responding to other therapies. The surgeon would sever the
corpus callosum, leaving a patient with two separate cerebral hemispheres. This
surgery is not as drastic as it might sound. Patients were remarkably normal after
the operation, but several interesting observations were made. One was that
split-brain patients responded quite differently to visual input that was presented
to either hemisphere alone (Sperry, 1982).
To see how this works, take a look at Figure 3.30 . Imagine the person
pictured has a split brain. She should be able to match the two objects to her
right and verbalize the match, because the left side of her visual system
perceives the objects and language is processed in the left hemisphere of the
brain. In contrast, a visual stimulus presented on the left side of the body would
be processed on the right side of the brain. As you can see from Figure 3.30 ,
when the object is presented to the left side of the split-brain patient, the
individual does not verbalize which of the objects match, because her right
hemisphere is not specialized for language and cannot label the object. If asked
to point at the matching object, however, she is able to do so (but only with her
left hand, which is controlled by the right hemisphere). Thus, she is able to
process the information using her right hemisphere, but cannot articulate it with
language.
Figure 3.30 A Split-Brain Experiment

This woman has had a split-brain operation. She is able to verbalize which
objects match when they are placed to her right side, because language is
processed in the left hemisphere. She cannot verbalize the matching objects on
the left, but can identify them by pointing with her left hand (which is controlled
by her right hemisphere).
Today, split-brain studies are extremely rare, as modern epilepsy medications

are often sufficient to treat the symptoms of these patients without the need to
sever the corpus callosum. However, the insights gained from these patients still
inform our understanding of the brain. It must be stressed, however, that many of
these differences are a matter of degree rather than being an absolute one-
hemisphere-or-the-other distinction. Indeed, the reality is that most cognitive
functions are spread throughout multiple brain regions, with one hemisphere
sometimes being superior to the other hemisphere (see Table 3.3 ).
Table 3.3 Examples of Hemispheric Asymmetries
Left Hemisphere Right Hemisphere
Language production Visuospatial skills
Language comprehension Prosody (emotional intonation)
Word recognition Face recognition
Arithmetic Attention (rapid orienting to new stimuli)
Moving the right side of the body Moving the left side of the body
Before finishing a discussion of the hemispheres, it is also important to point out

that the media often misrepresents how hemispheric specialization works. Terms
like “left-brained” and “right-brained” are used quite frequently, with the
assumption that left-brained people are rigid-thinking accountants who spend
hours counting their grey suits and right-brained people are creative Bohemian
artists who flamboyantly wander from experimental art exhibits to melodramatic
poetry readings. There are numerous websites that allow you to test yourself on
this dimension. However, while these types of characters undoubtedly exist, the
degree to which these personalities are linked to different hemispheres is very
limited. In fact, neuroimaging studies of personality traits show that
characteristics similar to left- and right-brained people (as measured by the
pseudoscientific tests) are distributed across both hemispheres (De Young et
al., 2010).
The Changing Brain: Neuroplasticity

In Module 3.2 , you read about stem cells, immature cells whose final role—
be it a neuron or a kidney cell—is based on the chemical environment in which it
develops. In other words, the cell’s experience (its environment) influenced its
physical structure. While fully formed neurons will never have this type of
flexibility, brain cells do have a remarkable property called
neuroplasticity —the capacity of the brain to change and rewire itself based
on individual experience. For example, numerous studies have shown that the
occipital lobes of people who are blind are used for non-visual purposes
(Pascual-Leone et al., 2005). This plasticity was beautifully demonstrated in a
brain-imaging study using healthy individuals. All participants underwent brain
imaging to determine the areas that became active when they performed tasks
related to hearing and touch; during this initial phase, the occipital lobes—a
region associated with vision—was not active. These participants were then
blindfolded for five days before being scanned again. During the second scan
session, brain areas normally dedicated to vision became active during touch
and hearing tasks (Pascual-Leone & Hamilton, 2001).
There are numerous other examples of neuroplasticity. For example,

experienced musicians develop a greater density of grey matter in the areas of
the motor cortex of the frontal lobe as well as in the auditory cortex (Gaser &
Schlaug, 2003). Studies of children have found that individuals who practised an
instrument regularly for over two years had a thicker corpus callosum in areas
connecting the left and right frontal and temporal lobes (Schlaug et al., 2009).
Even a seemingly silly skill like learning to juggle can influence the thickness of
white-matter pathways connecting different brain areas (Scholz et al., 2009).
The key point in all of these studies is that although genetics controls some of
your brain’s characteristics, your brain’s connections are not set in stone. What
you do with (and to) your brain can have a dramatic effect on your brain’s
connections and thus how your brain functions.

Neuroplasticity and Recovery from Brain Injury
The fact that neuroplasticity exists makes it seem like recovery
from brain damage should be easy—the remaining brain areas
should simply rewire themselves to take over the functions of the
damaged brain areas. However, it’s not that simple—and we’re
lucky it isn’t.
What do we know about neuroplasticity?

Some animals with relatively simple brains and spinal cords, such
as fish and some amphibians, have a lifelong ability to regenerate
damaged areas of their central nervous system. If members of
these species suffer a brain or spinal cord injury, they will
automatically create new tissue to replace the damaged nerves
(Sperry, 1951, 1956, 1963, 1968). Humans can do this to a
limited degree in the peripheral nervous system as well. This is
because chemicals called trophic factors (growth factors) can
stimulate the growth of new dendrites and axons. However, the
ability of the human brain to recover from damage is more limited.
New neurons can form in adulthood, but only in a few regions
such as part of the hippocampus (Eriksson et al., 1998). That
means we can’t simply grow a new brain part whenever we’re
injured.
Our ability to repair our brains is also limited by the presence of

chemicals that actually inhibit the growth of new axons around an
injured area (Yang & Schnarr, 2008). Why would this occur?
Researchers suggest that these inhibitory chemicals prevent the
brain from forming incorrect connections between brain areas, a
result that might produce even larger behavioural problems than
the initial damage itself (Berlucchi, 2011; Kolb et al., 2010). So,
if our central nervous system is protecting us against
neuroplasticity, how can neuroplasticity be the key to recovering
from brain damage?
How can science explain how neuroplasticity contributes to

recovery from brain damage?
Although it seems like the brain is preventing its own recovery,
there are actually a number of ways that neuroplasticity can work
to help patients with brain damage. One possibility is that the
same area in the opposite hemisphere will take over some of
the functions of the damaged region. Stunning evidence of this
phenomenon has been found in studies of Melodic Intonation
Therapy (MIT; Norton et al., 2009). Researchers have found that
some patients with damage to Broca’s area—a part of the left
frontal lobe involved with the production of speech—can actually
sing using fluent, articulated words, even though they cannot
speak those same words (see Figure 3.31 ). In a study of this
technique, patients who had suffered strokes affecting Broca’s
area underwent intensive MIT sessions. During these sessions
the patients would sing long strings of words using just two
pitches, while rhythmically tapping their left hand to the melody.
You can try this out with the help of Figure 3.32 . The patients
underwent 80 or more sessions lasting 1.5 hours each day, 5
days per week. Remarkably, this therapy has worked for multiple
patients—after these intensive therapy sessions, they typically
regain significant language function (Schlaug et al., 2009). The
therapy does not “heal” damaged nerve cells in the left
hemisphere at Broca’s area. Rather, language function is taken
over by the corresponding area of the right hemisphere.
Figure 3.31 Brain Specialization
Broca’s area and Wernicke’s area are associated with different

aspects of language function. Damage to Broca’s area produces
difficulties in generating speech known as Broca’s aphasia.
Inquiry to Understanding, 2nd Ed., © 2011. Reprinted and electronically reproduced by permission of
Pearson Education, Inc., New York, NY.

Figure 3.32 Musical Intonation Therapy
During musical intonation therapy, patients are asked to sing

phrases of increasing complexity.
Source: Adapted From Melodic Intonation Therapy, by Nancy Helms-Estabrooks, Marjorie Nicholas,
Alisa R. Morgan 1989, Austin, TX: PRO-ED. Copyright 1989 by PRO-ED, Inc. Adapted with
permission.
Another method that the brain uses to repair itself is the

reorganization of neighbouring neural regions. In healthy brains,
the distinction between most brain areas is not as clear-cut as it
appears on textbook diagrams. For instance, it is common for
parts of the somatosensory cortex related to the hand to overlap
a bit with regions related to the wrist. If one of those
somatosensory areas were damaged, there might still be a small
number of neurons associated with that body part preserved in
other parts of the nearby cortex. When the brain is damaged, it is
thought that these preserved neurons attempt to form new
connections. Doing so would allow some sensation to return. This
process is enhanced if the doctors force the patient to use the
affected brain area as much as possible during rehabilitation
(Mark et al., 2006). Although it seems cruel, patients must
remember to “use it or lose it.” In support of this view, research
has shown that improvements in a patient’s recovery are linked to
the reorganization of the affected brain area (Pulvermüller &
Berthier, 2008).

There are obviously limits to the effects of neuroplasticity. If a
patient has damage to a large amount of her brain, it will not be
possible for her to return to her normal level of functioning.
Additionally, plasticity is more likely to be effective in younger
people, particularly children, than in older adults (Kennard,
1942). Therefore, it is important not to over-generalize the results
just discussed. It is also possible that results that seem to be due
to neuroplasticity are actually due to some other factor, such as
changes in hormone levels, the brain’s metabolism, or growth
factor levels (Knaepen et al., 2010; Sperry, 1968). Although all
of these alternative explanations have been tested to some
degree in animal studies, it is sometimes difficult to generalize
those findings to the human brain. Therefore, much more
research is needed before researchers can make any definitive
statements about how neuroplasticity helps brain-damaged
patients recover.

Each year, 40 000–50 000 Canadians suffer strokes (Heart and
Stroke Foundation of Canada, 2013) and over 160 000 suffer
traumatic brain injuries (e.g., car accidents; Brain Injury Canada,
2016). Over 55 000 Canadians are living with brain tumours
(Brain Tumour Foundation of Canada, 2013). Neuroplasticity
will occur, to some degree, in the majority of these individuals. It
is what will help people regain some of their abilities and some of
their independence. Understanding neuroplasticity will improve
the care given to patients. It will also inspire new research and
innovative techniques designed to help the brain heal itself (Kim
et al., 2010). This research may affect your grandparents or your
parents. And eventually, this research may affect you.
Module 3.3b Quiz:
The Brain and Its Structures
Know . . .
1. The ability to hear is based in which of the cerebral lobes?
A. Frontal
B. Parietal
C. Temporal
D. Hypothalamus
Understand . . .
2. Why would a person who has undergone a split-brain operation be
unable to name an object presented to his left visual field, yet be able to
correctly point to the same object from an array of choices?
A. Because his right hemisphere perceived the object, but does not
house the language function needed for naming it
B. Because the image was processed on his left hemisphere, which
is required for naming objects
C. Because pointing is something done with the right hand
D. Because the right hemisphere of the brain is where objects are
seen
Apply . . .
3. Damage to the somatosensory cortex would most likely result in which of
the following impairments?
A. Inability to point at an object
B. Impaired vision
C. Impaired mathematical ability
D. Lost or distorted sensations in the region of the body
corresponding to the damaged area
Analyze . . .
4. Which of the following statements best summarizes the results of
experiments on exercise and brain functioning?
A. Both human and animal studies show cognitive benefits of
exercise.
B. Animal studies show benefits from exercise, but the results of
human studies are unclear.
C. Exercise benefits mood but not thinking.
D. Exercise only benefits older people.
Module 3.3 Summary

3.3a Know . . . the key terminology associated with the structure and
organization of the nervous system.
amygdala
autonomic nervous system
basal ganglia
brainstem
central nervous system (CNS)
cerebellum
cerebral cortex
corpus callosum
forebrain
frontal lobes
hippocampus
limbic system
midbrain
neuroplasticity
occipital lobes
parasympathetic nervous system
parietal lobes
peripheral nervous system (PNS)
somatic nervous system
sympathetic nervous system
temporal lobes
thalamus
3.3b Understand . . . how studies of split-brain patients reveal the

workings of the brain.
Studies of split-brain patients were important in that they revealed that the two
hemispheres of the brain are specialized for certain cognitive tasks. For
example, studies of split-brain patients showed that the left hemisphere was
specialized for language. These studies were carried out before other brain-
imaging techniques (see Module 3.4 ) became available.
3.3c Apply . . . your knowledge of brain regions to predict which abilities

might be affected when a specific area is injured or diseased.
Apply Activity
Review Table 3.2 , which summarizes each of the major brain regions
described in this module. Then try to answer the following questions.
1. While at work, a woman suffers a severe blow to the back of her head
and then experiences visual problems. Which part of her brain has most
likely been affected?
2. If an individual has a stroke and loses the ability to produce speech in
clear sentences, what part of the brain is most likely to have been
damaged?
3. If an individual develops a tumour that affects the basal ganglia, what
types of behaviours or abilities are likely to be affected?
4. A man suffers a gunshot wound that slightly damages his cerebellum.
What problems might he experience (aside from repeatedly asking
himself why someone shot him in the head)?
3.3d Analyze . . .whether neuroplasticity will help patients with brain

damage.
There are many examples of experience changing the structure of the brain.
Research suggests that neuroplasticity can also help people recover from brain
damage. If the damage is isolated to one cerebral hemisphere, cells in the same
region of the opposite hemisphere may be able to take over some of the
impaired functions. Additionally, it is possible that some of the cells involved with
a function (e.g., sensation of the hand) were undamaged; these remaining cells
may form new, stronger connections over the course of rehabilitation.
Module 3.4 Windows to the
Brain: Measuring and
Observing Brain Activity
Sun Media/Splash News/Newscom
Learning Objectives
3.4a Know . . . the key terminology associated with measuring and observing
brain activity.
3.4b Understand . . . how studies of animals with brain lesions can inform us
about the workings of the brain.
3.4c Apply . . . your knowledge of neuroimaging techniques to see which ones
would be most useful in answering a specific research question.
3.4d Analyze . . . whether neuroimaging can be used to diagnose brain
injuries.
On March 8, 2011, Boston Bruins’ (giant) defenceman Zdeno Chara

dangerously bodychecked Montreal Canadiens’ forward Max Pacioretty
into the boards; Pacioretty hit the stanchion, the location where the plexi-
glass begins next to the players’ bench. Pacioretty lay motionless on the
ice for several minutes with many people in the audience concerned for
his life. He was taken off the ice on a stretcher while still unconscious and
was rushed to the hospital for a neurological exam. He was diagnosed
with a fracture of the 4th cervical vertebra (a bone in the neck) but,
luckily, no spinal cord damage; he also had a severe concussion (also
known as a mild traumatic brain injury). Injuries such as Pacioretty’s lead
to a number of questions for people interested in the biology of
behaviour: How can psychologists and medical personnel acquire clear
images of a person’s brain for medical or research purposes? Is it
possible to map out which brain areas are firing when people are
performing a specific task like viewing photographs or memorizing a list
of words? And, can scientists learn anything about the healthy brain by
studying patients who have suffered brain damage? These topics will be
addressed in the current module.
For those interested, Pacioretty made a full recovery, scoring 33 goals for
the Canadiens over the course of the next season. Later that year, he
won the Bill Masterton Trophy, handed out by the National Hockey
League to the player who provides the best example of perseverance,
team spirit, and dedication to hockey. He was very, very lucky.
Focus Questions
1. How can lesions help us learn about the brain?

2. How can we make sense of brain activity as it is actually
occurring?
In Module 3.3 , you read about different brain areas and their functions. This
leads to an obvious question: How did researchers find out what these brains
areas do? In this module, we will examine the different methods and tools
available to physicians and researchers in their quest to map out the functions of
different brain areas.
Insights from Brain Damage
Early studies of the brain often involved case studies. A doctor would note a
patient’s unique set of symptoms and would then ghoulishly wait for him or her to
die so that an autopsy could be performed in order to identify the damaged area.
As medical knowledge improved, surgeons began to routinely operate on the
brains of patients with neurological problems. This allowed researchers to
examine patients before and after brain surgery to see the effect that removing
tissue would have on behaviour. However, in each of these cases, insights into
the brain were based on individuals who had suffered some sort of trauma or
illness. There was no way to test how healthy brains functioned. In the last four
decades, advances in brain imaging have changed this, and have allowed
researchers to safely measure the brain’s activity.
This is not to say that studying patients with brain damage is not scientifically
useful. In fact, quite the opposite is true. The only way researchers can truly
hope to understand how the brain works is by using a number of different
methods to assess its function.
Lesioning and Brain Stimulation
Studies of patients who have suffered brain damage will appear in a number of
modules in this book. The logic of this method is that if a person has part of his
or her brain damaged and is unable to perform a particular task (e.g., form new
memories), then it is assumed that the damaged structure plays a role in that
behaviour. One drawback of studying human patients, however, is that the
researcher has no control over where the damage occurs. A stroke generally
produces widespread damage; rarely will it harm a single area while leaving the
rest of the brain totally unaffected. This diffuse damage makes it difficult for brain
researchers to perform controlled studies of patients—each patient will have a
unique pattern of damage. It is also difficult to isolate the effects of damage to
one brain area when several are affected.
In order to gain more experimental control (and a much larger number of

subjects), scientists often create brain damage in animals. This process is known
as lesioning , a technique in which researchers intentionally damage an area
in the brain (a lesion is abnormal or damaged brain tissue). Creating lesions
allows the researcher to isolate single brain structures. He or she can then study
animals with and without lesions to see how specific behaviours are changed by
the removal of that brain tissue. The control subjects are often part of a sham
group, a set of animals that go through all of the surgical procedures aside from
the lesion itself in order to control for the effects of stress, anesthesia, and the
annoyance of stitches. An example of the lesion method is found in studies of
spatial learning. Researchers hypothesized that the hippocampus was vital for
this ability. In order to test this hypothesis, the researchers lesioned the
hippocampus on both sides of the brains of one group of rats and performed
sham surgery on the other rats. Each rat was then put into the Morris Water
Maze (Morris, 1981); this device consists of a container filled with an opaque
(non-transparent) fluid (see Figure 3.33 ). The rat is placed in the water and
must swim around until it finds a small platform hidden under the fluid. At first,
the rat finds the platform by chance; over time, the rat learns the location of the
platform and swims to it immediately. However, rats with lesions to the
hippocampus show a marked impairment in learning the location of the platform,
presumably because the hippocampus is critical for many spatial abilities (Morris
et al., 1982). This example demonstrates the power of the lesion method to
determine the roles played by specific brain areas.
Figure 3.33 The Morris Water Maze

Tools like the Morris Water Maze allow researchers to test the effects of brain
lesions on behaviours such as spatial memory.
Less drastic techniques impair brain activity only temporarily; in fact, some can
be safely applied to humans. For instance, researchers can study brain functions
using transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS) , a procedure in which an
electromagnetic pulse is delivered to a targeted region of the brain (Bestmann,
2008; Terao & Ugawa, 2002). This pulse interacts with the flow of ions around
the neurons of the affected area. The result is a temporary disruption of brain
activity, similar to the permanent disruption caused by a brain lesion. This
procedure has the advantage that healthy human volunteers can be studied (as
opposed to animals or brain-damaged people, many of whom are elderly). TMS
has been used to investigate a number of cognitive processes ranging from
visual perception (Perini et al., 2012) to arithmetic abilities (Andres et al., 2011)
to memory for words and abstract shapes (Floel et al., 2004). In each case,
impairments in performance after receiving the TMS “temporary lesion” tell the
researcher that the stimulated brain area is likely involved in that cognitive
process.
Interestingly, if a weaker electromagnetic pulse is delivered, TMS can also be

used to stimulate, rather than temporarily impair, a brain region (Figure 3.34 ).
For example, TMS has been used to increase the activity in the frontal lobes—an
area related to planning and inhibiting behaviour—when people were performing
a gambling task. This change led the participants to behave in a more cautious,
risk-averse manner than when they performed the task without this stimulation
(Fecteau et al., 2007). TMS has also been used to stimulate under-active areas
associated with depression, suggesting that this tool has clinical applications as
well (Kluger & Triggs, 2007). In fact, researchers have used this technique to
help patients deal with symptoms of disorders ranging from Parkinson’s disease
(Degardin et al., 2012) to movement problems caused by strokes (Corti et al.,
2012; Schlaug et al., 2008).
Figure 3.34 Brain Stimulation
Transcranial magnetic stimulation involves targeting a magnetic field to a very
specific region of the brain. Depending on the amount of stimulation, researchers
can temporarily either stimulate or disable the region.
Although lesion work and TMS allow researchers to understand what happens to
the brain when certain regions are removed or inactive, these methods don’t
provide a picture of the brain’s structures or its patterns of activity. Luckily, there
have been astonishing advances in structural and functional neuroimaging over
the past forty years.
Module 3.4a Quiz:
Insights from Brain Damage

Know . . .
1. The control group in a typical lesion study is called the
A. metacranial group.
B. pseudo-incision group.
C. sham group.
D. static group.
Understand . . .
2. Why do researchers often use the lesion method instead of studying
humans with brain damage?
A. It is possible to test more subjects using the lesion method.
B. Brain damage usually differs between patients.
C. The patients usually only have damage in one specific area.
D. Both (A) and (B) are true.
Analyze . . .
3. Dr. Cerveau performed a TMS lesion study in her lab. She found that
applying a pulse to the parietal lobes prevented people from pressing a
keypad in response to a suddenly appearing image. She concluded that
the lesion affected attention. Why should we be cautious of her claim?
A. TMS is not a valid method of lesioning brain areas.
B. The TMS lesion covered a large area and may have affected
other functions that might have slowed participants’ responses.
C. Response times are not a valid measure of how people pay
attention.
D. All of the above are valid concerns.
Structural and Functional Neuroimaging
Neuroimaging (or brain imaging) is becoming increasingly important for many

fields, particularly for psychology. Being able to examine the brains of living
people and to measure neural activity while participants perform different tasks
provides an astonishing window into the mind. Neuroimaging has also
revolutionized medicine, allowing doctors to see with great precision the size and
location of brain injuries. The remainder of this module will focus on the two
types of brain scanning: structural and functional neuroimaging.
Structural Neuroimaging
At the beginning of this module, you read about Montreal Canadiens’ forward
Max Pacioretty’s scary injury and his surprising return to the National Hockey
League. When Pacioretty first arrived at the hospital, the doctors would obviously
have wanted to determine the extent of the damage to his brain. In order to get
this information, it was necessary to use structural neuroimaging , a type of
brain scanning that produces images of the different structures of the brain. This
type of neuroimaging is used to measure the size of different brain areas and to
determine whether any brain injury has occurred.
There are three commonly used types of structural neuroimaging.

Computerized tomography (or CT scan) is a structural neuroimaging
technique in which x-rays are sent through the brain by a tube that rotates
around the head. The x-rays will pass through dense tissue (e.g., grey matter) at
a different speed than they will pass through less dense tissue, like the fluid in
the ventricles (Hounsfield, 1980). A computer then calculates these differences
for each image that is taken as the tube moves around the head and combines
that information into a three-dimensional image (see Figure 3.35 ). As an
interesting historical aside, the first commercial CT scanner was created in the
early 1970s by EMI (and was called the EMI-Scanner), a company also involved
in the music industry. This company had enough money to pay for four years of
medical-imaging research because they were also the record label of a band
known as The Beatles (Filler, 2009).
Figure 3.35 Structural Neuroimaging
Three different types of structural neuroimaging: (a) a CT scan, (b) an MRI scan,
and (c) a diffusion tensor imaging scan.
Guy Croft SciTech/Alamy Stock Photo; middle: Steve Smith;
Zephyr/Photo Researchers, Inc./Science Source
CT scans were considered state-of-the-art for over a decade. However, in the

1970s and early 1980s, a new form of structural neuroimaging emerged.
Magnetic resonance imaging (or MRI) is a structural imaging technique in
which clear images of the brain are created based on how different neural
regions absorb and release energy while in a magnetic field. Although this
sounds confusing, understanding MRIs involves three steps. First, a brain (or
other body part) is placed inside a strong magnetic field; this causes the protons
of the brain’s hydrogen atoms to spin in the same direction. Second, a pulse of
radio waves is sent through the brain; the energy of this pulse is absorbed by the
atoms in the brain and knocks them out of their previous position (aligned with
the magnetic field). Finally, the pulse of radio waves is turned off. At this point,
the atoms again become aligned with the magnetic field. But, as they do so, they
release the energy they absorbed during the pulse. Different types of tissue—
grey matter, white matter, and fluid—release different amounts of energy and
return to their magnetic alignment at different speeds. Computers are used to
calculate these differences and provide a very detailed three-dimensional image
of the brain (Huettel et al., 2009).
As you can see from Figure 3.35 , MRIs produce much clearer images than
CT scans and are more accurate at detecting many forms of damage including
concussions like that suffered by Max Pacioretty (Bazarian et al., 2007). So,
why are CT scanners still used? Let’s go back to Pacioretty’s injury. He was hit
into a structure that consisted of a thin pad covering metal and plexi-glass, so the
chances of him having metal in his brain were quite slim. But what if a person
entered the hospital after a car accident? He might have fragments of metal in
his body; these would not react well to a powerful magnet. Therefore, CT scans,
aside from being cheap, are a safe first-assessment tool for brain injuries. When
the doctors have more information about the patient and his injury, then it is
possible that the more accurate MRI will be used.
A final type of structural neuroimaging technique is also the newest. Diffusion

tensor imaging (or DTI) is a form of structural neuroimaging allowing
researchers or medical personnel to measure white-matter pathways in the
brain. Although it is natural to assume that the grey matter—the cell bodies—is
the most sensitive part of the brain, white-matter damage has been found in an
increasing number of brain disorders (Shenton et al., 2012). This is because
most head injuries cause the brain to twist around in the skull. The result is that
some of the white-matter pathways connecting different brain areas are torn. A
large number of studies have shown that these pathways are damaged in
individuals who have suffered concussions (Niogi & Mukherjee, 2010), although
it is unclear whether professional and collegiate/university sports leagues are
using this technology when making return-to-play decisions for injured athletes
(J. K. Johnson et al., 2012).
Functional Neuroimaging
Although structural images provide useful information about the brain’s anatomy,
they do not tell us much about the functions of those brain areas. This
information is gathered using functional neuroimaging , a type of brain
scanning that provides information about which areas of the brain are active
when a person performs a particular behaviour. There are a number of different
functional neuroimaging methods available to researchers and physicians. A
common trade-off is between temporal resolution (how brief a period of time can
be accurately measured) and spatial resolution (a clear picture of the brain).
Which tool is used depends upon the type of question being asked.
A neuroimaging method with fantastic temporal resolution is an

electroencephalogram (or EEG) , which measures patterns of brain activity
with the use of multiple electrodes attached to the scalp. The neural firing of the
billions of cells in the brain can be detected with these electrodes, amplified, and
depicted in an electroencephalogram. EEGs measure this activity every
millisecond. They can tell us a lot about general brain activity during sleep,
during wakefulness, and while patients or research participants are engaged in a
particular cognitive activity. EEGs are also used to detect when patients with
epilepsy are having a seizure; this would be shown by a sudden spike in activity
(neuronal firing) in one or more brain areas (see Figure 3.36 ). The
convenience and relatively inexpensive nature of EEGs, compared to other
modern methods, make them very appealing to researchers.
Figure 3.36 Measuring Brain Activity

The electroencephalogram measures electrical activity of the brain by way of
electrodes that amplify the signals emitted by active regions (left). In clinical
conditions such as epilepsy (right), specific EEG measurements will spike. This
provides the medical team with information about the origin of the seizure.
Steve Smith
Chaikom/Shutterstock
From Figure 2 in Role of EEG in Epilepsy Syndromes in EEG of Common Epilepsy Syndromes by Raj D Sheth, MD.
Copyright © 2016 by Raj D Sheth. Used by permission of Medscape LLC.

But, how can EEG be used to further our understanding of human behaviour? In
most studies, researchers would be interested in how brain responses differ for
different types of stimuli, such as happy or fearful faces. EEGs have perfect
temporal resolution for this task, but they have a problem: How do you link the
EEG output (a bunch of squiggly lines) with your stimuli? To do this, researchers
have developed a technique known as event-related potentials (or ERPs). ERPs
use the same sensors as EEGs; however, a computer takes note of exactly
when a given stimulus (e.g., a smiling face) was presented to the participant. The
experimenter can then examine the EEG readout for a brief period of time
(usually 1–2 seconds) following the appearance of that stimulus. Importantly, the
computer can collect the average brain responses for different types of
experimental trials; so, if an experiment contained 50 separate stimulus
presentations—25 happy faces and 25 fearful faces—the experimenter could
collect the average pattern of data after each type of stimulus (i.e., there would
be one set of squiggly lines for happy faces and one for fearful faces).
Critically, the peaks and valleys of these waveforms are not random—each is
associated with some sort of process occurring in the brain. For example, initial
detection of some sort of visual image could occur after 80–120 ms (Mangun et
al., 1993); determining that the image was a face might occur at approximately
170 ms (Bötzel et al., 1995). And, identifying that face as someone you know
might occur sometime after 300 ms. Researchers can then look at the size of the
peaks and valleys to determine whether there was a difference in the amount of
brain activity in response to the different stimulus types (e.g., a peak at 200 ms
was higher for fearful than for happy faces). This technique can also have clinical
uses. If a patient (e.g., someone with multiple sclerosis) was missing an
expected waveform, the neurologist could conclude that a particular region of her
brain was not functioning normally (Ruseckaite et al., 2005).
Although ERPs are very useful for measuring when brain activity is occurring,
they are much less effective at identifying exactly where that activity is taking
place. Part of this problem is due to the fact that the skull disrupts the electrical
signal from the neurons’ firing; this reduces the accuracy of ERP measurements.
In order to get around this, some researchers measure the magnetic activity
associated with cells firing. This is accomplished by using
magnetoencephalography (or MEG) , a neuroimaging technique that
measures the tiny magnetic fields created by the electrical activity of nerve cells
in the brain. Like EEG, MEG records the electrical activity of nerve cells just a
few milliseconds after it occurs, which allows researchers to record brain activity
at nearly the instant a stimulus is presented (Hamalainen et al., 1993). In a
study with happy and fearful faces, MEG could measure when an image was
detected and when it was recognized as being a face (Halgren et al., 2000).
However, like ERPs, this speed comes with a trade-off; namely, MEGs do not
provide a detailed picture of the activity of specific brain areas. So, although its
ability to isolate the location of brain activity is slightly better than that of ERPs, it
is still difficult to isolate exactly where in the brain the activity occurred.
A functional imaging method that can show activity of the whole brain is positron
emission tomography (or PET) , a type of scan in which a low level of a
radioactive isotope is injected into the blood, and its movement to regions of the
brain engaged in a particular task is measured. This method works under the
assumption that active nerve cells use up energy at a faster rate than do cells
that are less active. As a result, more blood will need to flow into those active
areas in order to bring more oxygen and glucose to the cells. If the blood
contains a radioactive isotope (as in a PET study), more radioactivity will be
detected in areas of the brain that were active during that period of time. In most
studies, participants will complete separate blocks of trials or even separate
scanning sessions for different types of experimental trials. The activity from
these sessions is then compared to see which brain areas are more (or less)
active in response to different types of stimuli. For instance, researchers at
McGill University provided the first evidence that the ventral (bottom) portions of
the right hemisphere of the brain were involved with recognizing faces (Sergent
et al., 1992).
The greatest strength of PET scans is that they show metabolic activity of the
brain. PET also allows researchers to measure the involvement of specific types
of receptors (e.g., types of dopamine receptors) in different brain regions while
people perform an experimental task (e.g., Woodward et al., 2009). A drawback
is that PET scans take a long time to acquire—at least two minutes—which is a
problem when you want to see moment-by-moment activity of the brain. The
radioactivity of PET also generally limits the participants to men because it is
possible that female participants could be in the early stages of pregnancy. In
that case, the risks of participating would far outweigh the rewards. Instead,
researchers are increasingly turning to a powerful neuroimaging technique with
excellent spatial resolution.
PET scans use radioactive isotopes to help identify which areas of the brain
were most active.
Photo Researchers, Inc./Science Source
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Functional

MRI and Behaviour
Functional magnetic resonance imaging (or fMRI )
measures brain activity by detecting the influx of oxygen-rich
blood into neural areas that were just active (Kwong et al., 1992;
Ogawa et al., 1992). Like PET scanning, fMRI can produce an
accurate image of the functional brain. However, its ease of use
(and lack of radioactivity) has quickly made it one of the most
influential research tools in modern psychology.
What do we know about fMRI and Behaviour?

If you type in “fMRI” into the PubMed.gov research database,
you will see that there have been over 30 000 papers published
since this technology was developed 25 years ago. The growth in
this field is staggering—there are literally hundreds of fMRI
research papers published each year. Researchers are using
fMRI to study almost every topic discussed in this book, ranging
from sensory processes (Chapter 4 ) to memory (Chapter
7 ) to social behaviours (Chapter 13 ) facet of psychology.
Importantly, fMRI is also being used to examine clinical issues
including psychological disorders (Chapter 15 ) and disorders
of consciousness (e.g., vegetative states, Module 5.3 ). It is
also being used to examine brain activity in neurological patients
like Max Pacioretty—psychologists and medical personnel can
look at what areas of the brain are active when a person is
performing different tasks such as remembering lists of words. If
the patterns of activity deviate from those of healthy individuals,
then the investigators can infer that specific brain regions are not
working properly. With this surge in fMRI research and clinical
use, it is important to examine how fMRI links blood flow to
descriptions of behaviour.
How can science explain how fMRI is used to examine

behaviour?
When a brain area is involved with a particular function, it will use
up oxygen. The result is that blood in these areas will be
deoxygenated (without oxygen molecules). The body responds
by sending in more oxygen-rich blood to replace the
deoxygenated blood. Critically, these two types of blood have
different magnetic properties. So, by measuring the changing
magnetic properties of the blood in different brain areas, it is
possible to see which areas were active when the person
performed a particular task (Huettel et al., 2009; Magri et al.,
2012). When you see pictures of different brain areas “lit up,”
those colourful areas indicate that more activity occurred in that
location during one experimental condition than during another
(see Figure 3.37 ). To continue our example of perceiving
faces, researchers could present happy or fearful faces to
participants while they were in the fMRI scanner (which is the
same machine used for structural MRI scans). After the study, the
researchers could look at the average amount of brain activity
that occurred when each participant viewed each type of face. In
this case, seeing faces would activate a region in the bottom of
the right hemisphere known as the fusiform gyrus (Kanwisher et
al., 1997; see Module 4.2 ). Faces expressing fear also would
activate the amygdala, and faces expressing happiness activate
a wide network of structures in the frontal lobes (M. L. Phillips et
al., 1998). Thus, fMRI provides very detailed images of where
brain activity is occurring. Unfortunately, it can only measure
activity at the level of seconds rather than milliseconds; therefore,
it lacks the temporal resolution of ERP and MEG (see Table
3.4 ).
Table 3.4 Common Methods of Functional

Neuroimaging
Neuroimaging Advantages Disadvantages

Method
EEG/ERP Excellent temporal Poor spatial resolution

resolution (measures (does not give a picture
activity at the of individual brain
millisecond level); structures)
inexpensive
MEG Excellent temporal Poor spatial resolution

resolution (measures (does not give a picture
activity at the of individual brain
millisecond level) structures)
PET Provides a picture of Very poor temporal

the whole brain resolution (takes at least
(although not as clear 2 minutes to scan the
as fMRI); allows brain, often longer);
researchers to examine involves radioactive
activity related to isotopes that limit
specific possible participants;
neurotransmitters (e.g., very expensive
dopamine)
fMRI Excellent spatial Temporal resolution is

resolution (clear images not as good as ERP or
of brain structures) MEG (it takes
approximately two
seconds to scan the
whole brain)
Figure 3.37 Functional Magnetic Resonance
Imaging
Functional MRI technology allows researchers to determine how

blood flow, and hence brain activity, changes as study
participants or patients perform different tasks. In this image, the
coloured areas depict increases in blood flow to the left and right
temporal lobes, relative to the rest of the brain, during a cognitive
task.
Living Art Enterprises/Photo Researchers, Inc./Science Source

Although researchers have shown that the activity that we see in
fMRI images is actually linked to the firing of neurons
(Logothetis et al., 2001), we still need to be cautious when
interpreting fMRI data. One reason is that it is correlational in
nature. Activity increases or decreases at the same time as
different stimuli are perceived; however, we can’t definitively
show that the activity was caused by the stimuli. Also, just
because a brain area is active while we perform a task does not
mean that it is necessary for that task. It is possible that a given
area that “lights up” on fMRI is a small part of a larger network, or
performs a supporting role. Therefore, it is useful to look at
research using other methods (if available) to see if similar brain
areas were implicated in a given behaviour.
There is an additional reason to be cautious of fMRI data. There

is a growing trend for neuroimaging, particularly fMRI, to be used
to explain or justify phenomena that are not easily measured
(Satel & Lilienfeld, 2013). Images of brains with areas lit up can
be found on almost every major online news site. The problem is
that many of the claims made in these stories are overstated
(more likely, but not always, by the media than by the scientists).
Given the massive connections between brain areas, headlines
that suggest that scientists have discovered the “hate centre” or
the neural structure associated with how someone will vote are
misleading. Most brain areas are activated by many different
situations and stimuli. So, just as you would raise your skeptical
eyebrows in response to reports of scientists finding the single
gene for a given behaviour (see Module 3.1 ), you should
apply your critical-thinking skills toward claims about scientists
identifying the single brain area for any complex process.

It is difficult to overstate how important fMRI has been to
psychological science. It has allowed researchers to map out the
networks associated with a huge range of topics, thus providing
most of the “bio” components of the biopsychosocial model of
behaviour. Recently, researchers at Queen’s University and the
University of Manitoba have found ways to perform fMRI on
neurons in the spinal cord (Kornelsen et al., 2013; Stroman,
2005). Thus, it will soon be possible to measure how the entire
central nervous system responds to different stimuli, an ability
that will allow us to gain a more complete understanding of
human behaviour.
Module 3.4b Quiz:
Structural and Functional Neuroimaging
Know . . .
1. The brain-imaging technique that involves measuring blood flow in active
regions of the brain is called
A. magnetic resonance imaging.
B. MEG scan.
C. PET scan.
D. transcranial magnetic stimulation.
Understand . . .
2. Which of the following techniques does not provide an actual picture of
the brain?
A. PET scan
B. MRI
C. Electroencephalogram (EEG)
D. fMRI
Apply . . .
3. A neuroscientist was interested in identifying the precise brain areas
involved when women see photographs of their loved ones. Which
functional neuroimaging technique would be the most useful in identifying
these regions?
A. fMRI
B. MRI
C. Transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS)
D. CT scan
Analyze . . .
4. A drawback of PET scans compared to newer techniques, such as
magnetoencephalography, is that
A. PET is slower, which means it is more difficult to measure
moment-to-moment changes in brain activity.
B. PET is faster, which makes it difficult to figure out how brain
activity relates to what someone sees or hears.
C. PET is too expensive for research use.
D. PET is slower, and it does not provide a picture of the brain.
Module 3.4 Summary

3.4a Know . . . the key terminology associated with measuring and
observing brain activity.
computerized tomography (CT) scan
diffusion tensor imaging (DTI)
electroencephalogram (EEG)
functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI)
functional neuroimaging
lesioning
magnetic resonance imaging (MRI)
magnetoencephalography (MEG)
positron emission tomography (PET)
structural neuroimaging
transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS)

3.4b Understand . . . how studies of animals with brain lesions can
inform us about the workings of the brain.
Researchers have learned a great deal from studies of neurological patients;

however, because most accidental brain damage is spread out across many
structures, it is difficult to determine the effect of damage to a particular structure.
Lesion studies with animals allow researchers to address this type of question by
intentionally damaging a very specific region of the brain. These studies also
allow researchers to test far more subjects than they could if they were testing
humans with brain damage; therefore, animal lesion studies allow researchers to
answer more questions than would otherwise be possible.
3.4c Apply . . . your knowledge of neuroimaging techniques to see which

ones would be most useful in answering a specific research
question.
Apply Activity
Review Table 3.4 , which summarizes each of the major types of functional
neuroimaging. Then decide which one should be used to answer each of the
following research questions.
1. Lynn was an epilepsy patient seeking treatment. Her seizures did not
involve the muscle twitches typical of grand mal seizures. Instead, she
would stop talking and stare blankly into the distance for 20–30 seconds
(this is known as a petit mal seizure). Her neurologist wanted to use a
neuroimaging method to detect when she was having a seizure. Which
one should she use?
2. Neil was interested in how dopamine neurons in the brain responded
when participants were given rewarding foods like jelly beans versus
bland foods. Which functional neuroimaging method should he use to
answer his question?
3. Jen wanted to measure the precise brain areas that were active when
people experienced pain. Which neuroimaging method would give her
this information?
4. Jason was interested in how people pay attention to more than one
stimulus at the same time. He wanted to measure brain responses within
the first half second after images were flashed on a computer screen.
Which method(s) would allow him to answer his research question?
3.4d Analyze . . . whether neuroimaging can be used to diagnose brain

injuries.
Several methods for measuring brain activity were covered in this module. A CT
scan can provide an initial picture of the brain; this is used most often when a
patient first enters the hospital. If a more detailed image is necessary and the
patient does not have metal fragments in his body, then MRI is used. If
researchers are particularly interested in diagnosing white-matter damage,
diffusion tensor imaging (DTI) may be used as well. Additionally, any of the
functional imaging methods discussed in this module could show different
patterns of activity for individuals with and without brain damage, depending
upon the task being performed and the location of the injury.
Chapter 4 Sensation and
Perception
4.1 Sensation and Perception At a Glance

Sensing the World Around Us 127
Perceiving the World Around Us 132
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Backward Messages in Music

134
4.2 The Visual System

The Human Eye 140
Visual Perception and the Brain 146
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Are Faces Special? 148
4.3 The Auditory and Vestibular Systems

Sound and the Structures of the Ear 157
The Perception of Sound 160
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: The Perception of Musical Beats

162
The Vestibular System 164
Module 4.3c Quiz 165
4.4 Touch and the Chemical Senses

The Sense of Touch 168
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Empathy and Pain 171
The Chemical Senses: Taste and Smell 173
Multimodal Integration 176

Module 4.1 Sensation and
Perception at a Glance
Martin Philbey/Redferns/Getty Images
Learning Objectives
4.1a Know . . . the key terminology of sensation and perception.
4.1b Understand . . . what stimulus thresholds are.
4.1c Understand . . . the principles of Gestalt psychology.
4.1d Apply . . . your knowledge of signal detection theory to identify hits,
misses, and correct responses in examples.
4.1e Analyze . . . claims that subliminal advertising and backward messages
can influence your behaviour.
In December 1985, 18-year-old Ray Belknap shot himself to death in

Reno, Nevada. His friend, James Vance, attempted to do the same but
survived, his face forever scarred by the shotgun blast. Vance later
claimed that his actions were influenced by “subliminal messages” found
in the heavy metal music of the band Judas Priest. His family sued the
band for damages. The prosecution claimed that when played
backwards, the song “Better by You, Better Than Me” contained the
phrase “do it.” This phrase was allegedly perceived by the two youths,
prompting them to attempt suicide. Although this claim seems outlandish,
it led to lengthy legal proceedings and received heavy media coverage. It
took the work of two Canadian psychologists to demonstrate that these
allegations were unfounded. Their research, described later in this
module, demonstrates the importance of scientific literacy and provides
interesting insights about the abilities—and limitations—of our perceptual
systems.
Focus Questions
1. What is the difference between sensation and perception?

2. What are the principles that guide perception?
Sensation and perception are different, yet integrated processes. To illustrate

this point, take a look at the Necker cube in Figure 4.1 . After staring at it for
several seconds, the cube may appear to flip its orientation on the page (the side
that looks like an interior wall at the back of the cube can also look like the
exterior side of the front of the cube). Although the cube remains constant on the
page and in the way it is reflected in the eye, it can be perceived in different
ways. The switching of perspectives is a perceptual phenomenon that takes
place in the brain.
Figure 4.1 The Necker Cube
Stare at this object for several seconds until it changes perspective.
Source: Based on Galanter, E. (1962). Contemporary psychophysics. In R. Brown, E. Galanter, E. H. Hess, & G. Mandler
(Eds.), New Directions in Psychology (p. 231). New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston.
Sensing the World Around Us
The world outside of the human body is full of light, sound vibrations, and objects
we can touch. A walk through campus can be filled with the moving shadows of
towering elm trees, the sounds of birds chirping, and the cool crisp air of an
autumn morning. In order to make sense of all this information, the body has
developed an amazing array of specialized processes for sensing and perceiving
the world around us. The process of detecting and then translating the
complexity of the world into meaningful experiences occurs in two stages.
The first step is sensation , the process of detecting external events with
sense organs and turning those stimuli into neural signals. At the sensory level,
the sound of someone’s voice is simply air particles pushing against the
eardrum, and the sight of a person is merely light waves stimulating receptors in
the eye. All of this raw sensory information is then relayed to the brain, where
perception occurs. Perception involves attending to, organizing, and
interpreting stimuli that we sense. Perception includes organizing the different
vibrations of the eardrum in a way that allows you to recognize them as a human
voice and linking together the stimulation of groups of receptors in the eye into
the visual experience of seeing someone walking toward you.
The raw sensations detected by the sensory organs are turned into information
that the brain can process through transduction , when specialized receptors
transform the physical energy of the outside world into neural impulses. These
neural impulses travel into the brain and influence the activity of different brain
structures, which ultimately gives rise to our internal representation of the world.
The sensory receptors involved in transduction are different for the different
senses (summarized in Table 4.1 ). The transduction of light occurs when it
reaches receptors at the back of the eye; light-sensitive chemicals in the retina
then convert this energy into nerve impulses that travel to numerous brain
centres where colour and motion are perceived and objects are identified (see
Figure 4.2 ). The transduction of sound takes place in a specialized structure
in the ear called the cochlea, where sound energy is converted into neural
impulses that travel to the hearing centres of the brain.
Table 4.1 Stimuli Affecting Our Major Senses and Corresponding

Receptors
Sense Stimuli Type of Receptor
Vision Light waves Light-sensitive structures at the back of

(Module the eye
4.2 )
Hearing Sound waves Hair cells that respond to pressure

(Module changes in the ear
4.3 )
Touch Pressure, stretching, Different types of nerve endings that
(Module warming, cooling or piercing respond to pressure, temperature
4.4 ) of the skin surface changes, and pain
Taste Chemicals on the tongue and Cells lining the taste buds of the tongue
(Module in the mouth
4.4 )
Smell Chemicals contacting mucus- Nerve endings that respond selectively

(Module lined membranes of the nose to different compounds
4.4 )
Figure 4.2 From Stimulus to Perception

Sensing and perceiving begin with the detection of a stimulus by one of our
senses. Receptors convert the stimulus into a neural impulse, a process called
transduction. Our perception of the stimulus takes place in higher, specialized
regions of the brain.
The brain’s ability to organize our sensations into coherent perceptions is

remarkable. All of our senses use the same mechanism for transmitting
information in the brain: the action potential (see Module 3.2 ). As a result, the
brain is continually bombarded by waves of neural impulses representing the
world in all its complexity; yet, somehow, it must be able to separate different
sensory signals from one another so that we can experience distinct sensations
—sight, sound, touch, smell, and taste. It accomplishes this feat by sending
signals from different sensory organs to different parts of the brain. Therefore, it
is not the original sensory input that is most important for generating our
perceptions; rather, it is the brain area that processes this information. We see
because visual information gets sent to the occipital lobes, which generate our
experience of vision. We hear because auditory information gets sent to our
temporal lobes, which generate our experience of hearing. This idea, that the
different senses are separated in the brain, was first proposed in 1826 by the
German physiologist Johannes Müller and is known as the doctrine of specific
nerve energies .
Although this separation seems perfectly logical, it requires that distinct

pathways connect sensory organs to the appropriate brain structures.
Interestingly, these pathways are not fully distinct in the developing brain.
Researchers at McMaster University have demonstrated that infants have a
number of overlapping sensations (Maurer & Maurer, 1988; Spector & Maurer,
2009). For instance, spoken language elicits activity in areas of the brain related
to hearing, but also in brain areas related to vision. This effect does not
disappear until age 3 (Neville, 1995). As children age, the pathways in their
brains become more distinct, with less-useful connections being pruned away.
Thus, perception is a skill that our brains learn through experience.
Experience also influences how we adapt to sensory stimuli in our everyday

lives. Generally speaking, our sensory receptors are most responsive upon initial
exposure to a stimulus. For example, when you first walk out of a building onto a
sidewalk beside a busy street, the sound from the traffic and the bright sunlight
initially seem intense. This feeling occurs because both the sensory receptors
and brain areas related to perception are extremely sensitive to change. The
orienting response describes how we quickly shift our attention to stimuli that
signal a change in our sensory world.
The flip side of this ability is that we allocate progressively less attention to
stimuli that remain the same over time; these unchanging stimuli elicit less
activity in the nervous system and are perceived as being less intense over time.
So, the sound of traffic or the light outside will seem less intense after a few
minutes than it did when you first exited the building. This process is known as
sensory adaptation , the reduction of activity in sensory receptors with
repeated exposure to a stimulus. Sensory adaptation provides the benefit of
allowing us to adjust to our surroundings and shift our focus to other events that
may be important. However, there are also drawbacks to sensory adaptation. We
often get used to listening to loud music in our ear-bud headphones, which can
eventually damage the auditory system. We also stop noticing how polluted and
loud city life can be, even though both factors can influence our stress levels and
overall health (Evans, 2003).
There is a real-world example of sensory adaptation that most of us experience

every day. Watch television for 5–10 minutes; but, rather than follow the plot of
the show, pay attention to how many times the camera angle changes. Directors
change the camera angle (and thus your sensation and perception) every few
seconds in order to prevent you from experiencing sensory adaptation. The
image on the screen will change from wide-angle shots to close-ups of different
actors, and that change stimulates your orienting response, making it difficult for
you to look away. Whether this over-exposure to rapidly changing stimuli is
having a permanent effect on our brains—particularly the developing brains of
children—is a hotly debated issue in current psychological research (Bavelier et
al., 2010; Healy, 2004).
Sensory adaptation is one process that accounts for why we respond less to a
repeated stimulus—even to something that initially seems impossible to ignore.
Flashon Studio/Shutterstock
Stimulus Thresholds
How loud does someone have to whisper for you to hear that person? If you
touch a railroad track, how sensitive are your fingers to vibrations from a distant
train? How does your hearing or sense of touch compare to other people that
you know? Are they more or less sensitive? One early researcher, William
Gustav Fechner (1801–1887), was fascinated by such questions. Fechner was a
German physicist who was interested in vision. In 1839, he developed an eye
disorder that forced him to resign from his academic position. He later recovered,
but the experience of having impaired vision—and the effects this had on his
thoughts and actions—changed the focus of his research. Fechner helped to
create psychophysics , the field of study that explores how physical energy
such as light and sound and their intensity relate to psychological experience. A
popular approach was to measure the minimum amount of a stimulus needed for
detection, and the degree to which a stimulus must change in strength for the
change to be perceptible to people.
See if you can estimate human sensory abilities in the following situations (based
on Galanter, 1962):
If you were standing atop a mountain on a dark, clear night, how far away do
you think you could detect the flame from a single candle?
How much perfume would need to be spilled in a three-room apartment for
you to detect the odour?
On a clear night, a candle flame can be detected 50 km away. One drop of

perfume is all that is needed for detection in a three-room apartment (so no need
to douse yourself in perfume or aftershave!). Each of these values represents an
absolute threshold —that is, the minimum amount of energy or quantity of a
stimulus required for it to be reliably detected at least 50% of the time it is
presented (Figure 4.3 ). For example, imagine an experimenter asked you to
put on headphones and listen for spoken words; however, she manipulated the
volume at which the words were presented so that some could be heard and
some could not. Your absolute threshold would be the volume at which you could
detect the words 50% of the time. But, your absolute threshold might differ from
the person beside you—the minimum amount of pressure, sound, light, or
chemical required for detection varies among individuals and across the
lifespan. There are also large differences across species. The family dog may
startle, bark, and tear for the door before you can even detect a visitor’s
approach, and a cat can detect changes in shadows and light that go unnoticed
by humans. There is no magic or mystery in either example: These animals
simply have lower absolute thresholds for detecting sound and light.
Figure 4.3 Absolute Thresholds
The absolute threshold is the level at which a stimulus can be detected 50% of
the time.
Another measure of perception refers to how well an individual can detect

whether a stimulus has changed. A difference threshold is the smallest
difference between stimuli that can be reliably detected at least 50% of the time.
When you add salt to your food, for example, you are attempting to cross a
difference threshold that your taste receptors can register. Whether you actually
detect a difference, known as a just noticeable difference, depends primarily on
the intensity of the original stimulus. The more intense the original stimulus, the
larger the amount of it that must be added for the difference threshold to be
reached. For example, if you add one pinch of salt to a plate of french fries that
already had one pinch sprinkled on them, you can probably detect the difference.
However, if you add one pinch of salt to fries that already had four pinches
applied, you probably will not detect much of a difference. Apparently, to your
senses, a pinch of salt does not always equal a pinch of salt.
This effect was formalized into an equation by Ernst Weber (1795–1878), a

German physician and one of the founders of psychophysics. Weber’s law
states that the just noticeable difference between two stimuli changes as a
proportion of those stimuli. Imagine you’re holding 50 g of candy in your hand.
You may not notice if one gram of candy is added; instead, let’s say that the just
noticeable difference is five grams (i.e., you can tell the difference between 50 g
and 55 g of candy). Now let’s imagine that your friend hands you 100 g of candy.
Again, she starts adding candy to your hand to see when you’ll notice a change.
Weber’s law would suggest that the just noticeable difference would be 10 g. If
the just noticeable difference of 50 g is 5 g, and if 100 g is 50 g doubled, then the
just noticeable difference of 100 g should be 5 g doubled: 10 g.
The study of stimulus thresholds has its limitations. Whether someone perceives
a stimulus is determined by self-report—that is, by an individual reporting that
she either did or did not detect a stimulus. But, not all people are equally willing
to say they sensed a weak stimulus. Some people may wait until they are 100%
certain that a candle was viewed, whereas other people may claim to see a faint
candlelight just because they expect to see it. This concept has real-world
implications. Think of a radiologist trying to detect tumours in a set of images: If
there are differences in the absolute threshold of different radiologists, then one
might miss tumours that others would detect. But, this scenario is even more
complex—different radiologists might be more or less likely to report seeing a
tumour when they are unsure of what they have seen. How do we confirm
whether these stimuli were truly perceived or whether the individuals were just
guessing?
Signal Detection
If you are certain that a stimulus exists (e.g., you were hit in the face with a
soccer ball), then there is no reason to worry about whether you did or did not
perceive something. However, there are many instances in which we must make
decisions about sensory input that is uncertain, as in the previous example of a
radiologist. It is in these ambiguous situations that signal detection theory can be
a powerful tool for the study of our sensory systems. Signal detection theory
states that whether a stimulus is perceived depends on both the sensory
experience and the judgment made by the subject. Thus, the theory requires us
to examine two processes: a sensory process and a decision process. In a
typical signal detection experiment conducted in the laboratory, the experimenter
presents either a faint stimulus or no stimulus at all; this is the sensory process.
The subject is then asked to report whether or not a stimulus was actually
presented; this is the decision process.
In developing signal detection theory, psychologists realized that there are four
possible outcomes (see Figure 4.4 ). For example, you may be correct that
you heard a sound (a hit), or correct that you did not hear a sound (known as a
correct rejection). Of course, you will not always be correct in your judgments.
Sometimes you will think you heard something that is not there; psychologists
refer to this type of error as a false alarm. On other occasions you may fail to
detect that a stimulus was presented (a miss). By analyzing how often a person’s
responses fall into each of these four categories, psychologists can accurately
measure the sensitivity of that person’s sensory systems.
Figure 4.4 Signal Detection Theory

Signal detection theory recognizes that a stimulus is either present or absent (by
relying on the sensory process) and that the individual either reports detecting
the stimulus or does not (the decision process). The cells represent the four
possible outcomes of this situation. Here we apply signal detection theory to a
man alone in the woods.
Studies using signal detection theory have shown that whether a person can
accurately detect a weak stimulus appears to depend on a number of factors
(Green & Swets, 1966). First among these is the sensitivity of a person’s
sensory organs. For instance, some people can detect tiny differences in the
tastes of spicy foods, whereas other people experience them all as “hot.” In
addition to these objective differences, there are also a number of cognitive and
emotional factors that influence how sensitive a person is to various sensory
stimuli. These include expectations, level of psychological and autonomic-
nervous-system arousal, and how motivated a person is to pay attention to
nuances in the stimuli. If you were lost in the woods, your arousal level would be
quite high. You would likely be better able to notice the sound of someone’s
voice, the far-off growl of a bear, or the sound of a car on the road than you
would be if you were hiking with friends on a familiar trail—even if the
surrounding noise level was the same. Why does this difference in sensitivity
occur? Is it due to enhanced functioning of your ears (the sensory process) or
due to you being more motivated to detect sounds (the decision process)?
Research shows that motivational changes are likely to affect the decision
process so that you assume that every snapping twig is a bear on the prowl. This
change in sensitivity has obvious survival value.
Myths in Mind Setting the Record Straight on
Subliminal Messaging
Do you think that messages presented to you so rapidly that you couldn’t
consciously see them would still influence your behaviour? In the 1950s,
a marketing researcher named James Vicary suggested such persuasion
can indeed occur. Vicary claimed that by presenting the messages “Eat
popcorn” and “Drink Coca-Cola” on a movie screen, he was able to
increase the sales of popcorn and Coke at the theatre. Although later
exposed as a hoax, Vicary’s claims received a great deal of attention
from both the public and the CIA and spawned a huge subliminal self-
help industry. But, does subliminal perception—meaning perception
below the threshold of conscious awareness—really exist? And if so, can
it really control our motivations, beliefs, and behaviours?
Numerous companies selling subliminal self-help products would like you

to believe so. However, research by Canadian psychologists suggests
that these claims may be inaccurate. For example, Merikle and Skanes
(1992) tested the usefulness of subliminal weight-loss tapes. Female
participants were randomly assigned to one of three experimental
conditions: (1) subliminal weight-loss tapes, (2) subliminal tapes for the
reduction of dental anxiety, and (3) a wait list (no tapes). The women
were weighed before and after a six-week period to see if the tapes
affected weight loss. The researchers found no difference between the
three groups, suggesting that the tapes were entirely ineffective.
A similar study by American researchers suggests that even if some

improvement were to occur after participants heard subliminal tapes,
these effects may be due to the participants’ expectations (Greenwald et
al., 1991). In this study, participants were given subliminal cassettes that
supposedly improved memory or improved self-esteem. Importantly, the
labels on the tapes varied such that half of the participants received the
correct cassette–label pairing (e.g., a memory cassette with a memory
label) and half received the opposite (e.g., a memory cassette with a self-
esteem label). Testing conducted after one month of use showed no
effects based on the content of the cassettes. However, there was a
general overall improvement in all conditions, suggesting that simply
being in an experiment helped both self-esteem and memory (a result
similar to the Hawthorne effect discussed in Module 2.1 ). Importantly,
there was also a trend for participants to believe that the cassettes had
produced the desired effect—but this perceived improvement was for the
ability that was on the cassette’s label, not necessarily what the
participants actually heard. In other words, their expectations led them to
believe that they had improved an ability even though they hadn’t
received any subliminal help for that ability (i.e., a placebo effect).
The allure of subliminal self-help programs is that individuals can improve
themselves without putting forth any effort—the subliminal messages will
do the changing for the person. Unfortunately, psychological studies
suggest that such effects are due more to the individual’s expectations
than to subliminal perception.
Fuse/Corbis/Getty Images
So far, we have described research about stimuli that individuals consciously

perceive. What about information that stimulates the sensory organs but is too
weak to reach conscious awareness? Could such weak stimuli still influence our
behaviour, thoughts, and feelings? How could we accurately assess such a
phenomenon? These questions abound when discussing the myths—and the
realities—of subliminal perception.
Priming and Subliminal Perception

The fact that subliminal self-help tapes are unlikely to turn you into a multilingual
genius with washboard abs does not mean that all subliminal perception is a
hoax. We can, in fact, perceive subliminal stimuli under strict laboratory
conditions. Most laboratory-based studies use a technique known as priming, in
which previous exposure to a stimulus can influence that individual’s later
responses, either to the same stimulus or to one that is related to it. Indeed,
priming by subliminally presented stimuli has been demonstrated time and again
in cognitive psychology experiments (Van den Bussche et al., 2009). In this
type of study, experimenters often present a word or an image for a fraction of a
second. This presentation is then immediately followed by another image, known
as a mask, which is displayed for a longer period of time. The mask interferes
with the conscious perception of the “subliminal” stimulus—the perceivers are
often unaware that any stimulus appeared before the mask (e.g., Cheesman &
Merikle, 1986). Yet, a number of brain imaging studies have shown that these
rapidly presented stimuli do in fact influence patterns of brain activity (Critchley
et al., 2000). Thus, it appears that subliminal perception can occur, and it can
produce small effects in the nervous system.
It is important to note that subliminal priming is unlikely to create motivations that

hadn’t previous existed, a grave concern of many people in the 1950s and
1960s. At best, such messages might enhance a motivation or goal that we
already have. Erin Strahan and her colleagues at the University of Waterloo
examined whether subliminally primed words related to thirst would differentially
affect thirsty and non-thirsty viewers (Strahan et al., 2002). They found that after
viewing thirst-related subliminal stimuli (the words “thirst” and “dry”), thirsty
participants drank more of a beverage and rated it more positively than did non-
thirsty participants (who were not influenced by the subliminal words). No group
difference was found when the subliminally presented words were not thirst-
related. These results demonstrate that although subliminally primed words can
activate an already existing motivational state, they cannot create a new
motivational state.
Module 4.1a Quiz:
Sensing the World Around Us
Know . . .
1. is the study of how physical events relate to psychological
perceptions of those events.
A. Sensation
B. Sensory adaptation
C. Perception
D. Psychophysics
Understand . . .
2. The minimum stimulation required to detect a stimulus is a(n) ,
whereas the minimum required to detect the difference between two
stimuli is a(n) .
A. just noticeable difference; difference threshold
B. absolute threshold; difference threshold
C. difference threshold; absolute threshold
D. just noticeable difference; absolute threshold
3. Signal detection theory improves on simple thresholds by including the

influence of
A. psychological factors, such as a willingness to guess if uncertain.
B. engineering factors, such as how well a set of speakers is
designed.
C. whether an individual has hearing or visual impairments.
D. the actual intensity of the stimulus.
Apply . . .
4. Walking on a crowded downtown sidewalk, Ben thinks he hears his name
called, but when he turns around, he cannot find anyone who might be
speaking to him. In terms of signal detection theory, mistakenly believing
he heard his name is an example of a .
A. hit
B. miss
C. bogus hit
D. false alarm
Analyze . . .
5. Is it reasonable to conclude that subliminal messages have a strong
effect on behaviour?
A. No, research shows that they have no effect whatsoever.
B. No, although research shows they might have mild effects.
C. Yes, the research shows that subliminal ads are powerful.
D. Conclusions about subliminal messages have not been reached
by psychologists.
Perceiving the World Around Us
The study of thresholds, signal detection, and subliminal perception has given us
answers to many basic questions about how we sense and perceive our
environment. But, how do we actually form perceptions from all of this sensory
information? The attempt to answer this question has a rich history in
psychology, taking us back to the first half of the 20th century.
Gestalt Principles of Perception

In 1910, Max Wertheimer was riding on a train from Vienna, Austria, to Frankfurt,
Germany. As he stared out the window at the Central European countryside, he
noticed that the buildings in the distance appeared to be moving backwards.
Wertheimer was intrigued by this obvious illusion, and decided to investigate the
experience when he arrived in Frankfurt later that day. That evening, he bought
himself a stroboscope, a toy that displayed pictures in rapid succession. He
noticed that individual pictures did not move; but, when presented within a
fraction of a second of each other, the individual images created the perception
of movement. This simple observation had an astounding impact on the study of
perception, and led to the development of the Gestalt school of psychology.
Gestalt psychology is an approach to perception that emphasizes that “the whole

is greater than the sum of its parts.” In other words, the individual parts of an
image may have little meaning on their own, but when combined, the whole
takes on a significant perceived form. Gestalt psychologists identified several key
principles to describe how we organize features that we perceive.
One basic Gestalt principle is that objects or “figures” in our environment tend to
stand out against a background. Gestalt psychologists refer to this basic
perceptual rule as the figure–ground principle. The text in front of you is a figure
set against a background, but you may also consider the individual letters you
see to be figures against the background of the page. This perceptual tendency
is particularly apparent when the distinction between figure and ground is
ambiguous, as can be seen in the face–vase illusion in Figure 4.5 (a). Do you
see a vase or two faces in profile? At the level of sensation, there is neither a
vase nor two faces—there is just a pattern. What makes it a perceptual illusion is
the recognition that there are two objects, but there is some ambiguity as to
which is figure and which is ground. The figure–ground principle applies to
hearing as well. When you are holding a conversation with one individual in a
crowded party, you are attending to the figure (the voice of the individual) against
the background noise (the ground). If the person you are speaking with is
uninteresting, you may attend to the music instead of what he or she is saying to
you. In this case, the music would become the figure and the droning voice
would become the ground. Exactly which object is the figure and which is the
ground at any given moment therefore depends on many factors, including what
you are motivated to pay attention to.
Figure 4.5 Gestalt Principles of Form Perception

(a) Figure and ground. (b) Proximity helps us group items together so that we
see three columns instead of six rows. (c) Similarity occurs when we perceive
the similar dots as forming alternating rows of yellow and red, not as columns of
alternating colours. (d) Continuity is the tendency to view items as whole figures
even if the image is broken into multiple segments. (e) Closure is the tendency to
fill in gaps so as to see a whole object.
Animals and insects take advantage of figure–ground ambiguity to camouflage

themselves from predators. Can you see the walking stick insect in this photo?
Brian Lasenby/123RF
Proximity and similarity are two additional Gestalt principles that influence
perception. We tend to treat two or more objects that are in close proximity to
each other as a group. Because of their proximity, people standing next to each
other in a photograph are assumed to be a group. Similarity can be experienced
by viewing groups of people in uniform, such as two different teams on a soccer
field or police facing off against protesters at the 2010 G20 Summit in Toronto.
We tend to group together individuals wearing the same uniform based on their
visual similarity.
Some other key Gestalt principles are also illustrated in Figure 4.5 .
Continuity, or “good continuation,” refers to the perceptual rule that lines and
other objects tend to be continuous, rather than abruptly changing direction. The
black object snaking its way around the white object is viewed as one continuous
object rather than as two separate ones. A related principle, called closure,
refers to the tendency to fill in gaps to complete a whole object.
The principle of similarity in action. We perceive groups of police (who are

dressed similarly) and protesters, rather than hundreds of individuals.
Christian Lapid/The Canadian Press
It is important to note that Gestalt concepts are not simply a collection of isolated
examples. Rather, when put together, they demonstrate an incredibly important
characteristic of the perceptual system: we create our own organized
perceptions out of the different sensory inputs that we experience. The next time
you go outside, look at how we create organized perceptions of architecture,
interior design, fashion, and even corporate logos. All of these examples show
how much of “you” is in your perceptual experience of the world.
The illusions and figures you have viewed in this section reveal some common
principles that guide how we perceive the world. We can take this exploration a
step further by discussing the cognitive processes that underlie these principles,
a topic that brings us back to the controversial court case discussed at the
beginning of this module.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Backward

Messages in Music
Humans are experts at pattern recognition. This ability to detect

patterns is the basis for our ability to understand speech. To
newborn babies, speech is a series of nonsense sounds. With
experience, we are able to group together different sounds, which
leads to the perception of spoken words. But, how sophisticated
are these pattern-recognition abilities? This question is central to
the issue of backward messages in music.
What do we know about backward messages in music?

The idea that music can contain backward messages has a long
history. Fans have reported finding evidence of these messages
in a few songs from The Beatles. “Messages” have also been
found in 1970s songs by Led Zeppelin and Queen. For example,
when Queen’s song “Another One Bites the Dust” is played
backwards, some listeners claim to hear “It’s fun to smoke
marijuana.” However, most examples of backward messages are
due to phonetic reversal, where a word pronounced backwards
sounds like another word (e.g., dog and god). Indeed, in most
cases, the bands claim to be unaware that any backward
messages exist (although a few bands, such as Pink Floyd,
intentionally inserted messages, oftentimes to poke fun at
conspiracy theorists).
Importantly, until the 1980s, few people believed that these

messages could be perceived when the music was played
forward (i.e., properly), let alone that these messages could
influence people’s behaviour. This changed with the Judas Priest
lawsuit discussed at the beginning of this module. In that case,
the prosecution claimed that “backward messages” in the music
caused two boys to attempt suicide. Could psychology research
explain whether these claims were valid?
How can science explain backward messages?

John Vokey and Don Read (1985) from the University of
Lethbridge conducted a series of studies that related to the
backward messages controversy. These researchers recorded a
number of passages onto audio cassettes and then played the
cassettes backwards for participants. They found that people
could make superficial judgments about the gender of the
speaker (98.9% correct), about whether two speakers were the
same (78.5% correct), and about the language being spoken—
English, French, or German (46.7% correct, where chance
performance is 33.3%). However, when asked to make
judgments about the content of the backward messages,
performance fell to chance levels. Participants were unable to
distinguish between nursery rhymes, Christian, satanic,
pornographic, or advertising messages (19.1% correct, where
chance performance is 20%).
But, what if the participants knew what patterns to listen for? It is

a common experience that when a backward message is
identified in a song and people are told the message in advance,
they are able to identify it. To test whether such expectations
could influence perception, Vokey and Read asked participants to
listen for specific phrases in the backward messages (these were
“phrases” that the researchers had picked out after repeatedly
listening to the backward stimuli). When asked to listen for “Saw
a girl with a weasel in her mouth” and “I saw Satan,” 84.6% of the
participants agreed that the phrases were perceivable.

One concern with Vokey and Read’s experiments was that the
participants may have been experiencing demand characteristics,
producing responses that they thought the experimenter wanted
to hear. Such an explanation could easily be tested using more
modern technology than was available in the mid-1980s. If
participants listened to audio files using headphones and were
prompted by a question on a computer rather than by an
experimenter, it would help rule out this alternative explanation of
the results.
This minor criticism aside, the results do provide a nice

demonstration of the fact that our perceptions of the world are
influenced both by the stimuli themselves as well as by our own
mindset. For example, the centre of Figure 4.6 can be
perceived as either the number 13 or the letter B depending upon
whether you’re reading numbers (12 and 14) or letters (A and C).
This is an example of top-down processing , when our
perceptions are influenced by our expectations or by our prior
knowledge. Reading “12” and “14” gives us the expectation that
the ambiguous stimulus in between them must be “13.” In the
backward messages experiment, participants used top-down
processing to perceive specific phrases.
Figure 4.6 Top-Down Processing
Is the centre the letter B or the number 13?

Source: Copyright 1955 From Perceptual Identification and Perceptual Organization, The Journal of
General Psychology, 53(1): 21-28 by Jerome S. Bruner and A. Leigh Minturn. Reproduced by
permission of Taylor & Francis LLC, (http://www.tandfonline.com).
If the participants were not given any directions from the

experimenters and instead simply listened to the music
backwards and tried to detect messages based on the different
sounds that could be heard, they would be engaging in a different
type of processing. Bottom-up processing occurs when we
perceive individual bits of sensory information (e.g., sounds) and
use them to construct a more complex perception (e.g., a
message). As you might expect, bottom-up processing would
occur when you encounter something that is unfamiliar or difficult
to recognize.
Top-down and bottom-up processing can be studied using some

interesting stimuli, such as the image in Figure 4.7 . When you
initially looked at this image, you may have seen either a rat or a
man. Unless you were surrounded by animals or a lot of people,
there was very little to guide your perception of the image—you
used bottom-up processing and were just as likely to have
thought the image was a rat or a man. However, when people
first look at pictures of animals and then look at this ambiguous
image, they tend to see the rat first; if they first look at pictures of
people, they tend to see the man first. Thus, top-down processes
can influence the perception of the image as well. In short, the
way we perceive the world is a combination of both top-down and
bottom-up processing (Beck & Kastner, 2009).
Figure 4.7 Expectations Influence Perception
Is this a rat or a man’s face? People who look at pictures of

animals before seeing this image see a rat, whereas those
looking at pictures of faces see the image as a man’s face.
Source: Canadian Journal of Psychology, 15, 5-211. Copyright ©1961 by Canadian Psychological
Association Inc. Reprinted by permission of Canadian Psychological Association Inc.
Incidentally, Vokey and Read were asked to testify in the Judas

Priest case in order to explain how their psychology experiments
related to the legal proceedings. Judas Priest was found not
guilty.

These results suggest that we interpret patterns of stimuli in ways
that are consistent with our expectations. Several researchers
have demonstrated that it is possible to form a perceptual set—a
filter that influences what aspects of a scene we perceive or pay
attention to. But, focusing on particular patterns of stimuli also
means that we are not focusing on other patterns; in some cases,
we ignore pieces of information that don’t fit with our
expectations. In the backward messages study, participants had
to ignore many different sounds in order to detect the sounds that
resembled “Saw a girl with a weasel in her mouth.” As we’ll see in
the next section, sometimes our perceptual sets are so fixed that
we fail to notice unexpected objects that are clearly visible . . .
and very interesting.
Attention and Perception

The example of backward messages shows us that what we pay attention to can
affect what we perceive. In fact, in many cases, we are paying attention to more
than one stimulus or task at the same time, a phenomenon known as divided
attention . Simultaneously playing a video game and holding a conversation
involves divided attention; so does using Facebook and Twitter while you are
listening to your psychology professor lecture, or attempting to text and drive.
Although we often feel that dividing our attention is not affecting our
performance, there is substantial evidence from both laboratory and real-world
studies telling us otherwise (Pashler, 1998; Stevenson et al., 2013).
In contrast, selective attention involves focusing on one particular event or

task, such as focused studying, driving without distraction, or attentively listening
to music or watching a movie. In this case, you are paying more attention to one
part of your environment so that you can accurately sense and perceive the
information it might provide (e.g., watching the road while driving). While useful,
this process comes at a cost—your perception of other parts of your environment
suffers (e.g., you don’t notice the birds in the trees, or you walk into a fountain in
the mall because you’re focused on texting). Most of the time, selective attention
is quite beneficial; however, there are times when this focus is so powerful that
we fail to perceive some very obvious things.
Imagine you are watching your favourite team play basketball. You’re a big fan of
a particular player and are intently watching his every move. Would you notice if
a person in a gorilla suit ran onto the court for a few seconds? Most people
would say “yes.” However, psychological research suggests otherwise. Missing
the obvious can be surprisingly easy—especially if you are focused on just one
particular aspect of your environment. For example, researchers asked
undergraduate students to watch a video of students dressed in white t-shirts
actively moving around while passing a ball to one another. The participants’
task was to count the number of times the ball was passed. To complicate
matters, there were also students in black t-shirts doing the same thing with
another ball; however, the participants were instructed to ignore them. This is a
top-down task because the participants selectively attended to a single set of
events. The participants in this study found the task very easy; most were able to
accurately count the number of passes, give or take a few.
But what if a student wearing a gorilla suit walked through the video, stopped,
pounded her chest, and walked off screen? Who could miss that? Surprisingly,
about half the participants failed to even notice the gorilla (Simons & Chabris,
1999). This number was even higher in elderly populations (Graham & Burke,
2011). This result is an example of inattentional blindness , a failure to
notice clearly visible events or objects because attention is directed elsewhere
(Mack & Rock, 1998). You can imagine how shocked the participants were
when they watched the film again without selectively attending to one thing and
realized they had completely missed the gorilla. Inattentional blindness shows
that when we focus on a limited number of features, we might not pay much
attention to anything else.
Inattentional blindness accounts for many common phenomena. For example,

people who witness automobile accidents or criminal behaviour may offer faulty
or incomplete testimony. In sports, athletes and referees often miss aspects of a
game because they are focusing on one area of action (Memmert & Furley,
2007); inattentional blindness decreases as expertise with the game increases
(Furley et al., 2010). Interestingly, research conducted at Dalhousie University
has shown that stimuli that were not perceived in an inattentional blindness study
still influenced performance on later memory tasks, suggesting that these stimuli
can in fact influence our perceptual system (Butler & Klein, 2009). Although this
doesn’t necessarily mean that referees will be haunted by missed calls, it does
mean that the refs weren’t blind—just inattentionally blind.
Do you think you would fail to notice the student in the gorilla suit at a basketball
game (top photo, Simons & Chabris, 1999)? In another study of inattentional
blindness, researchers discovered that when participants were focused on
running after a confederate at night, only 35% of the subjects noticed a staged
fight going on right in their pathway, and during the day only 56% noticed
(Chabris et al., 2011).
Top: Simons, D. J., & Chabris, C. F. (1999). Gorillas in our midst: Sustained inattentional blindness for dynamic events.
Perception, 28, 1059–1074. Figure provided by Daniel Simons; bottom: Photo by Matt Milless.
Module 4.1b Quiz:
Perceiving the World Around Us
Know . . .
1. Which Gestalt principle refers to the perceptual rule that things that are
close together are likely part of the same object or group?
A. Figure–ground
B. Proximity
C. Continuity
D. Similarity
Understand . . .
2. Failure to notice particular stimuli when paying close attention to others is
known as .
A. misattention
B. divided attention
C. multitasking
D. intentional blindness
Analyze . . .
3. While watching television, you see a report about a group of parents
complaining that backward messages in music are making their children
misbehave. According to research, you would tell these parents that
A. only backward messages containing emotional information can
influence people.
B. there is no evidence that backward messages can be perceived
unless people are told what to listen for.
C. previous research has shown that backward messages can
influence behaviour, but only if they are embedded within music.
D. researchers have not come to a definitive conclusion about the
effects of backward messages.
Module 4.1 Summary
4.1a Know . . . the key terminology of sensation and perception.
absolute threshold
bottom-up processing
difference threshold
divided attention
doctrine of specific nerve energies
inattentional blindness
perception
psychophysics
selective attention
sensation
sensory adaptation
signal detection theory
top-down processing
transduction
Weber’s law
4.1b Understand . . . what stimulus thresholds are.
Stimulus thresholds can be either absolute (the minimum amount of energy to

notice a stimulus) or based on difference (the minimum change between stimuli
required to notice they are different).
4.1c Understand . . . the principles of Gestalt psychology.

A key principle of Gestalt psychology is that although the individual parts of a
stimulus may have little meaning on their own, these parts can be grouped
together in ways that are perceived as distinct patterns or objects. For instance,
individual stimuli can be grouped together according to principles of figure and
ground, proximity, similarity, continuity, and closure.
4.1d Apply . . . your knowledge of signal detection theory to identify hits,

misses, and correct responses in examples.
Apply Activity
For practice, consider Figure 4.4 , along with this example: Imagine a girl who
has seen a scary television program and then while trying to go to sleep, worries
about a monster in the closet. Identify which of the four events (A–D) goes within
the correct box; that is, identify it as a hit, a miss, a false alarm, or a correct
rejection. Warning: For half of these events, you may have to assume there
really is a monster in the closet.
Hit: False alarm:
Miss: Correct rejection:
A. There is no monster in the closet and the girl is confident that she has not
heard anything.
B. There really is a monster in the closet but the girl has not heard it.
C. There really is a monster in the closet and the girl hears it.
D. There is no monster in the closet, but the girl insists that she heard
something.
4.1e Analyze . . . claims that subliminal advertising and backward

messages can influence your behaviour.
As you read in the Priming and Subliminal Perception section of this module, we
can sometimes perceive stimuli below the level of conscious awareness, and this
perception can affect our behaviour in some ways. However, as noted in the
Myths in Mind feature, research suggests that subliminal advertising has little
effect on one’s consumer behaviour. Similarly, studies of backward messages in
music have shown that individuals typically do not perceive the meaning of these
messages unless they are specifically told what they should listen for, suggesting
that the Devil in heavy metal music is really just top-down processing.
Module 4.2 The Visual System
Facundo Arrizabalaga/EPA/Newscom
Learning Objectives
4.2a Know . . . the key terminology relating to the eye and vision.
4.2b Understand . . . how visual information travels from the eye through the
brain to give us the experience of sight.
4.2c Understand . . . the theories of colour vision.
4.2d Apply . . . your knowledge to explain how we perceive depth in our visual
field.
4.2e Analyze . . . how we perceive objects and faces.
On Canada Day in 2015, Canadian tennis star Milos Raonic hit a serve
that was clocked at 145 mph (233 km/h) against his opponent, German
Tommy Haas. At the time, it was the third fastest serve in the 138-year
history of the Wimbledon championship. Remarkably, Haas managed to
return the serve, although he ended up losing the point to the powerful
Canadian. Although spectators were impressed by the skill and
athleticism of both athletes on that sunny July afternoon, they were also
witness to something equally stunning: the power and complexity of the
human visual system.
In order for Haas to return Raonic’s serve, he had to identify a yellowish-

green tennis ball against a dark green background, follow the ball as it
landed on a light-green grass-court surface, and track its trajectory as it
bounced toward him. Doing so required him to be able to perceive
different colours, perceive and identify particular objects in his visual field,
and perceive motion. Haas’ visual system also had to work with his
motoric (movement) system so that he could move his racquet (and thus
his hand and arm) in order to return the serve.
Although both Raonic and Haas are professional athletes, their

exceptional visual abilities did not develop overnight; they are the product
of years of training. Vision—and the movements and cognition that go
with it—is something we fine-tune with experience.
Focus Questions
1. Which brain areas are involved with identifying your coffee cup
versus reaching for your coffee cup?
2. What tricks can artists use to make two-dimensional paintings
appear three dimensional?
The world is a visual place to most humans. We use vision to navigate through
beautiful landscapes, city centres, and the interiors of buildings. We also use
vision to communicate via facial expressions and the written word (such as this
text, which you undoubtedly photocopy and tape to your bedroom walls). In this
module, we explore how vision works—starting out as patterns of light entering
the eye, and ending up as a complex, perceptual experience. We begin with an
overview of the basic physical structures of the eye and brain that make vision
possible, and then discuss the experience of seeing.
The Human Eye
The eye is one of the most remarkable of the human body’s physical structures.
It senses an amazing array of information, translates that information into neural
impulses, and transfers it to the brain for complex perceptual processing. To
ensure that this sequence of events begins correctly, the eye needs specialized
structures that allow us to regulate how much light comes in, to respond to
different wavelengths of light, to maintain a focus on the most important objects
in a scene, and to turn physical energy into action potentials, the method by
which information is transmitted in the brain.
How the Eye Gathers Light

The primary function of the eye is to gather light and change it into an action
potential. But, “light” itself is quite complex. Although physicists have written vast
tomes on the topic of light, for the purposes of human perception, “light” actually
refers to radiation that occupies a relatively narrow band of the electromagnetic
spectrum, shown in Figure 4.8 a. Light travels in waves that vary in terms of
two different properties: length and amplitude. The term wavelength refers to the
distance between peaks of a wave—differences in wavelength correspond to
different colours on the electromagnetic spectrum. As you can see from Figure
4.8 a, long wavelengths correspond to our perception of reddish colours and
short wavelengths correspond to our perception of bluish colours. The different
shades of green found in the tennis match described in the opening of this
module would represent wavelengths of light in between the wavelengths of red
and blue. Interestingly, some organisms, such as bees, can see ultraviolet light
and some reptiles can see infrared light. These interspecies differences are likely
due to the different evolutionary demands these species have faced. What
pressures do you think led humans to develop their specific visual system?
Although no one can answer this question with absolute certainty, some
researchers have suggested that our red–green vision allowed us to distinguish
between types of edible vegetation (Regan et al., 2001).
Figure 4.8 Light Waves in the Electromagnetic Spectrum

(a) The electromagnetic spectrum: When white light travels through a prism, the
bending of the light reveals the visible light spectrum. The visible spectrum falls
within a continuum of other waves of the electromagnetic spectrum. (b)
Wavelength is measured by distance between the peaks (or the troughs) of the
waves.
Source: Ciccarelli, Saundra K.; White, J. Noland, Psychology: An Exploration, 1st Ed., ©2010, p. 79. Reprinted and
Electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc., New York, NY.
Wavelength is not the only characteristic that is important for vision. Amplitude
refers to the height of a wave (see Figure 4.8 b). Low-amplitude waves are
seen as dim colours, whereas high-amplitude waves are seen as bright colours.
Light waves can also differ in terms of how many different wavelengths are being
viewed at once. When you look at a clear blue sky, you are viewing many
different wavelengths of light at the same time—but the blue wavelengths are
more prevalent and therefore dominate your impression; when our visual angle
to the sun changes at dusk, different light frequencies are more apparent, giving
the sky a reddish colour. If a large proportion of the light waves are clustered
around one wavelength, you will see an intense, vivid colour. If there are a large
variety of wavelengths being viewed at the same time, the colour will appear to
be “washed out.” Figure 4.9 depicts these different characteristics of light—
wavelength, amplitude, and purity—as we generally perceive them. These
characteristics of light will be experienced by us as hue (colour of the spectrum),
intensity (brightness), and saturation (colourfulness or purity). It is in the eye that
this transformation from sensation to perception takes place.
Figure 4.9 Hue, Intensity, and Saturation

Colours vary by hue (colour), intensity (brightness), and saturation (colourfulness
or “purity”).
The Structure of the Eye

The eye consists of specialized structures that regulate the amount of light that
enters the eye and organizes it into a pattern that the brain can interpret (see
Figure 4.10 ). The sclera is the white, outer surface of the eye and the
cornea is the clear layer that covers the front portion of the eye and also
contributes to the eye’s ability to focus. Light enters the eye through the cornea
and passes through an opening called the pupil. The pupil regulates the
amount of light that enters by changing its size; it dilates (expands) to allow more
light to enter and constricts (shrinks) to allow less light into the eye. The changes
in the pupil’s size are performed by the iris , a round muscle that adjusts the
size of the pupil; it also gives the eyes their characteristic colour. Behind the
pupil is the lens , a clear structure that focuses light onto the back of the eye.
The lens can change its shape to ensure that the light entering the eye is
refracted in such a way that it is focused when it reaches the back of the eye.
This process is known as accommodation. When the light reaches the back of
the eye, it will stimulate a layer of specialized receptors that convert light into a
message that the brain can then interpret, a process known as transduction (see
Module 4.1 ). These receptors are part of a complex structure known as the
retina.
Figure 4.10 The Human Eye and Its Structures
Notice how the lens inverts the image that appears on the retina (see inset). The
visual centres of the brain correct the inversion.
The retina lines the inner surface of the back of the eye and consists of
specialized receptors that absorb light and send signals related to the properties
of light to the brain. The retina contains a number of different layers, each
performing a slightly different function. At the back of the retina are specialized
receptors called photoreceptors. These receptors, which will be discussed in
more depth below, are where light will be transformed into a neural signal that
the brain can understand. It may seem strange that light would stimulate the
deepest layer of the retina, with the neural signal then turning around and
Figure 4.11
moving forward in the eye (see ); however, there is a reason for
this design. Having the photoreceptors wedged into the back of the eye protects
them and provides them with a constant blood supply, both of which are useful to
your ability to see.
Figure 4.11 Arrangement of Photoreceptors in the Retina

Bipolar and ganglion cells collect messages from the light-sensitive
photoreceptors and converge on the optic nerve, which then carries the
messages to the brain.
Source: Ciccarelli, Saundra K.; White, J. Noland, Psychology: An Exploration, 1st Ed., ©2010, p. 81. Reprinted and
Information from the photoreceptors at the back of the retina is transmitted to the
ganglion cells closer to the front of the retina. The ganglion cells gather up
information from the photoreceptors; this information will then alter the rate at
which the ganglion cells fire. The activity of all of the ganglion cells is then sent
out of the eye through the optic nerve , a dense bundle of fibres that connect
to the brain. This nerve presents a challenge to the brain. Because it travels
through the back of the eye, it creates an area on the retina with no
photoreceptors, called the optic disc. The result is a blind spot—a space in the
retina that lacks photoreceptors. You can discover your own blind spot by
performing the activity described in Figure 4.12 .
Figure 4.12 Finding Your Blind Spot

To find your blind spot, close your left eye and, with your right eye, fix your gaze
on the + in the green square. Slowly move the page toward you. When the page
is approximately 6 inches (15 cm) away, you will notice that the black dot on the
right disappears because of your blind spot. Not only does the black dot
disappear, but its vacancy is replaced by yellow: The brain “fills it in” for you.
The blind spot illustrates just how distinct the processes of sensation and
perception are. Why do we fail to notice a completely blank area of our visual
field? If we consider only the process of sensation, we cannot answer this
question. We have to invoke perception: The visual areas of the brain are able to
“fill in” the missing information for us (Ramachandran & Gregory, 1991). Not
only does the brain fill in the missing information, but it does so in context. Thus,
once the black dot at the right of Figure 4.12 reaches the blind spot, the brain
automatically fills in the vacancy with yellow.
The Retina: From Light to Nerve Impulse
Now that you have read an overview of the eye’s structures, we can ask an
important question: How can the firing of millions of little photoreceptors in the
retina produce vivid visual experiences like seeing white-clad tennis players
running around a light-green court surrounded by thousands of spectators in
different-coloured clothes? The simple answer is that not all photoreceptors are
the same. There are two general types of photoreceptors—rods and cones—
each of which responds to different characteristics of light. Rods are
photoreceptors that occupy peripheral regions of the retina; they are highly
sensitive under low light levels (see Figure 4.13 ). This type of sensitivity
makes rods particularly responsive to black and grey. In contrast, cones are
photoreceptors that are sensitive to the different wavelengths of light that we
perceive as colour. Cones tend to be clustered around the fovea , the central
region of the retina.
Figure 4.13 Distribution of Rods and Cones on the Retina

Cones are concentrated at the fovea, the centre of the retina, while rods are
more abundant in the periphery. There are approximately 120 million rods and
approximately 6 to 8 million cones in the adult retina.
When the rods and cones are stimulated by light, their physical structure briefly
changes. This change decreases the amount of the neurotransmitter glutamate
being released, which alters the activity of neurons in the different layers of the
retina. The final layer to receive this changed input consists of ganglion cells,
which will eventually output to the optic nerve. Interestingly, the ratio of ganglion
cells to cones in the fovea is approximately one to one; in contrast, there are
roughly 10 rods for every ganglion cell. So, all of the input from a cone is clearly
transmitted to a ganglion cell whereas the input from a rod must compete with
input from other rods (similar to ten people talking at you at the same time). So,
cones are clustered in the fovea (i.e., at the centre of our visual field) and have a
one-to-one ratio with ganglion cells, while rods are limited to the periphery of the
retina and have a ten-to-one ratio with ganglion cells. These differences help
explain why colourful stimuli are often perceived as sharp images while shadowy
grey images are perceived as being hazy or unclear.
In daylight or under artificial light, the cones in the retina are more active than
rods—they help us to detect differences in the colour of objects and to
discriminate the objects’ fine details. In contrast, if the lights suddenly go out or if
you enter a dark room, at first you see next to nothing. Over time, however, you
gradually begin to see your surroundings more clearly. Dark adaptation is
the process by which the rods and cones become increasingly sensitive to light
under low levels of illumination. What is actually happening during dark
adaptation is that the photoreceptors are slowly becoming regenerated after
having been exposed to light. Cones regenerate more quickly than do rods, often
within about ten minutes. However, after this time, the rods become more
sensitive than the cones. Indeed, we do not see colour at night or in darkness
because rods are more active than cones under low light levels.
The phenomenon of dark adaptation explains why we can find our friends in a
dark movie theatre. It does not, however, explain why we perceive the sky as
being blue or a stop sign as being red. Luckily, 200 years of vision research has
provided answers to such questions.
The Retina and the Perception of Colours

Our experience of colour is based on how our visual system interprets different
wavelengths on the electromagnetic spectrum (refer back to Figure 4.8 ).
Colour is not actually a characteristic of the objects themselves, but is rather an
interpretation of these wavelengths by the visual system. As you learned earlier,
the cones of the retina are specialized for responding to different wavelengths of
light that correspond to different colours. However, the subjective experience of
colour occurs in the brain. Currently, two theories exist to explain how neurons in
the eye can produce these colourful experiences.
One theory suggests that three different types of cones exist, each of which is
sensitive to a different range of wavelengths on the electromagnetic spectrum.
These three types of cones were initially identified in the 18th century by
physicist Thomas Young and then independently rediscovered in the 19th
century by Hermann von Helmholtz. The resulting trichromatic theory (or
Young-Helmholtz theory ) maintains that colour vision is determined by three
different cone types that are sensitive to short, medium, and long wavelengths of
light. These cones respond to wavelengths associated with the colours blue,
green, and red. The relative responses of the three types of cones allow us to
perceive many different colours on the spectrum (see Figure 4.14 ) and allow
us to experience the vast array of colours seen in environments ranging from
flower gardens to dance clubs. For example, yellow is perceived by combining
the stimulation of red- and green-sensitive cones, whereas light that stimulates
all cones equally is perceived as white. (Note: mixing different wavelengths of
light produces different colours than when you mix different colours of paint.)
Modern technology has been used to measure the amount of light that can be
absorbed in cones and has confirmed that each type responds to different
wavelengths. Thus, some aspects of our colour vision can be explained by the
characteristics of the cones in our retinas.
Figure 4.14 The Trichromatic Theory of Colour Vision
According to this theory, humans have three types of cones that respond
maximally to different regions of the colour spectrum. Colour is experienced by
the combined activity of cones sensitive to short, medium, and long wavelengths.
However, not all colour-related experiences can be explained by the trichromatic

theory. For instance, stare at the image in Figure 4.15 for about a minute and
then look toward a white background. After switching your gaze to a white
background, you will see the colours red, white, and blue rather than green,
black, and yellow. How can we explain this tendency to see such a negative
afterimage, a different colour from the one you actually viewed? In the 19th
century, Ewald Hering proposed the opponent-process theory of colour
perception, which states that we perceive colour in terms of opposing pairs: red
to green, yellow to blue, and white to black. This type of perception is consistent
with the activity patterns of retinal ganglion cells. A cell that is stimulated by red
is inhibited by green; when red is no longer perceived (as when you suddenly
look at a white wall), a “rebound” effect occurs. Suddenly, the previously inhibited
cells that fire during the perception of green are free to fire, whereas the
previously active cells related to red no longer do so. The same relationship
occurs for yellow and blue as well as for white and black.
Figure 4.15 The Negative Afterimage: Experiencing Opponent-Process

Theory
Stare directly at the white dot within the flag and avoid looking away. After about
a minute, immediately shift your focus to a white background. What do you see?
What colours would you use to create a Canadian flag afterimage?
The trichromatic and opponent-process theories are said to be complementary

because both are required to explain how we see colour. The trichromatic theory
explains colour vision in terms of the activity of cones. The opponent-process
theory of colour vision explains what happens when ganglion cells process
signals from a number of different cones at the same time. Together, they allow
us to see the intense world of colours that we experience every day.
Common Visual Disorders

Of course, not everyone can see colours. In fact, many people reading this book
will have some form of colour blindness. Most forms of colour blindness affect
the ability to distinguish between red and green. In people who have normal
colour vision, some cones contain proteins that are sensitive to red and some
contain proteins that are sensitive to green. However, in most forms of colour
blindness, one of these types of cones does not contain the correct protein (e.g.,
“green cones” contain proteins that are sensitive to wavelengths of light that
produce the colour red). Most forms of colour blindness are genetic in origin.
There are also visual disorders caused by the shape of the eye itself. Changes to
the shape of the eye sometimes prevent a focused image from reaching the
photoreceptors in the retina. Nearsightedness, or myopia, occurs when the
eyeball is slightly elongated, causing the image that the cornea and lens focus
on to fall short of the retina (see Figure 4.16 ). People who are nearsighted
can see objects that are relatively close up but have difficulty focusing on distant
objects. Alternatively, if the length of the eye is shorter than normal, the result is
farsightedness or hyperopia. In this case, the image is focused behind the retina.
Farsighted people can see distant objects clearly but not those that are close by.
Both types of impairments can be corrected with contact lenses or glasses, thus
allowing a focused visual image to stimulate the retina at the back of the eye,
where light energy is converted into neural impulses.
Figure 4.16 Nearsightedness and Farsightedness

Nearsightedness and farsightedness result from misshapen eyes. If the eye is
elongated or too short, images are not centred on the retina.
Source: Lilienfeld, Scott O.; Lynn, Steven J; Namy, Laural L.; Woolf, Nancy J., Psychology: From Inquiry to Understanding,
Books A La Carte Edtion, 2nd Ed., ©2011. Reprinted and Electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson Education,
Inc., New York, NY.
In the last 20 years, an increasing number of people have undergone laser eye
surgery in order to correct near- or farsightedness. In this type of surgery,
surgeons use a laser to reshape the cornea so that incoming light focuses on the
retina, which produces close to perfect vision. In nearsighted patients, the
doctors attempt to flatten the cornea, whereas in farsighted patients the doctors
attempt to make the cornea steeper. Although the idea of having a laser fire into
your eyes sounds frightening, approximately 95% of the patients who undergo
these surgeries report being completely satisfied with the results (Solomon et
al., 2009). Seeing is believing.
Module 4.2a Quiz:
The Human Eye
Know . . .
1. Cones are predominantly gathered in a central part of the retina known
as the .
A. fovea
B. photoreceptor
C. blind spot
D. optic chiasm
2. Which of the following conditions occurs when the eye becomes

elongated, causing the image to fall short of the retina?
A. Prosopagnosia
B. Motion parallax
C. Farsightedness
D. Nearsightedness
Understand . . .
3. Crystal was at a modern art gallery. After staring at a large, red square
(that was somehow worth $20 million), she looked at the wall and briefly
saw the colour green. Which theory can explain Crystal’s experience?
A. Opponent-process theory
B. Hyperopia
C. Trichromatic theory
D. Motion parallax
Apply . . .
4. Jacob cannot distinguish between the colours red and green. What
structure(s) of the eye is/are most likely not functioning properly?
A. Rods
B. Cornea
C. Cones
D. Lens
It is important to remember that the initial sensations of light that are processed
in the eye itself provide very specific information about the environment that we
are viewing. But, in order for this raw sensory information to be perceived, it
needs to exit the eye and enter the brain.
Visual Perception and the Brain
Information from the optic nerve travels to numerous areas of the brain. The first
major destination is the optic chiasm, the point at which the optic nerves cross at
the midline of the brain (see Figure 4.17 ). For each optic nerve, about half of
the nerve fibres travel to the same side of the brain (ipsilateral), and half of them
travel to the opposite side of the brain (contralateral). As can be seen in Figure
4.17 , the outside half of the retina (closest to your temples) sends its optic
nerve projections ipsilaterally. In contrast, the inside half of the retina (closest to
your nose) sends its optic nerve projections contralaterally. The result of this
distribution is that the left half of your visual field is initially processed by the right
hemisphere of your brain, whereas the right half of your visual field is initially
processed by the left hemisphere of your brain. Although this system might
sound like it was designed by someone who had had a few drinks, it serves
important functions, particularly if a person’s brain is damaged. In this case,
having both eyes send some information to both hemispheres increases the
likelihood that some visual abilities will be preserved.
Figure 4.17 Pathways of the Visual System in the Brain

The optic nerves route messages to the visual cortex. At the optic chiasm, some
of the cells remain on the same side and some cross to the opposite side of the
brain. This organization results in images appearing in the left visual field being
processed on the right side of the brain, and images appearing in the right visual
field being processed on the left side of the brain.
Source: Ciccarelli, Saundra K.; White, J. Noland, Psychology, 3rd Ed., ©2012, pp.96. Reprinted and Electronically
reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc., New York, NY.
Fibres from the optic nerve first connect with the thalamus, the brain’s “sensory
relay station.” The thalamus is made up of over 20 different nuclei with
specialized functions. The lateral geniculate nucleus (LGN) is specialized for
processing visual information. Fibres from this nucleus send messages to the
visual cortex, located in the occipital lobe, where the complex processes of visual
perception begin.
How does the visual cortex make sense of all this incoming information? It starts
with a division of labour among specialized cells. One set of cells in the visual
cortex—first discovered by Canadian David Hubel and his colleague Torsten
Wiesel in 1959—are referred to as feature detection cells; these cells respond
selectively to simple and specific aspects of a stimulus, such as angles and
edges (Hubel & Wiesel, 1962). Researchers have been able to map which
feature detection cells respond to specific aspects of an image by measuring the
firing rates of groups of neurons in the visual cortex in lab animals (Figure
4.18 ). Feature detection cells of the visual cortex are thought to be where
visual input is organized for perception; however, additional processing is
required for us to accurately perceive our visual world. From the primary visual
cortex, information about different features is sent for further processing in the
surrounding secondary visual cortex. This area consists of a number of
specialized regions that perform specific functions, such as the perception of
colour and movement. These regions begin the process of putting together
primitive visual information into a bigger picture.
Figure 4.18 Measuring the Activity of Feature Detection Cells
Scientists can measure the activity of individual feature detector cells by inserting
a microscopic electrode into the visual cortex of an animal. The activity level will
peak when the animal is shown the specific feature corresponding to that specific
cell.
Books A La Carte Edition, 2nd Ed., © 2011. Reprinted and Electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson Education,
Inc., New York, NY.
These specialized areas are the beginning of two streams of vision, each of
which performs different visual functions (see Figure 4.19 ). The ventral
stream extends from the visual cortex to the lower part of the temporal lobe. The
dorsal stream, on the other hand, extends from the visual cortex to the parietal
lobe. Both streams are essential for our ability to function normally in our visual
world.
Figure 4.19 The Two Streams of Vision
Neural impulses leave the visual centres in the occipital lobe along two different
pathways. The ventral (bottom) stream extends to the temporal lobe and the
dorsal (top) stream extends to the parietal lobe.
Source: Figure 4.18, p. 139 in Psychology: From Inquiry to Understanding, 2nd ed. by Scott O. Lilienfeld, Steven J. Lynn,
Laura L. Namy, and Nancy J. Woolf. Copyright © 2011. Printed and electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson
Education, Inc., Upper Saddle River, New Jersey.
The Ventral Stream

The ventral stream of vision extends from the visual cortex in the occipital lobe to
the anterior (front) portions of the temporal lobe. This division of our visual
system performs a critical function: object recognition. Groups of neurons in the
temporal lobe gather shape and colour information from different regions of the
secondary visual cortex and combine it into a neural representation of an object.
Brain imaging experiments have shown that damage to this stream of vision
causes dramatic impairments in object recognition (James et al., 2003). Other
studies have noted that different categories of objects—such as tools, animals,
and instruments—are represented in distinct areas of the anterior temporal lobes
(Tranel et al., 1997). Indeed, researchers have identified rare cases where
brain-damaged individuals show a striking inability to name items from one
category while being unimpaired at naming other categories (e.g., Caramazza &
Mahon, 2003; Dixon et al., 1997); this deficit only affects the visual perception
of those objects (e.g., a guitar), not the knowledge about those objects (e.g., that
a guitar has six strings). But tools, animals, and musical instruments are not the
only categories that are represented in distinct areas of the ventral stream of
vision. One group of stimuli—possibly the most evolutionarily important one in
our visual world—may have an entire region of the brain dedicated to its
perception.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Are Faces

Special?
Faces provide us with an incredible amount of social information.

In addition to using faces to identify specific other people, we can
use them as a source of important social information, such as
someone’s emotional state. Other people’s faces could therefore
give you hints as to how you should respond to them, or to the
situation you are both in. Given their importance, it seems logical
that faces would be processed differently than many less
important types of visual stimuli.
What do we know about face perception?

Look at the painting in Figure 4.20 . What do you see? When
you look at the image on the left, you will likely see a somewhat
dreary bowl filled with vegetables. However, when most people
see the image on the right, they perceive a face. They can
obviously tell that the “face” is just the bowl of vegetables turned
upside down, but the different items in the bowl do resemble the
general shape of a face. The Italian artist Guiseppe Archimboldo
produced a number of similar paintings in which “faces” could be
perceived within other structures. What Archimboldo was
highlighting was the fact that faces appear to stand out relative to
other objects in our visual world.
Figure 4.20 Seeing Faces
At left is a painting of turnips and other vegetables by the Italian

artist Giuseppe Archimboldo. The image at right is the same
image rotated 180 degrees—does it resemble a human face?
Source: The Vegetable Gardener, c.1590 (oil on panel), Arcimboldo, Giuseppe (1527–93)/Museo
Civico Ala Ponzone, Cremona, Italy/Bridgeman Images.
How can science explain how we perceive faces?

Not everyone sees the faces in Archimboldo’s painting. In fact,
some neurological patients don’t see faces at all. Specific genetic
problems or brain damage can lead to an inability to recognize
faces, a condition known as prosopagnosia, or face blindness.
People with face blindness are able to recognize voices and other
defining features of individuals (e.g., Angelina Jolie’s lips), but not
faces. Importantly, these patients tend to have damage or
dysfunction in the same general area of the brain: the bottom of
the right temporal lobe. So, although prosopagnosia is a relatively
rare clinical condition, it does help us understand some basic
processes that are involved in perceiving faces.
Brain imaging studies have corroborated the location of the “face

area” of the brain (Kanwisher et al., 1997). Using fMRI,
researchers have consistently detected activity in this region, now
known as the fusiform face area (FFA). The FFA responds more
strongly to the entire face than to individual features; unlike other
types of stimuli, faces are processed holistically rather than as a
nose, eyes, ears, chin, and so on (Tanaka & Farah, 1993).
However, the FFA shows a much smaller response when we
perceive inverted (upside down) faces. In this case, people tend
to perceive the individual components of the face (e.g., eyes,
mouth, etc.) rather than perceiving the faces as a holistic unit.
Figure 4.21 provides an interesting—and somewhat jarring—
visual phenomenon demonstrating this difference in our
perception of upright and inverted faces.
Figure 4.21 The Face Inversion Effect
After viewing both upside-down faces, you probably noticed a

difference between the two pictures. The face on the left probably
seemed as a bit “off.” Now turn your book upside down and
notice how the distortion of one of the faces is amplified when
viewed from this perspective. The reason the distorted face didn’t
seem as bizarre when viewed upside down is that you likely
focused on the individual components of Beyoncé’s face, none of
which are strange on their own. When you viewed the stimuli as
upright faces, you would have put the different features together
into a more holistic view of Beyoncé’s entire face. At this point,
the distorted face would definitely not look flawless.
Left: PA Photos/Landov; right: PA Photos/Landov.
Interestingly, the FFA is also active when we perceive images of

faces in everyday objects, such as when people see images of
Jesus in a piece of toast (Liu et al., 2014). The fact that these
illusory perceptions of faces, known as face pareidolia, also
activate the FFA suggests that this structure is influenced by top-
down processing that treats any face-like pattern as a face.
Like many other sensory functions, the ability to perceive faces is

dependent upon experience. Researchers at McMaster and
Brock Universities have found that early visual input to the right,
but not left, hemisphere of the brain is essential for the
development of normal face perception (Le Grand et al., 2004,
2005). Our face perception skills also develop as we grow up—
adults out-perform children on tests of face recognition
(Mondloch et al., 2006) and the fusiform face area does not
show special sensitivity to faces until approximately age 10
(Aylward et al., 2005).

Although no one doubts that faces are processed by the FFA,
there are alternative explanations for these effects. One
possibility is that the FFA is being activated by one of the
cognitive or perceptual processes that help us perceive faces
rather than by the perception of faces themselves. One such
process is expertise. We are all experts at recognizing faces.
Think of all of the people that you’ve gone to school with over the
years. Think of all of the entertainers, athletes, and politicians you
can recognize. You have the ability to distinguish between
thousands of different faces. Canadian psychologist Isabel
Gauthier and her colleagues have suggested that face
recognition isn’t all that special. Instead, the FFA may simply be
an area related to processing stimuli that we have become
experts at recognizing. To test this hypothesis, she trained
undergraduate students to recognize different types of a novel
group of objects called Greebles (see Figure 4.22 ). Before
training, these stimuli did not trigger activity in the FFA; however,
after training, this area did become active (Gauthier et al., 1999).
Further support for this expertise hypothesis comes from studies
of bird and car experts (Gauthier et al., 2000). Both groups
showed greater levels of brain activity in the FFA in response to
stimuli related to their area of expertise (e.g., cars for car
enthusiasts). Although this research doesn’t negate the studies
showing face-specific processing in this area, it does suggest that
more research is necessary to see just how specialized this
region of the ventral stream of vision really is.
Figure 4.22 Expertise for Faces and “Greebles”

The images below are Greebles, faceless stimuli used to test
whether the FFA responds only to faces (Gauthier & Tarr, 1997).
Participants in these studies are taught to classify the Greebles
on a number of characteristics such as sex (“male” and “female”).
Although this task seems difficult, after several training sessions
participants can rapidly make such a decision. These “Greeble
experts” also show increased activity in the region of the brain
associated with processing faces.
Source: Expertise and the Fusiform Face Area. Reprinted with permission of Dr. Isabel Gauthier.
World-renowned chimpanzee researcher Jane Goodall has face

blindness (prosopagnosia). Her sister also has it—there appear
to be genetic links to the condition. Despite being face blind, Dr.
Goodall and others with this condition use nonfacial
characteristics to recognize people, or, in her case, hundreds of
individual chimpanzees (Goodall & Berman, 1999).
Michael Nichols/National Geographic/ Getty Images

The fact that a specific brain region is linked with the perception
of faces is very useful information for neurologists and
emergency room physicians. If a patient has trouble recognizing
people, it could be a sign that he has damage to the bottom of the
right temporal lobe. Indeed, based on studies of prosopagnosia,
tests of face memory are now part of most assessment tools
used by doctors and researchers. The fact that fMRI studies
corroborate the location of the FFA increases our confidence that
such tools are in fact valid.
At this point in the module, we have looked at how we sense visual information
and how this information is constructed by our brain-based perceptual system
into objects that can influence our behaviour, such as a face or an animal. But,
our visual system has even more tricks for us. Somehow, we can identify objects
even when they are viewed in different lighting conditions or at different angles—
your cat is still your cat, regardless of whether it is noon or midnight. This
observation is an example of what is called perceptual constancy , the ability
to perceive objects as having constant shape, size, and colour despite changes
in perspective. What makes perceptual constancy possible is our ability to make
relative judgments about shape, size, and lightness. For shape constancy, we
judge the angle of the object relative to our position (see Figure 4.23 ). Size
constancy is based on judgments of how close an object is relative to one’s
position as well as to the positions of other objects. Colour constancy allows us
to recognize an object’s colour under varying levels of illumination. For example,
a bright red car is recognized as bright red whether in the shade or in full
sunlight.
Figure 4.23 Perceptual Constancies
(a) Shape constancy: We perceive the door to be a rectangle despite the fact
that the two-dimensional outline of the image on the retina is not always
rectangular. (b) Colour constancy: We perceive colours to be constant despite
changing levels of illumination. (c) Size constancy: the person in the red shirt
appears normal in size when in the background. A replica of this individual
placed in the foreground appears unusually small because of size constancy.
2nd Ed., ©2011. Reprinted And Electronically reproduced by permission Of Pearson Education, Inc., New York, NY.
Middle: Brian Prawl/Shutterstock; Right: FORGET Patrick/SAGAPHOTO.COM/ Alamy Stock photo
The phenomenon of colour constancy recently gained international attention

during “The Great Dress Debate” of 2015. As you may recall, a photograph of a
dress became an international sensation when different people perceived it as
being either blue and black or white and gold. A large-scale survey involving over
1400 respondents found that 57% of people perceived the dress as black and
blue, 30% saw it as white and gold, 10% saw it as blue and brown, and 10%
readily switched between colours (Lafer-Sousa et al., 2015). These striking
differences in how different people perceived the dress captured the attention of
both the general public and vision experts. Researchers quickly noted that colour
constancy was a key factor in determining how the dress was perceived. When
we view an object, we naturally try to account for the quality of the surrounding
light. If we view something at dawn, our visual system attempts to discount some
of the redness of objects because we know that sunrise makes everything
appear redder than normal. It turns out that there are individual biases in which
types of light people tend to discount. Individuals with a tendency to discount
bluish light will perceive the dress as white and gold, whereas individuals who
discount yellowish light will perceive the dress as blue and black (Brainard &
Hurlbert, 2015; Gegenfurtner et al., 2015). Thus, “the dress” helps us
demonstrate that our perceptual biases, along with our previous experiences and
expectations, help structure and organize our visual experiences.
Indeed, all types of perceptual constancy are influenced by our previous

experience with the objects as well as the presence of other objects that can
serve as comparisons. In other words, constancies are affected by top-down
processing (see Module 4.1 ). If we know that a golden retriever is 60 cm tall
or that a door is rectangular (or that a dress is blue and black), our visual system
will use this knowledge when it organizes our perceptions in the brain. This top-
down processing is also important when we have to decide how we plan to
interact with the objects we are perceiving, a function performed by the dorsal
stream of our visual system.
The Dorsal Stream

The dorsal stream of vision extends from the visual cortex in our occipital lobe
upwards to the parietal lobe. Its function is less intuitive than that of the ventral
stream, but is just as important. Imagine looking at your morning cup of coffee
sitting on the table you’re working at. You immediately recognize that the object
is a cup, and that the liquid inside of it is coffee, something you drink. You also
decide that it is time to have a sip, thus requiring your arm to move so that your
hand can grasp the mug of caffeinated goodness. Someone with a healthy brain
can do this effortlessly. However, someone with damage to the dorsal stream of
vision would have great difficulty performing this simple function. How can we
explain this impairment?
Leslie Ungerleider and Mortimer Mishkin (1982) suggested that the ventral
and dorsal stream of vision could be referred to as the “what” and “where”
pathways. The ventral stream identifies the object, and the dorsal stream locates
it in space and allows you to interact with it. Although this description is accurate,
researchers at Western University have suggested that the function of the
“where” pathway is more specific (Goodale et al., 1991; Milner & Goodale,
2006). Their initial research was based on studies involving a patient known as
“D.F.” (in order to preserve patients’ anonymity, their names are never provided
in research papers). D.F. was a healthy middle-aged woman who suffered
damage to her temporal lobe that interfered with the ventral stream of vision. As
a result, her ability to recognize objects was severely impaired; indeed, she could
not recognize letters or line drawings. However, she could still reach for objects
as though she had perfect vision. For instance, when asked to put a letter in a
mailbox, she was able to do so, even if the angle of the mail slot was changed by
a sneaky researcher (see Figure 4.24 ). Goodale and colleagues correctly
hypothesized that D.F.’s dorsal stream was preserved, and that this pathway
was involved with visually guided movement. So, the next time you reach out to
grab your caffeinated beverage from the table, remember that the “simple” ability
to recognize and reach for the object requires multiple pathways in the brain.
Some people see “The Dress” as being blue and black (left); other people see
the same dress as being white and gold (right).
Amina Khan/NSF
Figure 4.24 Testing the Dorsal Stream
Patient D.F. was able to rotate her hand to fit an envelope into a mail slot despite
having difficulties identifying either object. Her preserved dorsal stream of vision
allowed her to use vision to guide her arm’s motions.
Source: Reprinted by permission from Melvyn A. Goodale.
Depth Perception
Our ability to use vision to guide our actions is dependent on our depth
perception. We need to be able to gauge the distances between different objects
as well as to determine where different objects are located relative to each other.
Without this ability, it would be difficult to return a tennis serve, drive a car, or
even walk through a crowded university hallway. Information related to depth
perception can be detected in a number of ways.
Binocular depth cues are distance cues that are based on the differing
perspectives of both eyes. One type of binocular depth cue, called
convergence , occurs when the eye muscles contract so that both eyes focus
on a single object. Convergence typically occurs for objects that are relatively
close to you. For example, if you move your fingertip toward your nose, your
eyes will move inward and will turn toward each other. The sensations that occur
as these muscles contract to focus on a single object provide the brain with
additional information used to create the perception of depth.
One reason humans have such a fine-tuned ability to see in three dimensions is
that both of our eyes face forward. This arrangement means that we perceive
objects from slightly different angles, which in turn enhances depth perception.
For example, choose an object in front of you, such as a pen held at arm’s length
from your body, and focus on that object with one eye while keeping the other
eye closed. Then open your other eye to look at the object (and close the eye
you were just using). You will notice that the position of your pen appears to
change. This effect demonstrates retinal disparity (also called binocular
disparity), the difference in relative position of an object as seen by both eyes,
which provides information to the brain about depth. Your brain relies on cues
from each eye individually and from both eyes working in concert—that is, in
stereo. Most primates, including humans, have stereoscopic vision, which results
from overlapping visual fields. The brain can use the difference between the
information provided by the left and right eye to make judgments about the
distance of the objects being viewed. Species that have eyes with no overlap in
their visual field, such as some fish, likely do not require as much depth
information in order to survive in their particular environment. These species
might also be able to make use of depth information perceived by each eye
individually.
Monocular cues are depth cues that we can perceive with only one eye. We
have already discussed one such cue, called accommodation, earlier in this
module. During accommodation, the lens of your eye curves to allow you to
focus on nearby objects. Close one eye and focus on a nearby object, and then
slightly change your focus to an object that is farther away; the lens changes
shape again so the next object comes into focus (see Figure 4.27 a). The
brain receives feedback about this movement which it can then use to help make
judgments about depth. Another monocular cue is motion parallax; it is used
when you or your surroundings are in motion. For example, as you sit in a
moving vehicle and look out of the passenger window, you will notice objects
closer to you, such as the roadside, parked cars, and nearby buildings, appear to
move rapidly in the opposite direction of your travel. By comparison, far-off
objects such as foothills and mountains in the distance appear to move much
more slowly, and in the same direction as your vehicle. The disparity in the
directions travelled by near and far-off objects provides a monocular cue about
depth.
PSYCH@ The Artist’s Studio

Although we often think of painters as being eccentric people prone to
cutting off their ears, they are actually very clever amateur vision
scientists. Rembrandt (1606–1669) varied the texture and colour details
of different parts of portraits in order to guide the viewer’s gaze toward
the clearest object. The result is that more detailed regions of a painting
attract attention and receive more eye fixations than less detailed areas
(DiPaola et al., 2011).
In addition to manipulating a viewer’s eye movements, painters also use

a variety of depth cues to transform their two-dimensional painting into a
three-dimensional perception. This use of pictorial depth cues is quite
challenging, which is why some paintings seem vibrant and multilayered
(like nature) while others seem flat and artificial. So what are some
strategies that artists use to influence our visual perception?
To understand how artists work, view the painting by Gustave Caillebotte

shown in Figure 4.25 . In this painting, you will notice that the artist
used numerous cues to depict depth:
Linear perspective: Parallel lines stretching to the horizon appear to

move closer together as they travel farther away. This effect can be
seen in the narrowing of the streets and the converging lines of the
sidewalks and the top of the building in the distance. This effect is
nicely demonstrated by the illusion in Figure 4.26 .
Interposition: Nearby objects block our view of far-off objects, such
as the umbrellas blocking the view of buildings behind them.
Light and shadow: The shadow cast by an object allows us to
detect both the size of the object and the relative locations of objects.
In addition, closer objects reflect more light than far-away objects.
Texture gradient: Objects that are coarse and distinct at close range
become fine and grainy at greater distances. In the painting, for
example, the texture of the brick street varies from clear to blurred as
distance increases.
Height in plane: Objects that are higher in our visual field are
perceived as farther away than objects low in our visual field. The
base of the main building in the background of the painting is at about
the same level as the man’s shoulder, but we interpret this effect as
distance, not as height.
Relative size: If two objects in an image are known to be of the same
actual size, the larger of the two must be closer. This can be seen in
the various sizes of the pedestrians.
Figure 4.25 Pictorial Depth Cues

Artists make use of cues such as linear perspective, texture gradient,
relative size, and others to create the sense of depth.
Source: Sketch for Paris, a Rainy Day, 1877 (oil on canvas), pre-restoration (see 181504), Caillebotte, Gustave
(1848–94)/Musee Marmottan Monet, Paris, France/Bridgeman Images.

Figure 4.26 The Corridor Illusion
Linear perspective and height in plane create the perception of depth
here. The result is that the object at the “back” of the drawing appears to
be larger than the one in the foreground; in reality, they are identical in
size.
Interestingly, Harvard neurobiologists recently speculated that

Rembrandt suffered from “stereo blindness,” an inability to form binocular
images (Livingstone & Conway, 2004). He would therefore have had to
rely on monocular cues to form the perceptions that led to his innovative
depictions of the visual world.
Figure 4.27 Two Monocular Depth Cues
(a) Accommodation. From the top left image light comes from a distant object,
and the lens focuses the light on the retina. From the bottom left image the lens
changes shape to accommodate the light when the same object is moved closer.
(b) Motion parallax. As you look out the train window, objects close to you race
past quickly and in the opposite direction that you are headed. At the same time,
distant objects appear to move slowly and in the same direction that you are
travelling.
Module 4.2b Quiz:
Visual Perception and the Brain
Know . . .
1. Also called face blindness, which of the following conditions is the
inability to recognize faces?
A. Prosopagnosia
B. Farsightedness
C. Trichromatism
D. Astigmatism
2. The in the thalamus is where the optic nerves from the left and right
eyes converge.
A. foveal nucleus
B. occipital nuclei
C. lateral geniculate nucleus
D. retinal geniculate nucleus
Understand . . .
3. A familiar person walks into the room. Which of the following choices
places the structures in the appropriate sequence required to recognize
the individual?
A. Thalamus, visual cortex, photoreceptors, optic nerve
B. Visual cortex, thalamus, photoreceptors, optic nerve
C. Photoreceptors, optic nerve, thalamus, visual cortex
D. Photoreceptors, thalamus, optic nerve, visual cortex
Apply . . .
4. A patient with brain damage can recognize different objects but is unable
to reach out to grasp the object that she sees. This impairment is best
explained by the difference between the
A. primary and secondary visual cortices.
B. rods and cones.
C. temporal lobe and the frontal lobes.
D. ventral and dorsal streams.
Analyze . . .
5. Some people claim that there is a brain area dedicated to the perception
of faces. Although there is a great deal of evidence in favour of this claim,
what is the best evidence against it?
A. Doctors have yet to find a brain-damaged patient who cannot
recognize faces.
B. The neuroimaging studies of face perception do not show
consistent results.
C. The brain area related to face processing is also active when
people see images from categories in which they have expertise.
D. The brain area related to face processing is equally sensitive to
faces that are upright or upside down.
Module 4.2 Summary
4.2a Know . . . the key terminology relating to the eye and vision.
binocular depth cues
cones
convergence
cornea
dark adaptation
fovea
iris
lens
monocular cues
opponent-process theory
optic nerve
perceptual constancy
pupil
retina
retinal disparity
rods
sclera
trichromatic theory (Young-Helmholtz theory)
4.2b Understand . . . how visual information travels from the eye through
the brain to give us the experience of sight.
Light is transformed into a neural signal by photoreceptors in the retina. This
information is then relayed via the optic nerve through the thalamus and then to
the occipital lobe of the cortex. From this location in the brain, neural circuits
travel to other regions for specific levels of processing. These include the
temporal lobe for object recognition and the parietal lobe for visually guided
movement.
4.2c Understand . . . the theories of colour vision.
The two theories reviewed in this module are the trichromatic and opponent-
process theories. According to trichromatic theory, the retina contains three
different types of cones that are sensitive to different wavelengths of light. Colour
is experienced as the net combined stimulation of these receptors. The
trichromatic theory is not supported by phenomena such as the negative
afterimage. Opponent-process theory, which emphasizes how colour perception
is based on excitation and inhibition of opposing colours (e.g., red–green, blue–
yellow, white–black), explains this phenomenon. Taken together, both theories
help explain how we perceive colour.
4.2d Apply . . . your knowledge to explain how we perceive depth in our

visual field.
Apply Activity
For practice, take a look at the accompanying photo. Can you identify at least
four monocular depth cues that are present in the image below?
Thinkstock/Getty Images
4.2e Analyze . . . how we perceive objects and faces.
Object perception is accomplished by specialized perceptual regions of the

temporal lobe (the ventral stream of vision). Damage to this region can lead to
impairments in recognizing specific categories of objects. Facial recognition is a
specialized perceptual process, which is supported by evidence from people who
are face blind but are otherwise successful at recognizing objects.
Module 4.3 The Auditory and
Vestibular Systems
Francey/Shutterstock
Learning Objectives
4.3a Know . . . the key terminology relating to the ear, hearing, and the
vestibular system.
4.3b Understand . . . different characteristics of sound and how they
correspond to perception.
4.3c Understand . . . how the vestibular system affects our sense of balance.
4.3d Apply . . . your knowledge of sound localization.
4.3e Analyze . . . how musical beats are related to movement.
Imagine watching an action movie like Star Wars: The Force Awakens in
a movie theatre with Dolby™ Surround Sound. Your body would feel the
powerful vibrations of the sound waves as spaceships enter hyperspace
and the characters shoot phaser guns during an exciting battle. Now
imagine watching a scary movie with a killer in a Halloween mask
chasing a young couple through the woods. The music becomes louder
and faster, adding anxiety and emotion to the scene. Now imagine
watching these movies with the sound muted. You’ll have lost more than
the sound waves. . .
Sounds have a dramatic effect on our experience of movies (and to a

lesser extent, television). Paramount among these is music. Can you
imagine Star Wars without the familiar John Williams theme, or a horror
movie without tension-inducing music? The movies would lose their
emotional impact almost immediately. This is because music perception
activates regions of the brain related to emotional perception (Bhatara et
al., 2011; Gosselin et al., 2005). Indeed, in a novel study, researchers at
the Université de Montréal and Concordia University found that patients
with damage to the amygdala, an area of the brain related to the
experience of fear, were impaired in their ability to recognize that
particular pieces of music, such as the theme to Jaws, were scary.
Studies such as this imply that in healthy brains, the emotion centres
respond during the perception of music in order to help us understand its
meaning. They also show us how important the auditory system is to how
we experience our world.
Focus Questions
1. How does the auditory system sense and perceive something

complex like music?
2. How do we localize sounds in our environment?
In this module we will explore characteristics of sound, the physical structures
that support the sensation of sound, and the pathways involved in its perceptual
processing. We will also examine how music affects memory and emotion, and
how this relationship can influence our behaviour.
Sound and the Structures of the Ear
The function of the ear is to gather sound waves. The function of hearing is to
extract some sort of meaning from those sound waves; this meaning informs you
about the nature of the sound source, such as someone calling your name, a
referee’s whistle, or a vehicle coming toward you. How do people gain so much
information from invisible waves that travel through the air?
Sound
The function of that remarkably sensitive and delicate device, the human ear, is
to detect sound waves and to transform them into neural signals. Sound waves
are simply changes in mechanical pressure transmitted through solids, liquids, or
gases. Sound waves have two important characteristics: frequency and
amplitude (see Figure 4.28 ). Frequency refers to wavelength and is
measured in hertz (Hz), the number of cycles a sound wave travels per second.
Pitch is the perceptual experience of sound wave frequencies. High-
frequency sounds, such as tires screeching on the road, have short wavelengths
and a high pitch. Low-frequency sounds, such as those produced by a bass
guitar, have long wavelengths and a low pitch. The amplitude of a sound wave
determines its loudness: High-amplitude sound waves are louder than low-
amplitude waves. Both types of information are gathered and analyzed by our
ears.
Figure 4.28 Characteristics of Sound: Frequency and Amplitude
The frequency of a sound wave (cycles per second) is associated with pitch,
while amplitude (the height of the sound wave) is associated with loudness.
Humans are able to detect sounds in the frequency range from 20 Hz to 20 000
Hz. Figure 4.29 compares the hearing ranges of several different species.
Look closely at the scale of the figure—the differences are of a much greater
magnitude than could possibly fit on this page using a standard scale. The
comparisons show that mice, for example, can hear frequencies close to five
times greater than humans, but have difficulty hearing lower frequencies that we
can easily detect.
Figure 4.29 A Comparison of Hearing Ranges in Different Species
Source: Based on Fay, R.R. (1988) and Warfield, D. (1973).
Loudness—a function of sound wave amplitude—is typically expressed in units

called decibels (dB). Table 4.2 compares decibel levels ranging from nearly
inaudible to injury inducing. Although we doubt you spend much time beside jet
engines, we do suggest wearing earplugs to concerts to protect your ears, even
if they don’t match your always-stylish “I’m a Belieber” t-shirt.
Table 4.2 Decibel Levels for Some Familiar Sounds
Sound Noise Effect

Level
(dB)
Jet engines 140 We begin to feel pain at about 125 dB

(near)
Rock concerts 110–

(varies) 140
Thunderclap 120 Regular exposure to sound over 100 dB for more than
(near) one minute risks permanent hearing loss
Power saw 110

(chainsaw)
Garbage 100 No more than 15 minutes of unprotected exposure is

truck/Cement recommended for sounds between 90 and 100 dB
mixer
Motorcycle (25 88 85 dB is the level at which hearing damage (after eight

ft) hours) begins
Lawn mower 85–90
Average city 80 Annoying; interferes with conversation; constant

traffic exposure may cause damage
Vacuum 70 Intrusive; interferes with telephone conversation

cleaner
Normal 50–65 Comfortable hearing levels are under 60 dB

conversation
Whisper 30 Very quiet
Rustling 20 Just audible

leaves
The Human Ear

The human ear is divided into outer, middle, and inner regions (see Figure
4.30 ). The most noticeable part of your ear is the pinna, the outer region that
helps channel sound waves to the ear and allows you to determine the source or
location of a sound. The auditory canal extends from the pinna to the eardrum.
Sound waves reaching the eardrum cause it to vibrate. Even very soft sounds,
such as a faint whisper, produce vibrations of the eardrum. The middle ear
consists of three tiny moveable bones called ossicles, known individually as the
malleus (hammer), incus (anvil), and stapes (stirrup). The eardrum is attached to
these bones, so any movement of the eardrum due to sound vibrations results in
movement of the ossicles.
Figure 4.30 The Human Ear

Sound waves travel from the outer ear to the eardrum and middle ear, and then
through the inner ear. The cochlea of the inner ear is the site at which
transduction takes place through movement of the tiny hair cells lining the basilar
membrane. The auditory cortex of the brain is a primary brain region where
sound is perceived.
The ossicles attach to an inner ear structure called the cochlea —a fluid-filled
membrane that is coiled in a snail-like shape and contains the structures that
convert sound into neural impulses. Converting sound vibrations to neural
impulses is possible because of hair-like projections that line the basilar
membrane of the cochlea. The pressing and pulling action of the ossicles causes
parts of the basilar membrane to flex. This causes the fluid within the cochlea to
move, displacing these tiny hair cells. When hair cells move, they stimulate the
cells that comprise the auditory nerves. The auditory nerves are composed of
bundles of neurons that fire as a result of hair cell movements. These auditory
nerves send signals to the thalamus—the sensory relay station of the brain—and
then to the auditory cortex, located within the temporal lobes.
As you might expect, damage to any part of the auditory system will result in
hearing impairments. However, recent technological advances are allowing
individuals to compensate for this hearing loss. Cochlear implants are now quite
common and have been used to help tens of thousands of individuals regain
some of their hearing. These devices typically consist of a small microphone that
detects sounds from the outside world and electronically stimulates parts of the
membranes in the cochlea (see Figure 4.31 ). Although these devices are not
a perfect substitute for a normally functioning auditory system, they do allow
individuals to hear low-frequency sounds such as those used in human speech.
These devices are particularly useful for young children (Fitzpatrick et al., 2011;
Peterson et al., 2010), as the brains of children more easily form new pathways
in response to the stimulation from the implants.
Figure 4.31 A Cochlear Implant
The speech processor and microphone are located just above the pinna. A wire
with tiny electrodes attached is routed through the cochlea.
Carlos Osorio/Toronto Star/Getty Images
Module 4.3a Quiz:
Sound and the Structures of the Ear
Know . . .
1. The is the quality of sound waves that is associated with changes in
pitch.
A. frequency
B. amplitude
C. pinna
D. decibel
2. The is a snail-shaped, fluid-filled organ that converts sound waves

into neural signals.
A. ossicle
B. pinna
C. cochlea
D. outer ear
Understand . . .
3. The amplitude of a sound wave determines its loudness; -amplitude
sound waves are louder than -amplitude waves.
A. low; high
B. short; tall
C. wide; narrow
D. high; low
The Perception of Sound
It is quite remarkable that we are able to determine what makes a sound and
where the sound comes from by simply registering and processing sound waves.
In this section we examine how the auditory system accomplishes these two
tasks, starting with the ability to locate a sound in the environment.
Sound Localization: Finding the Source

Accurately identifying and orienting oneself toward a sound source has some
obvious adaptive benefits. Over the course of evolution, failure to do so could
result in an organism becoming someone else’s dinner, or failing to catch dinner
of one’s own. Thus, auditory systems have developed to allow organisms,
including humans, to orient toward sounds in the environment. This sound
localization , the process of identifying where sound comes from, is handled
by parts of the brainstem as well as by a midbrain structure called the inferior
colliculus.
There are two ways that we localize sound. First, we take advantage of the slight
time difference between a sound hitting both ears to estimate the direction of the
source. If your friend shouts your name from your left side, the left ear will
receive the information a fraction of a second before the right ear. Second, we
localize sound by using differences in the intensity in which sound is heard by
both ears—a phenomenon known as a sound shadow (Figure 4.32 ). If the
source of the sound is to your left, the left ear will experience the sound more
intensely than the right because the right ear will be in the sound shadow. Nuclei
in the brainstem detect differences in the times when sound reaches the left
versus the right ear (Carr & Konishi, 1990), as well as the intensity of the sound
between one side and the other, allowing us to identify where it is coming from.
Figure 4.32 How We Localize Sound

To localize sound, the brain computes the small difference in time at which the
sound reaches each of the ears. The brain also registers differences in loudness
that reach both ears.
2nd Ed., ©2011. Reprinted And Electronically reproduced by permission Of Pearson Education, Inc., New York, NY.
Theories of Pitch Perception

To explain how we perceive pitch, we will begin in the cochlea and work toward
brain centres that are specialized for hearing. How does the cochlea pave the
way for pitch perception? One explanation involves the specific arrangement of
hair cells along the basilar membrane. Not all hair cells along the basilar
membrane are equally responsive to sounds within the 20 to 20 000 Hz range of
human hearing. High-frequency sounds stimulate hair cells closest to the
ossicles, whereas lower-frequency sounds stimulate hair cells toward the end of
the cochlea (see Figure 4.33 ). Thus, how we perceive pitch is based on the
location (place) along the basilar membrane that sound stimulates, a tendency
known as the place theory of hearing .
Figure 4.33 The Basilar Membrane of the Cochlea and Theories of Hearing
Source: “A Cochlear Implant” “Cochlear Implant” (Fig. 3.9, p. 104) from Psychology, 3rd edition, by Saundra Ciccarelli & J.
Noland White. Copyright © 2012. Printed and electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc., Upper
Saddle River, New Jersey.
Another determinant of how and what we hear is the rate at which the ossicles
press into the cochlea, sending a wave of activity down the basilar membrane.
According to frequency theory , the perception of pitch is related to the
frequency at which the basilar membrane vibrates. A 70-Hz sound stimulates the
hair cells 70 times per second. Thus, 70 nerve impulses per second travel from
the auditory nerves to the brain, which interprets the sound frequency in terms of
pitch (Figure 4.33 ). However, we quickly reach an upper limit on the capacity
of the auditory nerves to send signals to the brain: Neurons cannot fire more
than 1000 times per second. Given this limit, how can we hear sounds exceeding
1000 Hz? The answer lies in the volley principle. According to the volley
principle, groups of neurons fire in alternating (hence the term “volley”) fashion. A
sound measuring 5000 Hz can be perceived because groups of neurons fire in
rapid succession (Wever & Bray, 1930).
Currently, the place, frequency, and volley theories are all needed to explain our
experience of hearing. When we hear complex stimuli, such as music, the place,
frequency, and volley principles are likely all functioning at the sensory level.
However, turning this sensory information into the perception of music, voices,
and other important sounds occurs in specialized regions of the brain.
Auditory Perception and the Brain

The primary auditory cortex is a major perceptual centre of the brain
involved in perceiving what we hear. The auditory cortex is organized in very
similar fashion to the cochlea. Cells within different areas across the auditory
cortex respond to specific frequencies. For example, high musical notes are
processed at one end of the auditory cortex, and progressively lower notes are
heard as you move to the opposite end (Wang, Lu, et al., 2005). As in the visual
system, the primary auditory cortex is surrounded by brain regions that provide
additional sensory processing. This secondary auditory cortex helps us to
interpret complex sounds, including those found in speech and music.
Interestingly, the auditory cortices in the two hemispheres of the brain are not
equally sensitive. In most individuals the right hemisphere is able to detect
smaller changes in pitch than the left hemisphere (Hyde et al., 2007). Given this
fact, it is not surprising that the right hemisphere is also superior at detecting
sarcasm, as this type of humour is linked to the tone of voice used (Voyer et al.,
2008).
However, we are not born with a fully developed auditory cortex. In order to
perceive our complex auditory world, the auditory cortices must learn to analyze
different patterns of sounds. Researchers have identified a number of different
changes in the brain’s responses to sounds during the course of development.
Brain imaging studies have shown that infants as young as three months of age
are able to detect simple changes in pitch (He et al., 2007, 2009). Infants can
detect silent gaps in a tone (an ability that may help us learn languages) between
the ages of 4 to 6 months (Trainor et al., 2003), and develop the ability to
localize sound at approximately 8 months of age (Trainor, 2010). By 12 months
of age, the auditory system starts to become specialized for the culture in which
the infant is living. Infants who are 10–12 months of age do not recognize sound
patterns that are not meaningful in their native language or culture (Werker &
Lalonde, 1988); indeed, children in this age group show different patterns of
brain activity when hearing culturally familiar and unfamiliar sounds (Fujioka et
al., 2011). This brain plasticity explains why many of us have difficulty hearing
fine distinctions in the sounds of languages we are exposed to later in life.
Interestingly, this fine-tuning of the auditory cortex also influences how we
perceive music.
The Perception of Music

Because our auditory systems have evolved to be able to distinguish between
different rapidly changing pitches that are important for understanding speech,
we also have a brain that is nicely designed for perceiving different elements of
music, particularly the differences in sound frequencies that we perceive as pitch
(Levitin, 2006). As noted in the previous section of this module, this function is
performed by the primary auditory cortex in the temporal lobes. Our ability to
compare different pitches also uses the secondary auditory cortex, the brain
areas immediately in front of and behind the primary auditory cortex (see Zatorre
& Zarate, 2010). Both neuroimaging studies and studies with brain-damaged
patients have shown that the auditory cortices in the right hemisphere are
particularly sensitive to nuances in pitch (Hyde, Peretz, et al., 2008; Johnsrude
et al., 2000).
However, music perception requires more than just perceiving different

frequencies. It also uses one of the human brain’s most amazing skills—the
ability to organize information into a coherent structure or pattern.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model The

Perception of Musical Beats
The next time you listen to music, concentrate on what you are
thinking and on how your body is responding. Do you find
yourself subtly moving with the music? Are you tapping your
fingers or feet to the beat? Do you sing (or hum) along to the
music? Most people are able to perform some or all of these
musical responses, even if they have no musical training. In the
last decade, psychologists have begun to unravel the perceptual
and neural processes that allow us to do so.
What do we know about the perception of musical beats?

Our brains are pattern-recognition machines. In terms of music,
this ability is most clearly shown by our ability to detect metrical
structure, or groups of stronger and weaker events that we
perceive as musical beats. When we listen to music, most people
are able to detect the fact that certain patterns tend to repeat; as
a result, our brains begin to expect beats to occur at specific
times (Large & Palmer, 2002). This is the basis of our ability to
detect musical beats or rhythms. As a result, we can tap our
fingers to any song we hear on the radio, from Nicky Minaj to
Nickelback.
This ability to detect rhythms or beats appears to be innate—

even babies can do it! In one study, babies were exposed to a
series of musical beats. Babies showed distinct changes in brain
activity when they heard sound files that skipped a beat (Winkler
et al., 2008). Interestingly, this ability appears to be linked to
motion. In an innovative study conducted at McMaster University,
seven-month-old infants heard a two-minute musical piece that
did not have a difference between a strong beat (e.g., a bass
drum) and a weak beat (e.g., a cymbal). Some of the babies were
bounced every second beat and some were bounced every third
beat. During a later test, the babies heard versions of the music
that stressed every second beat or every third beat. Overall, the
babies showed behavioural preferences for the rhythms that
matched the beats on which they were bounced (Phillips-Silver
& Trainor, 2005). The fact that motion influences how humans
perceive musical beats suggests that detection of these beats
likely involves brain systems related to movement.
How can science explain the perception of musical beats?

A number of brain imaging studies have shown that perceiving
musical beats leads to activity in brain areas that are involved
with coordinating movements (Merchant et al., 2015). For
example, researchers have shown that individual differences in
the ability to detect musical beats are linked to differences in
activity in the basal ganglia (Grahn & McAuley, 2009), a group of
brain structures in the centre of the brain that are related to the
coordination of movement. Additional studies have tried to figure
out if the basal ganglia are involved with discovering a beat or
maintaining an internal representation of a beat, an ability that
would allow the individual to predict future beats once the rhythm
has been discovered. In one study by Jessica Grahn of Western
University, brain activity was measured while participants first
learned a beat (i.e., discovered a beat) and when participants
were familiar with a beat (i.e., maintained an internal
representation). Activity in the putamen, one part of the basal
ganglia, was much higher when a familiar beat was repeatedly
presented to the participants (Grahn & Rowe, 2013).
Importantly, the basal ganglia do not work alone. As with most of
our behaviours, detecting musical beats involves a number of
brain areas working together as a team. When we perceive
beats, there is an increase in connectivity (brain areas firing
together) between the basal ganglia and areas of the frontal lobe
related to the planning of movements (Grahn & Rowe, 2009). In
fact, one study showed that this coordinated brain activity
increased as the beat became more noticeable (Chen et al.,
2008); however, more research is needed before we draw any
definitive conclusions.
Can we critically evaluate this information?

Although the evidence linking the basal ganglia to our ability to
maintain a musical beat is compelling, we need to remember that
brain imaging experiments show which areas of the brain are
active; this does not guarantee that these regions are necessary
for a function to occur. We therefore need evidence from other
types of research studies to support this finding. Recently,
researchers found that individuals with Parkinson’s disease—who
have damage to structures that input to the basal ganglia—have
difficulty picking out subtle musical beats (Grahn, 2009).
The basal ganglia is a group of structures in the centre of your
brain. Activity in this region is related to our ability to detect
musical beats.
However, it is still possible that previous experience influenced

these results to some degree. Almost everyone has heard
musical beats; this previous knowledge might influence how we
perceive new beats. Although this problem might seem
impossible to solve, music researchers have found an interesting
solution: play musical beats to animals. To do this, researchers
measured the firing rates of brain cells in monkeys while they
listened to repeated beats and random noise. Greater firing
occurred in the putamen (basal ganglia) of monkeys when they
heard a familiar beat (Barolo et al., 2014). Therefore, there is
evidence from multiple types of research studies linking the
perception of music to brain areas related to movement,
specifically the basal ganglia.

The link between musical beats and movement systems should
make intuitive sense to most of you; it’s almost impossible to
listen to music without moving in some way. Musical beats allows
people to synchronize movements with each other, leading to
coordinated behaviours ranging from dancing to rocking a baby to
sleep. Interestingly, this ability is influenced by culture. Growing
up in a given culture leads us to be more familiar with some
musical rules and patterns than others; as a result, people from
different cultures will have different rhythmic expectations and will
therefore be more sensitive to certain musical rhythms (Levitin,
2006).
As you can see, the detection of musical beats influences many aspects of our
lives. But, discussing beats in terms of movement systems only tells part of the
story. Think about the last time you danced; as you were moving, your body was
adjusting its position so that you were (hopefully) able to avoid falling on your
face. The body’s ability to do so leads us to a discussion of another role played
by the structures found within our ears: balance.
The vestibular system in the inner ear provides information about the head’s
movement and spatial orientation. It is crucial for our sense of balance. Sports
such as gymnastics and freestyle skiing rely heavily on this system.
Brian Peterson/ZUMA Press Inc/Alamy Stock Photo
Module 4.3b Quiz:
The Perception of Sound
Know . . .
1. The primary auditory cortex is found in which lobe of the brain?
A. Frontal
B. Temporal
C. Occipital
D. Parietal
Understand . . .
2. explains pitch perception when hair cells are stimulated at the same
rate that a sound wave cycles.
A. Place theory
B. Frequency theory
C. The volley principle
D. Switch theory
3. Neurons cannot fire fast enough to keep up with high-pitched sound

waves. Therefore, they alternate firing according to the .
A. place theory
B. frequency theory
C. volley principle
D. switch theory
Apply . . .
4. While crossing the street, you know a car is approaching on your left side
because
A. the left ear got the information just a fraction of a second before
the right ear.
B. the right ear got the information just a fraction of a second before
the left ear.
C. the right ear experienced the sound more intensely than the left
ear.
D. both ears experienced the sound at the same intensity.
The Vestibular System
On February 10, 2014, Canadian freestyle skier Alexandre Bilodeau stood at the
top of the moguls course at the Rosa Khudor Extreme Park in Sochi, Russia. His
Russian rival, Alexandr Smyshlyaev, had just amazed the crowd by performing a
flip while grabbing his skis after going over one of the two jumps on the course.
Bilodeau needed to put in an almost perfect run if he was to repeat as Olympic
gold medallist. As he began the course, Bilodeau maintained his balance while
carving perfect turns around the moguls. As his descent continued, he picked up
more speed and hurtled toward the first jump, which had caused many of his
competitors to fall. Undaunted, he leapt up, performed multiple twists in the air,
and landed with his feet again in perfect moguls stance. He continued down the
course and picked up even more speed before taunting gravity again with a
dazzling display of twists and flips before racing down across the finish line. The
gold was his. When we watch breathtaking feats of athleticism like Bilodeau’s,
it’s easy to forget that these abilities rely on our perceptual abilities. In the case
of freestyle skiing, the ability to maintain one’s balance is related to the activity of
two structures in the inner part of the ears.
Sensation and the Vestibular System

Our sense of balance is controlled, at least in part, by our vestibular system ,
a sensory system in the ear that provides information about spatial orientation of
the head as well as head motion. This system consists of two groups of
structures (see Figure 4.34 ). The vestibular sacs are structures that
influence your ability to detect when your head is no longer in an upright position.
This section of your vestibular system is made up of two parts, the utricle (“little
pouch”) and the saccule (“little sac”). The bottom of both of these sacs is lined
with cilia (small hair cells) embedded in a gelatinous substance. When you tilt
your head, the gelatin moves and causes the cilia to bend. This bending of the
cilia opens up ion channels, leading to an action potential.
Figure 4.34 The Vestibular System

The vestibular system consists of two groups of structures. The vestibular sacs
detect our head’s position, particularly when it is no longer upright. The
semicircular canals—shown in detail on the left—detect when our head is in
motion. Both structures send information to nuclei in the brainstem.
Your ability to perceive when your head is in motion involves a separate group of
vestibular structures. The semicircular canals are three fluid-filled canals
found in the inner ear that respond when your head moves in different directions
(up-down, left-right, forward-backward). Receptors in each of these canals
respond to movement along one of these planes. At the base of each of these
canals is an enlarged area called the ampulla. The neural activity within the
ampulla is similar to that of the vestibular sacs—cilia (hair cells) are embedded
within a gelatinous mass. When you move your head in different directions, as
Alexandre Bilodeau did during his flips, the gelatin moves and causes the cilia to
bend. This bending, again, makes an action potential more likely to occur.
Although it may seem as though the vestibular system would only fire when we
moved our heads in different directions, the vestibular sacs and semicircular
canals actually provide the brain with a continuous flow of information about the
head’s position and movement (Tascioglu, 2005). This constant input from the
vestibular system allows us to keep our head upright and to maintain our
balance. When you have an inner ear infection, this stream of input can be
disrupted. The result is dizziness and a loss of balance.
The Vestibular System and the Brain

Of course, for the activity of the vestibular sacs and semicircular canals to have
an effect on our perceptual experiences, they need to transmit information from
the inner ear to the brain. These two parts of the vestibular system send
information along the vestibular ganglion, a large nerve fibre, to nuclei in the
brainstem. Vestibular nuclei can then influence activity in a number of brain
areas. For instance, the panic we feel when we lean too far back in a chair is
likely due to the fact that vestibular nuclei in the brainstem influence the activity
of your autonomic nervous system (“fight or flight”) as well as the amygdala, an
emotion centre of the brain (Petrovich & Swanson, 1997; Carmona et al.,
2009). The vestibular nuclei also project to part of the insula, an area of cortex
that is folded in the interior of the brain (de Waele et al., 2001; Guldin &
Grusser, 1998). This region helps us link together visual, somatosensory, and
vestibular information. At times, however, this process goes awry.
Have you ever experienced motion sickness, perhaps when trying to read while
in moving vehicle? One reason for this feeling is an inconsistency in the input
from your visual and vestibular systems. The visual input (i.e., the words on the
page) is not moving, yet your vestibular system is sending signals to your brain
saying that your body is in a moving car. The driver, on the other hand, sees
(and controls) the movement of the car; he or she therefore has the same
movement-related information arriving from both sensory systems.
This link between the vestibular system and other senses brings us back to the
example of Alexandre Bilodeau, the freestyle skier discussed earlier in this
section. In order to maintain balance, Bilodeau had to receive input from his
vestibular sacs and semicircular canals. But, he also needed to have information
about kinesthesis, the sense of bodily motion and position (see Module 4.4 ).
Together, this input allowed Bilodeau to maintain his balance while he performed
his gravity-defying jumps and to continue skiing around the moguls when he
landed. Without these inner ear structures and feedback from his body,
Bilodeau’s trip to the Sochi Olympics would certainly have been less golden.
Module 4.3c Quiz:
The Vestibular System
Know . . .
1. The structures that detect head motion are known as the .
A. vestibular sacs
B. ossicles
C. tympanic membranes
D. semicircular canals
Apply . . .
2. Mr. Cerveaux went to his doctor to complain about dizziness and
problems with balance. Which of the following is NOT a likely explanation
for his symptoms?
A. Mr. Cerveaux might have a tumour affecting his vestibular nerve.
B. Mr. Cerveaux experienced brain damage that affected his left and
right occipital lobes.
C. Mr. Cerveaux might have an inner ear infection.
D. Mr. Cerveaux might have had a small stroke (a blockage of a
blood vessel in the brain) that damaged his insula.
Module 4.3 Summary
4.3a Know . . . the key terminology relating to the ear and hearing.
cochlea
frequency theory
pitch
place theory of hearing
primary auditory cortex
semicircular canals
sound localization
vestibular sacs
vestibular system
4.3b Understand . . . different characteristics of sound and how they

correspond to perception.
Sound can be analyzed based on its frequency (the number of cycles a sound
wave travels per second) as well as on its amplitude (the height of a sound
wave). Our experience of pitch is based on sound wave frequencies. Amplitude
corresponds to loudness: The higher the amplitude, the louder the sound.
4.3c Understand . . . how the vestibular system affects our sense of

balance.
The vestibular system consists of two components, the vestibular sacs and the
semicircular canals. The vestibular sacs note the position of the head relative to
the body. The semicircular canals note when the head is in motion. Both
structures send information to brain regions that integrate vestibular information
with input from other senses; this process allows us to maintain our balance.
4.3d Apply . . . your knowledge of sound localization.
Apply Activity
Get a friend to participate in a quick localization demonstration. Have her sit with
her eyes closed, covering her right ear with her hand. Now walk quietly in a circle
around your friend, stopping occasionally to snap your fingers. When you do this,
your friend should point to where you are standing, based solely on the sound. If
her right ear is covered, at which points will she be most accurate? At which
points will she have the most errors? Use the principles of sound localization to
make your predictions.
4.3e Analyze . . . how musical beats are related to movement.
It seems intuitive that music and movement are related. However, testing this
relationship involves critical thinking. Although brain imaging studies in healthy
individuals have shown basal ganglia activity when people follow beats, we must
remember that this activity does not mean that the basal ganglia are necessary
for beat perception. However, studies of patients with damage to the basal
ganglia, structures in the middle of the brain related to movement, show that
these structures are likely necessary for us to be able to follow a musical beat.
Together, these studies provide a scientific explanation for our ability to tap our
fingers to the rhythm of our favourite songs.
Module 4.4 Touch and the Chemical
Senses
tuja66/Getty Images
Learning Objectives
4.4a Know . . . the key terminology of touch and chemical senses.
4.4b Understand . . . how pain messages travel to the brain.
4.4c Understand . . . the relationship between smell, taste, and food flavour experience.
4.4d Apply . . . your knowledge about touch to describe the acuity of different areas of skin.
4.4e Apply . . . your knowledge to determine whether you or someone you know is a “supertaster.”
4.4f Analyze . . . how different senses are combined together.
Would you ever describe your breakfast cereal as tasting pointy or round? Probably not. Touch, taste,
and smell combine together to make your favourite foods, yet most of us can still identify the separate
components associated with what is felt, tasted, and smelled. Individuals with a condition called
synesthesia experience blended perceptions, such that affected individuals might actually hear
colours or feel sounds (Cytowic, 1993). For the individuals who experience this condition, even
letters or numbers may have a colour associated with them. To illustrate this effect, find the number 2
below:
55555555555555555555555555555555555555555555555555555555555552555555555555555555555555555555
People who have a type of synesthesia in which words or numbers have unique colours associated
with them find the 2 faster than people without synesthesia because the colours cause the 2 to “pop
out” (Blake et al., 2005). In some individuals, even the idea of a number can elicit a colourful
response (Dixon et al., 2000). Synesthesia can also involve blending taste and touch, which certainly
can influence dining experiences. People may avoid oatmeal because it tastes bland, but can you
imagine avoiding a food because it tastes “pointy,” or relishing another food because of its delicate
hints of corduroy? Synesthesia occurs in an estimated 1 in 500 people. For the 499 others, touch,
taste, and smell are distinct senses.
Focus Questions
1. How are our experiences of touch, taste, and smell distinct?

2. What are the different types of sensations that are detected by our sense of touch?
Generally speaking, vision and hearing are the senses that we seem to be aware of the most and, therefore,
have received the most attention from researchers. In this module, we will explore the senses of touch, taste,
and smell. Putting them together in a single module is not meant to diminish their importance, however. Our
quality of life, and possibly our survival, would be severely compromised without these senses. We will also
examine how we combine information from our different senses into vibrant multimodal experiences, such as
when taste and smell are combined to create a perception of flavour.
The Sense of Touch
The sense of touch allows us to actively investigate our environment and the objects that are in it (Lederman
& Klatzky, 2004; Lederman et al., 2007). Using touch, we can acquire information about texture,
temperature, and pressure upon the skin. These different forms of stimulation are combined to give us a vivid
physical sense of every moment. Imagine you’re at a concert. You don’t just hear music. You feel the
vibrations of the bass rippling through you. You feel the heat of the crowd. You feel other people brushing up
against you. And, you feel your own body moving to the rhythm of the music. These sensual experiences—
which seem so social and so distant from the nervous system—are dependent on the actions of several
types of receptors located just beneath the surface of the skin, and also in the muscles, joints, and tendons.
These receptors send information to the somatosensory cortex in the parietal lobes of the brain, the neural
region associated with your sense of touch.
Sensitivity to touch varies across different regions of the body. One simple method of testing sensitivity, or
acuity, is to use the two-point threshold test shown in Figure 4.35 . Regions with high acuity, such as the
fingertips, can detect the two separate, but closely spaced, pressure points of the device, whereas less
sensitive regions such as the lower back will perceive the same stimuli as only one pressure point. Body
parts such as the fingertips, palms, and lips are highly sensitive to touch compared to regions such as the
calves and forearm. Research has shown that women have a slightly more refined sense of touch than men,
precisely because their fingers (and therefore their receptors) are smaller (Peters et al., 2009). Importantly,
the sensitivity of different parts of the body also influences how much space in the somatosensory cortex is
dedicated to analyzing each body part’s sensations (see Figure 3.27 in Module 3.3 ). Regions of the
body that send a lot of sensory input to the brain such as the lips have taken over large portions of the
somatosensory cortex while less sensitive regions like the thigh use much less neural space (see Figure
4.36 ).
Figure 4.35 Two-Point Threshold Device for Measuring Touch Acuity
The more sensitive regions of the body can detect two points even when they are spaced very close
together. Less sensitive parts of the body have much larger two-point thresholds.
Figure 4.36 The Sensory Homunculus
Sensitive areas of the body used to acquire somatosensory information use larger portions of the
somatosensory cortex than less sensitive body parts. The amount of cortex used by each body part is
represented in the homunculus (“little man”) depicted below.
BSIP SA/Alamy Stock Photo
Like vision and hearing, touch is very sensitive to change. Merely laying your hand on the surface of an
object does little to help identify it. What we need is an active exploration that stimulates receptors in the
hand. Haptics is the active, exploratory aspect of touch sensation and perception. Active touch involves
feedback. For example, as you handle an object, such as a piece of fruit, you move your fingers over its
surface to identify whether any faults may be present. Your fingertips can help you determine whether the
object is the appropriate shape and can detect bruising or abnormalities that may make it unsuitable to eat.
Haptics allows us not only to identify objects, but also to avoid damaging or dropping them. Fingers and
hands coordinate their movements using a complementary body sense called kinesthesis , the sense of
bodily motion and position. Receptors for kinesthesis reside in the muscles, joints, and tendons. These
receptors transmit information about movement and the position of your muscles, limbs, and joints to the
brain (Figure 4.37 ). As you handle an object, your kinesthetic sense allows you to hold it with enough
resistance to avoid dropping it, and to keep your hands and fingers set in such a way as to avoid letting it roll
out of your hands. Touch, therefore, provides us with a great deal of information about our bodies and the
world around us.
Figure 4.37 The Sense of Kinesthesis
Receptors in muscles and joints send sensory messages to the brain, helping us maintain awareness and
control of our movements. Muscle spindles and Golgi tendon organs are sensory receptors that provide
information about changes in muscle length and tension.
Source: From KALAT. Biological Psychology, 10E. © 2009 South-Western, a part of Cengage Learning, Inc. Reproduced by permission. www.cengage.com/permissions
Feeling Pain
Of course, not all of the information we receive from our sense of touch is pleasant. Nociception is the
activity of nerve pathways that respond to uncomfortable stimulation. Our skin, teeth, corneas, and internal
organs contain nerve endings called nociceptors, which are receptors that initiate pain messages that travel
to the central nervous system (see Figure 4.38 ). Nociceptors come in varieties that respond to various
types of stimuli—for example, to sharp stimulation, such as a pin prick, or to extreme heat or cold (Julius &
Basbaum, 2001).
Figure 4.38 Cross-Section of Skin and Free Nerve Endings That Respond to Pain
The nerve endings that respond to pain reside very close to the surface of the skin and, as you are likely
aware, are very sensitive to stimulation.
Source: Ciccarelli, Saundra K.; White, J. Noland, Psychology, 3rd Ed., © 2012, pp. 96, 109. Reprinted and electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson
Education, Inc., New York, NY.
Two types of nerve fibres transmit pain messages. Fast fibres register sharp, immediate pain, such as the
pain felt when your skin is scraped or cut. Slow fibres register chronic, dull pain, such as the lingering
feelings of bumping your knee into the coffee table. Although both slow and fast fibres eventually send input
to the brain, these impulses first must travel to cells in the spinal cord; the firing of neurons within the spinal
cord will influence how this pain is experienced.
The activity of pathways in the spinal cord can explain several interesting characteristics of pain perception,
including why you feel better if you rub your toe after stubbing it on your coffee table. One long-held theory of
pain perception is the gate-control theory , which explains our experience of pain as an interaction
between nerves that transmit pain messages and those that inhibit these messages. According to this theory,
cells in the spinal cord regulate how much pain signalling reaches the brain. The spinal cord serves as a
“neural gate” that pain messages must pass through (Melzack & Wall, 1965, 1982). The spinal cord contains
small nerve fibres that conduct pain messages and larger nerve fibres that conduct other sensory signals
such as those associated with rubbing, pinching, and tickling sensations. Stimulation of the small pain fibres
results in the experience of pain, whereas the larger fibres inhibit pain signals so that other sensory
information can be sent to the brain. Thus, the large fibres close the gate that is opened by the smaller fibres.
According to gate-control theory, if you stub your toe, rubbing the area around the toe may alleviate some of
the pain because the large fibres carrying the message about touch inhibit the firing of smaller fibres carrying
pain signals. Likewise, putting ice on an injury reduces pain by overriding the signals transmitted by the small
fibres.
The gate-control theory provided an important first step in our understanding of pain. Updates of this theory
have allowed researchers to explain even more pain-related experiences (Melzack & Katz, 2013). Our
experience of pain obviously involves input from the spinal cord to the somatosensory cortex—this provides
our brain with information about the location of the aversive stimulation. However, pain is not just sensation
gone awry. Expectations and memory can both increase (or decrease) your feelings of pain. Attention, too,
can influence how painful a stimulus seems. If you focus all of your attention on the pain, it will feel worse
than if you’re focusing on something else. Pain is also related to emotions; negative emotions increase the
perception of pain (Loggia et al., 2008b). As shown in Figure 4.39 , these cognitive, sensory, and
emotional factors all interact to influence nociception. This interaction is why the same painful stimulus might
rate as a 5/10 on a pain scale one day and as a 7/10 another day—cognitive and emotional factors likely
differed between the two days.
Figure 4.39 Multiple Factors Influence Pain-Related Behaviours

Cognitive, sensory, and emotional factors all influence how we experience pain. Importantly, pain also leads
to multiple behavioural responses, including stress. This likely explains why different people—including some
patient populations—are particularly sensitive to painful stimuli.
Source: From Pain, WIREs Cognitive Science, Vol 4, Issue 1 by Ronald Melzack, Joel Katz. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Reproduced with permission of
John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
This updated view of pain also helps explain why different people produce different pain-related responses.
Our response to pain isn’t simply, “Ouch!” It involves the feeling of pain, as well as some form of movement
and an emotional or stress-related response to being in pain. Many of these responses involve the anterior
cingulate gyrus, a brain area above the corpus callosum that forms networks with many structures in the
limbic system.
Our discussion thus far has focused on how we perceive pain when it affects our own body. But, how do you
feel when you see someone else in pain? And, does the pain of other people affect how your own pain feels?
Psychology researchers have begun to address these complicated—and fascinating—questions.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Empathy and Pain
A running theme of this chapter has been that sensation and perception involve an interaction
with your environment. While the term environment often makes people think of birds, trees,
and buildings, a key part of our environment is other people. Is it possible for one person’s
somatosensory experiences to influence those of another person?
What do we know about empathy and pain?

We’ve all seen someone in pain. Sometimes it’s a friend stubbing his toe on a chair; other
times it’s a person rubbing her foot after stepping on a piece of Lego. Our experience of
these situations differs a great deal. If we see someone we care about in pain, we experience
negative emotions and sometimes even feel pain ourselves. If it is a stranger or someone we
don’t like, our reaction might be less intense. This leads to several interesting questions. Are
we able to feel the pain of others? Under what conditions? And how does the presence of
another person influence how we experience pain?
How does science explain the influence of empathy on pain perception?

The power of emotion in the experience of pain is profound. In one study, researchers at
McGill University asked participants to immerse their right hand in hot water while viewing
emotionally negative videos (disaster scenes) and neutral videos (cityscape scenes).
Participants rated the unpleasantness of the pain as being higher when they watched disaster
scenes (Loggia et al., 2008a). These results suggest that the emotional component of pain
can influence our physical sensations, particularly when it involves seeing the suffering of
others.
In another study, these researchers asked participants to feel either high or low levels of
empathy for an actor in a video. The researchers then measured the participants’ sensitivity to
painful heat stimuli while they watched the actor experience similar stimulation. Participants
who felt empathy for the actor reported experiencing higher levels of pain than did low-
empathy participants. This result suggests that emotionally connecting with someone else in
pain can influence our own sensitivity (Loggia et al., 2008b).
Can we critically evaluate the research?

An obvious criticism of research studies involving emotion and the experience of pain is that
the participants may simply be reporting what they think the experimenters want to hear. If
you were in a study in which someone was manipulating your mood, you would likely be able
to predict the hypotheses being tested in that study. It is therefore necessary to find additional
support for these self-report experiments. Numerous neuroimaging studies have found that
activity in a brain structure called the insula (near the junction of the frontal lobes and the top
of the temporal lobes) is related to the awareness of bodily sensations (Wiens, 2005). Activity
in the insula also increases when people are performing empathy-related tasks (Fukushima
et al., 2011). Thus, there might be a biological link between feeling pain and feeling empathy.
Stronger support comes from studies that show an effect of empathy on pain perception in
individuals that are much less likely to be influenced by the experimenter’s expectations:
mice! When injected with a pain-inducing substance, mice that were tested in pairs showed
more pain-related behaviours than did mice that were tested alone. But, this effect only
occurred when the mice were cagemates with their test partner (i.e., they knew the other
mouse)! Additionally, observing a cagemate in pain altered the mouse’s own pain sensitivity,
suggesting that these animals are capable of some form of empathy (Langford et al., 2006).
Even more remarkable, some male mice refused to show pain responses in the presence of
mice they didn’t know (a mouse version of acting tough); this effect, not surprisingly, appears
to be dependent upon the hormone testosterone (Langford et al., 2011; see Module 3.2 ).
Taken together, these neuroimaging and animal-based studies suggest that our own pain can
be dramatically influenced by the pain of those around us.

These studies demonstrate that our sensations, particularly pain, can be influenced by the
experiences of other people. Feeling negative emotions or seeing someone else feel pain
makes our own pain more unpleasant. Although these studies might seem a bit morbid, they
do offer an incredibly important insight that could affect the well-being of many people. If
people can influence each other’s negative sensations, then it should be possible to influence
each other’s positive sensations. Just as pain can be “contagious,” so too might happiness
and well-being.
Phantom Limb Pain

Astonishingly, it is possible for people to feel pain in body parts that no longer exist. Phantom limb
sensations are frequently experienced by amputees, who report pain and other sensations coming from
the absent limb. Amputees describe such sensations as itching, muscle contractions, and, most
unfortunately, pain. One explanation for phantom pain suggests that rewiring occurs in the brain following the
loss of the limb. After limb amputation, the area of the somatosensory cortex formerly associated with that
body part is no longer stimulated by the lost limb. Thus, if someone has her left arm amputated, the right
somatosensory cortex that registers sensations from the left arm no longer has any input from this limb.
Healthy nerve cells become hypersensitive when they lose connections. The phantom sensations, including
pain, may occur because the nerve cells in the cortex continue to be active, despite the absence of any input
from the body.
One ingenious treatment for phantom pain involves the mirror box (Figure 4.40 ). This apparatus uses the
reflection of the amputee’s existing limb, such as an arm and hand, to create the visual appearance of having
both limbs. Amputees often find that watching themselves move and stretch the phantom hand, which is
actually the mirror image of the real hand, results in a significant decrease in phantom pain and in both
physical and emotional discomfort (Ramachandran & Altschuler, 2009).
Figure 4.40 A Mirror Box Used in Therapy for People with Limb Amputation
In this case, a woman who has lost her left arm can experience some relief from phantom pain by moving her
intact hand, such as by unclenching her fist. In turn, she will experience relief from phantom pain
corresponding to her left side.
Source: Lilienfeld, Scott O.; Lynn, Steven J; Namy, Laura L.; Woolf, Nancy J., Psychology: From Inquiry to Understanding, 2nd Ed., ©2011, pp.157. Reprinted and
Researchers have conducted experiments to determine how well mirror box therapy works compared both to
a control condition and to mentally visualizing the presence of a phantom hand. Over the course of four
weeks of regular testing, the people who used the mirror box had significantly reduced pain compared to a
control group who used the same mirror apparatus, except the mirror was covered; they also had less pain
than a group who used mental visualization (Figure 4.41 ; Chan et al., 2007). Notice in Figure 4.40
that everyone was given mirror therapy after the fourth week of the study, and that the procedure seemed to
have lasting, positive benefits. No one is sure why mirror box therapy works, but evidence suggests that the
short-term benefits are due to how compelling the illusion is; in the long term, this therapy may actually result
in reorganization of the somatosensory cortex (Ramachandran & Altschuler, 2009).
Figure 4.41 Mirror Box Therapy Compared to Mental Visualization and a Control Condition
Source: Chan, B. L ., et. al., (2006). Mirror Therapy for Phantom Limb Pain, The New England Journal of Medicine, 357 (21), 2206, Massachusetts Medical Society,
2007.
Module 4.4a Quiz:
The Sense of Touch
Know . . .
1. The sense associated with actively touching objects is known as .
A. tactile agnosia
B. haptics
C. nociception
D. gestation
2. Phantom limb sensations are

A. sensations that arise from a limb that has been amputated.
B. sensations that are not perceived.
C. sensations from stimuli that do not reach conscious awareness.
D. sensations from stimuli that you typically identify as intense, such as a burn, but that feel dull.
Understand . . .
3. Nociceptors send pain signals to both the and the .
A. occipital lobe; hypothalamus
B. cerebellum; somatosensory cortex
C. somatosensory cortex; anterior cingulate gyrus
D. occipital lobe; cochlea
Apply . . .
4. A student gently touches a staple to her fingertip and to the back of her arm near her elbow. How are
these sensations likely to differ? Or would they feel similar?
A. The sensation would feel like two points on the fingertip but is likely to feel like only one point
on the arm.
B. The sensations would feel identical because the same object touches both locations.
C. The sensation would feel like touch on the fingertips but like pain on the elbow.
D. The sensation would feel like two points on the arm but is likely to feel like only one point on
the fingertip.
The Chemical Senses: Taste and Smell
The chemical senses comprise a combination of both taste and smell. Although they are distinct sensory
systems, both begin the sensory process with chemicals activating receptors on the tongue and mouth, as
well as in the nose.
The Gustatory System: Taste

The gustatory system functions in the sensation and perception of taste. But, what exactly is this system
tasting? Approximately 2500 identifiable chemical compounds are found in the food we eat (Taylor & Hort,
2004). When combined, these compounds give us an enormous diversity of taste sensations. The primary
tastes include salty, sweet, bitter, and sour. In addition, a fifth taste, called umami, has been identified
(Chaudhari et al., 2000). Umami, sometimes referred to as “savouriness,” is a Japanese word that refers to
tastes associated with seaweed, the seasoning monosodium glutamate (MSG), and protein-rich foods such
as milk and aged cheese.
Taste is registered primarily on the tongue, where roughly 9000 taste buds reside. On average,
approximately 1000 taste buds are also found throughout the sides and roof of the mouth (Miller & Reedy,
1990). Sensory neurons that transmit signals from the taste buds respond to different types of stimuli, but
most tend to respond best to a particular taste. Our experience of taste reflects an overall pattern of activity
across many neurons, and generally comes from stimulation of the entire tongue rather than just specific,
localized regions. The middle of the tongue has very few taste receptors, giving it a similar character to the
blind spot on the retina (Module 4.2 ). We do not feel or sense the blind spot of the tongue because the
sensory information is filled in, just as we find with vision. Taste receptors replenish themselves every 10
days throughout the life span—the only type of sensory receptor to do so.
Receptors for taste are located in the visible, small bumps (papillae) that are distributed over the surface of
the tongue. The papillae are lined with taste buds. Figure 4.42 shows papillae, taste buds, and an
enlarged view of an individual taste bud and a sensory neuron’s dendrites and axon that sends a message to
the brain. The bundles of nerves that register taste at the taste buds send the signal through the thalamus
and on to higher-level regions of the brain, including the gustatory cortex; this region is located in the back of
the frontal lobes and extends inward to the insula (near the top of the temporal lobe). Another region, the
secondary gustatory cortex, processes the pleasurable experiences associated with food.
Figure 4.42 Papillae and Taste Buds
The tongue is lined with papillae (the bumpy surfaces). Within these papillae are your taste buds, the tiny
receptors to which chemicals bind.
Source: Lilienfeld, Scott O.; Lynn, Steven; Namy, Laura L.; Woolf, Nancy J., Psychology: From Inquiry To Understanding, Books A La Carte Edition, 2nd Ed., ©2011.
Reprinted and Electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc., New York, NY.
Why do some people experience tastes vividly while other people do not? One reason is that the number of
taste buds present on the tongue influences the psychological experience of taste. Although approximately
9000 taste buds is the average number found on the human tongue, there is wide variation among
individuals. Some people may have many times this number. Supertasters, who account for approximately
25% of the population, are especially sensitive to bitter tastes such as those of broccoli and black coffee.
They typically have lower rates of obesity and cardiovascular disease, possibly because they tend not to
prefer fatty and sweet foods. Figure 4.43 shows the number of papillae, and hence taste buds, possessed
by a supertaster compared to those without this ability.
Figure 4.43 Density of Papillae, and Hence Taste Buds, in a Supertaster and in a Normal Taster
Some of the individual differences in taste sensitivity may be due to the number of taste buds found on the
tongue. Supertasters (left tongue) have many more taste buds than the average person (right tongue).
Source: Lilienfeld, Scott O.; Lynn, Steven; Namy, Laura L.; Woolf, Nancy J., Psychology: From Inquiry To Understanding, Books A La Carte Edition, 2nd Ed., © 2011.
Reprinted and Electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc., New York, NY.
How much of our taste preferences are learned and how much are innate? Like most of our behaviours,
there is no simple answer. Human infants tend to prefer the foods consumed by their mothers during
gestation (Beauchamp & Mennella, 2009). Soon after starting solid foods, children begin to acquire a taste
for the foods prevalent in their culture. Would you eat a piece of bread smeared with a sticky brown paste
that was processed from wasted yeast from a brewery? This product, called vegemite, is actually quite
popular among people in Switzerland, Australia, and New Zealand. People brought up eating vegemite may
love it, while most others find it tastes like death. The Masai people of Kenya and Tanzania enjoy eating a
coagulated mixture of cow’s blood and milk. These foods may sound unappetizing to you. Of course, non-
Canadians are often repulsed by poutine, a decadent mixture of french fries, cheese curds, and gravy, so we
should be careful not to judge . . . too much.
Closely related to taste is our sense of smell, which senses the chemical environment via a different mode
than does taste.
The Olfactory System: Smell

The olfactory system is involved in smell—the detection of airborne particles with specialized receptors
located in the nose. Our sensation of smell begins with nasal air flow bringing in molecules that bind with
receptors at the top of the nasal cavity. (So, when you smell something, you are actually taking in part of the
environment—including other people—into your body.) Within the nasal cavity is the olfactory
epithelium , a thin layer of cells that are lined by sensory receptors called cilia—tiny hair-like projections
that contain specialized proteins that bind with the airborne molecules that enter the nasal cavity (Figure
4.44 ). Humans have roughly 1000 different types of odour receptors in their olfactory system, but can
identify approximately 10 000 different smells. How is this possible? The answer is that it is the pattern of the
stimulation, involving more than one receptor, which gives rise to the experience of a particular smell (Buck
& Axel, 1991). Different combinations of cilia are stimulated in response to different odours.
Figure 4.44 The Olfactory System

Lining the olfactory epithelium are tiny cilia that collect airborne chemicals, sending sensory messages to the
nerve fibres that make up the olfactory bulb.
These groups of cilia then transmit messages directly to neurons that converge on the olfactory bulb on
the bottom surface of the frontal lobes, which serves as the brain’s central region for processing smells.
(Unlike our other senses, olfaction does not involve the thalamus.) The olfactory bulb connects with several
regions of the brain through the olfactory tract, including the limbic system (emotion) as well as regions of the
cortex where the subjective experience of pleasure (or disgust) occurs.
Module 4.4b Quiz:
The Chemical Senses: Taste and Smell
Know . . .
1. The bumps that line the tongue surface and house our taste buds are called .
A. epithelia
B. gustates
C. the gustatory cortex
D. papillae
2. Where are the receptor cells for smell located?

A. The papillae
B. The olfactory epithelium
C. The olfactory bulb
D. The odour buds
Apply . . .
3. After eating grape lollipops, you and a friend notice that your tongues have turned purple. With the
change in colour, it is easy to notice that there are many more papillae on your friend’s tongue. Who
is more likely to be a supertaster?
A. You are, because you have fewer, and therefore more distinct, papillae.
B. Your friend is, because she has many more papillae, and therefore many more taste buds, to
taste with.
C. You are, because less dye stuck to your tongue, allowing you to taste more.
D. It could be either of you because supertasting is unrelated to the number of papillae.
Multimodal Integration
Modules 4.2 –4.4 have described our five different, most commonly discussed, sensory systems. After
reading about them, it is quite tempting to view the five systems as being distinct from one another. After all,
our brains are set up in such a way that it is simple to separate the different senses. Indeed, the doctrine of
specific energies stated in 1826 that our senses are separated in the brain (see Module 4.1 ). However,
this view is at odds with some of our sensory experiences. Many of these experiences are actually
combinations of multiple types of sensations, just as they are in individuals with synesthesia, the condition
discussed at the beginning of this module. For example, the perceptual experience of flavour combines taste
and smell (Small et al., 1997). You have probably noticed that when you have nasal congestion, your
experience of flavour is diminished. You may also have noticed a child plugging his nose when he has to eat
or drink something that tastes bad. This loss of taste occurs because approximately 80% of our information
about food comes from olfaction (Murphy et al., 1977). This link between taste and smell is a perfect
example of multimodal integration , the ability to combine sensation from different modalities such as
vision and hearing into a single integrated perception.
What Is Multimodal Integration?

Multimodal integration is so much more than simply combining different senses. In fact, it’s a form of
problem-solving performed by your brain hundreds of times each day. We must decide, almost
instantaneously, if two types of sensation should be integrated into a multimodal perception. How do we do
this? One factor is whether the different sensations are in a similar location. If you hear a “meow” and see a
cat with its mouth open, you infer that the movements of the cat’s mouth and the “meow” sound were linked
together. We also make use of temporal information. Sensations that occur in roughly the same time period
are more likely to be linked than those that are not. If you hear a “meow” five seconds before the cat’s mouth
moved, you will not likely combine the sound with the sight of the cat (unless you know your cat is a
ventriloquist).
Multimodal integration occurs quite naturally—we’re often unaware of these perceptions until some outside
force interferes with it. You may have experienced watching a television show or YouTube clip in which the
movement of the characters’ lips didn’t match up with the sound of their voices. These perceptions are often
annoying because the lag between the image and the sound makes it difficult to combine the two into the
expected multimodal perception. In fact, sometimes this mismatch can interfere with perception, even to the
point of producing new perceptions that did not actually occur.
This result occurred by accident in a study conducted by Harry McGurk and John MacDonald in 1976.
These researchers were investigating language perception in infants and had videos of different actors
producing sounds such as /ba-ba/. However, when the sound /ba-ba/ was presented during the video of
someone mouthing the sound /ga-ga/, the experimenters noticed that it seemed to produce an entirely
different multimodal stimulus: /da-da/. It was as though the movement of the speaker’s lips provided the
viewer with the expectation of a particular sound; this expectation biased the perception of the presented
sounds. This phenomenon is now known as the McGurk Effect.
Expectations and multimodal integration can also influence our social interactions. We routinely integrate
visual and auditory information when we are speaking with someone. Researchers have found that both
women and men rated masculine faces (i.e., tough, rugged faces) as being more attractive when they were
matched with a masculine voice (Feinberg et al., 2008). Other studies have shown that heterosexual men
preferred viewing female faces that were paired with high-pitched rather than low-pitched voices (Feinberg
et al., 2005). Facial expressions of a singer also influence judgments of the emotional content of songs
(Thompson et al., 2008). These studies show us that we naturally form auditory expectations when we
visually perceive a face.
Synesthesia
If our brains are set up to perceive our senses separately and then combine them only when it seems
appropriate (due to location, time, and expectations), how can we explain synesthesia, the condition
discussed in the opening of this module? These blended multimodal associations (e.g., chicken that tastes
“pointy”) do not come and go. Rather, they occur automatically and are consistent over time
(Ramachandran & Hubbard, 2003). Why does synesthesia occur?
This question has puzzled scientists since the first reported case of synesthesia in 1812 (Sachs, 1812;
Jewanski et al., 2009). To date, there is still no clear answer. Researchers have noted that synesthesia
does run in families (Baron-Cohen et al., 1996). However, the exact genes involved with this condition are
still unknown. In fact, researchers at the University of Waterloo found a pair of identical twins, only one of
whom had synesthesia (Smilek et al., 2001)!
Synesthetes who experience colours when they see letters or numbers have stronger connections between
brain areas related to colour (red) and letters/numbers (green).
Source: Figure 4 from Ramachandran, V.S., and Hubbard, E.M. (2001). “Synaesthesia—A window into perception, thought and language.” JCS, 8, No. 12, pp. 3–34.
Neuroimaging studies have provided some insight into this condition. For instance, one research group
tested synesthetes who have specific colour perceptions appear whenever they read a number (e.g., every
time they see “2”, it appears with a yellow border). These researchers found activity in areas of the brain
related to colour perception in synesthetes, but not in non-synesthetes (Nunn et al., 2002). More recent
studies suggest that the brains of people with synesthesia may contain networks that link different sensory
areas in ways not found in other people (Dovern et al., 2012).
A similar cross-wiring of brain networks may explain another unusual example of multimodal integration.
Autonomous sensory meridian response (ASMR) is a condition in which specific auditory or visual
stimuli trigger tingling sensations in the scalp and neck, sometimes extending across the back and shoulders
(see Figure 4.45 ). What makes this condition so unusual is that many of the stimuli that trigger ASMR are
social in nature, such as whispering or watching someone slowly brush her hair (Barratt & Davis, 2015).
Like synesthesia, ASMR appears to be caused by unusual patterns of connections between different brain
areas (Smith et al., 2016).
Figure 4.45 Autonomous Sensory Meridian Response (ASMR)
Individuals with ASMR experience tingling sensations on the scalp, shoulders, and back when they hear
specific auditory and visual stimuli such as someone whispering or performing socially intimate acts such as
braiding someone’s hair.
Dmytro Zinkevych/123RF
Source (right): Barratt EL, Davis NJ. (2014). Autonomous Sensory Meridian Response (ASMR): A flow-like mental state. PeerJ PrePrints 2:e719v1 https://doi.org/
10.7287/peerj.preprints.719v1.
Together, these findings demonstrate a point made repeatedly in this text: Our experiences involve groups of
brain areas working together. This point holds for all five of our senses, as well as for their multimodal
integration.
Module 4.4c Quiz:
Multimodal Integration
Know . . .
1. Multimodal integration involves:
A. combining sensations from different senses into a single integrated perception.
B. keeping different sensory inputs separate in the brain.
C. different sensory inputs competing to see which one will reach conscious awareness.
D. certain parts of the body being more sensitive to touch than other regions.
Understand . . .
2. The perceptual experience of flavour originates from:
A. taste cues alone.
B. olfactory cues alone.
C. olfactory and taste cues together.
D. haptic and olfactory cues together.
Apply . . .
3. Lexi is watching a movie with her friends. When one of the characters starts whispering, Lexi
experiences a sudden tingling sensation on her scalp and neck. She has never been diagnosed with
seizures or any psychological disorder. What condition would you diagnose her with?
A. Epilepsy
B. Synesthesia
C. Autonomous sensory meridian response
D. McGurk Syndrome
Module 4.4 Summary
4.4a Know . . . the key terminology of touch and chemical senses.

Autonomous sensory meridian response
gate-control theory
gustatory system
haptics
kinesthesis
multimodal integration
nociception
olfactory bulb
olfactory epithelium
olfactory system
phantom limb sensations
4.4b Understand . . . how pain messages travel to the brain.
According to gate-control theory, small nerve fibres carry pain messages from their source to the spinal cord,
and then up to, among other regions, the anterior cingulate gyrus and somatosensory cortex. However, large
nerve cells that register other types of touch sensations (such as rubbing) can override signals sent by small
pain fibres.
4.4c Understand . . . the relationship between smell, taste, and food flavour experience.
Both senses combine to give us flavour experiences. Contact with food activates patterns of neural activity
among nerve cells connected to the taste buds, and food odours activate patterns of nerve activity in the
olfactory epithelium. The primary and secondary gustatory cortex and the olfactory bulb are involved in the
perceptual experience of flavour.
4.4d Apply . . . your knowledge about touch to describe the acuity of different areas of skin.
Apply Activity
Try creating a two-point threshold device like the one shown earlier in Figure 4.35 by straightening a
paper clip and then bending it so the two points are about 5 mm apart. Gently apply them to different parts of
the body—your fingertips, elbow, cheek, etc. Which parts of your body are sensitive enough to feel both
points, and on which parts does it feel like a single object is touching you? Now try the experiment again with
the two points closer together. Can you detect a change in acuity?
4.4e Apply . . . your knowledge to determine whether you or someone you know is a “supertaster.”
Scientists use a very precise measurement system to identify supertasters, but one less complicated way to
do so is to dye your tongue by placing a drop of food colouring on it, or by eating or drinking something dark
blue or purple. Next, count the number of papillae you can see in a 4 mm circle. You can accomplish this by
viewing the dyed portion of your tongue through the punched hole in a sheet of loose-leaf notebook paper. If
you can count more than 30 papillae, then chances are you are a supertaster. Of course, if you already know
that you do not like bitter vegetables like broccoli or asparagus, then perhaps you would expect to find a high
number of papillae.
4.4f Analyze . . . how different senses are combined together.
Humans have five distinct types of senses. However, that does not mean that these senses always operate
independently—they often interact to form more vivid experiences. The flavour of food is an experience that
involves both taste and smell. Numerous other studies have shown that our visual perception interacts with
our auditory system, leading us to be surprised when sounds (such as the pitch of someone’s voice) don’t
match our visual expectations.
Chapter 5 Consciousness
5.1 Biological Rhythms of Consciousness: Wakefulness and Sleep

What Is Sleep? 182
Why Do We Need Sleep? 186
Theories of Dreaming 190
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Dreams, REM Sleep, and

Learning 191
Disorders and Problems with Sleep 193
Module 5.1d Quiz 197
5.2 Altered States of Consciousness: Hypnosis, Mind-Wandering, and

Disorders of Consciousness
Hypnosis 200
Mind-Wandering 203

Disorders of Consciousness 205
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Assessing Consciousness in the

Vegetative State 207
5.3 Drugs and Conscious Experience

Physical and Psychological Effects of Drugs 212
Commonly Abused “Recreational” Drugs 215
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Marijuana, Memory, and

Cognition 219
Legal Drugs and Their Effects on Consciousness 222

Module 5.1 Biological Rhythms
of Consciousness: Wakefulness
and Sleep
es/Sylvia Serrado/PhotoAlto/Alamy Stock Photo
Learning Objectives
5.1a Know . . . the key terminology associated with sleep, dreams, and sleep
disorders.
5.1b Understand . . . how the sleep cycle works.
5.1c Understand . . . theories of why we sleep.
5.1d Apply . . . your knowledge to identify and practise good sleep habits.
5.1e Analyze . . . different theories about why we dream.
Smashing through a window in your sleep seems perfectly plausible if it

occurs as part of a dream. Mike Birbiglia did just this—but in his case, it
was both dream and reality. Birbiglia is a comedian whose show,
Sleepwalk with Me, is full of stories of personal and embarrassing
moments, which include jumping through a second-storey window of his
hotel room while he was asleep. He awoke upon landing; picked his
bloodied, half-naked self up; and went to the hotel front desk to notify
personnel of what happened. Perhaps his comedy is just his way of
dealing with an otherwise troubling sleep problem—a serious condition
called REM behaviour disorder. People with REM behaviour disorder act
out their dreams, which clearly has the potential to be very dangerous. In
Mike’s case, the injury was self-inflicted. Other people with the condition,
however, have been known to hit or choke their bed partner. As it turns
out, jumping through windows is not entirely uncommon for people with
REM behaviour disorder (Schenck et al., 2009). In this module, we
explore how normal sleep works and we explain how and why sleep
disorders, such as Mike Birbiglia’s, occur.
Focus Questions
1. How do body rhythms affect memory and thinking?

2. What is REM and how is it related to dreaming?
Consciousness is a person’s subjective awareness, including thoughts,

perceptions, experiences of the world, and self-awareness. Every day we go
through many changes in consciousness—our thoughts and perceptions are
constantly adapting to new situations. In some cases, when we are paying close
attention to something, we seem to be more in control of conscious experiences.
In other situations, such as when we are daydreaming, consciousness seems to
wander. These changes in our subjective experiences, and the difficulty in
defining them, make consciousness one of the most challenging areas of
psychological study. We will begin this module by exploring the alternating cycles
of consciousness—sleeping and waking.
What Is Sleep?
It makes perfect sense to devote a module to a behaviour that humans spend

approximately one-third of their lives doing. What happens during sleep can be
just as fascinating as what happens during wakefulness. Psychologists and non-
psychologists alike have long pondered some basic questions about sleep, such
as “Why do we need sleep?” and “Why do we dream?” But perhaps we should
begin with the most basic question: “What is sleep?”
Biological Rhythms
Life involves patterns—patterns that cycle within days, weeks, months, or years.
Organisms have evolved biological rhythms that are neatly adapted to the cycles
in their environment. For example, bears are well known for hibernating during
the cold winter months. Because this behaviour happens on a yearly basis, it is
part of a circannual rhythm (a term that literally means “a yearly cycle”). This type
of rhythm is an example of an infradian rhythm, which is any rhythm that occurs
over a period of time longer than a day. In humans, the best-known infradian
rhythm is the menstrual cycle. However, most biological rhythms occur with a
much greater frequency than once a month. For instance, heart rate, urination,
and some hormonal activity occur in 90–120-minute cycles. These more frequent
biological rhythms are referred to as ultradian rhythms.
However, the biological rhythm that appears to have the most obvious impact
upon our lives is a cycle that occurs over the course of a day. Circadian
rhythms are internally driven daily cycles of approximately 24 hours affecting
physiological and behavioural processes (Halberg et al., 1959). They involve the
tendency to be asleep or awake at specific times, to feel hungrier during some
parts of the day, and even the ability to concentrate better at certain times than
at others (Lavie, 2001; Verwey & Amir, 2009).
Think about your own circadian rhythms: When are you most alert? At which
times of day do you feel the most tired? Night shift workers and night owls aside,
we tend to get most of our sleep when it is dark outside because our circadian
rhythms are regulated by daylight interacting with our nervous and endocrine
(hormonal) systems. One key brain structure in this process is the
suprachiasmatic nucleus (SCN) of the hypothalamus. Cells in the retina of the
eye relay messages about light levels in the environment to the SCN
(Hendrickson et al., 1972; Morin, 2013). The SCN, in turn, communicates
signals about light levels with the pineal gland (see Figure 5.1 ). The pineal
gland releases a hormone called melatonin, which peaks in concentration at
nighttime and is reduced during wakefulness. Information about melatonin levels
feeds back to the hypothalamus; this feedback helps the hypothalamus monitor
melatonin levels so that the appropriate amount of this hormone is released at
different times of the day.
Figure 5.1 Pathways Involved in Circadian Rhythms

Cells in the retina send messages about light levels to the suprachiasmatic
nucleus, which in turn relays the information to the pineal gland, which secretes
melatonin.
But what actually causes us to adopt these circadian rhythms? Why don’t we
stay awake for days and then sleep all weekend? There are two explanations for
our 24-hour rhythms. One is entrainment , when biological rhythms become
synchronized to external cues such as light, temperature, or even a clock.
Because of its effects on the SCN-melatonin system, light is the primary
entrainment mechanism for most mammals (Rusak, 1979; Wever et al., 1983).
We tend to be awake during daylight and asleep during darkness. We’re also
influenced by the time on our clocks. If you’re tired at 8 p.m., you likely try to fight
your fatigue until a “normal” bed time such as 10 p.m. Why? Because we’ve been
trained to believe that some times of day are associated with sleep and others
are not.
However, not all of our body rhythms are products of entrainment. Instead, some
are endogenous rhythms , biological rhythms that are generated by our body
independent of external cues such as light. Studying endogenous rhythms is
tricky because it is difficult to remove all of the external cues from a person’s
world. To overcome this problem, researchers in the 1960s and 1970s asked
motivated volunteers to spend extended periods of time (months) in caves or in
isolation chambers. For instance, Jürgen Aschoff (1965; Aschoff et al., 1967;
Aschoff & Wever, 1962) had participants stay in an underground chamber for
four weeks. He noted that individuals tended to adopt a 25-hour day. Michel
Siffre, a French cave expert, remained by himself in a dark cave for much longer
durations than Aschoff’s participants: two months in 1962 and six months in 1972
(Foer & Siffre, 2008). Whenever he woke up or intended to go to sleep, he
called his support team who were stationed at the entrance to the cave. Data
from Siffre and a number of his subsequent participants indicated that most
people fell into a 24.5-hour circadian rhythm. Although a few participants would
briefly enter longer cycles—sometimes as long as 48-hour days—most people
possess an endogenous circadian rhythm that is 24–25 hours in length (Lavie,
2001; Mills, 1964).
Although our sleep–wake cycle remains relatively close to 24 hours in length
throughout our lives, some patterns within our circadian rhythms do change with
age (Caci et al., 2009). As shown in Figure 5.2 , researchers have found that
we need much less sleep—especially a type called REM sleep—as we move
from infancy and early childhood into adulthood. Moreover, people generally
experience a change in when they prefer to sleep. In your teens and 20s, many
of you have (or will) become night owls who prefer to stay up late and sleep in.
When given the choice, most people in this age range prefer to work, study, and
play late in the day, and then awake later in the morning (Galambos et al.,
2013). Later in adulthood, many of you will find yourselves going to bed earlier
and getting up earlier, and you may begin to prefer working or exercising before
teenagers even begin to stir. Research shows that these patterns are more than
just preferences: People actually do show higher alertness and cognitive
functioning during their preferred time of day (Cavallera & Giudici, 2008; Hahn
et al., 2012). For instance, researchers at the University of Toronto have found
that when older adults (approximately 60–80 years of age) are tested later in the
day as opposed to early in the morning, they have a greater difficulty separating
new from old information (Hasher et al., 2002) and have a larger variability in
their reaction times on a test in which they learned to pair together a digit and a
symbol (Hogan et al., 2009). These results have implications for the cognitive
testing older patients receive in hospitals; clearly, these individuals will appear
healthier if tested in the morning as opposed to later in the day, when their
bodies are preparing to go to sleep.
Figure 5.2 Sleep Requirements Change with Age
People tend to spend progressively less time sleeping as they age. The amount
of a certain type of sleep, REM sleep, declines the most.
Source: Based on Ontogenetic Development of the Human Sleep–Dream Cycle, Science, 152(3722): 604–619. 29 Apr 1966.
The Stages of Sleep

We have already seen how sleep fits into the daily rhythm, but if we take a closer
look, we will see that sleep itself has rhythms. In order to measure these
rhythms, scientists use polysomnography , a set of objective measurements
used to examine physiological variables during sleep. Some of the devices used
in this type of study are familiar, such as one to measure respiration and a
thermometer to measure body temperature. In addition, electrical sensors
attached to the skin measure muscle activity around the eyes and other parts of
the body. However, sleep cycles themselves are most often defined by the
electroencephalogram (EEG), a device that measures brain activity using
sensors attached to the scalp (see Module 3.4 ).
EEGs detect changes involving the ion channels on neurons. As you read in
Module 3.2 , ion channels are involved with receiving excitatory and inhibitory
potentials from other cells and are also involved with the transmission of an
action potential down the axon. Each EEG sensor would receive input from
hundreds (possibly thousands) of cells. The output of an EEG is a waveform, like
that shown in Figure 5.3 , representing the overall activity of these groups of
neurons. These waves can be described by their frequency—the number of up-
down cycles every second—and their amplitude—the height and depth of the up-
down cycle. Beta waves—high-frequency, low-amplitude waves (15–30 Hz)—are
characteristic of wakefulness. Their irregular nature reflects the bursts of activity
in different regions of the cortex, and they are often interpreted as a sign that a
person is alert. As the individual begins to shift into sleep, the waves start to
become slower, larger, and more predictable; these alpha waves (8–14 Hz)
signal that a person may be daydreaming, meditating, or starting to fall asleep.
These changes in the characteristics of the waves continue as we enter deeper
and deeper stages of sleep.
Figure 5.3 EEG Recordings during Wakefulness and Sleep
Brain waves, as measured by the frequency and amplitude of electrical activity,
change over the course of the normal circadian rhythm. Beta waves are
predominant during wakefulness but give way to alpha waves during periods of
calm and as we drift into sleep. Theta waves are characteristic of stage 1 sleep.
As we reach stage 2 sleep, the amplitude (height) of brain waves increases.
During deep sleep (stages 3 and 4), the brain waves are at their highest
amplitude. During REM sleep, they appear similar to the brain waves occurring
when we are awake.
The EEG signals during sleep move through four different stages. In stage 1,
brain waves slow down and become higher in amplitude—these are known as
theta waves (4–8 Hz). Breathing, blood pressure, and heart rate all decrease
slightly as an individual begins to sleep. However, at this stage of sleep, you are
still sensitive to noises such as the television in the next room. After
approximately 10 to 15 minutes, the sleeper enters stage 2, during which brain
waves continue to slow. As shown in Figure 5.3 , stage 2 includes sleep
spindles (clusters of high-frequency but low-amplitude waves) and K complexes
(small groups of larger amplitude waves), which are detected as periodic bursts
of EEG activity. What these bursts in brain activity mean is not completely
understood, but evidence suggests they may play a role in helping maintain a
state of sleep and in the process of memory storage (Fogel et al., 2007; Gais et
al., 2002)—a topic we cover more fully later on.
Using physiological recording devices, sleep researchers and doctors can

monitor eye movements, brain waves, and other physiological processes.
Hank Morgan/Photo Researchers, Inc./Science Source
As stage 2 sleep progresses, we respond to fewer and fewer external stimuli,

such as lights and sounds. Approximately 20 minutes later, we enter stage 3
sleep, in which brain waves continue to slow down and assume a new form
called delta waves (large, looping waves that are high-amplitude and low-
frequency—typically less than 3 Hz). The process continues with the deepest
stage of sleep, stage 4, during which time the sleeper will be difficult to awaken.
About an hour after falling asleep, we reach the end of our first stage 4 sleep
phase. At this point, the sleep cycle goes in reverse and we move back toward
stage 2. From there, we move into a unique stage of REM sleep —a stage of
sleep characterized by quickening brain waves, inhibited body movement, and
rapid eye movements (REM). This stage is sometimes known as paradoxical
sleep because the EEG waves appear to represent a state of wakefulness
despite the fact that we remain asleep. The REM pattern is so distinct that the
first four stages are known collectively as non-REM (NREM) sleep. At the end of
the first REM phase, we cycle back toward deep sleep stages and back into
REM sleep again every 90 to 100 minutes. (Think back to the beginning of this
module: What type of biological rhythm would a 90–100-minute cycle represent?)
The sleep cycle through a typical night of sleep is summarized in Figure 5.4 .
As shown in the figure, the deeper stages of sleep (3 and 4) predominate during
the earlier portions of the sleep cycle, but gradually give way to longer REM
periods.
Figure 5.4 Order and Duration of Sleep Stages through a Typical Night
Our sleep stages progress through a characteristic pattern. The first half of a
normal night of sleep is dominated by deep, slow-wave sleep. REM sleep
increases in duration relative to deep sleep during the second half of the night.
Source: Based on Some Must Watch while Some Must Sleep by W.D. Dement. WC Freeman & Company, 1974. URL:
http://socrates.berkeley.edu/~kihlstrm/ConsciousnessWeb/SleepDreams/images/DementSuccession.JPG.
Module 5.1a Quiz:
What Is Sleep?
Know . . .
1. Large, periodic bursts of brain activity that occur during stage 2 sleep are
known as .
A. beta waves
B. sleep spindles
C. delta waves
D. alpha waves
Understand . . .
2. Why is REM sleep known as paradoxical sleep?
A. The brain waves appear to be those of an awake person but the
individual seems to be in a deep sleep.
B. The brain waves resemble those of a sleeping individual but the
person behaves as if he is nearly awake.
C. The brain wave patterns in REM sleep are totally unlike those
produced by brain activity at any other time.
D. The brain waves resemble those of a sleeping individual and the
person seems to be in a very deep sleep.
Apply . . .
3. Which of the following is the most likely order of sleep stages during the
first 90 minutes of a night of rest?
A. Stages 1–2–3–4–1–2–3–4–REM
B. Stages 1–2–3–4–REM–1–2–3–4
C. Stages 1–2–3–4–3–2–1–REM
D. Stages REM–4–3–2–1
Why Do We Need Sleep?
Sleep is such a natural part of life that it is difficult to imagine what the world
would be like if there were no such thing. It raises another question: Why do
humans and other animals need to sleep in the first place?
Theories of Sleep
The most intuitive explanation for why we sleep is probably the restore and
repair hypothesis , the idea that the body needs to restore energy levels and
repair any wear and tear experienced during the day’s activities. Research on
sleep deprivation clearly shows that sleep is a physical and psychological
necessity, not just a pleasant way to relax. A lack of sleep eventually leads to
cognitive decline, emotional disturbances, and impaired functioning of the
immune system (Born et al., 1997). It appears that sleeping helps animals,
including humans, clear waste products and excess proteins from the brains. In a
study using rodents, the researchers found that the pathways of the brain’s
waste removal system were enlarged during sleep, making the removal of these
waste products more efficient. This effect was largest when the animal was
sleeping on its side (Lee, Xie, et al., 2015). Such findings may explain why for
some species, sleep deprivation can be as dangerous as food deprivation
(Rechtschaffen, 1998).
Although there is good evidence supporting the restore and repair hypothesis, it
does not account for all the reasons why we sleep. Imagine you have had an
unusually active day on Saturday and then spend all day Sunday relaxing.
Research shows that you are likely to feel sleepier on Saturday night, but you will
need only slightly more sleep after the high-activity day, despite what the restore
and repair hypothesis would suggest (Horne & Minard, 1985). The same is true
for days filled with mentally challenging activities (De Bruin et al., 2002). Rather
than requiring more sleep, it could be that sleep is more efficient after an
exhausting day (Montgomery et al., 1987); in other words, more restoring and
repairing may go on in the same amount of time.
A second explanation for sleep, the preserve and protect hypothesis ,

suggests that two more adaptive functions of sleep are preserving energy and
protecting the organism from harm (Berger & Philips, 1995; Siegel, 2005). To
support this hypothesis, researchers note that the animals most vulnerable to
predators sleep in safe hideaways during the time of day when their predators
are most likely to hunt (Siegel, 1995). Because humans are quite dependent
upon vision, it made sense for us to sleep at night, when we would be at a
disadvantage compared to nocturnal predators.
The quantity of sleep required differs between animal species. Hoofed species
like antelope (the species you always see getting killed in nature programs)
sleep less than four hours per day, primarily because they have to remain alert in
case a predator attacks. Conversely, animals such as lions and bears rarely fall
victim to predators and can therefore afford a luxurious 15 hours of sleep per
day. (The sleepiest animal appears to be the brown bat. It sleeps an average of
19.9 hours out of each 24 hours . . . because really, who would eat a bat?) The
underlying message from this theory is that each species’ sleep patterns have
evolved to match their sensory abilities and their environment.
Thus, there are complementary theories that answer the question of why we
sleep. The amount that any animal sleeps is a combination of its need for
restoration and repair along with its need for preservation and protection. Each
theory explains part of our reasons for drifting off each night. Importantly, both
theories would produce sleep patterns that would improve a species’
evolutionary fitness. Of course, this discussion of the reasons for sleep leads to
an equally important discussion, particularly for students: What happens when
we don’t get enough sleep?
Sleep Deprivation and Sleep Displacement

Chances are you have experienced disruptions to your sleep due to jet lag or to
an “occasional late night” (i.e., life as a student), and we’ve all had that awful
feeling in the spring when we are robbed of a precious hour of slumber by
Daylight Savings Time. We don’t usually think of time shifts as being anything
more than an annoyance. However, researchers have found that switching to
Daylight Savings Time in the spring costs workers an average of 40 minutes of
sleep and significantly increases work-related injuries on the Monday following
the time change (Barnes & Wagner, 2009). The same analysis showed that
returning to standard time in the fall produces no significant changes in sleep or
injuries. Similar results have been noted for traffic accidents. Stanley Coren at
the University of British Columbia found that there was a significant increase in
the number of accidents immediately following the “spring forward,” but not after
the “fall back” (1996a; see Figure 5.5 ). Coren also looked at accidental
deaths unrelated to car accidents (Coren, 1996b). Using U.S. data from 1986–
1988, he found a 6.6% increase in accidental deaths in the four days following
the “spring forward” of Daylight Savings Time. Importantly, the effects of
disrupted sleep aren’t limited to clumsiness; a substantial amount of research
has shown that it can affect our thinking and decision making as well (Lavie,
2001).
Figure 5.5 Car Accident Statistics for the Years 1991 and 1992
These data represent the number of car accidents on the Monday before, the
Monday immediately after, and the Monday one week after the spring and fall
time changes. Note the dramatic increase in accidents immediately following the
spring time change, when we lose one hour of sleep. Astute observers will also
note that, overall, there were still more accidents in the fall than in the spring (the
y-axes are different in the two graphs); this is likely due to the inclement weather
found in many parts of Canada in October. Poor weather and earlier darkness
are also the most likely explanations for the spike in accidents one week after the
fall shift (green bar). These data are from the Canadian Ministry of Transport
(and exclude Saskatchewan, which doesn’t observe Daylight Savings Time).
Source: From The New England Journal of Medicine by Stanley Coren, Daylight Savings Time and Traffic Accidents, 344
(14), 924. Copyright © 1996 Massachusetts Medical Society. Reprinted with permission from Massachusetts Medical Society.
Sleep deprivation occurs when an individual cannot or does not sleep. In

other words, it can be due to some external factor that is out of your control (e.g.,
noisy neighbours) or to some self-inflicted factor (e.g., studying, staying up to
watch the late hockey game on TV, etc.). Exactly how sleep deprivation affects
daily functioning has been the subject of scientific inquiry since 1896, when
researchers examined cognitive abilities in people kept awake for 90 consecutive
hours (Patrick & Gilbert, 1896). In almost all of the studies in the past century,
the strength of the circadian rhythms was evident; the volunteers generally went
through cycles of extreme sleepiness at night, with normal levels of wakefulness
in the daytime (especially the afternoon). However, each night saw an increasing
level of sleepiness, likely as an attempt by the body to preserve and protect the
health of the individual. In addition to feelings of fatigue, researchers have
discovered a number of specific impairments resulting from being deprived of
sleep. These include difficulties with multitasking, maintaining attention for long
periods of time, assessing risks, incorporating new information into a strategy
(i.e., “thinking on the fly”), working memory (i.e., keeping information in
conscious awareness), inhibiting responses, and keeping information in the
correct temporal order (Durmer & Dinges, 2005; Lavie, 2001; Wimmer et al.,
1992). Importantly, these deficits also appear after partial sleep deprivation, such
as when you don’t get enough sleep (Cote et al., 2008). In fact, cognitive deficits
typically appear when individuals have less than seven hours of sleep for a few
nights in a row (Dinges, 2006; Dinges et al., 2005).
The problems associated with sleep deprivation aren’t limited to your ability to
think. Research with adolescents shows that for every hour of sleep deprivation,
predictable increases in physical illness, family problems, substance abuse, and
academic problems occur (Roberts et al., 2009). Issues also arise with your
coordination, a problem best seen in studies of driving ability. Using a driving
simulator, researchers found that participants who had gone a night without
sleeping performed at the same level as people who had a blood-alcohol level of
0.07 (Fairclough & Graham, 1999). A study of professional truck drivers
accustomed to long shifts found that going 28 hours without sleep produced
driving abilities similar to someone with a blood-alcohol level of 0.1, which is
above the legal limit throughout North America (Williamson & Feyer, 2000).
Given that sleep deprivation is as dangerous as driving while mildly intoxicated
(Dawson & Reid, 1997; Maruff et al., 2005), it is not surprising that it is one of
the most prevalent causes of fatal traffic accidents (Lyznicki et al., 1998;
Sagberg, 1999).
Sleep deprivation has led to some serious errors in the medical field as well.
Medical residents (“residency” is the 2- to 5-year internship performed after
completing medical school that precedes becoming a licensed, independent
physician) and attending physicians often work through the night at hospitals; in
some fields such as Internal Medicine, the doctors often don’t even have time for
naps. From what you’ve read in the preceding paragraphs, you can see that this
is obviously a recipe for disaster. For instance, researchers at Harvard noted a
number of critical errors by medical interns who were tired, including draining the
wrong lung, prescribing a medication dose 10 times higher than it should have
been, and causing an accidental overdose of benzodiazepines (Landrigan et
al., 2004). Exhausted medical interns were also more likely to crash their cars on
the way home (Barger et al., 2005) and suffer from job stress and burnout
(Chen, Vorona, et al., 2008). These findings have motivated some researchers
to investigate potential benefits of alternative work schedules; by limiting the
length of shifts and reducing the number of hours worked per week, the number
of medical errors decreased by 36% (Figure 5.6 ; Landrigan et al., 2004).
Recently, Canadian medical residents were granted limits on the length of their
shifts and on the number of nights they can be “on call” per month. Perhaps
someone was reading psychology research . . . or listening to their lawyers.
Figure 5.6 The Costly Effects of Sleep Deprivation

The traditional schedule of a medical intern (Group A) requires up to a 31-hour
on-call shift, whereas the modified schedule (Group B) divides the 31 hours into
two shorter shifts. The latter schedule reduces the effects of prolonged sleep
deprivation as measured in terms of medical errors.
Source: From “Effect of Reducing Interns’ Work Hours on Serious Medical Errors in Intensive Care Units” by C. P. Landrigan
et al. (2004), New England Journal of Medicine, 351 (18), 1838–1848. Copyright © 2004. Reprinted by permission of
Massachusetts Medical Society.
Cognitive and coordination errors are not limited to situations involving full or
partial sleep deprivation. They can also occur when the timing of our sleep is
altered. This phenomenon, sleep displacement , occurs when an individual is
prevented from sleeping at the normal time although she may be able to sleep
earlier or later in the day than usual. For example, consider a man from balmy
Winnipeg who flies to London (U.K.) for a vacation. The first night in London, he
may try to go to bed at his usual 12 a.m. time. However, his body’s rhythms will
be operating six hours earlier—they are still at 6 p.m. Winnipeg time. If he is like
most travellers, this individual will experience sleep displacement for three or
four days until he can get his internal rhythms to synchronize with the external
day–night cycles. Jet lag is the discomfort a person feels when sleep cycles
are out of synchronization with light and darkness (Arendt, 2009). How much jet
lag people experience is related to how many time zones they cross and how
quickly they do so (e.g., driving versus flying). Also, it is typically easier to adjust
when travelling west. When travelling east, a person must try to fall asleep earlier
than usual, which is difficult to do. Most people find it easier to stay up longer
than usual, which is what westward travel requires.
For someone on a long vacation, jet lag may not be too much of an
inconvenience. But imagine an athlete who has to be at her physical best, or a
business executive who must remain sharp through an afternoon meeting. For
these individuals, it is wise to arrive a week early if possible, or to try to adapt to
the new time zone before leaving.
Although jet lag has limited implications for our lives (unless you happen to be a
pilot or a flight attendant who crosses oceans several times a month), many
people will at some point in their lives have jobs that require shift work. In many
hospitals, nurses and support staff rotate across three different 8-hour shifts over
the course of a month (e.g., midnight–8 a.m., 8 a.m.–4 p.m., 4 p.m.–midnight).
Switching shifts requires a transition similar to jet lag; your day is suddenly
altered by several hours. In order to better adapt to these changes, companies
and hospitals are increasingly scheduling the shift rotations so that workers are
able to stay up later (similar to travelling westward in the jet lag example). This
reduces the negative effects on a worker’s sleep patterns, which reduces the
symptoms of sleep deprivation, thus giving the employer a more alert (and
friendlier) employee.
It is important to note that sleep deprivation is not always caused by external

factors such as world travel or tough work schedules; in fact, it can be caused by
our own behaviours. One possible cause of sleep deprivation is consuming
caffeine before bedtime. A 49-day study of five individuals found that consuming
caffeine—in this case a double espresso—prior to going to bed delayed their
internal clock by 40 minutes (Burke et al., 2015). This shift was twice as large as
that caused by exposure to bright lights. (These participants were obviously
dedicated and patient people.) A follow-up examination of the cellular
mechanisms of this effect found that caffeine influences the levels of cyclic AMP,
a molecule involved in the brain’s internal clock. The good news is that the
effects of caffeine on your circadian rhythms—and the cognitive impairments that
go with it—are entirely under your control. The next time you spend an evening
at Starbucks with your favourite psychology textbook, order a decaf.
Module 5.1b Quiz:
Why Do We Need Sleep?
Know . . .
1. When does sleep displacement occur?
A. When an individual tries to sleep in a new location
B. When an individual is allowed to sleep only at night
C. When an individual is allowed to sleep, but not at his normal time
D. When an individual is not allowed to sleep during a controlled
laboratory experiment
Understand . . .
2. Sleep may help animals stay safe and conserve energy for when it is
needed most. This is known as the .
A. preserve and protect hypothesis
B. restore and repair hypothesis
C. REM rebound hypothesis
D. preserve and repair hypothesis
Apply . . .
3. Jamie reports that it is easier for her to adjust to a new time zone when
flying west than when flying east. This occurs because
A. it is easier to get to sleep earlier than dictated by your circadian
rhythms.
B. it is easier to stay up later than your circadian rhythms expect.
C. there is more sunlight when you travel west.
D. there is less sunlight when you travel west.
Theories of Dreaming
It is very difficult to think about sleeping without thinking about dreaming. Dreams
are mysterious and have captured our imaginations for most of human history. A
study of 1348 Canadian university students found that some patterns emerge
when we analyze the content of our dreams. Using a statistical technique called
factor analysis, researchers found that students’ dreams can be reduced to 16
different factors or subtypes. Females tended to have a larger number of
negative dreams related to failures, loss of control, and frightening animals.
Males, on the other hand, had more positive dreams including those related to
magical abilities and encounters with alien life (Nielsen et al., 2003). However,
studies such as this one, despite being conducted properly, do not provide
insight into the purpose(s) dreams serve in our lives.
The Psychoanalytic Approach

One of the earliest and most influential theories of dreams was developed by
Sigmund Freud in 1899. His classic work, The Interpretation of Dreams,
dramatically transformed the Western world’s view of both the function and
meaning of dreams. Although many ancient societies performed dream
interpretations, most viewed the content of dreams as representing connections
to specific gods, as omens (good or bad), or as predictors of the future. In
contrast, Freud viewed dreams as an unconscious expression of wish fulfillment.
He believed that humans are motivated by primal urges, with sex and aggression
being the most dominant. Because giving in to these urges is impractical most of
the time (not to mention potentially immoral and illegal), we learn ways of
keeping these urges suppressed and outside of our conscious awareness. When
we sleep, however, we lose the power to suppress our urges. Without this active
suppression, these drives are free to create the vivid imagery found in our
dreams. This imagery can take two forms. Manifest content involves the
images and storylines that we dream about. In many of our dreams, the manifest
content involves sexuality and aggression, consistent with the view that dreams
are a form of wish fulfillment. However, in other cases, the manifest content of
dreams might seem like random, bizarre images and events. Freud would argue
that these images are anything but random; instead, he believed they have a
hidden meaning. This latent content is the actual symbolic meaning of a
dream built on suppressed sexual or aggressive urges. Because the true
meaning of the dream is latent, Freud advocated dream work, the recording and
interpreting of dreams. Through such work, Freudian analysis would allow you to
bring the previously hidden sexual and aggressive elements of your dreams into
the forefront, although it might mean you’d never look at the CN Tower the same
way again.
It is difficult to overstate the influence that Freud’s ideas have had on our
culture’s beliefs about dreaming. There is an abundance of books offering
insights into interpreting dreams including dictionaries that claim to define certain
symbols found in a dream’s latent content. However, it is important to note that
the scientific support for Freud’s work is quite limited. Although his theories are
based on extensive interviews with patients, many of these theories are difficult
to test in a scientific manner because they cannot be falsified (i.e., there is no
way to prove them wrong). Moreover, dream work requires a subjective
interpreter to understand dreams rather than using objective measures.
Therefore, the analysis of your dream might have more to do with the mindset of
the analyst than it does your own hidden demons. Not surprisingly, modern
dream research focuses much more on the biological activity of dreaming. These
studies focus primarily on REM sleep, when dreams are most common and
complex.
The Activation–Synthesis Hypothesis

Freud saw deep psychological meaning in the latent content of dreams. In
contrast, the activation–synthesis hypothesis suggests that dreams arise
from brain activity originating from bursts of excitatory messages from the pons,
a part of the brainstem (Hobson & McCarley, 1977). This electrical activity
produces the telltale signs of eye movements and patterns of EEG activity during
REM sleep that resemble wakefulness; moreover, the burst of activity stimulates
the occipital and temporal lobes of the brain, producing imaginary sights and
sounds, as well as numerous other regions of the cortex (see Figure 5.7 ).
Thus, the brainstem initiates the activation component of the model. The
synthesis component arises as different areas of the cortex of the brain try to
make sense of all the images, sounds, emotions, and memories (Hobson et al.,
2000). Imagine having a dozen different people each provide you with one
randomly selected word, with your task being to organize these words to look like
a single message; this is essentially what your cortex is doing every time you
dream. Because we are often able to turn these random messages into a
coherent story, researchers assume that the frontal lobes—the region of the
brain associated with forming narratives—play a key role in the synthesis
process (Eiser, 2005).
Figure 5.7 The Activation–Synthesis Hypothesis of Dreaming
The pons, located in the brainstem, sends excitatory messages through the
thalamus to the sensory and emotional areas of the cortex. The images and
emotions that arise from this activity are then woven into a story. Inhibitory
signals are also relayed from the pons down the spinal cord, which prevents
movement during dreaming.
The activation–synthesis model, although important in its own right, has some
interesting implications. If the cortex is able to provide (temporary) structure to
input from the brainstem and other regions of the brain, then that means the
brain is able to work with and restructure information while we dream. If that is
the case, then is it possible that the neural activity involved with dreaming also
influences our ability to learn new information?
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Dreams,
REM Sleep, and Learning
The activation–synthesis model of dreaming suggests that our

dreams result from random brainstem activity that is organized—
to some degree—by the cortex. Although this theory is widely
accepted, it doesn’t provide many specifics about the purpose of
dreams. Why do we have these processes occurring and what
functions do they serve? Dream researcher Rosalind Cartwright
(Cartwright et al., 2006; Webb & Cartwright, 1978) proposed
the problem-solving theory —the theory that thoughts and
concerns are continuous from waking to sleeping, and that
dreams may function to facilitate finding solutions to problems
encountered while awake. This theory suggests that many of the
images and thoughts we have during our dreams are relevant to
the problems that we face when we are awake. For instance,
researchers have found that individuals who are in poor physical
health have more dreams about pain, injuries, illnesses, and
medical themes than do healthy individuals (King & DeCicco,
2007). Another study showed that the number of threatening
images in participants’ dreams increased immediately following
the September 11 terrorist attacks (Propper et al., 2007).
However, although no one doubts that our daily concerns find
their way into our dreams, the problem-solving theory does not
explain if (or how) any specific cognitive mechanisms are
influenced by dreaming. In contrast, increasing evidence
suggests that REM sleep, the sleep stage involved with
dreaming, is essential for a number of cognitive functions.
What do we know about dreams, REM sleep, and learning?

Approximately 20–25% of our total sleep time is taken up by
REM, or rapid eye movement, sleep. When we are deprived of
REM sleep, we typically experience a phenomenon called REM
rebound—our brains spend increased time in REM-phase sleep
when given the chance. If you usually sleep 8 hours but get only
3 hours of sleep on a particular night, you can recover from the
sleep deficit the next time you sleep with only the normal 8 hours;
however, your time in REM sleep will increase considerably. The
fact that our bodies actively try to catch up on missed REM sleep
suggests that it may serve an important function.
As discussed earlier in this module, REM sleep produces

brainwaves similar to being awake, yet we are asleep (Aserinsky
& Kleitman, 1953). This similarity suggests that the types of
functions being performed by the brain are likely similar during
the two states. Studies with animals have shown that REM sleep
is associated with a number of different neurotransmitter
systems, all of which influence activity in the brainstem.
Projections from the brainstem can then affect a number of
different functions, including movement (which is inhibited),
emotional regulation (through connections to the amygdala and
frontal lobes), and learning (Brown et al., 2012). Clearly REM is
not simply about twitching eyes! The challenge for psychologists
is to determine the specific functions that are, and are not,
affected by REM.
How can science explain the effects of dreams and REM

sleep on learning?
In the last 25 years, scientists have performed an extraordinary
number of experiments in their attempt to understand how REM
sleep (and possibly dreaming) influences our thinking. The results
of these studies show that REM sleep affects some, but not all,
types of memory. If someone were to give you a list of words to
remember and then tested you later, this would be an example of
declarative memory (see Module 7.1 ). The effect of REM
sleep disruption on declarative memory was tested in a study
conducted by Carlyle Smith at Trent University. Different groups
of participants had only their REM sleep disrupted, only their non-
REM sleep disrupted, or all of their sleep disrupted. When their
memory for the words was tested, there were no differences
between the groups, suggesting that REM sleep is not critical for
this simple type of memory. However, when researchers gave
participants tests that involved a larger number of steps or
procedures, a different pattern of results emerged: Being
deprived of REM sleep produced large deficits in performance
(Smith, 2001).
Several studies have shown that the amount of REM sleep

people experience increases the night after learning a new task
(Smith et al., 2004). For instance, Mandai and colleagues (1989)
found increases in REM sleep in individuals the night following a
Morse-code learning task. There was a high correlation between
retention levels for the Morse code signals, the number of REM
episodes, and the density of the REM activity (i.e., the frequency
of eye movements made during REM episodes). In a study
directly related to students’ lives, Smith and Lapp (1991)
measured REM sleep 3–5 days after senior undergraduate
students had completed their fall semester final exams. These
students had more REM sleep episodes and a greater REM
sleep density than they had when they were tested in the
summer, when less learning was taking place. They also had
higher sleep-density values than age-matched participants who
were not in university. These results suggest that REM sleep may
help us consolidate or maintain newly learned information.
Research has also demonstrated that REM sleep and dreaming

also influence our ability to problem solve. Depriving people of
REM sleep reduces their ability to perform a complex logic task
(Smith, 1993). This may be due to the fact that our ability to form
new associations increases during REM sleep (Stickgold et al.,
1999; Walker et al., 2002). Indeed, REM sleep, as opposed to
non-REM sleep, helps people think creatively to find associations
between words (Cai et al., 2009). REM sleep appears to be
involved with linking together steps in the formation of new
memories and in reorganizing information in novel ways.

We have to be cautious when we consider the different effects
that REM sleep, and perhaps dreaming, have on memory and
problem solving. Although there is a great deal of evidence that
REM sleep does influence a number of different abilities, most of
this research is correlational. As you’ve undoubtedly heard
before, correlation does not equal causation. Therefore, we can’t
guarantee that REM sleep is causing the improvements in
memory—just that its disruption is related to poor performance on
a number of tasks. It is also unclear whether the observed effects
are due to dreaming or to some other REM-related function.
In addition to these questions, it is also worth noting that the

effects from these studies are not occurring during every period
of REM sleep. When it comes to memory, not all REM sleep is
created equal. The final few REM periods in the early morning
appear to be critical for learning (Smith, 2001). Stickgold and
colleagues (2000) found that performance on a visual search task
(in which participants tried to find a particular target image that
was hidden amongst distracter images, similar to “Where’s
Waldo?”) correlated with the amount of non-REM sleep a person
had in the early part of the night and the amount of REM sleep in
the early morning. Therefore, to say that REM sleep, in general,
improves some types of learning is an over-simplification. Further
research is needed to understand what makes these early
morning windows of REM special. Finally, it is possible that it is
dreaming, not REM sleep, that is affecting cognition. However,
although dreaming can sometimes occur during non-REM sleep,
these dreams tend to be less vivid and emotional than REM-
based dreams and therefore less likely to affect learning (Suzuki
et al., 2004).

Studies of REM sleep and learning show us that the benefits of
sleep go beyond restoring and repairing the body. Rather, the
effect(s) of REM sleep on our ability to learn new tasks should
serve as a wake-up call to all of us. Almost everyone in a
university setting is working on a less-than-optimal amount of
sleep despite the fact that REM sleep is clearly an important part
of our ability to learn. This seems counterproductive. Studying
and sleeping every night is a much more effective way to retain
information than pulling a frantic all-nighter just before an exam,
even if we all feel like we’re out of time.
Interestingly, REM sleep is not the only stage of sleep that affects our ability to
learn. There is some evidence that the sleep spindles found in stage 2 sleep are
involved with learning new movements (Fogel et al., 2007; Peters et al., 2008).
Smith and MacNeil (1994) found that disrupting stage 2 sleep impaired
performance on a pursuit-rotor task in which participants tried to move a
computer mouse so that the cursor followed an object on the computer screen.
However, when participants were asked to move as though the image was in a
mirror (so that an object farther away on the screen was closer to their body),
REM, and not stage 2 sleep, became essential. The only difference between the
two tasks was the cognitive difficulty associated with figuring out which
movement to perform (Aubrey et al., 1999). This suggests that the brain has
different systems for processing simple and complex movements and that these
systems are influenced by different stages of sleep (Smith, 2001).
Module 5.1c Quiz:
Theories of Dreaming
Know . . .
1. The problem-solving theory of dreaming proposes that
A. dreams create more problems than they solve.
B. the problems and concerns we face in our waking life also appear
in our dreams.
C. the symbols in our dreams represent unconscious urges related
to sex and aggression.
D. we cannot solve complex moral or interpersonal problems until
we have dreamed about them.
Understand . . .
2. The synthesis part of the activation–synthesis hypothesis suggests that
A. the brain interprets the meaning of symbolic images.
B. the brainstem activates the cortex to produce random images.
C. the cortex stimulates the brainstem to produce interpretations of
dreams.
D. the brain tries to link together, or make sense of, randomly
activated images.
Analyze . . .
3. Scientists are skeptical about the psychoanalytic theory of dreaming
because the of a dream is entirely subject to interpretation.
A. latent content
B. sleep stage
C. activation
D. manifest content
Disorders and Problems with Sleep
Throughout this module, we have seen that sleep is an essential biological and
psychological process; without sleep, individuals are vulnerable to cognitive,
emotional, and physical symptoms. Given these widespread effects, it should
come as no surprise that a lot of research has been directed at improving our
ability to diagnose and treat sleep disorders. In the final section of this module,
we will discuss some of the more common sleep disorders.
Insomnia
The most widely recognized sleeping problem is insomnia , a disorder
characterized by an extreme lack of sleep. According to a 2002 Canadian
Community Health Survey from Statistics Canada, one in seven Canadian adults
(3.3 million people) suffer from insomnia. This number was lowest in the 18–25
age bracket (10%) and highest in individuals 75 years of age and older (20%)
(Statistics Canada, 2003). Although the average adult may need 7 to 8 hours of
sleep to feel rested, substantial individual differences exist. For this reason,
insomnia is defined not in terms of the number of hours of sleep, but rather in
terms of the degree to which a person feels rested during the day. If a person
feels that her sleep disturbance is affecting her schoolwork, her job, or her family
and social life, then it is indeed a problem. However, for this condition to be
thought of as a sleep disorder, it would have to be present for three months or
more—one or two “bad nights” is unpleasant, but is not technically insomnia.
Although insomnia is often thought of as a single disorder, it may be more

appropriate to refer to insomnias in the plural. Onset insomnia occurs when a
person has difficulty falling asleep (30 minutes or more), maintenance insomnia
occurs when an individual cannot easily return to sleep after waking in the night,
and terminal insomnia or early morning insomnia is a situation in which a person
wakes up too early—sometimes hours too early—and cannot return to sleep
(Pallesen et al., 2001).
Insomnia can arise from worrying about sleep. It is among the most common of
all sleep disorders.
Steve Prezant/Glow Images
It is important to remember that for a sleep disorder to be labelled insomnia, the

problems with sleeping must be due to some internal cause; not sleeping
because your roommate snores does not count as insomnia. Sometimes
insomnia occurs as part of another problem, such as depression, pain,
developmental disorders such as attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD),
or various drugs (Corkum et al., 2014; Schierenbeck et al., 2008); in these
cases, the sleep disorder is referred to as a secondary insomnia. When insomnia
is the only symptom that a person is showing, and other causes can be ruled out,
physicians would label the sleep disorder as insomnia disorder. If you think back
to our earlier discussion of sleep deprivation, you can see why insomnia—
despite not seeming serious—can have a profound effect on a person’s ability to
function in our demanding world. However, it isn’t the only disorder that can
affect our ability to sleep a full eight hours each night.
Nightmares and Night Terrors
Although most of our dreams are interesting and often bizarre, some of our
dreams really scare us. Nightmares are particularly vivid and disturbing
dreams that occur during REM sleep. They can be so emotionally charged that
they awaken the individual (Levin & Nielsen, 2007). Almost everyone—as many
as 85% to 95% of adults—can remember having bad dreams that have negative
emotional content, such as feeling lost, sad, or angry, within a one-year period
(Levin, 1994; Schredl, 2003). Data from numerous studies indicate that
nightmares are correlated with psychological distress including anxiety (Nielsen
et al., 2000; Zadra & Donderi, 2000), negative emotionality (Berquier &
Ashton, 1992; Levin & Fireman, 2002), and emotional reactivity (Kramer et al.,
1984). They are more common in females (Nielsen et al., 2006), likely because
women tend to have higher levels of depression and emotional disturbances.
Indeed, in individuals with emotional disorders, the “synthesis” part of dreaming
appears to reorganize information in a way consistent with their mental state,
with a focus on negative emotion.
Nightmares, although unpleasant, are a normal part of life. In contrast, 1–6% of

children and 1% of adults experience night terrors —intense bouts of panic
and arousal that awaken the individual, typically in a heightened emotional state.
A person experiencing a night terror may call out or scream, fight back against
imaginary attackers, or leap from the bed and start to flee before waking up.
Unlike nightmares, night terrors are not dreams. These episodes occur during
NREM sleep, and the majority of people who experience them typically do not
recall any specific dream content. Night terrors increase in frequency during
stressful periods, such as when parents are separating or divorcing (Schredl,
2001). There is also some evidence linking them to feelings of anxiety, which
suggests that for some sufferers, counselling and other means for reducing
anxiety may help reduce the symptoms (Kales et al., 1980; Szelenberger et al.,
2005).
Movement Disturbances
To sleep well, an individual needs to remain still. During REM sleep, the brain
prevents movement by sending inhibitory signals down the spinal cord. A
number of sleep disturbances, however, involve movement and related
sensations. For example, restless legs syndrome is a persistent feeling of
discomfort in the legs and the urge to continuously shift them into different
positions (Smith & Tolson, 2008). This disorder affects approximately 5% to
10% of the population (generally older adults), and occurs at varying levels of
severity. For those individuals who are in constant motion, sleep becomes very
difficult. They awake periodically at night to reposition their legs, although they
often have no memory of doing so. The mechanism causing RLS is unclear;
however, there is some evidence that it is linked to the dopamine system and to
an iron deficiency (Allen, 2004). Therefore, current treatments are focused on
keeping dopamine and iron at normal levels in these patients.
A more common movement disturbance is somnambulism , or sleepwalking,

a disorder that involves wandering and performing other activities while asleep. It
occurs during NREM sleep, stages 3 and 4, and is more prevalent during
childhood. Sleepwalking is not necessarily indicative of any type of sleep or
emotional disturbance, although it may put people in harm’s way. People who
sleepwalk are not acting out dreams, and they typically do not remember the
episode. (For the record, it is not dangerous to wake up a sleepwalker, as is
commonly thought. At worst, he or she will be disoriented.) There is no reliable
medicine that curbs sleepwalking; instead, it is important to add safety measures
to the person’s environment so that the sleepwalker doesn’t get hurt.
A similar, but more adult, disorder is sexomnia or sleep sex. Individuals with this
condition engage in sexual activity such as the touching of the self or others,
vocalizations, and sex-themed talk while in stages 3 and 4 sleep (Shapiro et al.,
2003). In the original case report of this disorder (Motet, 1897, described in
Thoinot, 1913), a man exposed his genitals to a policeman (that’s bad). He was
unable to recall the incident afterwards and was sentenced to three months in
jail. Other reports are more extreme, including sex with strangers and unwanted
contact with sleeping partners (Béjot et al., 2010). The exact cause of sexomnia
is unknown, although stress, fatigue, and a history of trauma have all been
mentioned as possible factors (Schenck et al., 2007).
Another potentially dangerous condition is REM behaviour disorder, which was
introduced in the beginning of this module. People with this condition do not
show the typical restriction of movement during REM sleep; in fact, they appear
to be acting out the content of their dreams (Schenck & Mahowald, 2002).
Imagine what happens when an individual dreams of being attacked—the
dreamed response of defending oneself or even fighting back can be acted out.
Not surprisingly, this action can awaken some individuals. Because it occurs
during REM sleep, however, some individuals do not awaken until they have hurt
themselves or someone else, as occurred with Mike Birbiglia (Schenck et al.,
1989). Unlike sleepwalking and restless legs syndrome, REM behaviour disorder
can be treated with medication; benzodiazepines, which inhibit the central
nervous system, have proven effective in reducing some of the symptoms
associated with this condition (Paparrigopoulos, 2005). However, given the
potential side effects of this class of drug, this option should only be taken if the
person is a threat to himself or others.
Sleep Apnea
The disorders discussed thus far have focused on changes in the brain that lead
to altered thinking patterns (nightmares and night terrors) and movements. In
contrast, sleep apnea is a disorder characterized by the temporary inability to
breathe during sleep (apnea literally translates to “without breathing”). Although a
variety of factors contribute to sleep apnea, this condition appears to be most
common among overweight and obese individuals, and it is roughly twice as
prevalent among men as among women (Lin et al., 2008; McDaid et al., 2009).
In most cases of apnea, the airway becomes physically obstructed at a point
anywhere from the back of the nose and mouth to the neck (Figure 5.8 ).
Therefore, treatment for mild apnea generally involves dental devices that hold
the mouth in a specific position during sleep. Weight-loss efforts should
accompany this treatment in cases in which it is a contributing factor. In
moderate to severe cases, a continuous positive airway pressure (CPAP) device
can be used to force air through the nose, keeping the airway open through
increased air pressure (McDaid et al., 2009).
Figure 5.8 Sleep Apnea
One cause of sleep apnea is the obstruction of air flow, which can seriously
disrupt the sleep cycle.
Source: Lilienfeld, Scott O.; Lynn, Steven J; Namy, Laura L.; Woolf, Nancy J., Psychology: From Inquiry to Understanding,
2nd ed., © 2011. Reprinted and electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc., New York, NY.
In rare but more serious cases, sleep apnea can also be caused by the brain’s
failure to regulate breathing. This failure can happen for many reasons, including
damage to or deterioration of the medulla of the brainstem, which is responsible
for controlling the chest muscles during breathing.
You might wonder if disorders that stop breathing during sleep can be fatal. They
can be, but rarely are. As breathing slows too much or stops altogether, oxygen
levels in the blood rapidly decline, resulting in a gasping reflex and resumed
oxygen flow. Actually, gasping may not even result in waking up. A person with
sleep apnea may not be aware that he is constantly cycling through oxygen loss
and gasping as he sleeps, although it would certainly be noticed by anyone
sharing a bed with him. It is often the case that affected individuals discover that
they have sleep apnea only after visiting their physician to find a solution for their
snoring and fatigue.
Although sleep apnea is serious in its own right, it also leads to a number of
other problems. Repeatedly waking up during the night reduces the quality of an
individual’s sleep and can lead to a mild form of sleep deprivation (Naëgelé et
al., 1995). In fact, individuals who suffer from sleep apnea often perform more
poorly on tests requiring mental flexibility, the control of attention, and memory
(Fulda & Schulz, 2003). Treating sleep apnea will therefore not only improve a
person’s physical safety and fatigue levels, but also the person’s ability to think.
Narcolepsy
While movement disorders, sleep apnea, and night terrors can all lead to
insomnia, another condition is characterized by nearly the opposite effect.
Narcolepsy is a disorder in which a person experiences extreme daytime
sleepiness and even sleep attacks. These bouts of sleep may last only a few
seconds, especially if the person is standing or driving when she falls asleep and
is jarred awake by falling, a nodding head, or swerving of the car. Even without
such disturbances, the sleep may last only a few minutes or more, so it is not the
same as falling asleep for a night’s rest.
Narcolepsy differs from more typical sleep in a number of other ways. People
with a normal sleep pattern generally reach the REM stage after more than an
hour of sleep, but a person experiencing narcolepsy is likely to go almost
immediately from waking to REM sleep. Also, because REM sleep is associated
with dreaming, people with narcolepsy often report vivid dream-like images even
if they did not fully fall asleep.
Why does narcolepsy occur? Scientists have investigated a hormone called

orexin that functions to maintain wakefulness. Individuals with narcolepsy have
fewer brain cells that produce orexin, resulting in greater difficulty maintaining
wakefulness (Nakamura et al., 2011). Luckily, medications are available to treat
this condition, thus allowing these individuals to function relatively normally
(Mayer, 2012).
Overcoming Sleep Problems

Everyone has difficulty sleeping at some point, and there are many myths and
anecdotes about what will help. For some people, relief can be as simple as a
snack or a warm glass of milk; it can certainly be difficult to sleep if you are
hungry. Others might have a nightcap—a drink of alcohol—in hopes of inducing
sleep, although the effects can be misleading. Alcohol may make you sleepy, but
it disrupts the quality of sleep, especially the REM cycle, and may leave you
feeling unrested the next day.
Many people turn to drugs (e.g., sedatives) to help them sleep. A number of
sleep aids are available on an over-the-counter basis, and several varieties of
prescription drugs have been developed as well. For most of the 20th century,
drugs prescribed for insomnia included sedatives such as barbiturates
(Phenobarbital) and benzodiazepines (e.g., Valium). Although these drugs
managed to put people to sleep, several problems with their use were quickly
observed. Notably, people quickly developed tolerance to these agents, meaning
they required increasingly higher doses to get the same effect, and many soon
came to depend on the drugs so much that they could not sleep without them
(Pallesen et al., 2001). Even though benzodiazepines are generally safer than
barbiturates, the risk of dependence and worsening sleep problems makes them
suitable only for short-term use—generally for a week or two. Modern sleep
drugs are generally thought to be much safer in the short term, and many have
been approved for long-term use as well. However, few modern drugs have been
studied in placebo-controlled experiments, and even fewer have actually been
studied for long-term use (e.g., for more than a month; Krystal, 2009).
Fortunately, most people respond very well to psychological interventions. By

practising good sleep hygiene—healthy sleep-related habits—they can typically
overcome sleep disturbances in a matter of a few weeks (Morin et al., 2006;
Murtagh & Greenwood, 1995). The techniques shown in Table 5.1 are
effective for many people who prefer self-help methods, but effective help is also
available from psychologists, physicians, and even (sometimes) over the Internet
(Ritterband et al., 2009; van Straten & Cuijpers, 2009). So, rather than taking
drugs to alter your brain chemistry, it is generally safer to change your sleep
hygiene (sleeping routines) if you want to put your sleeping problems to rest.
Table 5.1 Nonpharmacological Techniques for Improving Sleep
1. Use your bed for sleeping only, not for working or studying. (Sexual activity is an
appropriate exception to the rule.)
2. Do not turn sleep into work. Putting effort into falling asleep generally leads to
arousal instead of sleep.
3. Keep your clock out of sight. Watching the clock increases pressure to sleep
and worries about getting enough sleep.
4. Get exercise early during the day. Exercise may not increase the amount of
sleep, but it may help you sleep better. Exercising late in the day, however, may
leave you restless and aroused at bedtime.
5. Avoid substances that disrupt sleep. Such substances include caffeine (in
coffee, tea, many soft drinks, and other sources), nicotine, and alcohol. Illicit
drugs such as cocaine, marijuana, and ecstasy also disrupt healthy sleep.
6. If you lie in bed worrying at night, schedule evening time to deal with stress.
Write down your worries and stressors for approximately 30 minutes prior to
bedtime.
7. If you continue to lie in bed without sleeping for 30 minutes, get up and do
something else until you are about to fall asleep, and then return to bed.
8. Get up at the same time every morning. Although this practice may lead to
sleepiness the first day or two, eventually it helps set a daily rhythm.
9. If you still have problems sleeping after four weeks, consider seeing a sleep
specialist to get tested for sleep apnea, restless legs syndrome, or other sleep
problems that may require more specific interventions.
Source: Based on recommendations from the American Psychological Association, 2004.

Module 5.1d Quiz:
Disorders and Problems with Sleep
Know . . .
1. When people do not show the typical restriction of movement during
REM sleep, they are experiencing .
A. somnambulism
B. REM behaviour disorder
C. insomnia
D. restless legs syndrome
2. is(are) a condition in which a person’s breathing becomes

obstructed or stops during sleep.
A. Somnambulism
B. Night terrors
C. Narcolepsy
D. Sleep apnea
Apply . . .
3. Which of the following is not good advice for improving your quality of
sleep?
A. Use your bed for sleeping only—not for doing homework or
watching TV.
B. Exercise late in the day to make sure you are tired when it is time
to sleep.
C. Avoid drinking caffeine, especially late in the day.
D. Get up at the same time every morning to make sure you develop
a reliable pattern of sleep and wakefulness.
Module 5.1 Summary

5.1a Know . . . the key terminology associated with sleep, dreams, and
sleep disorders.
activation–synthesis hypothesis
circadian rhythms
consciousness
endogenous rhythms
entrainment
insomnia
jet lag
latent content
manifest content
narcolepsy
night terrors
nightmares
polysomnography
preserve and protect hypothesis
problem-solving theory
REM sleep
restless legs syndrome
restore and repair hypothesis
sleep apnea
sleep deprivation
sleep displacement
somnambulism
5.1b Understand . . . how the sleep cycle works.

The sleep cycle consists of a series of stages going from stage 1 through stage
4, cycles back down again, and is followed by a REM phase. The first sleep
cycle lasts approximately 90 minutes. Deep sleep (stages 3 and 4) is longest
during the first half of the sleep cycle, whereas REM phases increase in duration
during the second half of the sleep cycle.
5.1c Understand . . . theories of why we sleep.
Sleep theories include the restore and repair hypothesis and the preserve and
protect hypothesis. According to the restore and repair hypothesis, we sleep so
that the body can recover from the stress and strain on the body that occurs
during waking. Waste products are more efficiently removed from the brain
during this time as well. According to the preserve and protect hypothesis, sleep
has evolved as a way to reduce activity and provide protection from potential
threats, and to reduce the amount of energy intake required. Evidence supports
both theories, so it is likely that there is more than one reason for sleep.
5.1d Apply . . . your knowledge to identify and practise good sleep

habits.
Apply Activity
Try completing the Epworth Sleepiness Scale to make sure you are getting
enough sleep (Table 5.2 ). If you score 10 points or higher, you are probably
not getting enough sleep. You can always refer to Table 5.1 for tips on
improving your sleep.
Table 5.2 Epworth Sleepiness Scale

Use the following scale to choose the most appropriate number for each
situation:
0 = would never doze or sleep 1 = slight chance of dozing or sleeping
2 = moderate chance of dozing or sleeping 3 = high chance of dozing or sleeping

Situation Chances of Falling Asleep
Sitting and reading 0123
Watching TV 0123
Sitting inactive in a public place 0123
Being a passenger in a motor vehicle for an hour or more 0123
Lying down in the afternoon 0123
Sitting and talking to someone 0123
Sitting quietly after lunch (no alcohol) 0123
Stopped for a few minutes in traffic while driving 0123
Your total score
Source: Reprinted with permission from SLEEP. Sleep Research Society, Darien, IL, USA 2016.
5.1e Analyze . . . different theories about why we dream.
Dreams have fascinated psychologists since Freud’s time. From his

psychoanalytic perspective, Freud believed that the manifest content of dreams
could be used to uncover their symbolic, latent content. Contemporary scientists
are skeptical about the validity of this approach given the lack of empirical
evidence to support it. The activation– synthesis theory eliminates the meaning
of dream content, suggesting instead that dreams are just interpretations of
haphazard electrical activity in the sleeping brain that are then organized to
some degree by the cortex. Increasing evidence suggests that REM sleep, the
sleep stage associated with dreaming, improves our ability to form new
procedural (step-by-step) memories and to find solutions to problems.
Module 5.2 Altered States of
Consciousness: Hypnosis,
Mind-Wandering, and Disorders
of Consciousness
Gennadiy Poznyakov/Fotolia
Learning Objectives
5.2a Know . . . the key terminology associated with hypnosis, mind-wandering,
and disorders of consciousness.
5.2b Understand . . . the competing theories of hypnosis.
5.2c Apply . . . your knowledge of hypnosis to identify what it can and cannot
do.
5.2d Analyze . . . the effectiveness of using neuroimaging to study mind-
wandering.
5.2e Analyze . . . the ability of researchers to detect consciousness in brain-
damaged patients.
“Just a moment! I don’t like the patient’s colour. Much too blue. Her lips
are very blue. I’m going to give a little more oxygen. . .. There, that’s
better now. You can carry on with the operation” (Levinson, 1965, p.
544). If you were undergoing surgery with a local anesthetic and heard
this, you would certainly be worried . . . if not panicking. But, what if you
had been given general anesthetic so that you were “unconscious”?
Presumably, you should be blissfully unaware of the fact that you were
turning blue. However, when prompted by an experimenter one month
later, 8 of the 10 patients who heard these statements—which were a
script read during real surgeries as part of an experiment—were able to
report back some elements of the fake crisis. Four of the patients were
able to give an almost verbatim account of what the experimenter said. In
other studies, post-operative patients were able to complete word stems
(e.g., H O - - -) with words presented under anesthesia (e.g., HORSE, not
HOUSE) at levels far above chance (Bonebakker et al., 1996; Merikle &
Daneman, 1996). How is this possible? Brain-imaging studies have
noted that anesthesia affects more than just activity related to pain and
touch; instead, it affects how different areas of the brain work together to
form networks (MacDonald et al., 2015). Importantly, anesthesia seems
to affect brain networks related to complex thought more than it affects
networks related to auditory and visual perception (Boveroux et al.,
2010; Liu et al., 2012). This difference may explain why anesthetized
patients might, upon coming out of the anesthetic state, use the
presented words to complete word stems even though they have no
conscious recollection of their presentation.
It is important to note that these studies don’t tell us what consciousness

is. What these studies do illustrate, however, is that consciousness does
not have a simple on/off switch. Instead, there are a number of possible
states of consciousness, each with its own abilities and limitations.
Focus Questions
1. How is information perceived in different states of

consciousness?
2. Is information processed in the background of our awareness?
Philosophers have attempted to understand the mysteries of consciousness for

thousands of years. Recently, cognitive neuroscience researchers have used
methods ranging from brain imaging to computer modelling to examine how the
coordinated activity of groups of brain cells can produce our everyday conscious
experiences (Crick, 1994; Ward et al., 2010). Although these investigations
have shown great promise, many psychologists use a different strategy to study
consciousness: examining situations in which consciousness is altered or
impaired. By examining how our abilities and experiences change during altered
states of consciousness, we can gain greater insight into our “normal” conscious
behaviour. In this module, we will discuss three of these altered states—
hypnosis, mind wandering, and disorders of consciousness caused by brain
damage.
Hypnosis
The caricature of a hypnotist as an intense-looking bearded man swinging his

glistening pocket watch back and forth before an increasingly subdued subject
will probably always be around, though it promotes just one of many
misunderstandings about hypnosis. Hypnosis is actually a procedure of
inducing a heightened state of suggestibility. According to this definition,
hypnosis is not a trance, as is often portrayed in the popular media (Kirsch &
Lynn, 1998). Instead, the hypnotist simply suggests changes, and the subject is
more likely (but not certain) to comply as a result of the suggestion.
Although one could conceivably make suggestions about almost anything,

hypnotic suggestions generally are most effective when they fall into one of three
categories:
Ideomotor suggestions are related to specific actions that could be

performed, such as adopting a specific position.
Challenge suggestions indicate actions that are not to be performed, so
that the subject appears to lose the ability to perform an action.
Cognitive-perceptual suggestions involve a subject remembering or
forgetting specific information, or experiencing altered perceptions such as
reduced pain sensations (Kirsch & Lynn, 1998).
People who have not encountered scientific information about hypnosis are often
skeptical that hypnosis can actually occur or are very reluctant to be hypnotized
themselves (Capafons et al., 2008; Molina & Mendoza, 2006). It is important to
note that hypnotists cannot make someone do something against their will. For
example, the hypnotist could not suggest that an honest person rob a bank and
expect the subject to comply. Instead, the hypnotist can increase the likelihood
that subjects will perform simple behaviours that they have performed or have
thought of before, and would be willing to do (in some contexts) when in a
normal conscious state.
Theories of Hypnosis
In the previous section, we discussed the types of behaviours that can and
cannot be influenced by hypnosis; in this section, we attempt to uncover how this
process actually works. The word hypnosis comes from the Greek word hypno,
meaning “sleep.” In reality, scientific research tells us that hypnosis is nothing
like sleep. Instead, hypnosis is based on an interaction between (1) automatic
(unconscious) thoughts and behaviours and (2) a supervisory system (Norman
& Shallice, 1986), sometimes referred to as executive processing, which is
involved in processes such as the control of attention and problem solving. The
roles played by these two pieces of the puzzle differ across theories of hypnosis.
Stage hypnotists often use the human plank demonstration with their subjects.
They support an audience volunteer on three chairs. To the audience’s
amazement, when the chair supporting the mid-body is removed, the hypnotized
subject does not fall (even when weight is added, as shown in the photo).
However, nonhypnotized subjects also do not fall. (Please do not try this at home
—there is a trick behind it!)
Bookstaver/AP Images
Dissociation theory explains hypnosis as a unique state in which

consciousness is divided into two parts: a lower-level system involved with
perception and movement and an “executive” system that evaluates and
monitors these behaviours (Hilgard, 1986; Woody & Farvolden, 1998). It may
sound magical, but this kind of divided state is actually quite common. Take any
skill that you have mastered, such as driving a car or playing an instrument.
When you began, it took every bit of your conscious awareness to focus on the
correct movements—you were a highly focused observer of your actions. In this
case, your behaviour required a lot of executive processing. After a few years of
practice, you can do it automatically while you observe and pay attention to
something else. In this case, you require much less executive processing.
Although we call the familiar behaviour automatic, part of you is still paying
attention to what you are doing in case you suddenly need to change your
behaviour. During hypnosis, there appears to be a separation between these two
systems. As a result, actions or thoughts suggested by the hypnotist may bypass
the evaluation and monitoring system and go directly to the simpler perception
and movement systems (Landry & Raz, 2015). In other words, suggestible
individuals will experience less input from the executive system (Jamieson &
Sheehan, 2004; Woody & Bowers, 1994). In support of this view, neuroimaging
studies have found reduced activity in the anterior cingulate cortex, a region of
the frontal lobe related to executive functions, in hypnotized subjects (McGeown
et al., 2009; Raz et al., 2005).
A second approach, social-cognitive theory , explains hypnosis by

emphasizing the degree to which beliefs and expectations contribute to
increased suggestibility. This perspective is supported by experiments in which
individuals who are not yet hypnotized are told either that they will be able to
resist ideomotor suggestions or that they will not be able to resist them. In these
studies, people tend to conform to what they have been told to expect—a result
that cannot be easily explained by dissociation theory (Lynn et al., 1984;
Spanos et al., 1985). Similarly, research on hypnosis as a treatment for pain
shows that response expectancy—whether the individual believes the treatment
will work—plays a large role in the actual pain relief experienced (Milling, 2009).
At this point, there appears to be some evidence in favour of both theories. It is

possible that expectations might make some people more likely to enter a
hypnotic state, but once they enter it, they act in a way consistent with the
dissociation theory. These expectations may be why people are more likely to
enter a hypnotic state under the guidance of a hypnotist than with a non-
hypnotist. However, the exact relationship (if any) between these two theories
remains unclear. This lack of clarity is due to the fact that hypnosis did not
receive much scientific attention for most of the 20th century. However, despite
the fact that there is not a clear answer as to how hypnosis works, most
scientists agree that for some individuals hypnosis can be a powerful therapeutic
tool.
Applications of Hypnosis
Although it is used far less frequently than medications or talk-based therapies,
hypnosis has been used to treat a number of different physical and psychological
conditions. Hypnosis is often used in conjunction with other psychotherapies
such as cognitive-behavioural therapy (CBT; see Module 16.2 ) rather than as
a stand-alone treatment. The resulting cognitive hypnotherapy has been used as
an effective treatment for depression (Alladin & Alibhai, 2007), anxiety
(Abramowitz et al., 2008; Schoenberger et al., 1997), eating disorders
(Barabasz, 2007), hot flashes of cancer survivors (Elkins et al., 2008), and
irritable bowel syndrome (Golden, 2007), among many others (M. R. Nash et
al., 2009). Hypnosis is far from a cure-all, however. For example, researchers
found that hypnotherapy combined with a nicotine patch is more effective as a
smoking cessation intervention than the patch alone. Nonetheless, only one-fifth
of the individuals receiving this kind of therapy managed to remain smoke-free
for a year (Carmody et al., 2008). Moreover, although some therapists combine
hypnotherapy with traditional cognitive behavioural therapy when treating
depression, much more research is required before this technique becomes a
standard treatment (Alladin, 2012). The best conclusion regarding hypnosis in
therapy is that it shows promise, especially when used in conjunction with other
evidence-based psychological or medical treatments.
Under hypnosis, people can withstand higher levels of pain for longer periods of
time, including the discomfort associated with dental procedures.
Bikeriderlondon/Shutterstock
Myths in Mind Recovering Lost Memories
through Hypnosis
Before the limitations of hypnosis were fully understood, professionals
working in the fields of psychology and law regularly used this technique
for uncovering lost memories. What a powerful tool this would be for a
psychologist—if a patient could remember specifics about trauma or
abuse it could greatly help the individual’s recovery. Similarly, law
enforcement and legal professionals could benefit by learning the details
of a crime recovered through hypnosis—or so many assumed.
However, as you have read, hypnosis puts the subject into a highly
suggestible state. This condition leaves the individual vulnerable to
prompts and suggestions by the hypnotist. A cooperative person could
certainly comply with suggestions and create a story that, in the end, was
entirely false. This has happened time and again. In reality, hypnosis
does not improve memory (Kihlstrom, 1997; Loftus & Davis, 2006).
Today, responsible psychologists do not use hypnotherapy to uncover or
reconstruct lost memories. Police officers have also largely given up this
practice. In 2007, the Supreme Court of Canada ruled that testimony
based on hypnosis sessions alone cannot be submitted as evidence (R.
v. Trochym, 2007).
Perhaps the most practical use for hypnosis is in the treatment of pain. If
researchers can demonstrate its effectiveness in this application, it may be a
preferred method of pain control given painkillers’ potential side effects and risk
of addiction. What does the scientific evidence say about the use of hypnosis in
treating pain? A review of 18 individual studies found that approximately 75% of
all individuals experienced adequate pain relief with this approach beyond that
provided by traditional analgesics or no treatment (Montgomery et al., 2000).
What happened to the other 25%? Perhaps the failure of the treatment in this
group is attributable to the fact that some people are more readily hypnotized
than others. Indeed, brain-imaging studies suggest that the strength of
connections to and from the anterior cingulate gyrus differs between
hypnotizable and non-hypnotizable individuals (Cojan et al., 2015); this brain
region is involved in both hypnosis and the perception of pain (see Module
4.4 ). In addition, to truly understand pain control, researchers must distinguish
among different types of pain. Research has shown that hypnosis generally
works as well as drug treatments for acute pain, which is the intense, temporary
pain associated with a medical or dental procedure (Patterson & Jenson,
2003). The effect of hypnosis on chronic pain is more complicated, as some
conditions are due to purely physical causes whereas others are more
psychological in nature. For these latter conditions, it is likely that the patient will
expect to continue to feel pain regardless of the treatment, thus reducing the
effectiveness of hypnosis.
Module 5.2a Quiz:

Hypnosis
Know . . .
1. suggestions specify that certain actions cannot be performed
while hypnotized.
A. Ideomotor
B. Challenge
C. Cognitive-perceptual
D. Dissociation
Understand . . .
2. Dr. Johnson claims that hypnosis is a distinct state of consciousness
involving a disconnection between perception and executive processing.
It appears that she is endorsing the theory of hypnosis.
A. social-cognitive
B. psychoanalytic
C. dissociation
D. hypnotherapy
Analyze . . .
3. Which of the following statements best describes the scientific consensus
about recovering memories with hypnosis?
A. Memories “recovered” through hypnosis are highly unreliable and
should never be used as evidence in court.
B. If the memory is recovered by a trained psychologist, then it may
be used as evidence in court.
C. Recovering memories through hypnosis is a simple procedure
and, therefore, the findings should be a regular part of court
hearings.
D. Memories can be recovered only in individuals who are highly
hypnotizable.
Mind-Wandering
During hypnosis, an individual enters an altered state of consciousness in which
he or she is more suggestible than at other times. Although the idea of altered
states of consciousness might seem strange to you at first, you actually
experience them all the time, possibly even while reading this book. One such
example is mind-wandering, an obstacle to your (and everyone else’s) ability to
work and study.
What is Mind-Wandering?
Imagine sitting in a large lecture hall listening to an enthusiastic professor talk
about European history. Despite the fascinating topic filled with battles and
revolutions, after a few minutes, you start to think about a conversation you had
with a friend the day before. Then you start to think about the witty remarks you
wish you had made, and fantasize about unleashing these comments on people
in an argument sometime in the future. Then, suddenly, you are back in your
classroom, and see an unfamiliar slide on the screen at the front of the room.
Your body was physically present in the classroom for the entire lecture, but your
mind was elsewhere. This is an example of mind-wandering , an
unintentional redirection of attention from one’s current task to an unrelated train
of thought (Mooneyham & Schooler, 2013).
The frequency with which we think about something unrelated to what we are
doing is astonishing. This was powerfully demonstrated in an innovative study in
which researchers programmed an iPhone “app” that contacted participants at
random points during the day (Killingsworth & Gilbert, 2010). Participants were
asked, “Are you thinking about something other than what you’re currently
doing?” The results indicated that mind-wandering occurred in 47% of the
samples taken. The frequency of mind-wandering was over 30% for every
activity other than sex! The challenge for psychologists is to determine whether
—or how much—these lapses of attention affect our ability to work and study.
At first glance, studying the effects of mind-wandering might seem impossible—

how you do study the process of not paying attention? However, in the past
decade, psychologists have conducted a number of studies examining how
mind-wandering affects attention and memory (e.g., Kam & Handy, 2014). For
instance, several studies have shown that mind-wandering decreases reading
comprehension. In one such study conducted at the University of Alberta,
participants read either an engaging passage (an excerpt from Anne Rice’s
Interview with the Vampire) or a less interesting passage (an excerpt from
William M. Thackeray’s The History of Pendennis). While reading the assigned
passages, participants were occasionally asked whether they were attending to
the text. Not surprisingly, the researchers found that for both types of passages,
the recall of the material was better when participants were paying attention to
the text rather than mind-wandering (Dixon & Bortolussi, 2013). However, the
errors caused by mind-wandering went beyond missing minor details.
Participants in this and other experiments often missed major elements of the
plot. One study found that mind-wandering participants couldn’t identify the villain
in a mystery story (Smallwood et al., 2008)! Given these results, it should come
as no surprise that mind-wandering is associated with poorer retention of
university lecture material (Risko et al., 2012) and with poorer scores on
intelligence tests (Mrazek et al., 2012).
Of course, if we spend at least 30% of our time not consciously attending to our
current situation, it does make you wonder where your mind wandered off to.
Recent brain-imaging studies suggest an interesting destination.
Mind-Wandering and the Brain

In the late 1990s, Marcus Raichle and his research team made a discovery that
would change psychology. While looking at their brain-imaging data, Raichle
noticed that a number of brain areas were active. For most scientists, finding
brain activity that is consistent with your predictions is a cause for celebration, if
not a trip to the campus pub. But Raichle noticed something else in his data. He
noticed that across a number of studies, the same pattern of deactivations also
occurred (Raichle et al., 2001). In other words, a network of brain regions
became less active when participants performed a task (see Figure 5.9 ). This
network, now known as the default mode network , is a network of brain
regions including the medial prefrontal cortex, posterior cingulate gyrus, and
medial and lateral regions of the parietal lobe that is most active when an
individual is awake but not responding to external stimuli. In other words, the
default mode network is more active when a person is paying attention to his
internal thoughts rather than to an outside stimulus or task (Raichle, 2015).
Figure 5.9 The Default Mode Network and Frontoparietal Network

The default mode network (left) is involved with self-related thinking. The
frontoparietal network is linked with goal-directed thought and planning. Both are
involved with mind-wandering.
Source: Reproduced with permission of Annual Review of Neuroscience, Volume © by Annual Reviews,
http://www.annualreviews.org.
The default mode network also appears to be related to mind-wandering; this

makes sense given that mind-wandering is often associated with becoming lost
in one’s own thoughts (Gruberger et al., 2011). In one fMRI study conducted at
the University of British Columbia, researchers measured participants’ brain
activity while they performed a simple (and boring) perceptual task. At different
points in the experiment, participants were asked (1) “Where was your attention
focused just before the probe [the question]?” and (2) “How aware were you of
where your attention was focused?” Activity in the default mode network was
more pronounced when participants were not paying attention to the perceptual
task. This effect was largest when they weren’t aware that they were mind-
wandering (Christoff et al., 2009). Importantly, the default mode network wasn’t
the only group of brain areas found to be active during mind-wandering. A
network involving parts of the frontal and parietal lobes also showed increased
activity when mind-wandering was occurring (Fox et al., 2015). This
frontoparietal network is associated with goal-directed thinking such as planning
for the future, as well as the control of attention (i.e., “executive functioning”).
This pattern of activity is important—the fact that a brain network involved in
higher-order thought shows stronger connectivity during mind-wandering
suggests that these lapses of attention might actually serve a useful purpose.
The Benefits of Mind-Wandering

Our minds don’t always wander. If you’re being chased by a bear, it’s unlikely
that you’ll start daydreaming about your cute classmate. Instead, mind-
wandering typically occurs during tasks that are repetitive, don’t require much
thought, and/or that we’ve experienced before. If we’re not dedicating many
mental resources to a given task, we will have more resources to dedicate to
mind-wandering (Risko et al., 2012).
It is at this point that the increased activity in the frontal and parietal brain areas
becomes important. One function of the frontal lobes is planning future goals and
actions. As it turns out, mind-wandering is related to future thinking (Smallwood
et al., 2011). In one study, participants completed a simple reaction-time task; at
various points in the experiment, they were interrupted and asked what they
were thinking about. The experimenters then judged whether the participants’
thoughts were focused on the past, the present, or the future. When participants
were thinking about the experimental task, their thoughts were (not surprisingly)
rated as being focused on the present most of the time (see Figure 5.10 ). In
contrast, when people were mind-wandering, there was a strong tendency to be
thinking about the future. This future focus may allow us to think about possible
plans of action before we are actually in that situation, an ability that could be
quite useful (Baird et al., 2011).
Figure 5.10 Mind-Wandering about the Future
When participants are paying attention to the task (“On”), their thoughts were
judged to be focused on the present situation. When they were mind-wandering
(“Off,” for “off-task”), they were more likely to be thinking about the future.
Source: Republished with permission of Elsevier Science, Inc., from Back to the future: Autobiographical planning and the
functionality of mind-wandering. Consciousness and Cognition 20, 1604-1611, 2011., Benjamin Baird; Jonathan Smallwood;
Jonathan W. Schooler. Permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc.
It is important to note that although some studies have shown benefits to mind-
wandering, this area of research is still in its initial stages. Most researchers
would agree that your performance on most tasks would be improved if they
received your full conscious attention. Unfortunately, as you will read in the next
section, this is not always possible.
Module 5.2b Quiz:
Mind-Wandering
Know . . .
1. What functions may benefit from mind-wandering?
A. Thinking about things you plan to do in the near future
B. Reading comprehension
C. Thinking about abstract problems
D. Paying attention to other cars while you are driving
Analyze . . .
2. The default mode network is often active when people are mind-
wandering. What can you infer from the activity of this particular network?
A. The individual is trying to solve problems that they may encounter
in the future.
B. The individual is thinking about problems that a friend is having.
C. The individual is likely thinking about ideas or future plans related
to him- or herself.
D. The individual is paying attention to interesting external stimuli
such as sounds or smells.
In 1990, a Florida woman named Terri Schiavo collapsed to the ground. She had
suffered a full cardiac arrest, resulting in massive brain damage due to a lack of
oxygen. She would never regain consciousness. After she had been in a coma
for almost three months, her diagnosis was changed to a persistent vegetative
state. In 1998, her husband asked the hospital to remove her feeding tube
because he was sure she wouldn’t want to live this way. Her parents fought the
decision, claiming part of Terri was still conscious. The ethical and legal battles
continued for seven years, and included President George W. Bush cutting his
vacation short in order to return to Washington to sign a legal order keeping her
alive (Cranford, 2005). Eventually, after the U.S. Supreme Court refused to hear
an appeal, her feeding tube was removed for the last time. Terri Schiavo died on
March 31, 2005.
The Terri Schiavo case highlights the importance of consciousness in medical

decision making. Consciousness can take many forms, all of which vary in terms
of how aware a person is of his or her environment. In patients with brain
damage, the degree to which a patient is conscious of her surroundings can
influence the diagnosis that she receives (G. Lee et al., 2015). Neurologists
distinguish between six types of consciousness, ranging from little-to-no brain
function up to normal levels of awareness (see Figure 5.11 ).
Figure 5.11 Disorders of Consciousness

Although more nuanced diagnoses exist, this diagram depicts six key levels of
consciousness used in the diagnosis of brain-damaged individuals.
Source: Gawryluk, J. R., D’Arcy, R. C. N., Connolly, J. F., & Weaver, D. F. (2010). Improving the clinical assessment of
consciousness with advances in electrophysiological and neuroimaging techniques. BMC Neurology, 10, 11. Figure 1, p. 3.
The lowest level of consciousness in a person who is still technically alive is

known as brain death , a condition in which the brain, specifically including
the brainstem, no longer functions (American Academy of Neurology, 1995).
Individuals who are brain dead have no hope of recovery because the brainstem
regions responsible for basic life functions like breathing and maintaining the
heartbeat do not function (see Figure 5.12 ).
Figure 5.12 Neuroimaging of Brain Death
This positron emission tomography (PET) scan shows the amount of glucose
being used by the brain. In a healthy brain, most of the image would be yellow,
green, or red, indicating activity. Here, only the tissue surrounding the brain is
using glucose, giving the image the appearance of being an empty skull;
functionally speaking, it is one.
Source: Laureys, S., Owen, A. M., & Schiff, N. D. (2004). Brain function in brain death, coma, vegetative state, and related
disorders. Lancet Neurology, 3, 537–546. Figure 3, p. 539.
In contrast to brain death, a coma is a state marked by a complete loss of

consciousness. It is generally due to damage to the brainstem or to widespread
damage to both hemispheres of the brain (Bateman, 2001). Patients who are in
a coma have an absence of both wakefulness and awareness of themselves or
their surroundings (Gawryluk et al., 2010). Some of the patient’s brainstem
reflexes will be suppressed, including pupil dilation and constriction in response
to changes in brightness. Typically, patients who survive this stage begin to
recover to higher levels of consciousness within 2–4 weeks, although there is no
guarantee that the patient will make a full recovery.
If a patient in a coma improves slightly, the individual may enter a persistent

vegetative state , a state of minimal to no consciousness in which the
patient’s eyes may be open, and the individual will develop sleep–wake cycles
without clear signs of consciousness. For example, vegetative state patients do
not appear to focus on objects in their visual field, nor do they track movement.
These patients generally do not have damage to the brainstem. Instead, they
have extensive brain damage to the grey matter and white matter of both
hemispheres, leading to impairments of most functions (Laureys et al., 2004;
Owen & Coleman, 2008). The likelihood of recovery from a vegetative state is
time dependent. If a patient emerges from this state within the first few months,
he or she could regain some form of consciousness. In contrast, if symptoms do
not improve after three months, the patient is classified as being in a permanent
vegetative state; the chances of recovery from that diagnosis decrease sharply
(Wijdicks, 2006).
Thus far, we have discussed disorders of consciousness as though there were a

quick-and-easy tool for diagnoses. While this is definitely true for brain death,
distinguishing between other conditions is much more difficult. In fact,
misdiagnosis of these disorders is estimated to be as high as 43% (Gawryluk et
al., 2010; Schnakers et al., 2009). The challenge, therefore, is to develop or
adapt tools that will help neurologists more accurately diagnose these
mysterious conditions.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Assessing

Consciousness in the Vegetative State
Determining a brain-damaged patient’s level of consciousness is

quite challenging. It also has important implications for the
patient’s treatment. If she is shown to have some degree of
awareness of her situation and/or her environment, then it seems
reasonable to get her opinion on matters affecting her treatment.
In contrast, if she is unresponsive, then such decisions should be
made entirely by the family and the medical team. Everyone
wants what is best for the patient, but the tools used to assess
consciousness are still a work in progress.
What do we know about the assessment of

consciousness in vegetative patients?
The initial assessment of consciousness in severely brain-
damaged patients is generally performed at the patient’s bedside.
Doctors will perform tests of a patient’s reflexes (e.g., pupil
responses, which involve the brainstem) and examine other
simple responses. The most common assessment tool is the
Glasgow Coma Scale (GCS), a 15-item checklist for the
physician. The GCS measures eye movements—whether they
can open at all, open in response to pain, open in response to
speech, or open spontaneously without any reason. The next five
items on this checklist assess language abilities (e.g., does she
use incorrect words?). The final six items measure movement
abilities such as whether the patient responds to pain and
whether she can obey commands. Scores of 9 or below reflect a
severe disturbance of consciousness. (For comparison,
individuals suffering from a concussion tend to score between 13
and 15, which is labelled as a mild disturbance.)
Checklists such as the GCS provide a useful initial indicator of a

brain-damaged patient’s abilities. However, many of the
behaviours measured by this and similar assessment tools focus
more on overt behaviours (i.e., movements) than on direct
indications of awareness. A patient’s inability to move may imply
a greater disturbance of consciousness than actually exists, thus
leading to potential misdiagnoses. Improvements in brain-imaging
techniques may prove to be a more sensitive tool for investigating
consciousness.
How can science explain consciousness in

vegetative patients?
Researchers have argued for some time that some patients in a
persistent vegetative state can show some signs of
consciousness. For example, some patients have shown
rudimentary responses to language. There have been cases of
neurological changes in response to one’s name (Staffen et al.,
2006), as well as the emotional tone of a speaker’s voice
(Kotchoubey et al., 2009). However, the most stunning example
of consciousness in this patient group was shown by Adrian
Owen (now at Western University) and his colleagues (Owen et
al., 2006). In their study, a 23-year-old patient in a vegetative
state was asked to perform two different mental imagery tasks
during an fMRI scan. In one task, she was asked to imagine
playing tennis, an activity involving a specific set of movements.
In the other task, she was asked to imagine visiting all of the
rooms in her house, starting at the front door (this required her to
develop a spatial map of her house). Despite not being able to
respond to any questions verbally, this patient’s brain showed
clear evidence of understanding the commands. Imagining
playing tennis activated brain areas related to movement;
imagining walking through her house activated a spatial network
including the parahippocampal gyrus and the parietal lobe. This
result provided stunning evidence that the patient did, in fact,
have some degree of consciousness.
Owen and his colleagues have performed several subsequent

studies with larger groups of patients (Owen, 2013). However,
not all patients are able to modify their own brain activity. In a
study including 54 patients, only five were able to perform the
tennis–house task (Monti et al., 2010). But, one of these patients
was able to do something remarkable: He was able to learn to
use the tennis–house imagery task to communicate! The
experimenters asked him simple questions and told him to
imagine playing tennis if he wanted to respond “yes” and to
imagine walking through his house if he wanted to respond “no”
(see Figure 5.13 ). Using this technique, he was able to
demonstrate that some of his cognitive abilities were preserved.
Of course, we must be cautious and remember that this is only
one patient among dozens who were tested. The ongoing
challenge for researchers is to determine what made the five
“fMRI responders” different from the 49 non-responders, and to
use that information to help identify other patients who might still
retain some degree of consciousness.
Figure 5.13 Using fMRI to Communicate with a

Vegetative Patient
Results of two sample communication scans obtained from

Patient 23 (Panels A and C) and a healthy control subject (Panels
B and D) during functional MRI are shown. In Panels A and B, the
observed activity pattern (orange) was very similar to that
observed in the motor-imagery localizer scan (i.e., activity in the
supplementary motor area alone), indicating a “yes” response. In
Panels C and D, the observed activity pattern (blue) was very
similar to that observed in the spatial-imagery localizer scan (i.e.,
activity in both the parahippocampal gyrus and the
supplementary motor area), indicating a “no” response. The
names used in the questions have been changed to protect the
privacy of the patient.
Source: Monti, M.M, et al. (2010). Willful modulation of brain activity in disorders of consciousness.
New England Journal of Medicine, 362(7), 587. Figure 3 (communication scans).

The initial neuroimaging studies of consciousness in vegetative
state patients are indeed promising. However, there are some
important issues that need to be dealt with. First, we mentioned
above that up to 43% of patients with disorders of consciousness
are misdiagnosed. Given that a small subset of the vegetative
state patients were able to modify their brain activity, it is possible
that they were not actually in a vegetative state, but instead had a
less severe condition. Second, the researchers are equating
language abilities with consciousness; yet, consciousness could
take the form of responses to other, non-linguistic stimuli
(Overgaard & Overgaard, 2011). This criticism would be
particularly important if a vegetative state patient had damage to
brain areas related to language comprehension.
We also have to be cautious about the use of PET and fMRI

scans in patients with widespread brain damage. Both types of
neuroimaging measure characteristics of blood flow in the brain.
But, damage to the brain will alter how the blood flows (Rossini
et al., 2004); therefore, we need to be careful when comparing
patients with healthy controls. One way around this latter concern
is to use multiple methods of neuroimaging (Gawryluk et al.,
2010). Increasing numbers of research groups are using EEG,
which measures neural activity using electrodes attached to the
scalp, to search for brain function in vegetative patients (Cruse et
al., 2011; Wijnen et al., 2007). Given that distinct brain waves
have been identified for sensory detection of a stimulus, the
detection of unexpected auditory stimuli, higher-level analysis of
stimuli, and semantic (meaning) analysis of language, this
technology could provide important insights into the inner worlds
of vegetative state patients. Indeed, Canadian researchers have
developed the EEG-based Halifax Consciousness Scanner for
this specific purpose (http://mindfulscientific .ca/hcs/).

Neuroimaging investigations of consciousness in vegetative state
patients could literally have life-and-death implications. Currently,
doctors have a very difficult time determining a patient’s level of
consciousness if they cannot move or make some sort of
response. However, this information influences the decision
about whether to remove that patient from life support. If brain
imaging could provide insight into the inner world of patients (or,
in some cases, lack thereof), it would provide doctors and family
members with valuable information that would help them make
the right decision for the patient.
There are two other disorders of consciousness that are often diagnosed by
neurologists. One is the minimally conscious state (MCS) , a disordered
state of consciousness marked by the ability to show some behaviours that
suggest at least partial consciousness, even if on an inconsistent basis. A
minimally conscious patient must show some awareness of himself or his
environment, and be able to reproduce this behaviour. Examples of some
behaviours that are tested are following simple commands, making gestures or
yes/no responses to questions, and producing movements or emotional
reactions in response to some person or object in their environment. When
neuroimaging is used, minimally conscious patients show more activity than
vegetative patients (see Figure 5.14 ), including activity in some higher-order
sensory and cognitive regions (Boly et al., 2004).
Figure 5.14 Brain Activity in Four Levels of Consciousness
PET images of brain activity found in a healthy conscious brain and the brains of
three patients with different types of brain damage. The highlighted red area near
the back of the brain (along the midline) is the precuneus and the posterior
cingulate cortex; these areas are involved in a number of different functions and
use the most energy in the brain.
Source: Laureys, S., Owen, A. M., & Schiff, N. D. (2004). Brain function in brain death, coma, vegetative state, and related
disorders. Lancet Neurology, 3, 537–546. Figure 7, p. 543.
The disorder of consciousness that most resembles the healthy, awake state—at
least in terms of awareness—is locked-in syndrome , a disorder in which the
patient is aware and awake but, because of an inability to move his or her body,
appears unconscious (Smith & Delargy, 2005). Locked-in syndrome was
brought to the attention of most people by the movie The Diving Bell and the
Butterfly, which depicted Jean-Dominique Bauby’s attempts to communicate to
the outside world using eye movements. This disorder is caused by damage to
part of the pons, the region of the brainstem that sticks out like an Adam’s apple.
Most patients with locked-in syndrome remain paralyzed. Luckily, new
technology is making it easier for these patients to communicate with the outside
world.
The final stage of consciousness is the healthy, conscious brain. That’s you. Be
grateful.
Module 5.2c Quiz:

Know . . .
1. is a disorder of consciousness in which an individual may open the

eyes and exhibit sleep–wake cycles but show no specific signs of
consciousness.
A. A coma
B. A persistent vegetative state
C. Brain death
D. A minimally conscious state
Understand . . .
2. What is the difference between a persistent vegetative state (PVS) and a

minimally conscious state (MCS)?
A. Nothing—they are both names for the same state.
B. Someone in an MCS can have conversations, unlike someone in
a PVS.
C. Someone in an MCS has sleep–wake cycles, unlike someone in
a PVS.
D. People in an MCS show at least some behaviours that indicate
consciousness, even if on an irregular basis.
Module 5.2 Summary

5.2a Know . . . the key terminology associated with hypnosis, mind-
wandering, and disorders of consciousness.
brain death
coma
default mode network
dissociation theory
hypnosis
locked-in syndrome
mind-wandering
minimally conscious state (MCS)
persistent vegetative state
social-cognitive theory
5.2b Understand . . . the competing theories of hypnosis.
Dissociation theory states that hypnosis involves a division between a lower-level

system involved with perception and movement and an “executive” system that
evaluates and monitors these behaviours. In contrast, the social- cognitive theory
states that a person’s beliefs and expectations about hypnosis heighten his or
her willingness to follow suggestions.
5.2c Apply . . . your knowledge of hypnosis to identify what it can and

cannot do.
Apply Activity
Hypnosis could potentially work in the following scenarios (answer true or false):
1. Temporarily increasing physical strength

2. Helping someone quit smoking
3. Remembering all of the precise details of a crime scene
4. Recovering a traumatic memory
5. Helping someone relax
6. Reducing pain sensation
5.2d Analyze . . . the effectiveness of using neuroimaging to study mind-

wandering.
Neuroimaging studies have repeatedly shown that two brain networks—the

default mode network and the frontoparietal network—are more active when
someone is mind-wandering. However, it is important to remember that brain-
imaging studies are correlational in nature. The activity in these networks co-
occurs with mind-wandering, but we cannot say for certain if this activity causes
mind-wandering.
5.2e Analyze . . . the ability of researchers to detect consciousness in

brain-damaged patients.
Consciousness is difficult to detect using traditional bedside testing because

many of these testing tools require movement. Using neuroimaging (specifically
fMRI), it has been possible to detect conscious awareness in some patients who
are in a vegetative state, as well as in patients who are in a minimally conscious
state and those with locked-in syndrome. Although these studies do have some
limitations (discussed earlier in this module), the results show that it is an
exciting time for neuroscience research in Canada!
Module 5.3 Drugs and
Conscious Experience
Nathan Griffith/Alamy Stock Photo
Learning Objectives
5.3a Know . . . the key terminology related to different categories of drugs and
their effects on the nervous system and behaviour.
5.3b Understand . . . drug tolerance and dependence.
5.3c Apply . . . your knowledge to better understand your own beliefs about
drug use.
5.3d Analyze . . . the difference between spiritual and recreational drug use.
5.3e Analyze . . . the short- and long-term effects of drug use.
Could taking a drug-induced trip be a way to cope with traumatic stress or

a life-threatening illness? A variety of medications for reducing anxiety or
alleviating depression are readily available. However, a few doctors and
psychologists have suggested that perhaps a 6-hour trip on psychedelic
“magic” mushrooms (called psilocybin) could be helpful to people dealing
with difficult psychological and life problems. (It would also help them
communicate with the sparkling trilingual dragon sighing in the bathtub.)
In the 1960s, a fringe group of psychologists insisted that psychedelic

drugs were the answer to all the world’s problems. The outcast nature of
this group and the ongoing “war on drugs” prompted mainstream
psychologists to shelve any ideas that a psychedelic drug or something
similar could be used in a therapeutic setting. However, this perception
appears to be changing. Recently, Roland Griffiths from Johns Hopkins
University in Maryland has been conducting studies on the possible
therapeutic benefits of psilocybin mushrooms. Cancer patients who were
experiencing depression volunteered to take psilocybin as a part of Dr.
Griffiths’s study. Both at the end of their experience and 14 months later,
they reported having personally meaningful, spiritually significant
experiences that improved their overall outlook on life (Griffiths et al.,
2008). Subsequent studies have shown that psilocybin mushrooms can
help reduce the symptoms of tobacco addiction (Johnson et al., 2014)
and may even increase openness of one’s personality (MacLean et al.,
2011). Although these findings are not likely to convince your doctor to
give you a bag of magic mushrooms, they do illustrate an important point:
most drugs can be used to alter brain chemistry for both medical and
recreational purposes. The line between “medicine” and “drug” is a blurry
one indeed.
Focus Questions
1. How do we distinguish between recreationally abused drugs and
therapeutic usage?
2. What other motives underlie drug use?
Every human culture uses drugs. It could even be argued that every human uses
drugs, depending on your definition of the term. Many of the foods that we eat
contain the same types of compounds found in mind-altering drugs. For
example, nutmeg contains compounds similar to those found in some
psychedelic substances, and chocolate contains small amounts of the same
compounds found in amphetamines and marijuana (Wenk, 2010). Of course,
caffeine and alcohol—both of which are mainstream parts of our culture—are
also drugs. The difference between a drug and a nondrug compound seems to
be that drugs are taken because the user has an intended effect in mind.
Regardless of why we use them, drugs influence the activity of some elements of
our central nervous system, affecting us both physically and psychologically. In
this module, we will discuss these physical and psychological effects of drug use.
We will then examine how these processes are affected by different classes of
drugs.
Physical and Psychological Effects of

Drugs
Although we often think of drugs as having a simple effect such as relieving pain
or “getting someone high,” the reality is actually much more complicated. To truly
understand the impact of a drug on how people act and feel, we have to look at
both the short-term and the long-term effects of drugs.
Short-Term Effects
Your brain contains a number of different chemical messengers called
neurotransmitters (see Module 3.2 ). These brain chemicals are released by a
neuron (the pre-synaptic neuron) into the synapse, the space between the cells.
They then bind to receptors on the surface of other neurons (the post-synaptic
neurons), thus making these neurons more or less likely to fire. Drugs influence
the amount of activity occurring in the synapse. Thus, they can serve as an
agonist (which enhances or mimics the activity of a neurotransmitter) or an
antagonist (which blocks or inhibits the activity of a neurotransmitter).
The short-term effects of drugs can be caused by a number of different brain

mechanisms including (1) altering the amount of the neurotransmitter being
released into the synapse, (2) preventing the reuptake (i.e., reabsorption back
into the cell that released it) of the neurotransmitter once it has been released,
thereby allowing it to have a longer influence on other neurons, (3) blocking the
receptor that the neurotransmitter would normally bind to, or (4) binding to the
receptor in place of the neurotransmitter. In all of these scenarios, the likelihood
of the postsynaptic neurons firing is changed, resulting in changes to how we
think, act, and feel.
Different drugs will influence different neurotransmitter systems. For instance,

the “club drug” ecstasy primarily affects serotonin levels, whereas painkillers like
OxyContin™ affect opioid receptors. However, the brain chemical that is most
often influenced by drugs is dopamine, a neurotransmitter that is involved in
responses to rewarding, pleasurable feelings (Volkow et al., 2009). Dopamine
release in two brain areas, the nucleus accumbens and the ventral tegmental
area, is likely related to the “high” associated with many drugs (Koob, 1992; see
Figure 5.15 ). These positive feelings serve an important, and potentially
dangerous, function: They reinforce the drug-taking behaviour. In fact, the
dopamine release in response to many drugs makes them more rewarding than
sex or delicious food (Bassareo & Di Chiara, 1999; Di Chiara & Imperato,
1988; Fiorino et al., 1997). This reinforcing effect is so powerful that, for
someone who has experience with a particular drug, even the anticipation of
taking the drug is pleasurable and involves the release of dopamine (Schultz,
2000).
Figure 5.15 Brain Regions Associated with the Effects of Drugs
The nucleus accumbens and ventral tegmental area are associated with reward
responses to many different drugs.
But, the drug–neurotransmitter relationship is not as simple as it would seem.

This is because the effects of drugs involve biological, psychological, and social
mechanisms. Think about the effects of alcohol. Drinking half a bottle of wine at
a party often leads people to be more outgoing, whereas drinking half a bottle at
home might cause them to fall asleep on the couch. In each case, the drug was
the same: alcohol. But the effects of the drug differed because the situations in
which the drug was consumed changed. The setting in which drugs are
consumed can also have a more sinister effect: Overdoses of some drugs are
more common when they are taken in new environments than when they are
taken in a setting that the person often uses for drug consumption (Siegel et al.,
1982). When people enter an environment that is associated with drug use, their
bodies prepare to metabolize drugs even before they are consumed (i.e., their
bodies become braced for the drug’s effects). Similar preparations do not occur
in new environments, which leads to larger, and potentially fatal, drug effects
(see Module 6.1 ). Another psychological factor that influences drug effects is
the person’s experience with a drug. It takes time for people to learn to associate
taking the drug with the drug’s effects on the body and brain. Therefore, a drug
might have a much more potent effect on a person the third or fourth time he
took it than it did the first time, which is very common with some drugs, such as
marijuana. Finally, a person’s expectations about the drug can dramatically
influence its effects. If a person believes that alcohol will make him less shy, then
it is likely that a few glasses of wine will have that effect.
How can we reconcile these psychological effects with the physiological effects
discussed above? To do so, we have to remember that the psychological states
mentioned above also influence the activity of brain areas. For instance, dealing
with novel or stressful situations (e.g., being surrounded by strangers, or your
parents arriving home early) often requires input from the frontal lobes; this
activity might reduce the impact that drugs are having on a person’s behaviour. A
similar result can occur when a person has expectations about a drug. This
mental set can itself change the activity of different brain areas and can alter the
effects of a drug. Thus, the effects of drugs are yet another example of how our
biology and psychology interact to create our conscious experiences.
Long-Term Effects
Importantly, the effects that different drugs will have on us change as we become
frequent users. Think about a drug that most of you use: caffeine (found in
coffee, tea, and some soft drinks). The first time you had a cup of coffee, you
were likely wired and unable to sleep. But, veteran coffee drinkers rarely
experience such a large burst of energy; some can even drink coffee before
going to bed. This is an example of tolerance , when repeated use of a drug
results in a need for a higher dose to get the intended effect. While tolerance
might seem annoying, it is actually the brain’s attempt to keep the level of
neurotransmitters at stable levels. When receptors are overstimulated by
neurotransmitters, as often happens during drug use, the neurons fire at a higher
rate than normal. In order to counteract this effect and return the firing rate to
normal, some of the receptors move further away from the synapse so that they
are more difficult to stimulate, a process known as down-regulation.
Tolerance is not the only effect that can result from long-term use of legal or
physical dependence
illegal drugs. Another is , the need to take a drug to
ward off unpleasant physical withdrawal symptoms. The characteristics of
dependence and withdrawal symptoms differ from drug to drug. Caffeine
withdrawal can involve head and muscle aches and impaired concentration.
Withdrawal from long-term alcohol abuse is much more serious. A person who is
dependent on alcohol can experience extremely severe, even life-threatening,
withdrawal symptoms including nausea, increased heart rate and blood
pressure, and hallucinations and delirium. However, drug dependence is not
limited to physical symptoms. Psychological dependence occurs when
emotional need for a drug develops without any underlying physical dependence.
Many people use drugs in order to ward off negative emotions. When they no
longer have this defence mechanism, they experience the negative emotions
they have been avoiding, such as stress, depression, shame, or anxiety.
Therefore, treatment programs for addiction often include some form of therapy
that will allow users to learn to cope with these emotional symptoms while they
are attempting to deal with the physical symptoms of withdrawal.
There is no single cause of drug dependence; instead, consistent with the

biopsychosocial model, researchers believe that numerous factors influence
whether someone will become dependent upon a drug as well as the severity of
that dependence. At the biological level, researchers are attempting to identify
the specific genes—or groups of genes—that make someone prone to becoming
addicted to different drugs (Foroud et al., 2010). For example, the A1 allele of
the DRD2 gene, which influences the activity of dopamine receptors, is related to
reward processing and to being open to new experiences (Peciña et al., 2013);
it is also more common in people who are addicted to opioid drugs such as
heroin (Clarke et al., 2012). In contrast, researchers at the University of Toronto
found that a protective version of the CYP2A6 gene is more common in people
who do not smoke; this version of the gene is related to feelings of nausea and
dizziness occurring when the person is exposed to smoking (Pianezza et al.,
1998). Although we cannot go through a complete list of the genes involved with
responses to different drugs, these examples show that scientists are rapidly
identifying specific genes related to drug-taking behaviour.
However, genes are obviously not the only cause of drug dependence;
researchers are also examining cognitive factors affecting drug-taking behaviour.
For example, dependence is influenced by the fact that drugs are often taken in
the same situations, such as a cup of coffee to start your day or alcohol
whenever you see particular friends. Eventually, taking the drug becomes linked
in your memory to that setting or that group of people. When you next see those
people or enter that environment, thoughts of the drug will often resurface,
making it more likely that you will use, or at least crave, that drug.
Addiction rates are also affected by social factors, such as the culture in which a
person lives. For instance, alcoholism rates are lower in religious and social
groups that prohibit drinking even though these groups are genetically similar to
the rest of the population (Chentsova-Dutton & Tsai, 2007; Haber & Jacob,
2007). Family attitudes toward drugs is a factor as well, as early experiences
with different drugs can shape our attitudes toward them and influence how we
consume those drugs later in life (Zucker et al., 2008). If a young person first
tries wine in a family setting, it will feel much less like a “cool” part of teenage
rebellion than if that person first tried the same drink at a high school house
party. That initial introduction can alter how that person views alcohol for years to
come.
Drug dependence is also influenced by the social support available. The

importance of this factor was powerfully demonstrated in a classic (if imperfect)
study by Bruce Alexander and his colleagues at Simon Fraser University in 1978.
Research in the 1960s and 1970s had shown that rats housed in small cages
would eagerly press a lever in order to receive drugs such as morphine; these
studies made it appear as though the chemistry of the drugs made them
irresistible. However, another possibility existed: perhaps the drug-seeking
behaviour was due to the fact that the rats felt isolated, a feeling that mirrors how
many drug addicts report feeling. To test this, the researchers gave caged rats
access to morphine in a way similar to previous studies. After several weeks of
drug consumption, the rats were randomly assigned to different conditions: a
caged group that remained isolated or a social group that was able to interact
with other rats in what became known as Rat Park. When rats from both
conditions were later given the opportunity to press a lever to receive morphine,
the isolated rats were much more likely to do so than the social rats. This effect
was particularly apparent in females (see Figure 5.16 ). These findings
suggest that a key factor in drug dependence is a feeling of isolation.
Figure 5.16 Rat Park: The Effects of Isolation and Gender on Morphine Self-
Administration
In the Rat Park study, all rats self-administered morphine for several weeks.
They were then randomly divided into two conditions. Rats that were able to
socialize with other rats showed much less drug-seeking behaviour than rats that
were housed in isolation. This effect was largest in females.
Source: Republished with permission of Springer Science, from The effect of housing and gender on morphine self-
administration in rats. Bruce K. Alexander; Robert B. Coambs; Patricia F. Hadaway, 58, 1978. Permission conveyed through
Copyright Clearance Center, Inc.
Finally, all of these variables interact with a person’s personality; individuals with
impulsive personality traits are more likely to become addicted to drugs
regardless of their early experiences or cultural setting (Lejuez et al., 2010;
Perry & Carroll, 2008). Thus, drug dependence does not have a single, simple
cause, but is instead influenced by a number of interacting factors, as would be
expected by the biopsychosocial model of behaviour.
Module 5.3a Quiz:
Physical and Psychological Effects of Drugs
Know . . .
1. Physical dependence occurs when
A. an individual will die if he does not continue to use the drug.
B. an individual desires a drug for its pleasant effects.
C. an individual has to take the drug to prevent or stop unpleasant
withdrawal symptoms.
D. an individual requires increasingly larger amounts of a substance
to experience its effects.
Understand . . .
2. Drug tolerance occurs when
A. an individual needs increasingly larger amounts of a drug to
achieve the same desired effect.
B. individuals do not pass judgment on drug abusers.
C. an individual experiences withdrawal symptoms.
D. an individual starts taking a new drug for recreational purposes.
Apply . . .
3. Which is NOT a way in which drugs affect neurotransmitter levels?
A. Binding to receptors that would normally receive the
neurotransmitters
B. Stimulating the release of excess neurotransmitters
C. Preventing down-regulation from occurring
D. Preventing neurotransmitters from being reabsorbed into the cell
that released them
Commonly Abused “Recreational” Drugs
Thus far, we have discussed some of the ways in which drugs can affect our
brain and our behaviour. These drugs are categorized based on their effects on
the nervous system. Drugs can speed up the nervous system, slow it down,
stimulate its pleasure centres, or distort how it processes the world. Table 5.3
provides an overview of some of the better-known drugs.
Table 5.3 The Major Categories of Drugs
Drugs Psychological Chemical Effects Tolerance Likelihood of

Effects Dependence
Stimulants: Euphoria, Increase Develops High

caffeine, increased dopamine, quickly
cocaine, energy, serotonin,
amphetamine, lowered norepinephrine
ecstasy inhibitions activity
Marijuana Euphoria, Stimulates Develops Low

relaxation, cannabinoid slowly
distorted receptors
sensory
experiences,
paranoia
Hallucinogens: Major distortion Increase Develops Very low

LSD, psilocybin, of sensory and serotonin slowly
DMT, ketamine perceptual activity; block
experiences. glutamate
Fear, panic, receptors
paranoia
Opiates: heroin Intense Stimulate Develops Very high
euphoria, pain endorphin quickly
relief receptors
Sedatives: Drowsiness, Increase GABA Develops High

barbiturates, relaxation, activity quickly
benzodiazepines sleep
Alcohol Euphoria, Primarily Develops Moderate to

relaxation, facilitates GABA gradually high
lowered activity; also
inhibitions stimulates
endorphin and
dopamine
receptors
Almost all of the drugs discussed in this chapter are known as psychoactive
drugs , substances that affect thinking, behaviour, perception, and emotion.
However, not all of them are legal. As you will see, the boundary between illicit
recreational drugs and legal prescription drugs can be razor-thin at times. Many
common prescription medications are chemically similar, albeit safer, versions of
illicit drugs; additionally, many legal prescription drugs are purchased illegally
and used in ways not intended by the manufacturer.
Stimulants
Stimulants are a category of drugs that speed up the activity of the nervous
system, typically enhancing wakefulness and alertness. There are a number of
different types of stimulant drugs, ranging from naturally occurring substances
such as leaves (cocaine) and beans (coffee) to drugs produced in a laboratory
(crystal meth). Additionally, each drug has its own unique effect on the nervous
system, influencing the levels of specific neurotransmitters in one of the four
ways discussed earlier in this module.
The most widely used—and perhaps abused—stimulant is one that is likely in
front of you as you read this: caffeine. Caffeine is not a “recreational” drug per
se; however, because its neural mechanisms are similar to other stimulants, we
will discuss it here. Caffeine can be found in many substances including coffee,
tea, many soft drinks, and chocolate. It should come as no surprise that caffeine
tends to temporarily increase energy levels and alertness. It produces these
effects by influencing the activity of a brain chemical called adenosine. When
adenosine binds to its receptors in the brain, it slows down neural activity. In fact,
it helps you become sleepy. Caffeine binds to adenosine receptors, but without
causing a reduction in neural activity. In other words, it prevents adenosine from
doing its job. At the same time, caffeine stimulates the adrenal glands to release
adrenaline. This hormone accounts for the burst of energy associated with
caffeine. Given that adrenaline is also associated with “fight or flight” responses,
it may also explain why many people feel jittery after consuming too much
caffeine.
Although no drug is harmless, the withdrawal effects associated with it are far
less severe than those found for other stimulants. Depriving yourself of caffeine
will typically result in headaches, fatigue, and occasionally nausea; however,
these symptoms will usually disappear after two to three days. Other stimulants
are not so forgiving.
Cocaine is another commonly abused stimulant. It is synthesized from coca

leaves, most often grown in South American countries such as Colombia, Peru,
and Bolivia. The people who harvest these plants often take the drug in its
simplest form—they chew on the leaves and experience a mild increase in
energy. However, by the time it reaches Canadian markets, it has been
processed into powder form. It is typically snorted and absorbed into the
bloodstream through the nasal passages or, if prepared as crack cocaine,
smoked in a pipe. Cocaine influences the nervous system by blocking the
reuptake of dopamine in reward centres of the brain, although it can also
influence serotonin and norepinephrine levels as well (see Figure 5.17 ). By
preventing dopamine from being reabsorbed by the neuron that released it,
cocaine increases the amount of dopamine in the synapse between the cells,
thus making the postsynaptic cell more likely to fire. The result is an increase in
energy levels and a feeling of euphoria.
Figure 5.17 Stimulant Effects on the Brain

Like many addictive drugs, cocaine and amphetamines stimulate the reward
centres of the brain, including the nucleus accumbens and ventral tegmental
area. Cocaine works by blocking reuptake of dopamine, and methamphetamine
works by increasing the release of dopamine at presynaptic neurons.
Amphetamines, another group of stimulants, come in a variety of forms. Some

are prescription drugs, such as methylphenidate (Ritalin) and modafinil (Provigil),
which are typically prescribed for attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD)
and narcolepsy, respectively. When used as prescribed, these drugs can have
beneficial effects; oftentimes, however, these drugs are used recreationally.
Other stimulants, such as methamphetamine, are not prescribed drugs.
Methamphetamine, which stimulates the release of dopamine in presynaptic
cells (see Figure 5.17 ), may be even more potent than cocaine when it
comes to addictive potential. (Crystal meth, a drug made famous by the TV
program Breaking Bad, is a form of methamphetamine that has undergone
additional chemical refinement to remove impurities.) Methamphetamines are
also notorious for causing significant neurological and external physical
problems. For example, chronic methamphetamine abusers often experience
deterioration of their facial features, teeth, and gums, owing to a combination of
factors. First, methamphetamine addiction can lead to neglect of basic dietary
and hygienic care. Second, the drug is often manufactured from a potent cocktail
of substances including hydrochloric acid and farm fertilizer—it is probably not
surprising that these components can have serious side effects on appearance
and health.
Long-term use of potent stimulants like methamphetamines can actually alter the
structure of the user’s brain. Compared to non-users, people who have a history
of abusing methamphetamine have been shown to have structural abnormalities
of cells in the frontal lobes, which reduce the brain’s ability to inhibit irrelevant
thoughts (Tobias et al., 2010). This ability can be measured through the Stroop
test (Figure 5.18 ), which challenges a person’s ability to inhibit reading a
word in favour of identifying its colour. Methamphetamine abusers had greater
difficulty with this task than non-users, and they also had reduced activity in the
frontal lobes, likely because of the damage described previously (Salo et al.,
2010).
Figure 5.18 The Stroop Task

The Stroop task requires you to read aloud the colour of the letters of these
sample words. The task measures your ability to inhibit a natural tendency to
read the word, rather than identify the colour. Chronic methamphetamine users
have greater difficulty with this task than do non-users.
It often comes as a surprise to learn that the very substances that people can
become addicted to, or whose possession and use can even land them in prison
today, were once ingredients in everyday products. Cocaine was once used as
an inexpensive, over-the-counter pain remedy. A concoction of wine and cocaine
was popular, and the drug was also added to cough syrups and drops for
treating toothaches. Coca-Cola used to contain nine milligrams of cocaine per
glass; this practice ceased in 1903 (Liebowitz, 1983).
Advertising Archive/Courtesy Everett Collection
Theresa Baxter was 42 when the picture on the left was taken. The photo on the
right was taken 2.5 years later; the effects of methamphetamine are obvious and
striking.
Multnomah County Sheriff/Splash/Newscom
Changes in brain structure have also been noted in chronic users of ecstasy
(3,4-methylenedioxy-N-methylamphetamine or MDMA), a drug that is typically
classified as a stimulant, but also has hallucinogenic effects (Cowan et al.,
2008). MDMA was developed in 1912 by the German pharmaceutical company
Merck KGaA; it was originally designed as a blood-clotting agent (Meyer, 2013).
In the late 1970s, it was rediscovered by a chemist at the Dow chemical
company, who described its emotional and sensual effects (Shulgin & Nichols,
1978). In the 1980s, it was labelled a “club drug” because of its frequent
appearance at nightclub and rave parties. Ecstasy exerts its influence on the
brain by stimulating the release of massive amounts of the neurotransmitter
serotonin; it also blocks its reuptake, thereby ensuring that neurons containing
serotonin receptors will fire at levels much greater than normal. Ecstasy
heightens physical sensations and is known to increase social bonding and
compassion among those who are under its influence. Unfortunately, this drug
has also been linked to a number of preventable deaths. Heat stroke and
dehydration are major risks associated with ecstasy use, especially when the
drug is taken at a rave where there is a high level of physical exertion from
dancing in an overheated environment. It can also lead to lowered mood two to
five days after consumption, as it takes time for serotonin levels to return to
normal (Curran & Travill, 1997).
The long-term effects of ecstasy use are difficult to identify because most users
of this drug also abuse other illegal substances. That said, recent neuroimaging
studies with long-term ecstasy users have highlighted some of the effects this
drug can have on the brain (Urban et al., 2012). For instance, several studies
have shown that MDMA impairs the sensitivity of many visual regions in the
occipital lobe (Oliveri & Calvo, 2003; White et al., 2013). Additionally, recent
neuroimaging data show that using ecstasy can produce unique damage
(independent of the effects of other drugs) in several areas of the cortex in the
left hemisphere (Cowan et al., 2003). Given that the left hemisphere is also
critical for language abilities, it should come as no surprise that ecstasy users
show slight impairments on language-based tests of memory (e.g., lists of words;
Laws & Kokkalis, 2007).
Hallucinogens
Hallucinogenic drugs are substances that produce perceptual distortions.
Depending on the type of hallucinogen consumed, these distortions may be
visual, auditory, and sometimes tactile in nature, such as the experience of
crawling sensations against the skin. Hallucinogens also alter how people
perceive their own thinking. For example, deep significance may be attached to
what are normally mundane objects, events, or thoughts. One commonly used
hallucinogen is LSD (lysergic acid diethylamide), which is a laboratory-made
(synthetic) drug. A recent study examined brain activity of individuals after they
had just taken LSD (Carhart-Harris et al., 2016). These researchers found that
the LSD experience involves greater activity in visual areas; this activity strongly
correlated with participants’ reports of hallucinations. The researchers also noted
reduced connectivity between areas in the temporal and parietal lobe; these
changes were related to feelings of “losing oneself” and finding “altered
meanings.” These results show the strong link between brain activity and
moment-to-moment experiences.
Hallucinogenic substances also occur in nature, such as psilocybin (a

mushroom) and mescaline (derived from the peyote cactus). Hallucinogens can
have very long-lasting effects—more than 12 hours for LSD, for example. These
drugs may also elicit powerful emotional experiences that range from extreme
euphoria to fear, panic, and paranoia. The two most common hallucinogens,
LSD and psilocybin, both act on the transmission of serotonin.
Short-acting hallucinogens have become increasingly popular for recreational

use. The effects of two of these hallucinogens, ketamine and DMT
(dimethyltryptamine), last for about an hour. Ketamine (street names include
“Special K” and “Vitamin K”) was originally developed as a surgical anesthetic to
be used in cases where a gaseous anesthetic could not be applied, such as on
the battlefield. It has been gaining popularity among university students as well
as among people who frequent dance clubs and raves. Ketamine induces
dream-like states, memory loss, dizziness, confusion, and a distorted sense of
body ownership (i.e., feeling like your body and voice don’t belong to you; Fu et
al., 2005; Morgan et al., 2010). This synthetic drug blocks receptors for
glutamate, which is an excitatory neurotransmitter that is important for, among
other things, memory.
The short-acting hallucinogen known as DMT occurs naturally in such different

places as the bark from trees native to Central and South America and on the
skin surface of certain toads. DMT is even found in very small, naturally
produced amounts in the human nervous system (Fontanilla et al., 2009). The
function of DMT in the brain remains unclear, although some researchers have
speculated that it plays a role in sleep and dreaming, and even out-of-body
experiences (Barbanoj et al., 2008; Strassman, 2001). DMT is used in Canada
primarily for recreational purposes. Users frequently report having intense
“spiritual” experiences, such as feeling connected to or communicating with
divine beings (as well as aliens, plant spirits, and other beings that aren’t part of
most modern people’s version of reality). In fact, its ability to apparently enhance
spiritual experiences has been well known in South American indigenous
cultures. DMT is the primary psychoactive ingredient in ayahuasca, which plays
a central role in shamanistic rituals involving contact with the spirit world. An
increasing number of Canadians have used another drug, salvia divinorum, for
similar purposes.
Many psychedelics can have serious negative consequences on users, ranging

from memory problems to unwanted “flashbacks” in which the user re-
experiences the visual distortions and emotional changes associated with the
psychedelic state (Halpern & Pope, 2003). However, as you read in the
introduction to this module, some psychedelics are now being used to treat a
number of clinical conditions. LSD has been used to help people deal with the
anxiety associated with terminal illnesses (Gasser et al., 2015). Psilocybin
(magic mushrooms), ayahuasca, and DMT have all been used to help reduce
addiction to tobacco and alcohol (Tupper et al., 2015). MDMA (ecstasy) has
been used to help people suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder or PTSD
(Mithoefer et al., 2011, 2013). Obviously these drugs are generally only used
when traditional treatments are ineffective. But, it does demonstrate that the line
between “recreational drugs” and “medical drugs” is not as clear cut as we might
think.
Marijuana
Thus far, we have discussed drugs that stimulate the central nervous system and
drugs that lead to altered states of consciousness. However, not all drugs neatly
fit into these distinct categories. For instance, marijuana is a drug comprising
the leaves and buds of the Cannabis plant that produces a combination of
hallucinogenic, stimulant, and relaxing (narcotic) effects. These buds contain a
high concentration of a compound called tetrahydrocannabinol (THC). THC
mimics anandamide, a chemical that occurs naturally in the brain and the
peripheral nerves. Both anandamide and THC bind to cannabinoid receptors and
induce feelings of euphoria, relaxation, reduced pain, and heightened and
sometimes distorted sensory experiences (Edwards et al., 2012; Ware et al.,
2010). They also stimulate one’s appetite (Kirkham, 2009). Although “having the
munchies” might seem like a funny side effect for recreational users, it is an
incredibly important benefit for cancer sufferers who use medicinal marijuana to
counteract the nausea and lack of appetite that occurs following chemotherapy
(Machado Rocha et al., 2008).
From the above list, it is clear that marijuana use can affect a number of different
behaviours. Missing from this list, however, are the effects that this drug can
have on our cognitive abilities.
Biopsychosocial Perspectives Recreational
and Spiritual Uses of Salvia Divinorum

Salvia divinorum is an herb that grows in Central and South America.
When smoked or chewed, salvia induces highly intense but short-lived
hallucinations. Use of this drug also leads to dissociative experiences—a
detachment between self and body (Sumnall et al., 2011). An
exploration of salvia reveals a great deal about how cultural views affect
how drugs are perceived. A single drug could be described as
recreational, addictive, and a scourge to society in one culture, yet highly
valued and spiritually significant to another.
Test what you know about this drug:
True or False?
1. Sale of salvia is prohibited by the Canadian government.
2. Very few young people in Canada who use drugs have tried
salvia.
3. Salvia has profound healing properties.
Answers
1. True. The legal status of salvia changed in February 2016.
Previously, it had been listed as a natural product under the
control of Health Canada; although technically illegal, regulations
controlling salvia were not strictly enforced. However, it is now
listed as a Schedule IV drug under the Controlled Drugs and
Substances Act. It is illegal to sell, cultivate, or transport salvia,
although possession of small amounts is still legal. Further details
of the change, passed by the Conservative government in 2015,
can be found online: www.hc-sc.gc.ca/hc-ps/substancontrol/
substan/legal-salvia-statut-eng.php.
2. False. The use of salvia is on the rise among North Americans
and Europeans, particularly among younger people (Nyi et al.,
2010). Approximately 7.3% of Canadians aged 15–24 have tried
it (Health Canada, 2010).
3. False. There is no scientific evidence that salvia has healing
properties. Whether one agrees with this statement, however,
depends on who is asked. Among the Mazateca people of
Mexico, salvia is used in divine rituals in which an individual
communicates with the spiritual world. Shamans of the Mazateca
people use salvia for spiritual healing sessions. They believe the
drug has profound medicinal properties.
Drugs such as salvia and ayahuasca raise important questions about the
effects of drugs and our view toward them. Although a given drug usually
has standard, reliable effects on brain chemistry, the subjective
experience it provides, the purposes it is used for, and people’s attitudes
toward the drug may vary widely depending on the cultural context.
Salvia divinorum is a type of sage plant that grows naturally in Central

and South America. Users of the herb chew or smoke the leaves or
combine juices from the leaves with tea for drinking.
Ted Kinsman/Photo Researchers, Inc./Science Source
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Marijuana,

Memory, and Cognition
No one doubts that marijuana affects a person’s thinking and

behaviour. That said, descriptions of the exact nature of these
effects are often more anecdotal than scientific. The earliest
reference to marijuana is found in the ancient Hindu text Raja
Nirghanta, which translates the drug as “promoter of success,”
“the cause of the reeling gait,” and “the laughter moving” (see
Chopra & Chopra, 1957). Indeed. More recent descriptions have
noted that marijuana’s effects on one’s ability to think are both
widespread and testable.
What do we know about the effects of marijuana on memory

and cognition?
Studies of people under the influence of marijuana have
demonstrated a number of different impairments to memory
processes (Crean et al., 2011). Several researchers have
confirmed that marijuana disrupts short-term memory
(Ranganathan & D’Souza, 2006). Studies of long-term memory
have indicated that marijuana use was associated with a reduced
ability to recall information (Miller et al., 1977) and a greater
tendency to commit intrusion errors—adding in words that were
not actually on a list of to-be-remembered items (i.e., a “false
positive”; Hooker & Jones, 1987; Pfefferbaum et al., 1977).
Marijuana also affects a number of cognitive abilities. Executive
functions, such as decision making and the control of attention,
are critical for dealing with novel situations and for changing or
inhibiting responses to stimuli in the environment. Many executive
functions are impaired by THC. For instance, marijuana impairs
people’s ability to problem solve and to change their strategies
while performing a task (Bolla et al., 2002; Pope et al., 2003). It
may impair creative thinking and attention as well (Hermann et
al., 2007; Kowal et al., 2015).
How can science explain these effects?

Neuroimaging results indicate that the memory and cognitive
difficulties experienced by people who smoke marijuana are likely
related to changes in the brains of marijuana smokers. A number
of studies have noted that reduced performance on memory tests
is related to decreases in brain activity in the right frontal lobe
(Block et al., 2002; Jager et al., 2007), an area involved with
memory retrieval (Tulving et al., 1994). Interestingly, some
researchers have found that even when marijuana users and
healthy control participants produce the same results on a
memory test, their brains generate different patterns of activity.
For instance, Kanayama and colleagues (2004) found that
participants who had recently smoked marijuana (< 24 hours ago)
were able to perform a spatial memory task; but doing so
recruited a much more widespread network of brain regions,
including several that are not typically associated with memory.
This suggests that the brains of marijuana users need to work
harder to reach the same level of performance, oftentimes relying
on additional brain structures to help out (Jager et al., 2006).
Problems with executive functions can also be explained, at least

in part, by differing patterns of brain activity. The inability to inhibit
responses on a Stroop task (which was discussed earlier in this
module) was related to the fact that marijuana users had less
activity than healthy controls in a number of frontal-lobe regions
(Eldreth et al., 2004; Gruber & Yurgelun-Todd, 2005). These
studies also demonstrated that, similar to the memory studies,
the brains of marijuana users had additional activity in areas not
typically associated with the task they were performing. In other
words, these brains had to find alternative networks to allow them
to compensate for the marijuana so that they could still perform
the task (Martín-Santos et al., 2010).

When we look at these data, we have to remember that fMRI
activity is correlational. The orange and yellow “lights” in the brain
pictures represent areas that are activated at the same time that
a person is performing a task; but, it doesn’t mean that those
areas are causing the person’s behaviour. More importantly, we
have to think of the participants in drug studies. Many of the
people involved in these studies use more than one drug (e.g.,
marijuana plus alcohol, tobacco, and possibly other drugs). It is
therefore difficult to isolate the effects of marijuana by itself on
cognition.
One way to get around these problems is to look at which areas

of the brain are involved with these different abilities and then see
if marijuana targets those areas. As it turns out, a receptor
sensitive to THC, the cannabinoid (CB1) receptor, is found
throughout the hippocampus and in the medial part of the frontal
lobes (Pertwee & Ross, 2002; see Figure 5.19 ). Importantly,
stimulating these receptors can lead to impairments in short-term
memory and higher-level thinking (Ranganathan & D’Souza,
2006). Thus, there is a cellular-level mechanism that can explain
(some of) the odd behaviours that you see when people are
smoking up.
Figure 5.19 CB1 Receptors in the Brain
The locations of the CB1 receptors, which bind to the active

ingredient in marijuana, help explain the diverse effects users
often experience. CB1 receptors are found in the frontal lobes
(executive functions), hippocampus (memory), and cerebellum
(coordination of movement). They are also found in the nucleus
accumbens, an area related to the rewarding feeling associated
with many drugs.
Courtesy of National Institute of Drug Abuse

Marijuana use seems, to many people, harmless and funny.
What’s so bad about spending hours getting high, watching
cartoons, and eating chips? But, although occasional use hasn’t
been linked to serious cognitive consequences, recent brain-
imaging studies of long-term smokers showed reduced amounts
of grey matter (neurons) in memory regions of the temporal lobe
(Battistella et al., 2014); there were also fewer white-matter
connections involving this brain area (Zalesky et al., 2012). In
other words, chronic marijuana use can influence how parts of
the brain transmit and receive information. Heavy long-term use
of marijuana is also related to a four-point decline in IQ scores (a
number that isn’t huge, but is still something to think about; Fried
et al., 2002). Importantly, the strains of marijuana that are
currently available tend to be higher in THC content than the
strains available to previous generations of drug users (Hardwick
& King, 2008). It is possible, therefore, that the small cognitive
deficits found in current studies of long-term marijuana users may
be magnified in young people who are just beginning to use this
drug.
Marijuana and the Teenage Brain
Marijuana use often starts during the teenage years. From a neurological
perspective, early drug use is a particular cause for concern (Lubman et al.,
2015). The brain develops in a step-by-step fashion, with higher-order cognitive
areas—particularly the frontal lobes—developing after other areas have fully
matured (Gogtay et al., 2004). As part of this step-by-step development, the
white-matter fibres connecting brain regions grow and form new connections
while unnecessary synapses are pruned away. Marijuana use during the
teenage years has been shown to impair both of these developmental processes
(Gruber et al., 2014). It has also been linked with thinning (i.e., fewer cells) in a
number of cortical areas (Mashhoon et al., 2015; Price et al., 2015) and smaller
hippocampal volumes (Ashtari et al., 2011).
These changes in the brain’s development can affect cognitive abilities.

Increasing evidence indicates that the effects of marijuana on memory and
executive functions are much larger in people who started taking the drug before
the age of 17 (Brook et al., 2008; Pope et al., 2003). In other words, using
marijuana during an earlier stage of development can have a much larger effect
on a person’s future than if the same dose were to be consumed or smoked later
in life (Squeglia et al., 2009). These data therefore suggest that prevention
programs should specifically target teens to ensure that their cognitive abilities
don’t go up in smoke.
It is important to note that if you did smoke marijuana before the age of 17, your
life isn’t ruined. It just means that if you continue to frequently use marijuana, you
are statistically more likely to have memory and executive functioning programs
later in life. It is quite possible that your brain will recover. You can help it bounce
back by reducing your consumption of drugs and by engaging in behaviours that
help increase the thickness of white-matter pathways in the frontal lobes (e.g.,
mindfulness training; see Modules 14.3 and 16.2 ). So, you have a lot of
control over what happens to your brain.
Currently, marijuana is the most commonly used recreational drug in Canada.

Indeed, survey research suggests that 22% of people aged 15–19 (469 000
Canadian teens) had used marijuana within the year prior to the survey
(Statistics Canada, 2013). This high usage rate reflects, in part, the fact that this
drug is so readily available. A similar issue is emerging for another class of
drugs, opiates, which includes well-known narcotics such as heroin, as well as
many commonly abused prescription drugs.
Opiates
Opiates (also called narcotics) are drugs such as heroin and morphine that
reduce pain and induce extremely intense feelings of euphoria. These drugs bind
to endorphin receptors in the nervous system. Endorphins (“endogenous
morphine”) are neurotransmitters that reduce pain and produce pleasurable
sensations—effects magnified by opiates. Naturally occurring opiates are derived
from certain species of poppy plants that are primarily grown in Asia and the
Middle East (particularly Afghanistan). Opiate drugs are very common in medical
and emergency room settings. For example, the drug fentanyl is used in
emergency rooms to treat people in extreme pain. A street version of fentanyl,
known as “China White,” can be more than 20 times the strength of more
commonly sold doses of heroin. This drug is so dangerous that in April 2016,
British Columbia declared a public health emergency after more than 200 people
died from overdoses of the drug. Yet despite the well-publicized dangers, people
continue to use it.
Treating opiate addiction can be incredibly challenging. Opiates produce very
rapid and powerful “highs”; because the time between injecting or smoking
opiates and their physical impact is so short, it is easy for people to mentally link
the drug to the pleasurable feeling. This increases the addictiveness of these
drugs. People who are addicted to opiates and other highly addictive drugs enter
a negative cycle of having to use these drugs simply to ward off withdrawal
effects, rather than to actually achieve the sense of euphoria they may have
experienced when they started using them. Methadone is an opioid (a synthetic
opiate) that binds to opiate receptors but does not give the same kind of high that
heroin does. A regimen of daily methadone treatment can help people who are
addicted to opiates avoid painful withdrawal symptoms as they learn to cope
without the drug. In recent years, newer alternatives to methadone have been
found to be more effective and need to be taken only a few times per week.
Another opioid, oxycodone (OxyContin), has helped many people reduce severe
pain while having relatively few side effects. Unfortunately, this drug, along with a
similar product, Percocet, has very high abuse potential. It is often misused,
especially by those who have obtained it through illegal means (i.e., without a
prescription). Indeed, the abuse of prescription opiates is a growing problem in
Canada, particularly among high school students and the elderly (Sproule et al.,
2009); this topic will be discussed in more detail later in this module.
Module 5.3b Quiz:
Commonly Abused “Recreational” Drugs
Know . . .
1. are drugs that increase central nervous system activity.
A. Hallucinogens
B. Narcotics
C. Psychoactive drugs
D. Stimulants
2. Drugs that are best known for their ability to alter normal visual and
auditory perceptions are called .
A. hallucinogens
B. narcotics
C. psychoactive drugs
D. stimulants
Apply . . .
3. Which statement about marijuana’s effects on memory is not true?
A. Marijuana use led to poorer recall of information and a greater
tendency to remember information that hadn’t been presented
earlier (false alarms).
B. Marijuana leads to decreased activity in brain areas related to
memory retrieval.
C. Marijuana use led to poorer recall of information and a lower
tendency to remember information that hadn’t been presented
earlier (false alarms).
D. Areas of the brain not typically involved with memory are active
when smokers attempt to recall information.
Legal Drugs and Their Effects on

Consciousness
So far we have covered drugs that are, for the most part, produced and
distributed illegally. Some prescription drugs can also have profound effects on
consciousness and, as a consequence, are targets for misuse.
Sedatives
Sedative drugs , sometimes referred to as “downers,” depress activity of the
central nervous system. Barbiturates were an early form of medication used to
treat anxiety and promote sleep. High doses of these drugs can shut down the
brainstem regions that regulate breathing, so their medical use has largely been
discontinued in favour of safer drugs. Barbiturates have a high potential for
abuse, typically by people who want to lower inhibitions, relax, and try to improve
their sleep. (Incidentally, while these agents may knock you out, they do not
really improve the quality of sleep. Barbiturates actually reduce the amount of
REM sleep.)
Newer forms of sedative drugs, called benzodiazepines, include prescription

drugs such as Xanax, Ativan, and Valium. These drugs increase the effects of
gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), an inhibitory neurotransmitter that helps
reduce feelings of anxiety or panic. The major advantage of benzodiazepine
drugs over barbiturates is that they do not specifically target the brain regions
responsible for breathing and, even at high doses, are unlikely to be fatal.
However, people under the influence of any kind of sedative are at greater risk
for injury or death due to accidents caused by their diminished attention, reaction
time, and coordination.
Prescription Drug Abuse

Prescription drugs are commonly abused by illicit users; over 15% of Canadian
high school students have reported abusing prescription drugs at some point in
their lives (Hammond et al., 2010; Figure 5.20 ). The prevalence of
prescription drug abuse becomes even more extreme when these students enter
university. Surveys have shown that as many as 31% of university students
sampled have abused Ritalin, the stimulant commonly prescribed as a treatment
for ADHD (Bogle & Smith, 2009). A massive number of prescription drugs are
available on the market, including stimulants, opiates, and sedatives. In 2011,
3.2% of Canadians (approximately 1.1 million people) used prescription drugs for
nonmedical reasons within the year prior to the survey (Health Canada, 2012).
Users typically opt for prescription drugs as their drugs of choice because they
are legal (when used as prescribed), pure (i.e., not contaminated or diluted), and
relatively easy to get. Prescription drugs are typically taken at large doses, and
administered in such a way as to get a quicker, more intense effect—for
example, by crushing and snorting stimulants such as Ritalin (see Figure
5.21 ).
Figure 5.20 Frequency of Drug Use among Grade 12 Students
The abuse of prescription and over-the-counter drugs is becoming increasingly
common in Canada. In a 2008 nationwide survey, over 15% of Grade 12
students admitted to illegally using these drugs at least once. This figure
illustrates how the prevalence of prescription drug abuse compares to that of
other frequently abused substances.
Source: Based on Hammond, D., Ahmed, R., Burkhalter, R., Sae Yang, W., & Leatherdale, S. (2010). Illicit substance use
among Canadian youth: Trends between 2002 and 2008. Canadian Journal of Public Health, 102, 7-12.
Some of the most commonly abused prescription drugs in Canada are painkillers
such as OxyContin. When used normally, OxyContin is a pain-reliever that slowly
releases an opioid over the course of approximately 12 hours, thus making it a
relatively safe product (Roth et al., 2000). However, crushing the OxyContin
tablet frees its opioid component oxycodone from the slow-release mechanism; it
can then be inhaled or dissolved in liquid and injected to provide a rapid “high”
(Carise et al., 2007). Almost 80% of people entering treatment programs for
OxyContin abuse admitted that the drug was not prescribed to them, suggesting
that there is a flourishing trade in this drug. Indeed, a recent study of drug users
in Vancouver found that OxyContin is quite easy to illegally purchase in Canada
(Nosyk et al., 2012); not surprisingly, the number of people entering drug
rehabilitation programs for oxycodone abuse is also increasing (Sproule et al.,
2009). In order to counteract this trend, Purdue Pharma Canada, the company
that makes the drug, has replaced it with a similar substance, OxyNeo, that is
more difficult to grind up into a powder. However, this action will likely have little
effect on addiction rates—in April 2013, the federal government allowed six
pharmaceutical companies to begin manufacturing generic (cheaper) versions of
the drug.
Figure 5.21 Ritalin and Cocaine

Stimulants like methylphenidate (Ritalin) affect the same areas of the brain as
cocaine, albeit with different speed and intensity.
The National Institute on Drug Abuse
Curbing prescription drug abuse poses quite a challenge. Approaches to

reducing this problem include efforts to develop pain medications that do not act
on pleasure and reward centres of the brain. For example, pain can be reduced
by the administration of compounds that stimulate cannabinoid receptors in
peripheral regions of the nervous system, thereby avoiding the high associated
with stimulation of receptors within the brain. Many communities offer
prescription drug disposal opportunities, which helps remove unused drugs from
actual or potential circulation. In addition, doctors and other health care
professionals are becoming increasingly aware that some individuals seeking
prescription drugs are doing so because they are addicted to them.
PSYCH@ University Parties

Researchers have determined that university students drink significantly
more than their peers who do not attend university (Carter et al., 2010).
However, although heavy drinking—particularly on the weekend—is often
associated with positive emotions (Howard et al., 2015), it can lead to
some serious consequences for students. In one study, nearly half of the
university student participants binge-drank, one-third drove under the
influence, 10% to 12% sustained an injury or were assaulted while
intoxicated, and 2% were victims of date rape while drinking (Hingson et
al., 2009). Alcohol abuse in our society is widespread, especially during
times of celebration (Glindemann et al., 2007), so it might seem as if
universities have few options at their disposal to reduce reckless drinking
on campus. Psychologists Kent Glindemann, Scott Geller, and their
associates, however, have conducted some interesting field studies in
fraternity houses at their U.S. university. For example, in two separate
studies, these researchers measured the typical blood-alcohol level at
fraternity parties. They then offered monetary awards or entry into a raffle
for fraternities that could keep their average blood-alcohol level below
0.05 at their next party. The interventions proved to be successful in both
studies, with blood-alcohol levels being significantly reduced from the
baseline (Fournier et al., 2004; Glindemann et al., 2007).
Alcohol
Alcohol can be found in nearly every culture, although some frown on its use
more than others. Alcohol use is a part of many cherished social and spiritual
rituals, but is also associated with violence and accidents. It has the power to
change societies, in some cases for the worse. Several decades ago, “problem
drinking” was not an issue for the Carib people of Venezuela, for example.
During specific yearly festivals, alcohol was brewed and consumed in limited
amounts. In more recent years, the influence of Western civilization has led to
the emergence of problems with alcohol abuse and alcoholism in this group of
people (Seale et al., 2002). Most societies regard alcohol as an acceptable form
of drug use, though they may attempt to limit and regulate its use through legal
means. Customs and social expectations also affect usage. For example,
drinking—especially heavy drinking—is generally considered more socially
acceptable for men than for women.
Alcohol has a number of effects on the brain. It initially targets GABA receptors,
and subsequently affects opiate and dopamine receptors. The stimulation of
opiate and dopamine receptors accounts for the euphoria associated with lower
doses as well its rewarding effects. The release of GABA, an inhibitory
neurotransmitter, reduces the activity of the central nervous system, which helps
explain the impairments in balance and coordination associated with
consumption of alcohol. But if alcohol increases the release of an inhibitory brain
chemical, why do people become less inhibited when they drink? The reason for
this behaviour is that alcohol inhibits the frontal lobes of the brain. One function
of the frontal lobes is to inhibit behaviour and impulses, and alcohol appears to
impair the frontal lobe’s ability to do so—in other words, it inhibits an inhibitor.
The lowered inhibitions associated with alcohol may help people muster the
courage to perform a toast at a wedding, but many socially unacceptable
consequences are also associated with alcohol use. Alcohol abuse has been
linked to health problems, sexual and physical assault, automobile accidents,
missing work or school, unplanned pregnancies, and contracting sexually
transmitted diseases (Griffin et al., 2010). These effects are primarily associated
with heavy consumption, which can often lead to alcohol myopia (Steele &
Josephs, 1990). When intoxicated, people often pay more attention to cues
related to their desires and impulses (e.g., the attractive-looking person on the
couch at the party) and less attention to cues related to inhibiting those desires
(e.g., friends telling them to stop drinking, or the lecture about safe sex that they
received in their sex-education class). This tendency to focus on short-term
rewards rather than long-term consequences is particularly noticeable in
underage drinkers whose frontal lobes (which help inhibit behaviour) are not fully
developed. Alcohol myopia is also more likely to occur in people with low self-
esteem; these individuals may focus on their fear of social rejection and respond
by engaging in risky behaviours that they feel will lead to social acceptance
(MacDonald & Martineau, 2002).
Why are Some Drugs Legal and Others Illegal?

In the November 2012 U.S. election, both Colorado and Washington states voted
to legalize marijuana. Colorado Governor John Hickenlooper cautioned users by
noting that, “[F]ederal law still says marijuana is an illegal drug, so don’t break
out the Cheetos or Goldfish [crackers] too quickly.” That caveat aside, these
votes do suggest that attitudes toward certain drugs are changing in the U.S.,
which has traditionally been much more conservative than Canada. Indeed,
Alaska, Oregon, and the District of Columbia (Washington, D.C.) legalized
marijuana possession in November 2014. In Canada, the newly elected
government of Justin Trudeau promised to legalize marijuana as well, although
the sale of this drug will likely be controlled in a manner similar to alcohol and
tobacco. These changes in the legal status of marijuana lead us to an interesting
question: Why are some drugs legal and others illegal?
It is relatively easy to understand some decisions, such as making drugs with

intense effects (such as opium) illegal, but allowing chemically similar drugs with
weaker effects (such as OxyContin) to be legal (at least, with prescriptions). But,
some distinctions are less clear. Nicotine is more addictive than THC, the active
ingredient in marijuana, yet the sale of tobacco products is legal while the sale of
marijuana is not legal in most parts of the world. As you read earlier in this
module, alcohol can lead to violence and many risky behaviours; marijuana’s
most dangerous effects are to the lungs and to short-term memory (and perhaps
the waistline). Yet, it is legal to buy alcohol in Canada (and even at gas stations
in the U.S.!), while marijuana users in many places risk getting criminal records
every time they light up. One possible argument for the difference is that it is
easier to tell if people have been drinking than smoking marijuana; for example,
police can use a breathalyzer to test if people are drinking and driving, whereas
no such test is available for marijuana, even though it also interferes with
coordination and attention. As you can see, the decision to legalize or criminalize
a drug is not a simple one.
Some countries, such as Portugal, have gone ahead and decriminalized drugs.
The rationale for doing so was that the “War on Drugs” was not decreasing
addiction rates but was costing billions of dollars to fight. Neighboring countries
were understandably nervous—if Portugal turned into a drug haven, this activity
would undoubtedly affect other Mediterranean nations. However, an examination
of drug use in Portugal, Spain, and Italy suggests that decriminalization had little
effect on drug use. Between 2001 (the year Portugal decriminalized drugs) and
2007, the number of Portuguese people who reported consuming any
recreational drug in the previous 12 months increased 0.3%. These results were
almost identical to drug use in Spain and were lower than the levels of drug use
in Italy, even though drugs were illegal in both of those countries (Hughes &
Stevens, 2010).
The purpose of this section is not to promote one drug or another, nor is it to
promote any political agenda regarding decriminalization. Rather, this
information should promote critical thinking and the use of science when making
decisions. Today’s young people will likely be asked to make legal decisions
about a number of drugs ranging from marijuana to several often-abused
prescription drugs. Using rigorously controlled experiments to test the
physiological and psychological effects of different drugs—and paying attention
to the effects of different drug policies in other countries—will help people make
informed decisions about whether or not particular substances should be
banned.
Module 5.3c Quiz:
Legal Drugs and Their Effects on Consciousness
Know . . .
1. Drugs that depress the activity of the central nervous system are known
as .
A. stimulants
B. sedatives
C. hallucinogens
D. GABAs
Apply . . .
2. Research shows that one effective way to decrease problem drinking on
a college or university campus is to
A. hold informative lectures that illustrate the neural effects of
drinking.
B. give up—there is little hope for reducing drinking on campus.
C. provide monetary incentives for student groups to maintain a low
average blood-alcohol level.
D. threaten student groups with fines if they are caught drinking.
Analyze . . .
3. Why are benzodiazepines believed to be safer than barbiturates?
A. Barbiturates can inhibit the brain’s control of breathing.
B. Benzodiazepines can be prescribed legally, but barbiturates
cannot.
C. No one misuses benzodiazepines.
D. Both benzodiazepines and barbiturates are viewed as equally
dangerous.
Module 5.3 Summary

5.3a Know . . . The key terminology related to different categories of
drugs and their effects on the nervous system and behaviour.
ecstasy (MDMA)
hallucinogenic drugs
marijuana
opiates
physical dependence
psychoactive drugs
psychological dependence
sedative drugs
stimulants
tolerance
5.3b Understand . . . drug tolerance and dependence.
Tolerance is a physiological process in which repeated exposure to a drug leads

to a need for increasingly larger dosages to experience the intended effect.
Physical dependence occurs when the user takes a drug to avoid withdrawal
symptoms. Psychological dependence occurs when people feel addicted to a
drug despite the absence of physical withdrawal symptoms; this form of
dependence is often related to a person’s emotional reasons for using a drug
(e.g., dealing with stress or negative emotions).
5.3c Apply . . . your knowledge to better understand your own beliefs

about drug use.
One tool that might help you in this regard is the scale in Table 5.4 .
Table 5.4 What Are Your Beliefs About Drug Use?
Strongly Disagree Neutral Agree Strongly

Disagree Agree
Marijuana should be 1 2 3 4 5
legalized.
Marijuana use among 1 2 3 4 5

teachers can be just
healthy experimentation.
Personal use of drugs 1 2 3 4 5

should be legal in the
confines of one’s own
home.
Daily use of one 1 2 3 4 5

marijuana cigarette is not
necessarily harmful.
Tobacco smoking should 1 2 3 4 5
be allowed in high
schools.
It can be normal for a 1 2 3 4 5

teenager to experiment
with drugs.
Persons convicted for the 5 4 3 2 1

sale of illicit drugs should
not be eligible for parole.
Lifelong abstinence is a 5 4 3 2 1
necessary goal in the
treatment of alcoholism.
Once a person becomes 5 4 3 2 1

drug-free through
treatment he can never
become a social user.
Parents should teach their 5 4 3 2 1

children how to use
alcohol.
Total
Note: This scale measures permissive attitudes toward substance use and abuse.
Higher scores indicate more permissive attitudes.
Source: Reproduced with the permission of Alcohol Research Documentation, Inc. publisher of the Journal of Studies
on Alcohol (now the Journal of Studies on Alcohol and Drugs [www.jsad.com]).
Apply Activity
For each item on the left of Table 5.4 , circle the number in the column that
represents your level of agreement. After you have circled an answer for each
item, add up all the circled numbers to find your final score.
5.3d Analyze . . . the difference between spiritual and recreational drug

use.
The difference, such as in the case of salvia, is dependent upon cultural factors,
the setting in which the drug is used, and the expectations of the user.
5.3e Analyze . . . the short- and long-term effects of drug use.
Review Table 5.3 for a summary of short-term effects of the major drug
categories. Long-term effects of drug use include tolerance, physical
dependence, and psychological dependence. Additionally, long-term use of a
number of drugs can change the structure of the brain, leading to permanent
deficits in a number of different cognitive and physical abilities.
Chapter 6 Learning
6.1 Classical Conditioning: Learning by Association

Pavlov’s Dogs: Classical Conditioning of Salivation 229
Processes of Classical Conditioning 233
Applications of Classical Conditioning 235

Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Conditioning and Negative
Political Advertising 239
6.2 Operant Conditioning: Learning Through Consequences

Basic Principles of Operant Conditioning 245
Processes of Operant Conditioning 249
Reinforcement Schedules and Operant Conditioning 252

Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Reinforcement and
Superstition 255
6.3 Cognitive and Observational Learning

Cognitive Perspectives on Learning 261
Observational Learning 262

Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Linking Media Exposure to
Behaviour 265

Module 6.1 Classical
Conditioning: Learning by
Association
Brenda Carson/Fotolia
Learning Objectives
6.1a Know . . . the key terminology involved in classical conditioning.
6.1b Understand . . . how responses learned through classical conditioning
can be acquired and lost.
6.1c Understand . . . the role of biological and evolutionary factors in classical
conditioning.
6.1d Apply . . . the concepts and terms of classical conditioning to new
examples.
6.1e Analyze . . . the use of negative political advertising to condition
emotional responses to candidates.
What do you think of when you smell freshly baked cookies? Chances
are you associate the smell of cookies with your mother or grandmother,
and immediately experience a flood of memories associated with them.
These associations form naturally. It is quite unlikely that your
grandmother shoved a chocolate chip cookie under your nose and
screamed, “Remember me!” Instead, you linked these two stimuli
together in your mind; now, the smell of cookies is associated with the
idea of grandmother. This ability to associate stimuli provides important
evolutionary advantages: It means that you can use one stimulus to
predict the appearance of another, and that your body can initiate its
response to the second stimulus before it even appears. Although the link
between your grandmother and the smell of cookies is not vital to your
survival, similar associations such as the smell of a food that made you
sick and a feeling of revulsion just might. Interestingly, we are not the
only species with this ability—even the simplest animals (such as the
earthworm) can learn by association, suggesting that these associations
are in fact critical for survival. In this module, we will explore the different
processes that influence how these associations form.
Focus Questions
1. Which types of behaviours can be learned?

2. Do all instances of classical conditioning go undetected by the
individual?
Learning is a process by which behaviour or knowledge changes as a result
of experience. To many people, the term “learning” signifies the activities that
students do—reading, listening, and taking tests in order to acquire new
information. This process, which is known as cognitive learning, is just one type
of learning, however. Another way that we learn is by associative learning, which
is the focus of this module.
Pavlov’s Dogs: Classical Conditioning of

Salivation
Research on associative learning has a long history in psychology, dating back

to Ivan Pavlov (1849–1936), a Russian physiologist and the 1904 Nobel laureate
in medicine (for work on digestion, not his now-famous conditioning research).
Pavlov studied digestion, using dogs as a model species for his experiments. As
a part of his normal research procedure, he collected saliva and other gastric
secretions from the dogs when they were presented with meat powder. Pavlov
and his assistants noticed that as they prepared dogs for procedures, even
before any meat powder was presented, the dogs would start salivating. This
curious observation led Pavlov to consider the possibility that digestive
responses were more than just simple reflexes elicited by food. If dogs salivate in
anticipation of food, then perhaps the salivary response can also be learned
(Pavlov’s lab assistants referred to them as “psychic secretions”). Pavlov began
conducting experiments in which he first presented a sound from a metronome, a
device that produces ticking sounds at set intervals, and then presented meat
powder to the dogs. After pairing the sound with the food several times, Pavlov
discovered that the metronome could elicit salivation by itself (see Figure
6.1 ).
Figure 6.1 Associative Learning
Although much information may pass through the dog’s brain, in Pavlov’s
experiments on classical conditioning an association was made between the
clicking sound of a metronome and the food. (Pavlov used a metronome as well
as other devices for presenting sounds.)
Pavlov’s discovery began a long tradition of inquiry into what is now called
classical conditioning or Pavlovian conditioning —a form of associative
learning in which an organism learns to associate a neutral stimulus (e.g., a
sound) with a biologically relevant stimulus (e.g., food), which results in a change
in the response to the previously neutral stimulus (e.g., salivation). You can think
about classical conditioning in mechanical terms—that is, one event causes
another. A stimulus is an external event or cue that elicits a perceptual response;
this occurs regardless of whether the event is important or not. Some stimuli—
such as food, water, pain, or sexual contact—elicit responses instinctively (i.e.,
without any learning being required). Each of these is an example of an
unconditioned stimulus (US) , a stimulus that elicits a reflexive response
without learning. An unconditioned response (UR) , on the other hand, is a
reflexive, unlearned reaction to an unconditioned stimulus. URs could include
hunger, drooling, expressions of pain, and sexual responses. Again, you do not
need to learn these; they occur fairly automatically. In Pavlov’s experiment, meat
powder elicited unconditioned salivation in his dogs (see the top panel of Figure
6.2 ). The link between the US and the UR is, by definition, unlearned. The
dog’s parents did not have to teach it to salivate when food appeared; this
response occurs naturally.
Figure 6.2 Pavlov’s Salivary Conditioning Experiment
Food elicits the unconditioned response of salivation. Before conditioning, the
sound of the metronome elicits no response by the dog. During conditioning, the
metronome’s clicking repeatedly precedes the food. After conditioning, the sound
of the metronome alone elicits salivation. Interestingly, the term “conditioning”
was actually a translation error. Pavlov initially used the term “conditional”
stimulus to describe stimuli that were previously unimportant (or neutral) but that
later acquired greater significance due to their ability to signal the upcoming
occurrence (or, in some cases, nonoccurrence) of a biologically important
stimulus. These stimuli can be contrasted with stimuli such as food, which are
relevant to an animal’s survival and therefore trigger an almost automatic—or
“unconditional”—response such as salivating. These terms were mistranslated
into English as “conditioned” and “unconditioned.”
A defining characteristic of classical conditioning is that a neutral stimulus comes

to elicit a response. It does so because the neutral stimulus is paired with, and
therefore predicts, an unconditioned stimulus. In Pavlov’s experiment, the sound
of the metronome was originally a neutral stimulus because it did not elicit a
response, least of all salivation (see Figure 6.2 ); however, over time, it began
to influence the dogs’ responses because of its association with food. In this
case, the metronome became a conditioned stimulus (CS) , a once-neutral
stimulus that later elicits a conditioned response because it has a history of being
paired with an unconditioned stimulus. A conditioned response (CR) is the
learned response that occurs to the conditioned stimulus. In other words, after
being repeatedly paired with the US, the once-neutral metronome clicking in
Pavlov’s experiment became a conditioned stimulus (CS) because it elicited the
conditioned response of salivation. To establish that conditioning has taken
place, the metronome’s sound (CS) must elicit salivation in the absence of food
(US; see the bottom panel of Figure 6.2 ).
A common point of confusion is the difference between a conditioned response

and an unconditioned response—in Pavlov’s experiment, they are both
salivation. What distinguishes the UR from the CR is the stimulus that elicits
them. Salivation is a UR if it occurs in response to a US (food). Salivation is a CR
if it occurs in response to a CS (the clicking of the metronome). A CS can have
this effect only if it becomes associated with a US. In other words, a UR is a
naturally occurring response whereas a CR must be learned.
Evolutionary Function of the CR
In Pavlov’s original experiments, the response to the signal (after pairings) and to
food were exactly the same: salivation. It is important to note that the UR and CR
do not have to be identical. In Pavlov’s study, it made good evolutionary sense to
salivate just prior to receiving food. Saliva moisturizes the mouth and is a critical
first step in the digestive process. An animal with the ability to prepare in this way
would process food more efficiently. Therefore, the CR of salivation served a
useful function. Following this line of thinking, what do you think would happen if
the US was unpleasant, painful, and potentially life threatening? The answer
from an evolutionary perspective is pretty obvious: avoid death and minimize
physical damage.
Many animals have an instinct to “freeze” when they are scared. You see this
when deer are caught in headlights. They remain motionless—why? The reason
is that many of their predators, such as the wolf, have perceptual systems that
are quite sensitive to detecting movement; so remaining still has an evolutionary
survival advantage. (Highways weren’t part of the evolution of deer.) However, if
the wolf were to begin to stalk the deer, it should immediately stop freezing and
run. So, there are two different defensive responses associated with fear:
freezing and fleeing.
Psychologists have spent decades trying to study these defensive responses in

the lab (although these experiments used rodents rather than the potentially
more dramatic combination of deer and wolves). For instance, many conditioning
experiments have studied the ability of rats to associate a cue (e.g., a tone) with
a painful electric shock to their feet. Some of the URs to shock include flinching,
jumping, and pain. However, once the rat has learned to associate the tone with
the shock, the rat’s primary learned response to the tone is to “freeze” (the CR).
The freezing CR has served many species well for millions of years, so it is the
natural response to a fear-inducing signal in the laboratory. The lesson from this
experimental situation is that UR and the CR are often quite different responses.
The CR has been selected by evolution to be a helpful response.
The UR and CR sometimes differ. CRs are often evolutionarily useful behaviours
such as the “freezing” response.
SCS Studio/Corbis/Getty Images
This example isn’t meant to confuse you! Rather, it is to show you that classical
conditioning has a dramatic effect on an organism’s survival. In other words,
conditioning has an evolutionary function, and so the CR and the UR are not
necessarily the same response.
Classical Conditioning and the Brain

Classical conditioning can occur in extremely simple organisms such as Aplysia,
a type of sea slug (Hawkins, 1984; Pinsker et al., 1970). Of course, the number
of possible conditioned responses is more limited in the sea slug than in
humans. But, the fact that both of these species can be classically conditioned
suggests that at its heart, classical conditioning is a simple biological process.
The connections between specific groups of neurons (or specific axon terminals
and receptor sites on neurons) become strengthened during each instance of
classical conditioning (Murphy & Glanzman, 1997).
According to the Hebb Rule (named after Canadian neurologist Donald Hebb;
see Module 7.1 ), when a weak connection between neurons is stimulated at
the same time as a strong connection, the weak connection becomes
strengthened. So, before conditioning, there may be a strong connection
between perceiving a puff of air and a blinking response and a weak connection
between a sound (e.g., a metronome) and the blinking response. But, if both
networks are stimulated at the same time, the link between the sound and the
blinking response would be strengthened. Over repeated conditioning trials, this
connection would become strong enough that the sound itself would trigger an
eyeblink (see Figure 6.3 ).
Figure 6.3 Conditioning and Synapses

During conditioning, weak synapses fire at the same time as related strong
synapses. The simultaneous activity strengthens the connections in the weaker
synapse.
Source: Carlson, Neil R., Psychology Of Behavior, 11th ed., Copyright © 2013, pp. 29, 72. Reprinted and electronically
reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc., Upper Saddle River, New Jersey.
When reading these examples, it’s quite easy to think of conditioning as

something unrelated to your life. Not many of us undergo eyeblink conditioning.
But these principles still apply to your everyday existence. For instance, most of
you have received a needle at the doctor’s office. In this situation, the needle
caused a response of pain. The doctor’s office itself did not harm you in any way.
But, over time, you may start to feel scared whenever you enter the doctor’s
office because it has been repeatedly paired with pain. What do you think the
US, UR, CS, and CR would be in this situation? In this case, the needle (US)
causes pain (UR). The office is the neutral stimulus (NS). Over time, the sights
and sounds of the doctor’s office could be the CS, because it would trigger the
CR (fear). Importantly, as you will read in the next section, the strength of these
networks—and thus of the conditioning—will vary depending upon how often and
how consistently the CS and the US appear together.
Module 6.1a Quiz:
Pavlov’s Dogs: Classical Conditioning of Salivation
Know . . .
1. The learned response to the conditioned stimulus is known as the
.
A. unconditioned stimulus
B. conditioned stimulus
C. conditioned response
D. unconditioned response
2. A once-neutral stimulus that elicits a conditioned response because it has

a history of being paired with an unconditioned stimulus is known as a(n)
.
A. unconditioned stimulus
B. conditioned stimulus
C. conditioned response
Apply . . .
3. A dental drill can become an unpleasant stimulus, especially for people
who may have experienced pain while one was used on their teeth. In
this case, the pain elicited by the drill is a(n) .
A. conditioned response
B. unconditioned stimulus
C. conditioned stimulus
Processes of Classical Conditioning
Although classically conditioned responses typically involve reflexive actions,

there is still a great deal of flexibility in how long they will last and how specific
they will be. Conditioned responses may be very strong and reliable, which is
likely if the CS and the US have a long history of being paired together.
Conditioned responding may diminish over time, or it may occur with new stimuli
with which the response has never been paired. We now turn to some processes
that account for the flexibility of classically conditioned responses.
Acquisition, Extinction, and Spontaneous

Recovery
Learning involves a change in behaviour due to experience, which can include
acquiring a new response. Acquisition is the initial phase of learning in which
a response is established; thus, in classical conditioning, acquisition is the phase
in which a neutral stimulus is repeatedly paired with the US. In Pavlov’s
experiment, the conditioned salivary response was acquired with numerous
metronome–food pairings (see Figure 6.4 ). A critical part of acquisition is the
predictability with which the CS and the US occur together. In Pavlov’s
experiment, conditioning either would not occur or would be very weak if food
was delivered only sometimes (i.e., inconsistently) when the metronome sound
occurred.
Figure 6.4 Acquisition, Extinction, and Spontaneous Recovery

Acquisition of a conditioned response occurs over repeated pairings of the CS
and the US. If the US no longer occurs, conditioned responding diminishes—a
process called extinction. Often, following a time interval in which the CS does
not occur, conditioned responding rebounds when the CS is presented again—a
phenomenon called spontaneous recovery.
Of course, even if a conditioned response is fully acquired, there is no guarantee

it will persist forever. Extinction is the loss or weakening of a conditioned
response when a conditioned stimulus and unconditioned stimulus no longer
occur together. For the dogs in Pavlov’s experiment, if the sound of the
metronome clicking is presented repeatedly and no food follows, then salivation
should occur less and less, until eventually it may not occur at all (Figure
6.4 ). This trend probably makes sense from a biological perspective: If the
sound of the metronome is no longer a reliable predictor of food, then salivation
becomes unnecessary. At the neural level, the rate of firing in brain areas related
to the learned association decreases over the course of extinction (Robleto et
al., 2004). However, even after extinction occurs, a previously established
conditioned response can return.
A number of studies have shown that classically conditioned behaviours that had
disappeared due to extinction could quickly reappear if the CS was paired with
the US again. This tendency suggests that the networks of brain areas related to
conditioning were preserved in some form (Schreurs, 1993; Schreurs et al.,
1998). Additionally, some animals (and humans) show spontaneous
recovery , or the reoccurrence of a previously extinguished conditioned
response, typically after some time has passed since extinction. Pavlov and his
assistants noticed that salivation would reappear when the dogs were later
returned to the experimental testing room where acquisition and extinction trials
had been conducted. The dogs would also salivate again in response to a
metronome clicking, albeit less so than at the end of acquisition (Figure 6.4 ).
Why would salivation spontaneously return after the response had supposedly
extinguished? One possibility is that extinction also involves learning something
new (Bouton, 1994). In this case, Pavlov’s dogs would be learning that the
clicking of a metronome indicates that food will not appear. It is possible that
spontaneous recovery is a case of the animal not being able to retrieve the
memory of extinction and thus reverting back to the original memory, the
classically conditioned response (Bouton, 2002; Brooks et al., 1999).
Extinction and spontaneous recovery are evidence that classically conditioned

responses can change once they are acquired. Further evidence of flexibility of
conditioned responding can be seen in some other processes of classical
conditioning, including generalization and discrimination.
Stimulus Generalization and Discrimination

Stimulus generalization is a process in which a response that originally
occurred for a specific stimulus also occurs for different, though similar, stimuli.
In Pavlov’s experiment, dogs salivated not just to the original sound (CS), but
also to very similar sounds (see Figure 6.5 ). At the cellular level,
generalization may be explained, at least in part, by the Hebb rule discussed
above. When we perceive a stimulus, it activates not only our brain’s
representation of that item, but also our representations of related items. Some
of these additional representations (e.g., a sound that has a slightly higher or
lower pitch than the conditioned stimulus) may become activated at the same
time as the synapses involved in conditioned responses. If this did occur,
according to the Hebb rule, the additional synapse would become strengthened
and would therefore be more likely to fire along with the other cells in the future.
Figure 6.5 Stimulus Generalization and Discrimination

A conditioned response may generalize to other similar stimuli. In this case,
salivation occurs not just for the 1200-Hz tone used during conditioning, but for
other tones as well. Discrimination learning has occurred when responding is
elicited by the original training stimulus, but much less so, if at all, for other
stimuli.
Generalization allows for flexibility in learned behaviours, although it is certainly

possible for behaviour to be too flexible. Salivating in response to any sound
would be wasteful because not every sound correctly predicts food. Thus
Pavlov’s dogs also showed discrimination , which occurs when an organism
learns to respond to one original stimulus but not to new stimuli that may be
similar to the original stimulus. In salivary conditioning, the CS might be a 1200-
hertz tone, which is the only sound that is paired with food. The experimenter
might produce tones of 1100 or 1300 hertz as well, but not pair these with food.
This point is critical: If stimuli that are similar to the CS are presented without a
US, then it becomes less likely that these stimuli will lead to stimulus
generalization. Instead, these other tones would have their own memory
representation in the brain—in which they did not receive food. So, stimulus
discrimination would occur if salivation was triggered by the target 1200-hertz
tone, but was not triggered (or was triggered less) in response to the other tones
(Figure 6.5 ).
Module 6.1b Quiz:
Processes of Classical Conditioning
Know . . .
1. What is the reoccurrence of a previously extinguished conditioned
response, typically after some time has passed since extinction?
A. Extinction
B. Spontaneous recovery
C. Acquisition
D. Discrimination
Understand . . .
2. In classical conditioning, the process during which a neutral stimulus
becomes a conditioned stimulus is known as .
A. extinction
B. spontaneous recovery
C. acquisition
D. discrimination
Apply . . .
3. Your dog barks every time a stranger’s car pulls into the driveway, but
not when you come home. Reacting to your car differently is a sign of
.
A. discrimination
B. generalization
C. spontaneous recovery
D. acquisition
Applications of Classical Conditioning
Now that you are familiar with the basic processes of classical conditioning, we
can begin to explore its many applications. Classical conditioning is a common
phenomenon that applies to many different situations, including emotional
learning, aversions to certain foods, advertising, and responses to drugs.
Conditioned Emotional Responses

Psychologists dating back to John Watson in the 1920s recognized that our
emotional responses could be influenced by classical conditioning (Paul &
Blumenthal, 1989; Watson & Rayner, 1920). These conditioned emotional
responses consist of emotional and physiological responses that develop to
a specific object or situation. In one of the most diabolical studies in the history of
psychology, Watson and Rayner conditioned an 11-month-old child known as
Albert B. (also referred to as “Little Albert”) to fear white rats. When they first
presented Albert with a white rat, he showed no fear, and even reached out for
the animal. Later, while Albert was again in the vicinity of the rat, they startled
him by striking a steel bar with a hammer. Watson and Rayner reported that
Albert quickly associated the rat with the startling sound; the child soon showed
a conditioned emotional response to the rat. In this situation, the US would be
the loud noise. The UR would be the feeling of fear elicited by the loud noise.
With repeated pairings of the loud noise and the white rat, the white rat—which
preceded the onset of the loud noise—would start to trigger fear. In this case, the
white rat became the CS and the fear it elicited became the CR. Little Albert not
only developed a fear of rats; the emotional conditioning generalized to other
white furry objects including a rabbit and a Santa Claus mask.
It should be pointed out that ethical standards in modern-day psychological

research would not allow this type of experiment to take place. To make matters
worse, it appears that Watson and Rayner did not keep in touch with Little Albert
to see if there were any lasting effects from the study. In fact, the fate of Little
Albert has been shrouded in mystery for almost a century. One group of
researchers examined hospital records and reported that Little Albert passed
away as a result of a brain illness (i.e., for reasons unrelated to this study) at the
age of 5 (Beck et al., 2009; Fridlund et al., 2012). However, researchers at
Grant MacEwan University in Edmonton found evidence suggesting that Little
Albert actually lived a long and relatively happy life, although he was not
comfortable around furry animals such as dogs (Digdon et al., 2014). More
detective work is necessary to address these competing claims. Ironically, in
1928, Watson published a book entitled Psychological Care of Infant and Child.
The Watson and Rayner procedure may seem artificial because it took place in a
laboratory, but here is a more naturalistic example. Consider a boy who sees his
neighbour’s cat. Not having a cat of his own, the child is very eager to pet the
animal—perhaps a little too eager, because the cat reacts defensively and
scratches his hand. The cat may become a CS for the boy, which elicits a fear
response. Further, if generalization occurs, the boy might become afraid of all
cats. Conditioned emotional responses like these offer a possible explanation for
many phobias, which are intense, irrational fears of specific objects or situations
(discussed in detail in Module 15.2 ).
During the past two decades, researchers have made great strides in identifying
the brain regions responsible for such conditioned emotional responses. When
an organism learns a fear-related association such as a tone predicting the onset
of a startling noise, activity occurs in the amygdala, a brain area related to fear
(LeDoux, 1995; Maren, 2001). If an organism learns to fear a particular location,
such as learning that a certain cage is associated with an electrical shock, then
context-related activity in the hippocampus will interact with fear-related activity
in the amygdala to produce contextual fear conditioning (Kim & Fanselow,
1992; Phillips & LeDoux, 1992). Importantly, the neural connections related to
conditioned fear remain intact, even after extinction has occurred. Instead, other
neurons suppress the activity of the brain areas related to the fear responses
(Marek et al., 2013). If the CS is paired with the US again, this suppression will
be removed and the fear-conditioned response will quickly reappear.
Watson and Rayner generalized Albert’s fear of white rats to other furry, white
objects. Shown here, Watson tests Albert’s reaction to a Santa Claus mask.
Archives of the History of American Psychology, The Center for the History of Psychology—The University of Akron
Neuroimaging has been used to study the brain’s responses to fear conditioning
in both clinical populations and in healthy control participants. For example,
scientists have conducted some fascinating experiments on people diagnosed
with psychopathy (the diagnosis of “psychopathy” is very similar to antisocial
personality disorder; see Module 15.2 ). People with this disorder are
notorious for disregarding the feelings of others. In one study, a sample of
people diagnosed with psychopathy looked at brief presentations of human faces
(neutral stimuli) followed by a painful stimulus (the US). The painful stimulus
would obviously elicit a pain response (the UR). What should have happened is
that over repeated pairings, participants would acquire a negative emotional
reaction (the CR) to the faces (which are now the CS); but, this particular sample
did not react this way. Instead, these individuals showed very little physiological
arousal, their emotional brain centres remained quiet, and overall they did not
seem to mind looking at pictures of faces that had been paired with pain (see
Figure 6.6 ; Birbaumer et al., 2005). In contrast, people who showed no
signs of psychopathy did not enjoy this experience. In fact, following several
pairings between CS and US, the control group showed increased physiological
arousal and activity of the emotion centres of the brain, and understandably
reported disliking the experience of the experiment.
Figure 6.6 Fear Conditioning and the Brain
During fear conditioning, a neutral stimulus (NS) such as a tone or a picture of a
human face is briefly presented, followed by an unconditioned stimulus (US),
such as a mild electric shock. The result is a conditioned fear response to the
CS. A procedure like this has been used to compare fear responses in people
diagnosed with psychopathy with control participants. The brain images show
that those with psychopathy (right image) showed very little response in their
emotional brain circuitry when presented with the CS. In contrast, control
participants showed strong activation in their emotional brain centres (left image)
(Birbaumer et al., 2005).
Source: Courtesy of Dr. Herta Flor
Evolutionary Role for Fear Conditioning

A healthy fear response is important for survival, but not all situations or objects
are equally dangerous. Snakes and heights probably elicit more fear and caution
than butterflies or flowers. In fact, fearing snakes is very common, which makes
it tempting to conclude that we have an instinct to fear them. In reality, young
primates (both human children and young monkeys, for example) tend to be
quite curious about, or at least indifferent to, snakes, so this fear is most likely
the product of learning rather than instinct.
Psychologists have conducted some ingenious experiments to address how

learning is involved in snake fear. For instance, photographs of snakes (the CS)
were paired with a mild electric shock (the US). One unconditioned response that
a shock elicits is increased palm sweat—known as the skin conductance
response. This reaction, part of the fight-or-flight response generated by the
autonomic nervous system (Module 3.3 ), occurs when our bodies are
aroused by a threatening or uncomfortable stimulus. Following several pairings
between snake photos and shock in an experimental setting, the snake photos
alone (the CS) elicited a strong increase in skin conductance response (the CR).
For comparison, participants were also shown nonthreatening pictures of
flowers, paired with the shock. Much less intense conditioned responding
developed in response to pictures of flowers, even though the pictures had been
paired with the shock just as many times as the snake pictures had been paired
with the shock (Figure 6.7 ; Öhman & Mineka, 2001). Thus, it appears we are
predisposed to acquire a fear of snakes, but not flowers.
Figure 6.7 Biologically Prepared Fear

Physiological measures of fear are highest in response to photos of snakes after
the photos are paired with an electric shock—even higher than the responses to
photos of guns. Flowers—something that humans generally do not need to fear
in nature—are least effective when it comes to conditioning fear responses.
This finding may not be too surprising, but what about other potentially
dangerous objects such as guns? In modern times, guns are far more often
associated with death or injury than snakes, and certainly flowers. When the
researchers paired pictures of guns (the CS) with the shock (US), they found that
conditioned arousal to guns among participants was less than that to snake
photos, and comparable to that of harmless flowers. In addition, the conditioned
arousal to snake photos proved longer lasting and slower to extinguish than the
conditioned responding to pictures of guns or flowers (Öhman & Mineka, 2001).
However, before completely accepting this finding, it is important to point out that
the participants in this study were from Sweden, a country that has relatively little
gun violence. It is unclear whether similar results would be found in participants
who lived in a location where gun violence was more prevalent.
This caveat aside, given that guns and snakes both have the potential to be
dangerous, why is it so much easier to learn a fear of snakes than a fear of
guns? One possibility is that over time, humans have evolved a strong
predisposition to fear an animal that has a long history of causing severe injury
or death (Cook et al., 1986; Öhman & Mineka, 2001). The survival advantage
has gone to those who quickly learned to avoid animals such as snakes. The
same is not true for flowers (which do not attack humans) or guns (which are
relatively new in our species’ history). This evolutionary explanation is known as
preparedness , the biological predisposition to rapidly learn a response to a
particular class of stimuli (Seligman, 1971).
Conditioned Taste Aversions

Another example of an evolutionarily useful conditioned fear response comes
from food aversions. Chances are there is a food that you cannot stand to even
look at because it once made you ill. This new aversion isn’t due to chance;
rather, your brain and body have linked the taste, sight, and smell of that food to
the feeling of nausea. In this situation, the taste (and often the sight and smell) of
the food or fluid serves as the CS. The US is whatever substance in the food or
environment happened to make you sick (e.g., some sort of bacteria); this, in
turn, leads to the actual sickness (the UR). Aversion is not simply a case of
“feeling gross.” Instead, it involves both a feeling (and in some species, a facial
expression) of disgust and a withdrawal or avoidance response. When the CS
and US are linked, the taste of the food or fluid soon produces aversion
responses (the CR), even in the absence of physical illness (see Figure 6.8 ).
This acquired dislike or disgust for a food or drink because it was paired with
illness is known as conditioned taste aversion (Garcia et al., 1966).
Figure 6.8 Conditioned Taste Aversions
Classical conditioning can account for the development of taste aversions.
Falling ill after eating a particular food can result in conditioned feelings of
disgust as well as withdrawal responses when you are later re-exposed to the
taste, smell, or texture of the food. Conditioned taste aversions are another
example of conditioning occurring even though the UR and the CR are not
identical responses.
Conditioned taste aversions may develop in a variety of ways, such as through

illness associated with food poisoning, the flu, medical procedures, or excessive
intoxication. Importantly, these conditioned aversions only occur for the flavour of
a particular food rather than to other stimuli that may have been present when
you became ill. For example, if you were listening to a particular song while you
got sick from eating tainted spinach or a two-week-old tuna sandwich, your
aversion would develop to the taste of spinach, but not to the song that was
playing. Thus, humans (and many other animals) are biologically prepared to
associate food, but not sound, with illness (Garcia et al., 1966).
Neuroimaging studies provide us with additional insights into conditioned taste

aversions. These studies show responses in brain areas related to disgust and
emotional arousal (Yamamoto, 2007) as well as in brainstem regions related to
vomiting (Reilly & Bornovalova, 2005; Yamamoto & Fujimoto, 1991).
Additionally, neurons in reward centres in the brain show altered patterns of
activity to the food associated with illness (Yamamoto et al., 1989). These
different brain responses suggest that illness triggers a strong emotional
response that causes the reward centres to update their representation of the
illness-causing food, thus making that food less rewarding.
Although these studies may explain how some aspects of conditioned taste
aversions are maintained, there are still some riddles associated with this
phenomenon. For instance, the onset of symptoms from food poisoning may not
occur until several hours have passed after the tainted food or beverage was
consumed. As a consequence, the interval between tasting the food (CS) and
feeling sick (UR) may be a matter of hours, whereas most conditioning happens
only if the CS, US, and the UR occur very closely to each other in time. Another
peculiarity is that taste aversions are learned very quickly—a single CS–US
pairing leading to illness is typically sufficient. These special characteristics of
taste aversions are extremely important for survival. The flexibility offered by a
long window of time separating food (CS) and the illness (UR), as well as the
requirement for only a single exposure, raises the chances of acquiring an
important aversion to the offending substance.
One potential explanation for these characteristics involves the food stimuli
themselves. Usually, a conditioned taste aversion develops to something we
have ingested that has an unfamiliar flavour. Such flavours stick out when they
are experienced for the first time and are therefore much easier to remember,
even after considerable time has passed. In contrast, if you have eaten the same
ham and Swiss cheese sandwich at lunch for years, and you become ill one
afternoon after eating it, you will be less prone to develop a conditioned taste
aversion. This scenario can be explained by latent inhibition, which occurs
when frequent experience with a stimulus before it is paired with a US makes it
less likely that conditioning will occur after a single episode of illness (Lubow &
Moore, 1959).
Conditioned taste aversions are a naturally occurring experience. However,

conditioned emotional responses are also being created by advertisers to
influence our responses. As you will read in the next section, food is not the only
stimulus that can make you feel sick.

Conditioning and Negative Political Advertising
Some politicians have charisma; you want to like them and

believe what they say. Barack Obama (2009–2017) was treated
like a rock star when he travelled internationally. Justin Trudeau
(2016–) also seems rather well liked. But not everyone has
natural charisma. In these cases, politicians need to use
advertising and carefully constructed “photo ops” to create
emotional responses that can influence voting behaviours. In an
ideal world, these advertisements would focus on issues and
would highlight the candidates’ positive qualities. Unfortunately,
the last few decades have seen a dramatic upsurge in a different
form of advertising: negative attack ads. In a three-month period
during the 2008 U.S. presidential election, Republican John
McCain and Democrat Barack Obama combined for 150,000
negative ads in “battleground states” (Nielsen Research, 2008).
This type of advertisement relies on the principles of classical
conditioning and, in the process, treats you, the voter, like one of
Pavlov’s dogs.
What do we know about classical conditioning in negative

political advertising?
Negative political advertisements routinely include unflattering
images. In the next federal or provincial election, pay attention to
the commercials that are sponsored by each party and you will
notice a few tricks. First, many images of opponents will be black
and white and of poor quality (grainy). This trick is designed to
make viewers feel mildly frustrated when viewing the unclear
photographs. Second, the images of the attacked politicians will
include them expressing a negative emotion. In some, they will
be yelling (angry faces trigger a physiological response in
people). Others may show facial expressions that appear smug
or that suggest the candidate feels contempt toward the person
they’re looking at (which, in this case, would appear to be you).
The assumption underlying these attack ads is that if you pair a
party leader with imagery that generates unpleasant emotions,
then viewers will associate that leader with negative feelings and
be less likely to vote for that party.
In this case, the CS would be the attacked politician. The US

would be the negative imagery. The UR would be the negative
emotional response to the imagery (or unflattering photograph).
Eventually, the individuals who constructed the ad hope that
simply seeing the attacked person will produce a negative
emotional response (CR) along with the thought, “I will not vote
for him or her.” The question is, “Does this work?”
How can science help explain the role of classical

conditioning in negative political advertising?
An attempt to use negative emotions to alter people’s opinions of
political candidates is similar to a psychology research technique
known as evaluative conditioning. In an evaluative conditioning
study, experimenters pair a stimulus (e.g., a shape) with either
positive or negative stimuli (e.g., an angry face; Murphy &
Zajonc, 1993). The repeated association of a stimulus with an
emotion leads participants to develop a positive or negative
feeling toward that stimulus (depending on the emotional pairing;
see Figure 6.9 ). This is precisely what political strategists are
attempting to do when they show unpleasant pictures of an
opponent and pair it with angry narrators and emotional labels.
Figure 6.9 Evaluative Conditioning
In evaluative conditioning, researchers pair an emotional image

(e.g., an emotional face) with a previously neutral target image
such as a Japanese symbol. The association that (sometimes)
forms between the two images can influence participants’ later
judgments of the target image, leading them to like (if paired with
a happy face) or dislike (if paired with angry face) them more than
if no conditioning had occurred. Political advertising sometimes
uses similar, if less subtle, techniques.
REUTERS/Alamy Stock Photo
In the laboratory, evaluative conditioning works. This

phenomenon has been found with visual, auditory, olfactory
(smell), taste, and tactile (touch) stimuli. It has been used to alter
feelings toward objects ranging from snack foods (Lebens et al.,
2011), to consumer brands (Walther & Grigoriadis, 2004), to
novel shapes (Olson & Fazio, 2001). A number of studies have
specifically attempted to use conditioning to create negative
attitudes toward products or behaviours (Moore et al., 1982;
Zanna et al., 1970), a goal similar to the attack ads you see each
election. For instance, Stuart and colleagues (1990) found that
associating a new brand of toothpaste with negative pictures
decreased evaluations of that product. In all of these cases, the
advertisers and sponsoring politicians are assuming that the
viewer will associate the negative emotions (UR) with the ad’s
target (CS) and that this will make the viewer more likely to select
an alternative (i.e., the candidate sponsoring the attack ad). In the
case of politics, this assumption makes sense—attack ads tend
to be effective and are recalled better than other types of political
information (Fernandes, 2013).

A major question that arises from this research is whether
producing a negative opinion of one option (be it a brand of
toothpaste or a political candidate) automatically means that you
also produce a positive opinion of the other option. Oftentimes,
we can’t tell if the results are due to liking one option or disliking
the other option. This question isn’t really an issue for U.S.-based
studies, as there are only two parties in that country (for now).
However, with five political parties running in the next federal
election in Canada, there is a danger that attack ads might
produce negative opinions of the target, but still not boost
opinions of the party running the ads.
Recent research has examined who is actually influenced by

these attack ads. In one U.S.-based study (none have been
conducted in Canada), researchers found that negative ads had
no effect on donations to political parties. They did, however,
increase voter turnout among partisans, people who already
agreed with the views expressed in the ads (Barton et al., 2016).
In other words, although the primary goal of attack ads might be
to make undecided voters associate negative emotions with the
target of the ads, the actual effect of the ads is to motivate people
who already had negative emotions to act on those emotions
(i.e., to vote).
Of course, politicians also need to be careful not to overstep
certain boundaries and inadvertently create sympathy for the
target of the negative ads. In October 1993, the Progressive
Conservative Party broadcast two television commercials that
highlighted the partial facial paralysis of Liberal leader (and future
Prime Minister) Jean Chrétien. One ad asked, “Is this a Prime
Minister?” Another had a female narrator stating, “I personally
would be embarrassed if he were to become the Prime Minister
of Canada.” The goal of the commercials was not to attack
Chrétien’s political credentials or experience, which far surpassed
those of the other, less experienced, party leaders. Instead, the
ads were designed to link the negative emotion associated with
physical deformities, and any stigma associated with them, to the
Liberal party so that people would feel uneasy about voting
Liberal. It didn’t work: The public outcry in response to the
commercials caused the Conservatives to withdraw the ads after
only one day. Indeed, people who saw the ads were inclined to
sympathize with Chrétien and feel anger toward Conservative
leader Kim Campbell (Haddock & Zanna, 1997). The Liberals
won the election handily, with the Conservatives being reduced to
two seats in the House of Commons.
Negative ads can backfire if the public views them as overly

personal or insensitive. Mocking Jean Chrétien’s facial paralysis
led to a disastrous outcome for the Progressive Conservative
party in the 1993 election.
Allstar Picture Library/Alamy Stock Photo

Dozens of studies indicate that people are prone to a third-person
effect whereby they assume that other people are more affected
by advertising and mass media messages than they themselves
are (Cheng & Riffe, 2008; Perloff, 2002). Thus, there appears to
be a disconnect between the power of negative advertising and
people’s awareness of its effects. It is important to realize that
conditioning often occurs without our conscious awareness. Our
brains are designed to make associations; it’s how we learn. So,
by becoming aware of how marketing companies and politicians
are using classical conditioning to influence how you vote, you
can try to reduce the effect of their manipulation. That way, when
you cast your vote, it will hopefully be because of issues you care
about and not because of conditioned emotional responses.
Incidentally, the type of evaluative conditioning that occurs with

negative political advertising may also work with positive
information if it is powerful enough. At the beginning of the 2015
federal election campaign, the Liberal Party was concerned that
the much wealthier Conservatives would buy up all of the
advertising time during sporting events. To prevent this, they
booked some commercial time with sports networks just in case
the Blue Jays made the playoffs (Thibedeau, 2015). They did—
and although they ended up losing in the second round, their
dramatic first-round victory over the Texas Rangers brought the
nation together. Millions of excited Jays fans (jumping up and
down after José Bautista’s bat flip) got to see frequent
commercials featuring Justin Trudeau.
Drug Tolerance and Conditioning
In addition to influencing overt behaviours such as salivating and emotional
behaviours such as phobias, classical conditioning can influence how the body
regulates its own responses to different stimuli. For example, classical
conditioning can help explain some drug-related phenomena, such as cravings
and tolerance. Cues that accompany drug use can become conditioned stimuli
that elicit cravings (Sinha, 2009). For example, a cigarette lighter, the smell of
tobacco smoke, or the presence of another smoker can elicit cravings in people
who smoke.
Conditioning can also influence drug tolerance, or a decreased reaction that

occurs with repeated use of the drug (Siegel et al., 2000). When a person takes
a drug, his or her body attempts to metabolize that substance. Over time, the
setting and paraphernalia associated with the drug-taking begin to serve as cues
(a CS) that a drug (US) will soon be processed by the body (UR). As a result of
this association, the physiological processes involved with metabolizing the drug
will begin with the appearance of the CS rather than when the drug is actually
consumed. In other words, because of conditioning, the body is already braced
for the drug before the drug has been snorted, smoked, or injected. This
response means that, over time, more of the drug will be needed to override
these preparatory responses so that the desired effect can be obtained; this
change is referred to as conditioned drug tolerance.
This phenomenon can have fatal consequences for drug abusers. Shepard
Siegel (1984), a psychologist at McMaster University, conducted interviews with
patients who were hospitalized for overdosing on heroin. Over the course of his
interviews, a pattern among the patients emerged. Several individuals reported
that they were in situations unlike those that typically preceded their heroin
injections—for example, in a different environment or even using an injection site
(i.e., part of the body) that differed from the usual ritual. As a result of these
differences, there were fewer CSs present to trigger the CR, the body’s
metabolizing activity that braced (or prepared) the drug taker’s body for the
arrival of the drug. Without this conditioned preparatory response, delivery of
even a normal dose of the drug can be lethal. This finding has been confirmed in
animal studies: Siegel and his associates (1982) found that conditioned drug
tolerance and overdosing can also occur with rats. When rats received heroin in
an environment different from where they experienced the drug previously,
mortality rates were double that of control rats that received the same dose of
heroin in their normal surroundings (64% versus 32%).
The examples discussed in this module are only a few of the applications of
classical conditioning (Domjan et al., 2004). But, the fact that behaviours
ranging from phobias, to voting preferences, to drug tolerance can be explained
by classical conditioning shows us that Pavlov’s observations of his salivating
dogs were really just a drop in the bucket.
Module 6.1c Quiz:
Applications of Classical Conditioning
Know . . .
1. Conditioning a response can take longer if the subject experiences the
conditioned stimulus repeatedly before it is actually paired with a US.
This phenomenon is known as .
A. preparedness
B. extinction
C. latent inhibition
D. acquisition
2. When a heroin user develops a routine, the needle can become the
, whereas the body’s preparation for the drug in response to the
presence of the needle is the .
A. CS; CR
B. US; UR
C. US; CR
D. CS; US
Understand . . .
3. Why are humans biologically prepared to fear snakes and not guns?
A. Guns kill fewer people than do snakes.
B. Guns are a more recent addition to our evolutionary history.
C. Snakes are more predictable than guns.
D. Guns are not a natural phenomenon, whereas snakes do occur in
nature.
Apply . . .
4. A television advertisement for beer shows young people at the beach
drinking and having fun. Based on classical conditioning principles, the
advertisers are hoping you will buy their beer because the commercial
elicits
A. a conditioned emotional response of pleasure.
B. a conditioned emotional response of fear.
C. humans’ natural preparedness toward alcohol consumption.
D. a taste aversion to other companies’ beers.
Module 6.1 Summary
6.1a Know . . . the key terminology involved in classical conditioning.
acquisition
classical conditioning (Pavlovian conditioning)
conditioned emotional response
conditioned response (CR)
conditioned stimulus (CS)
conditioned taste aversion
discrimination
extinction
generalization
latent inhibition
learning
preparedness
spontaneous recovery
unconditioned response (UR)
unconditioned stimulus (US)
6.1b Understand . . . how responses learned through classical

conditioning can be acquired and lost.
Acquisition of a conditioned response occurs with repeated pairings of the CS

and the US. Once a response is acquired, it can be extinguished if the CS and
the US no longer occur together. During extinction, the CR diminishes, although
it may reappear under some circumstances. For example, if enough time passes
following extinction, the CR may spontaneously recover when the organism
encounters the CS again.
6.1c Understand . . . the role of biological and evolutionary factors in

classical conditioning.
Not all stimuli have the same potential to become a strong CS. Responses to
biologically relevant stimuli, such as snakes, are more easily conditioned than
are responses to stimuli such as flowers or guns, for example. Similarly,
avoidance of potentially harmful foods is critical to survival, so organisms can
develop a conditioned taste aversion quickly (in a single trial) and even when
ingestion and illness are separated by a relatively long time interval.
6.1d Apply . . . the concepts and terms of classical conditioning to new

examples.
Apply Activity
Read the three scenarios that follow and identify the conditioned stimulus (CS),
the unconditioned stimulus (US), the conditioned response (CR), and the
unconditioned response (UR) in each case. (Hint: When you apply the terms CS,
US, CR, and UR, a good strategy is to identify whether something is a stimulus
(something that elicits) or a response (a behaviour). Next, identify whether the
stimulus automatically elicits a response (the US) or does so only after being
paired with a US (a CS). Finally, identify whether the response occurs in
response to the US alone (the UR) or the CS alone (the CR).)
1. Cameron and Tia went to the prom together. During their last slow dance,
the DJ played the theme song for the event. During the song, the couple
kissed. Now, several years later, whenever Cameron and Tia hear the
song, they feel a rush of excitement.
2. Harry has visited his eye doctor several times due to problems with his
vision. One test involves blowing a puff of air into his eye. After repeated
visits to the eye doctor, Harry starts blinking as soon as the doctor begins
to prepare the instrument.
3. Sarah went to a new restaurant and experienced the most delicious meal
she had ever tasted. The restaurant began advertising on the radio, and
now every time an ad comes on, Sarah finds herself craving the meal she
enjoyed so much.
6.1e Analyze . . . the use of negative political advertising to condition

emotional responses to candidates.
Negative political advertising often uses a form of conditioning known as

evaluative conditioning. Negative images, sounds, and/or statements are paired
with images of the targeted candidate. The goal is to have viewers link negative
emotions with the target. Research has found that this technique can be
successful. But, if the images used are deemed cruel or inappropriate, it is
possible that viewers will feel negative emotions toward the sponsor of the ad
instead.
Module 6.2 Operant
Conditioning: Learning through
Consequences
Mike Mergen/Bloomberg via Getty Images
Learning Objectives
6.2a Know . . . the key terminology associated with operant conditioning.
6.2b Understand . . . the role that consequences play in increasing or
decreasing behaviour.
6.2c Understand . . . how schedules of reinforcement affect behaviour.
6.2d Apply . . . your knowledge of operant conditioning to examples.
6.2e Analyze . . . the effectiveness of punishment on changing behaviour.
Gambling is a multibillion-dollar industry in Canada. According to

Statistics Canada, the net revenue from lotteries, video-lottery terminals
(VLTs), and casinos was $13.74 billion in 2011. That’s an average of
$515 per person. Given these huge sums, it is clear that some individuals
are spending more than they should on this habit. Psychologists and
government officials have invested a considerable amount of time into the
development of prevention and treatment programs for gambling
addictions. Although these programs have led to addiction rates levelling
off in recent years, compulsive gambling is still a problem in Canada. So,
what compels people to keep pulling the lever on a slot machine or
pressing buttons on a VLT screen when logic would tell them to stop and
go home?
Although the answer to this question is complicated (Hodgins et al.,

2011), it is clear that reinforcement plays a role in these behaviours. As
you will read in this module, rewarding a behaviour—which happens
when someone wins money after pressing the button on a VLT—makes
that behaviour more likely to occur again in the future. The effect is larger
when the reward doesn’t happen every time and isn’t predictable—
qualities that perfectly describe gambling. The machines aren’t the only
ones having their buttons pushed.
Focus Questions
1. How do the consequences of our actions—such as winning or

losing a bet—affect subsequent behaviour?
2. Many behaviours, including gambling, are reinforced only part of
the time. How do the odds of being reinforced affect how often a
behaviour occurs?
Very few of our behaviours are random. Instead, people tend to repeat actions
that previously led to positive or rewarding outcomes. If you go to a new
restaurant and like it, you will eat there again. Conversely, if a behaviour
previously led to a negative outcome, people are less likely to perform that action
again. If you go to a new restaurant and don’t enjoy the meal, then you will likely
not eat there again. These types of stimulus-response relationships are known
as operant conditioning , a type of learning in which behaviour is influenced
by consequences. The term operant is used because the individual operates on
the environment before consequences can occur. In contrast to classical
conditioning, which typically affects reflexive responses, operant conditioning
involves voluntary actions such as speaking or listening, starting and stopping an
activity, and moving toward or away from something. Whether and when we
engage in these types of behaviours depend on how our unique collection of
previous experiences has influenced what we do and do not find rewarding.
Initially, the difference between classical and operant conditioning may seem
unclear. One useful way of telling the difference is that in classical conditioning a
response is not required for a reward (or unconditioned stimulus) to be
presented; to return to Pavlov’s dogs, meat powder was presented regardless of
whether salivation occurred. In classical conditioning, learning has taken place if
a conditioned response develops following pairings of the conditioned stimulus
and the unconditioned stimulus. In other words, the dogs learned the association
between the sound of a metronome and food (as shown by their salivation), but
they didn’t have to actually do anything. In operant conditioning, a response and
a consequence are required for learning to take place. Without a response of
some kind, there can be no consequence. See Table 6.1 for a summary of
differences between operant and classical conditioning.
Table 6.1 Major Differences between Classical and Operant Conditioning
Classical Conditioning Operant Conditioning
Target response is . . . Automatic Voluntary

Reinforcement is . . . Present regardless of whether a A consequence of the
response occurs behaviour
Behaviour mostly Reflexive and physiological Skeletal muscles

depends on . . . responses
Basic Principles of Operant Conditioning
The concept of contingency is important to understanding operant conditioning; it

simply means that a consequence depends upon an action. Earning good
grades is generally contingent upon studying effectively. Excelling at athletics is
contingent upon training and practice. The consequences of a particular
behaviour can be either reinforcing or punishing (see Figure 6.10 ).
Figure 6.10 Reinforcement and Punishment

The key distinction between reinforcement and punishment is that reinforcers, no
matter what they are, increase behaviour. Punishment involves a decrease in
behaviour, regardless of what the specific punisher may be. Thus both
reinforcement and punishment are defined based on their effects on behaviour.
Reinforcement and Punishment
Reinforcement is a process in which an event or reward that follows a
response increases the likelihood of that response occurring again. We can trace
the scientific study of reinforcement’s effects on behaviour back to Edward
Thorndike, who conducted experiments in which he measured the time it took
cats to learn how to escape from puzzle boxes (see Figure 6.11 ). Thorndike
(1905) observed that over repeated trials, cats were able to escape more rapidly
because they learned which responses worked (such as pressing a pedal on the
floor of the box). From his experiments, Thorndike proposed the law of
effect —the idea that responses followed by satisfaction will occur again in the
same situation whereas those that are not followed by satisfaction become less
likely. In this definition, “satisfaction” implies either that the animal’s desired goal
was achieved (e.g., escaping the puzzle box) or it received some form of reward
for the behaviour (e.g., food).
Figure 6.11 Thorndike’s Puzzle Box and the Law of Effect
(a) Thorndike conducted experiments in which cats learned an operant response
that was reinforced with escape from the box and access to a food reward. (b)
Over repeated trials, the cats took progressively less time to escape, as shown in
this learning curve.
Within a few decades of the publication of Thorndike’s work, the famous
behaviourist B. F. Skinner began conducting his own studies on the systematic
relationship between reinforcement and behaviour. Although operant
conditioning can explain many human behaviours, most of its basic principles
stem from laboratory studies conducted on nonhuman species such as pigeons
or rats, which were placed in an apparatus such as the one pictured in Figure
6.12 . These operant chambers, sometimes referred to as Skinner boxes,
include a lever or key that the subject can manipulate. Pushing the lever may
result in the delivery of a reinforcer such as food. In operant conditioning terms, a
reinforcer is a stimulus that is contingent upon a response and that increases
the probability of that response occurring again. (So, a reinforcer would be a
stimulus like food, whereas reinforcement would be the changes in the frequency
of a behaviour like lever-pressing that occur as a result of the food reward.)
Researchers use machinery such as operant chambers to help them control and
quantify learning. Specifically, researchers record an animal’s rate of responding
over time (a measure of learning), and typically set a criterion for the number of
responses that must be made before a reinforcer becomes available. As you will
read later in this module, animals and humans are quite sensitive to how many
responses they must make, or how long they must wait, in order to receive a
reward.
Figure 6.12 An Operant Chamber

The operant chamber is a standard laboratory apparatus for studying operant
conditioning. The rat can press the lever to receive a reinforcer such as food or
water. The lights can be used to indicate when lever pressing will be rewarded.
The recording device measures cumulative responses (lever presses) over time.
2nd Ed., © 2011. Reprinted and electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc., New York, NY.
The discussion thus far has focused on how reinforcement can lead to increased
responding; but, decreased responding is also a possible outcome of an
encounter with a stimulus. Punishment is a process that decreases the future
probability of a response. Thus, a punisher is a stimulus that is contingent
upon a response, and that results in a decrease in behaviour. Like reinforcers,
punishers are defined not based on the stimuli themselves, but rather on their
effects on behaviour. In all cases, a punisher—be it yelling, losing money, or
going to jail—will make it less likely that a particular response will occur again.
Positive and Negative Reinforcement and

Punishment
Thus far, we have differentiated between reinforcement (when a response
increases the likelihood that a behaviour will occur again) and punishment (when
a response decreases the likelihood that a behaviour will occur again). In both of
these cases, it is natural to think of the responses as something that is added to
the situation. For instance, a behaviour could be reinforced by giving the animal
food. Or, it could be punished by shocking the animal. But, both reinforcement
and punishment can be accomplished by removing a stimulus as well. In the
descriptions that follow, try to remember the following four terms as they are
used in operant conditioning:
Reinforcement: this increases the chances of a behaviour occurring again

Punishment: this decreases the chances of a behaviour occurring again
Positive: this means that a stimulus is added to a situation; positive can refer
to reinforcement or punishment
Negative: this means that a stimulus is removed from a situation; negative
can refer to reinforcement or punishment
These terms can be combined to produce four different subtypes of operant

conditioning. For instance, a response can be strengthened because it brings a
reward. This form of reinforcement, positive reinforcement , is the
strengthening of behaviour after potential reinforcers such as praise, money, or
nourishment follow that behaviour (see Table 6.2 ). For example, if you laugh
at your professor’s jokes, the praise will serve as a reward; this will increase the
likelihood that your professor will tell more jokes. (Remember: the “positive” in
positive reinforcement indicates the addition of a reward.) Positive reinforcement
can be a highly effective method of rewarding desired behaviours among
humans and other species.
Table 6.2 Distinguishing Types of Reinforcement and Punishment
Consequence Effect on Example

Behaviour
Positive Stimulus is Increases A child gets an allowance for making

reinforcement added or the her bed, so she is likely to do it again
increased. response in the future.
Negative Stimulus is Increases The rain no longer falls on you after

reinforcement removed or the opening your umbrella, so you are
decreased. response likely to do it again in the future.
Positive Stimulus is Decreases A pet owner scolds his dog for

punishment added or the jumping up on a house guest, and
increased. response now the dog is less likely to do it
again.
Negative Stimulus is Decreases A parent takes away TV privileges to

punishment removed or the stop the children from fighting.
decreased. response
Behaviour can also be reinforced by the removal of something that is unpleasant.

This form of reinforcement, negative reinforcement , involves the
strengthening of a behaviour because it removes or diminishes a stimulus (Table
6.2 ). For instance, taking aspirin is negatively reinforced because doing so
removes a painful headache. Similarly, studying in order to prevent nagging from
parents is also a form of reinforcement as the behaviour, studying, will increase.
Negative reinforcement is a concept that students frequently find confusing

because it seems unusual that something aversive could be involved in the
context of reinforcement. Recall that reinforcement (whether positive or negative)
always involves an increase in the strength or frequency of responding. Also
remember that the term “positive” in this context simply means that a stimulus is
introduced or increased, whereas the term “negative” means that a stimulus has
been reduced or avoided.
But, not all types of negative reinforcement are the same; in fact, negative
reinforcement can be further classified into two subcategories. Avoidance
learning is a specific type of negative reinforcement that removes the
possibility that a stimulus will occur. Examples of avoidance learning include
leaving a sporting event early to avoid crowds and traffic congestion, and paying
bills on time to avoid late fees. In these cases, negative situations are avoided.
Escape learning , on the other hand, occurs if a response removes a stimulus
that is already present. Covering your ears upon hearing overwhelmingly loud
music is one example. You cannot avoid the music, because it is already
present, so you perform a specific behaviour (covering your ears) to escape the
aversive stimulus instead. The responses of paying bills on time to avoid late
fees and covering your ears to escape loud music both increase in frequency
because they have effectively prevented or removed the aversive stimuli.
In the laboratory, operant chambers such as the one pictured in Figure 6.12
often come equipped with a grid metal floor that can be used to deliver a mild
electric shock; responses that remove (escape learning) or prevent (avoidance
learning) the shock are negatively reinforced. This highly controlled environment
allows researchers to carefully monitor all aspects of an animal’s environment
while investigating the different contingencies that will cause a behaviour to
increase or decrease in frequency.
As with reinforcement, various types of punishment are possible. Positive
punishment is a process in which a behaviour decreases in frequency
because it was followed by a particular, usually unpleasant, stimulus (Table
6.2 ). For example, some cat owners use a spray bottle to squirt water when
the cat hops on the kitchen counter or scratches the furniture. Remember that
the term “positive” simply means that a stimulus is added to the situation (i.e., no
one is claiming that spraying a cat with water is an emotionally positive
experience). In these cases, the stimuli are punishers because they decrease
the frequency of a behaviour.
Finally, negative punishment occurs when a behaviour decreases because

it removes or diminishes a particular stimulus (Table 6.2 ). Withholding
someone’s privileges as a result of an undesirable behaviour is an example of
negative punishment. A parent who “grounds” a child does so because this
action removes something of value to the child. If effective, the outcome of the
grounding will be to decrease the behaviour that got the child into trouble.
Shaping
Although these different forms of reinforcement and punishment make sense in
theory, researchers (and parents) have an additional challenge: How do you get
animals (or children) to perform the behaviour that you want to reinforce? Rats
placed in operant chambers do not automatically go straight for the lever and
begin pressing it to obtain food rewards. Instead, they must first learn that lever
pressing accomplishes something. Getting a rat to press a lever can be done by
reinforcing behaviours that approximate (or lead up to) lever pressing, such as
standing up, facing the lever, standing while facing the lever, placing paws upon
the lever, and pressing downward. This process of reinforcing successive
approximations of a specific operant response is known as shaping . Shaping
is done in a step-by-step fashion until the desired response—in this case, lever
pressing—is learned. These techniques can also be used to help people develop
specific skill sets (e.g., toilet training). A similar process, chaining, involves
linking together two or more shaped behaviours into a more complex action or
sequence of actions. When you see an animal “acting” in a movie, its behaviours
were almost certainly learned through lengthy shaping and chaining procedures.
Applications of shaping. Reinforcement can be used to shape complex chains of
behaviour in animals and humans. (Later attempts to teach the cat to use a bidet
were less successful.)
Bork/Shutterstock
Applying Operant Conditioning

It is important to remember that although most studies of operant learning have
involved animals, the principles derived from these studies apply to humans as
well. In fact, they are found in many different areas of our lives ranging from work
and school to interpersonal relationships. For example, the operant conditioning
principles that we’ve reviewed thus far serve as the basis for an educational
method called applied behaviour analysis (ABA), which involves using close
observation, prompting, and reinforcement to teach behaviours, often to people
who experience difficulties and challenges owing to a developmental condition
such as autism (Granpeesheh et al., 2009). People with autism are typically
nonresponsive to normal social cues from a very early age. This impairment can
lead to a deficit in developing many skills, ranging from basic, everyday ones to
complex skills such as language. For example, explaining how to clear dishes
from the dinner table to a child with autism could prove difficult. Psychologists
who specialize in ABA often shape the desired behaviour using prompts (such as
asking the child to stand up, gather silverware, stack plates, and so on) and
verbal rewards as each step is completed. These and more elaborate ABA
techniques can be used to shape a remarkable variety of behaviours to improve
the independence and quality of life for people with autism.
Module 6.2a Quiz:
Principles of Operant Conditioning
Know . . .
1. removes the immediate effects of an aversive stimulus, whereas
removes the possibility of an aversive stimulus from occurring in
the first place.
A. Avoidance learning; escape learning
B. Positive reinforcement; positive punishment
C. Negative reinforcement; negative punishment
D. Escape learning; avoidance learning
Understand . . .
2. When children misbehave, they are sometimes told to go to their room.
As a result, they no longer get to play with their friends or siblings. How
does this consequence affect children’s behaviour?
A. It adds a stimulus in order to decrease bad behaviour.
B. It takes away a stimulus in order to decrease bad behaviour.
C. It adds a stimulus in order to increase bad behaviour.
D. It takes away a stimulus in order to increase bad behaviour.
Apply . . .
3. Lucy hands all of her homework in to her psychology professor on time
because she does not want to lose points for late work. This is an
example of .
A. negative reinforcement
B. positive reinforcement
C. negative punishment
D. positive punishment
Processes of Operant Conditioning
In the previous section, you read about how the frequency of a behaviour can be
increased (reinforcement) or decreased (punishment) by a number of different
stimuli or responses. The obvious question, then, is why do some stimuli affect
behaviour while others have no influence whatsoever? Is there a biological
explanation for this difference?
Primary and Secondary Reinforcers

Reinforcers can come in two main forms. Primary reinforcers consist of
reinforcing stimuli that satisfy basic motivational needs—needs that affect an
individual’s ability to survive (and, if possible, reproduce). Examples of these
inherently reinforcing stimuli include food, water, shelter, and sexual contact. In
contrast, secondary reinforcers consist of stimuli that acquire their
reinforcing effects only after we learn that they have value. Money and Facebook
“likes” are both examples of secondary reinforcers. They are more abstract and
do not directly influence survival-related behaviours.
Both primary and secondary reinforcers satisfy our drives, but what underlies the
motivation to seek out these reinforcers? The answer is complex, but research
points to a specific brain circuit including a structure called the nucleus
accumbens (see Figure 6.13 ). The nucleus accumbens becomes activated
during the processing of all kinds of rewards, including primary ones such as
eating and having sex, as well as “artificial” rewards such as using cocaine and
smoking a cigarette. Variations in this area might also account for why
individuals differ so much in their drive for reinforcers. For example, scientists
have discovered that people who are prone to risky behaviours such as gambling
and alcohol abuse are more likely to have inherited particular copies of genes
that code for dopamine and other reward-based chemicals in the brain
(Comings & Blum, 2000). Researchers have also found that individuals who are
impulsive, and therefore vulnerable to gambling and drug abuse, release more
dopamine in brain areas related to reward, and have trouble removing dopamine
from the synapses in these areas (Buckholtz et al., 2010).
Figure 6.13 Reward Processing in the Brain

The nucleus accumbens is one of the brain’s primary reward centres.
Animals pressing levers in operant chambers to receive rewards may seem
artificial. However, if you look around you will see that our environment is full of
devices that influence our operant responses.
Top: RisingStar/Alamy Stock Photo; bottom: Richard Goldberg/Shutterstock
Secondary reinforcers also trigger the release of dopamine in reward areas of

the brain. A number of neuroimaging experiments have shown that monetary
rewards cause dopamine to be released in parts of the basal ganglia (Elliott et
al., 2000) as well as in the medial regions of the frontal lobes (Knutson et al.,
2003). Some of these areas directly overlap with those involved with primary
reinforcers (Valentin & O’Doherty, 2009).
How can dopamine be related to operant conditioning? When a behaviour is

rewarded for the first time, dopamine is released (Schultz & Dickinson, 2000);
this reinforces these new, reward-producing behaviours so that they will be
performed again (Morris et al., 2006; Schultz, 1998). These dopamine-
releasing neurons in the nucleus accumbens and surrounding areas help
maintain a record of which behaviours are, and are not, associated with a
reward. Interestingly, these neurons alter their rate of firing when you have to
update your understanding of which actions lead to rewards; so, they are
involved with learning new behaviour–reward associations as well as with
reinforcement itself.
Discrimination and Generalization

Once a response has been learned, the individual may soon learn that
reinforcement or punishment will occur under only certain conditions and
circumstances. A pigeon in an operant chamber may learn that pecking is
reinforced only when the chamber’s light is switched on, so there is no need to
continue pecking when the light is turned off. This illustrates the concept of a
discriminative stimulus —a cue or event that indicates that a response, if
made, will be reinforced. Our lives are filled with discriminative stimuli. Before we
pour a cup of coffee, we might check whether the light on the coffee maker is on
—a discriminative stimulus that tells us the beverage will be hot and,
presumably, reinforcing. There are also numerous social examples of
discriminative stimuli. For instance, you might only ask to borrow your parents’
car when they show signs of being in a good mood. In this case, your parents’
mood (smiling, laughing, etc.) will dictate whether you perform a behaviour
(asking to borrow the car). Discriminative stimuli demonstrate that we (and
animal subjects) can use cues from our environment to help us decide whether
to perform a conditioned behaviour.
The idea of a discriminative stimulus should not be confused with the concept of
discrimination. Discrimination occurs when an organism learns to respond to
one original stimulus but not to new stimuli that may be similar to the original
stimulus. For example, a pigeon may learn that he will receive a reward if he
pecks at a key after a 1000-Hz tone, but not if he performs the same action
following a 2000-Hz tone. As a result, he won’t peck at the key after a 2000-Hz
tone. Or, to extend our earlier example, you may quickly learn that your father
will lend you the car whereas your mother will not. In this case, the process of
discrimination would lead you to perform a behaviour (asking to borrow the car)
when you are with your father but not when you are with your mother.
In contrast to discrimination, generalization takes place when an operant

response occurs in response to a new stimulus that is similar to the stimulus
present during original learning. In this case, a pigeon who learned to peck a key
after hearing a 1000-Hz tone may attempt to peck the key whenever any tone is
presented. If petting a neighbour’s border collie (a type of dog) led to a child
laughing and playing with the animal, then he might be more likely to pet other
dogs or even other furry animals. In this instance, a specific reinforcement
related to an action (petting a specific dog) led to a similar behaviour (petting)
occurring in other instances (petting other dogs).
If you’ve noticed similarities between discrimination and generalization in operant

conditioning and the same processes in classical conditioning (see Module
6.1 ), you are not mistaken. The same general logic underlies these concepts
in both types of conditioning. However, while discrimination and generalization in
classical conditioning were due to the strengthening of synapses as a result of
simultaneous firing, in operant conditioning, the mechanism appears to be
dopamine-secreting neurons.
Delayed Reinforcement and Extinction

The focus of this module thus far has been on behavioural and biological
responses to reinforcement and punishment. In most studies exploring these
responses, the reward or punishment occurred immediately following the
behaviour. This allows individuals to predict when a reward will occur (Schultz &
Dickinson, 2000). But, you know from your own life that rewards are not always
immediate. What happens if the reward is delayed, or doesn’t occur at all? As
early as 1911, Thorndike (the cat imprisoner) noted that reinforcement was more
effective if there was very little time between the action and the consequence.
Indeed, in a study with pigeons, researchers found that the frequency of
responses (pecking a button) decreased as the amount of time between the
pecking and the reward (a food pellet) increased (Chung & Herrnstein, 1967).
Interestingly, neuroscientists have found that neural activity decreases during
this time as well. In fact, delays of as little as half a second decrease the amount
of neural activity in dopamine-releasing neurons (Hollerman & Schultz, 1996).
This effect of delayed reinforcement influences a number of human behaviours

as well. For instance, drugs that have their effect (i.e., produce their rewarding
feeling) soon after they are taken are generally more addictive than drugs whose
effects occur several minutes or hours after being taken. This difference is due,
in part, to the ease with which one can mentally associate the action of taking the
drug with reinforcement from the drug (the consequence).
Sometimes, however, a reinforcer is not just delayed; it doesn’t occur at all. A

pigeon may find that pressing a key in its operant chamber no longer leads to a
food reward. You may find that your parents no longer let you borrow the car no
matter how nicely you ask. Although both you and the pigeon may persist in your
behaviour for a while, eventually you’ll stop. This change is known as
extinction , the weakening of an operant response when reinforcement is no
longer available. If you lose your Internet connection, for example, you will
probably stop trying to refresh your web browser because there is no
reinforcement for doing so—the behaviour will no longer be performed.
Extinction, like most of the observable behaviours you’ve read about in this
module, is related to dopamine. If you expect a reward for your behaviour and
none comes, the amount of dopamine being released decreases (Schultz,
1998). Dopamine release will increase again when there is a new behaviour–
reward relationship to learn.
Injecting drugs allows them to enter the bloodstream and therefore the brain
more quickly than if they are taken orally. This is one reason why injected drugs
are often more addictive than pills.
Victoria M/Fotolia
Table 6.3 differentiates among the processes of extinction, generalization,

and discrimination in classical and operant conditioning.
Table 6.3 Comparing Discrimination, Generalization, and Extinction in

Classical and Operant Conditioning
Process Classical Conditioning Operant Conditioning
Discrimination A CR does not occur in There is no response to a stimulus

response to a different CS that resembles the original
that resembles the original discriminative stimulus used during
CS. learning.
Generalization A different CS that Responding occurs to a stimulus that

resembles the original CS resembles the original discriminative
used during acquisition stimulus used during learning.
elicits a CR.
Extinction A CS is presented without a Responding gradually ceases if
US until the CR no longer reinforcement is no longer available.
occurs.
Reward Devaluation
In all of these examples of operant conditioning, the value of the reinforcement
remained the same. But, if you think about your own life it quickly becomes
apparent that this is not always the case. Food is incredibly rewarding when you
are hungry but becomes less so after you have eaten a large meal. Similarly,
$100 may seem like a lot of money to a starving student, but would seem less
important to a doctor with a high income. If a behaviour is more likely to occur
because of reward, what happens when the reward becomes less rewarding?
Scientists have found that behaviours do change when the reinforcer loses some
of its appeal (Colwill & Rescorla, 1985, 1990). In a typical experiment, rats are
trained to press two different levers, each associated with a different reward
(e.g., two different rewarding tastes). If the experimenters pre-feed the animal
with one of these two tastes, they will crave it less than the other; in other words,
its reward will be devalued compared to the other taste. Researchers
consistently find a decrease in the response rate for the “devalued” reward,
whereas the other reward remains largely unaffected.
Reward devaluation can also occur by making one of the rewards less
appealing. In this version of reward devaluation, one of the reinforcing tastes is
paired with a toxin that made the rats feel ill; this obviously reduces its value!
(Ideally, this pairing would occur outside of the operant chamber so that the toxin
didn’t serve as a positive punishment.) The rats would then have the choice of
two levers to press, one associated with a rewarding taste and the other
associated with the taste that is now less rewarding than before. When these
rats were later given the opportunity to choose between the two operant learning
tasks, they showed a strong preference for the task whose reward had not been
devalued (Colwill & Rescorla, 1985, 1990).
Module 6.2b Quiz:
Processes of Operant Conditioning
Know . . .
1. A basic need such as food may be used as a reinforcer,
whereas a stimulus whose value must be learned is a
reinforcer.
A. primary; continuous
B. secondary; shaping
C. primary; secondary
D. continuous; secondary
Understand . . .
2. The difference between a discriminative stimuli and discrimination (as it
applies to operant conditioning) is that
A. discrimination tells you when behaviours could be reinforced
whereas discriminative stimuli involve an animal responding to
some stimuli but not others.
B. discriminative stimuli are used only in animal research (which
involve simple cues) where discrimination occurs in psychological
studies involving human participants.
C. discriminative stimuli can only affect behaviour after the process
of discrimination has taken place.
D. a discriminative stimulus tells you when behaviours could be
reinforced whereas discrimination involves responding to some
stimuli but not others.
Apply . . .
3. Jack’s mother rewarded him for cleaning his messy room by baking him
cookies. As a result, Jack cleaned his room every week. However, after
few months, Jack’s mother stopped rewarding his cleaning behaviour. As
a result, Jack didn’t clean his room very often. This is an example of
.
A. extinction
B. reward devaluation
C. discrimination
D. Skinner’s paradox
4. Jennifer used to love both tequila and vodka (although not mixed
together). One night, she drank so much tequila that she felt sick. At a
house party the next week, she avoided tequila and drank vodka instead.
This is an example of .
A. extinction
B. reward devaluation
C. discrimination
D. positive reinforcement
Reinforcement Schedules and Operant

Conditioning
Think about the last time you did something nice for a friend. How did he or she
respond? You may have received a hug. She may have said “Thanks!” and
smiled. Regardless, you likely received some positive feedback that made you
feel like your behaviour was worth repeating. Now think about the last time you
played a sport or a video game. Not every shot would have hit the target, so your
behaviour wasn’t reinforced each time. But, it was likely reinforced some of the
time. These real-world examples show you that some behaviours are reinforced
more consistently than others. The question that interested psychologists was
“How do these different patterns of reinforcement affect learning?
Schedules of Reinforcement
Operant conditioning occurs, intentionally or unintentionally, in many different
areas of our lives. However, the exact timing of the action and reinforcement (or
punishment) differs across situations. Typically, a given behaviour is rewarded
according to some kind of schedule. These schedules of
reinforcement —rules that determine when reinforcement is available—can
have a dramatic effect on both the learning and unlearning of responses (Ferster
& Skinner, 1957). Reinforcement may be available at highly predictable or very
irregular times. Also, reinforcement may be based on how often someone
engages in a behaviour, or on the passage of time.
During continuous reinforcement , every response made results in

reinforcement. As a result, learning initially occurs rapidly. For example, vending
machines (should) deliver a snack every time the correct amount of money is
deposited. In other situations, not every action will lead to reinforcement; we also
encounter situations where reinforcement is available only some of the time. For
example, phoning a friend may not always get you an actual person on the other
end of the call. In this kind of partial (intermittent) reinforcement , only a
certain number of responses are rewarded, or a certain amount of time must
pass before reinforcement is available. Four types of partial reinforcement
schedules are possible (see Figure 6.14 ). These schedules have different
effects on rates of responding.
Figure 6.14 Schedules of Reinforcement
(a) Four types of reinforcement schedule are shown here: fixed ratio, variable
ratio, fixed interval, and variable interval. Notice how each schedule differs based
on when reinforcement is available (interval schedules) and on how many
responses are required for reinforcement (ratio schedules). (b) These schedules
of reinforcement affect responding in different ways. For example, notice the
vigorous responding that is characteristic of the variable ratio schedule, as
indicated by the steep upward trajectory of responding. (c) Real-world examples
of the four types of reinforcement schedules.
Photos: bottom left: Li jianbin/Imaginechina/AP Images; bottom centre left: Lightreign/Alamy Stock Photo; bottom centre right:
Andresr/ Shutterstock; bottom right: Bill Fehr/Shutterstock
2nd Ed., © 2011. Reprinted and electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc., New York, NY.
In the descriptions that follow, try to remember the following four terms as they
are used in operant conditioning:
Ratio schedule: This means that the reinforcements are based on the
amount of responding.
Interval schedule: This means that the reinforcements are based on the
amount of time between reinforcements, not the number of responses an
animal (or human) makes.
Fixed schedule: This means that the schedule of reinforcement remains the
same over time.
Variable schedule: This means that the schedule of reinforcement, although
linked to an average (e.g., 10 lever presses or 10 seconds), varies from
reinforcement to reinforcement.
Keeping these distinctions in mind should help you make sense of the four
different reinforcement schedules discussed below.
In a fixed-ratio schedule , reinforcement is delivered after a specific number

of responses have been completed. For example, a rat may be required to press
a lever 10 times to receive food. Similarly, a worker in a factory may get paid
based on how many items she worked on (e.g., receiving $1 for every five items
produced). In both cases, a certain number of responses is required before a
reward is given.
In a variable-ratio schedule , the number of responses required to receive

reinforcement varies according to an average. A VR5 (variable ratio with an
average of five trials between reinforcements) could include trials that require
seven lever presses for a reward to occur, followed by four, then six, then three,
and so on. But, the average number of responses required to receive
reinforcement would be five. Slot machines at casinos operate on variable-ratio
reinforcement schedules. The odds are that the slot machine will not give
anything back, but sometimes a player will win a small amount of money. Of
course, hitting the jackpot is very infrequent. The variable nature of the reward
structure for playing slot machines helps explain why responding on this
schedule can be vigorous and persistent. Slot machines and other games of
chance hold out the possibility that at some point players will be rewarded, but it
is unclear how many responses will be required before the reward occurs. The
fact that the reinforcement is due to the number of times a player responds
promotes strong response levels (i.e., more button presses or lever pulls on a
slot machine). In animal studies, variable-ratio schedules lead to the highest rate
of responding of the four types of reinforcement schedules.
PSYCH@ Never Use Multiline Slot Machines

When casinos first became popular in the middle of the 20th century,
people who used slot machines would pull a lever. Wheels with different
images or numbers would spin around; if the correct combination of
numbers appeared, the player would win a reward (often paired with loud
noises and hundreds of coins being dispensed). In modern casinos, the
slot machines are computerized. This technology has allowed game
designers to add a sinister trick to slot machines: It is now possible for
players to bet on several lines (rows) of numbers rather than on just one.
These multiline slot machines therefore allow the player to make multiple
bets on each “spin.” On the surface, this doesn’t seem alarming. But,
these machines are using operant conditioning against players. For each
line that a player bets on, he or she has to insert money into the
machine. So, if a player is betting on nine lines, he would put $9 into the
machine. Then the machine “spins” so that the numbers and symbols on
each line change. On many of these spins, the player will win, a result
that is paired with rewarding celebratory sound effects as well as money.
However, the “win” will be for less money than the original total bet (e.g.,
winning $5 after putting $9 into the machine). In other words, it is a loss
that is disguised as a win (Dixon et al., 2010). In an interview, one game
designer wrote, “[W]e give them a sense of winning but also continue to
accrue [their] credits” (Dow Schull, 2012, p. 121). Indeed, gambling
researchers at the University of Waterloo have worked out the
mathematics for these slot machines and found that players will double
their bets only 20% of the time and will win 10x their initial bet (viewed as
a “big win” by gamblers) less than 1% of the time (Harrigan et al., 2014).
And yet, due to the little rewards on each trial—the losses disguised as
wins—gamblers continue to press the buttons. The house always wins in
the long run.
Multiline video slot machines allow a player to bet on more than one line
of numbers and symbols at a time. However, the small “wins” that players
experience are often smaller than their overall losses.
frans lemmens/Alamy Stock Photo
In contrast to ratio schedules, interval schedules are based on the passage of

time, not the number of responses. A fixed-interval schedule reinforces the
first response occurring after a set amount of time passes. If your psychology
professor gives you an exam every four weeks, your reinforcement for studying
is on a fixed-interval schedule. In Figure 6.14 , notice how the fixed-interval
schedule shows that responding drops off after each reinforcement is delivered
(as indicated by the tick marks). However, responding increases because
reinforcement is soon available again. This schedule may reflect how you devote
time to studying for your next exam—studying time tends to decrease after an
exam, and then builds up again as another test looms.
The final reinforcement schedule is the variable-interval schedule , in which

the first response is reinforced following a variable amount of time. The time
interval varies around an average. For example, if you were watching the
nighttime sky during a meteor shower, you would be rewarded for looking
upward at irregular times. A meteor may fall on average every 5 minutes, but
there will be times of inactivity for a minute, 10 minutes, 8 minutes, and so on.
As you can see from Figure 6.14 , ratio schedules tend to generate relatively
high rates of responding. This outcome makes sense in light of the fact that in
ratio schedules, reinforcement is based on how often you engage in the
behaviour (something you have some control over) versus how much time has
passed (something you do not control). For example, looking up with greater
frequency does not cause more meteor activity because a variable-interval
schedule is in effect. In contrast, a salesperson is on a variable-ratio schedule
because approaching more customers increases the chances of making a sale.
One general characteristic of schedules of reinforcement is that partially

reinforced responses tend to be very persistent. For example, although people
are only intermittently reinforced for putting money into a slot machine, a high
rate of responding is maintained and may not decrease until after a great many
losses in a row (or the individual runs out of money). The effect of partial
reinforcement on responding is especially evident during extinction. The partial
reinforcement effect refers to a phenomenon in which organisms that have
been conditioned under partial reinforcement resist extinction longer than those
conditioned under continuous reinforcement. This effect is likely due to the fact
that the individual is accustomed to not receiving reinforcement for every
response; therefore, a lack of reinforcement is not surprising and does not alter
the motivation to produce the response, even if reinforcement is no longer
available. We see this effect in many situations ranging from gambling, to cheesy
pick-up lines in bars, to the numerous superstitions developed by professional
and amateur athletes.

Reinforcement and Superstition
It is clear that reinforcement can appear in multiple forms and

according to various schedules. What all forms have in common
is the notion that the behaviour that brought about the
reinforcement will be strengthened. But what happens if the
organism is mistaken about what caused the reinforcement to
occur—will it experience reinforcement anyway? This raises the
topic of superstition.
What do we know about superstition and reinforcement?

Reinforcement is often systematic and predictable. If it is not,
then behaviour is eventually extinguished. In some cases,
however, it is not perfectly clear what brings about the
reinforcement. Imagine a baseball player who tries to be
consistent in how he pitches. After a short losing streak, the
pitcher suddenly wins a big game. If he is playing the same way,
then what happened to change the outcome of the game? Did an
alteration in his pre-game ritual lead to the victory? Humans the
world over are prone to believing that some ritual or lucky charm
will somehow improve their chances of success or survival.
Psychologists believe these superstitions can be explained by
operant conditioning.
How can science explain superstition?

Decades ago, B. F. Skinner (1948) attempted to create
superstitious behaviour in pigeons. Food was delivered every 15
seconds, regardless of what the pigeons were doing. Over time,
the birds started engaging in “superstitious” behaviours. The
pigeons repeated the behaviour occurring just before
reinforcement, even if the behaviour was scratching, head-
bobbing, or standing on one foot. A pigeon that happened to be
turning in a counterclockwise direction when reinforcement was
delivered repeated this seemingly senseless behaviour.
Humans are similarly superstitious. For example, in one

laboratory study, psychologists constructed a doll that could spit
marbles (Wagner & Morris, 1987). Children were told that the
doll would sometimes spit marbles at them and that these
marbles could be collected and traded for toys. The marbles were
ejected at random intervals, leading several of the children to
develop superstitious behaviours such as sucking their thumbs or
kissing the doll on the nose.
Psychologists have conducted controlled studies to see whether

superstitious behaviours have any effect on performance
outcomes. In one investigation, college students, 80% of whom
believed in the idea of “good luck,” were asked to participate in a
golf putting contest in which members of one group were told
they were playing with “the lucky ball,” and others were told they
would be using “the ball everyone has used so far.” Those who
were told they were using the lucky ball performed significantly
better than those who used the ball that was not blessed with
good luck (Damisch et al., 2010). These effects also occurred in
other tasks, such as memory and anagram games, and
participants also showed better performance at tasks if allowed to
bring a good luck charm.
Can we critically evaluate these findings?

Superstitious beliefs, though irrational on the surface, may
enhance individuals’ belief that they can perform successfully at a
task. Sometimes these beliefs can even enhance performance,
as the golf putting experiment revealed. These findings, however,
are best applied to situations where the participant has some
control over an outcome, such as taking an exam or playing a
sport. People who spend a lot of time and money gambling are
known to be quite superstitious, but it is important to distinguish
between games of chance versus skill in this setting. “Success” at
most gambling games is due entirely, or predominantly, to
chance. Thus, the outcomes are immune to the superstitious
beliefs of the players.
Superstitions are also prone to the confirmation bias—the

tendency to seek out evidence in favour of your existing views
and ignore inconsistent information—and the partial
reinforcement effect discussed above. If an athlete believes that a
superstitious behaviour leads to success, then he or she will
notice when the behaviour does lead to success. However, given
that losing is generally part of being an athlete, there will be times
when the behaviour is not reinforced. Given what you’ve read
about the partial reinforcement effect, it is easy to see how a
superstitious behaviour could be difficult to change. For instance,
former NHL goaltender Patrick Roy was as famous for his many
superstitions as he was for his playoff heroics. During every
game he would (1) skate backwards toward his net before
spinning around at the last minute (which made it appear
smaller), (2) talk to his goalposts, (3) thank his goalposts when
the puck hit one of them, and (4) avoid touching the blue line and
red line when skating off the ice. Roy has the second-highest
total of wins for NHL goalies and the most playoff wins in history
(151). He won the Stanley Cup four times and was the playoffs’s
Most Valuable Player three times (an NHL record). But, in
addition to his 702 reinforcers, he also lost over 400 games in his
impressive career.

Between Skinner’s original work with pigeons, and more
contemporary experiments with people, it appears that operant
conditioning plays a role in the development of some
superstitions. Perhaps you have a good luck charm or a ritual you
must complete before a game or even before taking a test. Think
about what brings you luck, and then try to identify why you
believe in this relationship. Can you identify a specific instance
when you were first reinforced for this behaviour? Then
remember that the superstition is a form of reinforcement, a
linking of a behaviour and a response that is formed in your mind.
Whether a superstition affects your performance is based on
whether or not you allow it to.
Applying Punishment
People tend to be more sensitive to the unpleasantness of punishment than they
are to the pleasures of reward. Psychologists have demonstrated this asymmetry
in laboratory studies with university students who play a computerized game in
which they can choose a response that can bring either a monetary reward or a
monetary loss. It turns out that the participants found losing money to be about
three times as punishing as being rewarded with money was pleasurable. In
other words, losing $100 is three times more punishing than gaining $100 is
reinforcing (Rasmussen & Newland, 2008).
The use of punishment raises some ethical concerns—especially when it comes

to physical means. A major issue that is debated all over the world is whether
corporal punishment (e.g., spanking) is acceptable to use with children. In fact,
more than 20 countries, including Sweden, Austria, Finland, Denmark, and
Israel, have banned the practice. It is technically legal to spank a child aged 2–
12 in Canada; in a contentious decision, the Supreme Court of Canada (in a 6–3
vote) upheld Section 43 of the Criminal Code allowing spanking (Supreme
Court of Canada, 2004). Some parents use this tactic because it works:
Spanking is generally a very effective punisher when it is used for immediately
stopping a behaviour (Gershoff, 2002). However, one reason so few
psychologists advocate spanking is because it is associated with some major
side effects (Gershoff, 2002; Gershoff & Bitensky, 2007). In a recent review of
this research published in the Canadian Medical Association Journal,
investigators at the University of Manitoba noted that spanking has been
associated with poorer parent–child relationships, poorer mental health for both
adults and children, delinquency in children, and increased chances of children
becoming victims or perpetrators of physical abuse in adulthood (Durrant &
Ensom, 2012).
It is also important to note that, while punishment may suppress an unwanted

behaviour temporarily, by itself it does not teach which behaviours are
appropriate. As a general rule, punishment of any kind is most effective when
combined with reinforcement of an alternative, suitable response. Table 6.4
offers some general guidelines for maximizing the effects of punishment and
minimizing negative side effects.
Table 6.4 Punishment Tends to Be Most Effective When Certain Principles

Are Followed
Principle Description and Explanation
Severity Should be proportional to offence. A small fine is suitable for parking

illegally or littering, but inappropriate for someone who commits assault.
Initial The initial level of punishment needs to be sufficiently strong to reduce

punishment the likelihood of the offence occurring again.
level
Contiguity Punishment is most effective when it occurs immediately after the
behaviour. Many convicted criminals are not sentenced until many
months after they have committed an offence. Children are given
detention that may not begin until hours later. Long delays in
punishment are known to reduce its effectiveness.
Consistency Punishment should be administered consistently. A parent who only

occasionally punishes a teenager for breaking her curfew will probably
have less success in curbing the behaviour than a parent who uses
punishment consistently.
Show Punishment is more successful, and side effects are reduced, if the
alternatives individual is clear on how reinforcement can be obtained by engaging in
appropriate behaviours.
Are Classical and Operant Learning Distinct

Events?
It is tempting to think of behaviour as being due to either classical conditioning or
operant conditioning. However, it is possible, even likely, that a complex
behaviour is influenced by both types of learning, each influencing behaviour in
slightly different ways. Consider gambling with video lottery terminals (VLTs), the
topic of the opening story in this module. As discussed above, slot machines and
VLTs use a variable-ratio schedule of reinforcement, a type of operant
conditioning that leads to a high response rate. But, the flashy lights, the dinging
sounds coming from the machine, and even the chair all serve as conditioned
stimuli for the unconditioned response of excitement associated with gambling
(Dixon et al., 2014). So, classical conditioning produces an emotional response
and operant conditioning maintains the behaviour. Given these forces, should we
really be surprised that VLTs are so alluring to people, particular those prone to
problem gambling (Clarke et al., 2012; Nicki et al., 2007)?
Module 6.2c Quiz:
Reinforcement Schedules and Operant Conditioning
Know . . .
1. In a , the first response occurring after a set amount of time leads
to a reward.
A. fixed-ratio schedule
B. variable-ratio schedule
C. fixed-interval schedule
D. variable-interval schedule
Understand . . .
2. Pete cannot seem to stop checking the change slots of vending
machines. Although he usually does not find any money, occasionally he
finds a quarter. Despite the low levels of reinforcement, this behaviour is
likely to persist due to .
A. escape learning
B. the partial reinforcement effect
C. positive punishment
D. generalization
Apply . . .
3. Frederick trained his parrot to open the door to his cage by pecking at a
lever three times. Based on this description, which schedule of
reinforcement would he most likely have used?
A. variable-interval
B. variable-ratio
C. fixed-interval
D. fixed-ratio
Analyze . . .
4. Jeremy regularly spanks his children to decrease their misbehaviour.
Which statement is most accurate in regard to this type of corporal
punishment?
A. Spanking is an effective method of punishment and should
always be used.
B. Spanking can be an effective method of punishment but carries
risks of additional negative outcomes.
C. Spanking is not an effective method of punishment, so it should
never be used.
D. The effects of spanking have not been well researched, so it
should not be used.
Module 6.2 Summary
6.2a Know . . . the key terminology associated with operant conditioning.
applied behaviour analysis
avoidance learning
chaining
continuous reinforcement
discrimination
discriminative stimulus
escape learning
extinction
fixed-interval schedule
fixed-ratio schedule
generalization
law of effect
negative punishment
negative reinforcement
operant conditioning
partial (intermittent) reinforcement
partial reinforcement effect
positive punishment
positive reinforcement
primary reinforcer
punisher
punishment
reinforcement
reinforcer
schedules of reinforcement
secondary reinforcer
shaping
variable-interval schedule
variable-ratio schedule
6.2b Understand . . . the role that consequences play in increasing or

decreasing behaviour.
Positive and negative reinforcement increase the likelihood of a behaviour,

whereas positive and negative punishment decrease the likelihood of a
behaviour. Positive reinforcement and positive punishment involve adding a
stimulus to the situation, whereas negative reinforcement and negative
punishment involve removal of a stimulus.
6.2c Understand . . . how schedules of reinforcement affect behaviour.
Schedules of reinforcement can be fixed or variable, and can be based on

intervals (time) or ratios (the number of responses). As can be seen in Figure
6.14 , variable-ratio schedules produce the most robust learning;
reinforcement is linked to the animal’s (or human’s) response rather than to an
amount of time, but the animal never knows how many responses will be
necessary for a reward to occur. Variable-interval schedules lead to the slowest
rate of learning.
6.2d Apply . . . your knowledge of operant conditioning to examples.
The concepts of positive and negative reinforcement and punishment are often
the most challenging when it comes to this material.
Apply Activity
Read the following scenarios and determine whether positive reinforcement,
negative reinforcement, positive punishment, or negative punishment explains
the change in behaviour.
1. Bill is caught for cheating on multiple examinations. As a consequence,

the school principal suspends him for a three-day period. Bill likes being
at school and, when he returns from his suspension, he no longer cheats
on exams. Which process explains the change in Bill’s behaviour? Why?
2. Ericka earns As in all of her math classes. Throughout her schooling, she
finds that the personal and social rewards for excelling at math continue
to motivate her. She eventually completes a graduate degree and
teaches math. Which process explains her passion for math? Why?
3. Automobile makers install sound equipment that produces annoying
sounds when a door is not shut properly, lights are left on, or a seat belt
is not fastened. The purpose is to increase proper door shutting, turning
off of lights, and seat belt fastening behaviour. Which process explains
the behavioural changes these sounds are attempting to make?
4. Hernan bites his fingernails and cuticles to the point of bleeding and
discomfort. To reduce this behaviour, he applies a terrible-tasting topical
lotion to his fingertips and the behaviour stops. Which process explains
Hernan’s behavioural change?
6.2e Analyze . . . the effectiveness of punishment on changing

behaviour.
Many psychologists recommend that people rely on reinforcement to teach new

or appropriate behaviours. The issue here is not that punishment does not work,
but rather that there are some notable drawbacks to using punishment as a
means to change behaviour. For example, punishment may teach individuals to
engage in avoidance or aggression, rather than developing an appropriate
alternative behaviour that can be reinforced.
Module 6.3 Cognitive and
Observational Learning
Courtesy of Victoria Horner and the Chimpanzee Sanctuary and Wildlife Conservation Trust, Ngamba Island, Uganda
Learning Objectives
6.3a Know . . . the key terminology associated with cognitive and
observational learning.
6.3b Understand . . . the concept of latent learning and its relevance to
cognitive aspects of learning.
6.3c Apply . . . principles of observational learning outside of the laboratory.
6.3d Analyze . . . the claim that viewing violent media increases violent
behaviour.
Are you smarter than a chimpanzee? For years psychologists have asked
this question, but in a more nuanced way. More specifically, they have
tested the problem-solving and imitative abilities of chimpanzees and
humans to help us better understand what sets us apart from, and what
makes us similar to, other animals. Chimps and humans both acquire
many behaviours from observing others, but imagine if you pitted a
typical human preschooler against a chimpanzee. Who do you think
would be the best at learning a new skill just by watching someone else
perform it? Researchers Victoria Horner and Andrew Whiten asked this
question by showing 3- and 4-year-old children how to retrieve a treat by
opening a puzzle box, and then they demonstrated the task to
chimpanzees as well. But there was one trick thrown in: As they
demonstrated the process, the researchers added in some steps that
were unnecessary to opening the box. The children and chimps both
figured out how to open it, but the children imitated all the steps—even
the unnecessary ones—while the chimps skipped the useless steps and
went straight for the treat (Horner & Whiten, 2005).
What can we conclude from these results? Maybe it is true that both
humans and chimps are excellent imitators, although it appears the
children imitated a little too well, while the chimps imitated in a smarter
manner. Clearly, we both share a motivation to imitate—which is a
complex cognitive ability and one of the keys to learning new skills.
Focus Questions
1. What role do cognitive factors play in learning?

2. Which processes are required for imitation to occur?
The first two modules of this chapter focused on relatively basic ways of learning.
Classical conditioning occurs through the formation of associations (Module
6.1 ), and operant conditioning involves changes in behaviour due to
rewarding or punishing consequences (Module 6.2 ). Both types of learning
emphasize relationships between stimuli and responses and avoid making
reference to the thinking part of the learning process. However, since the 1950s,
psychologists have recognized that cognitive processes such as thinking and
remembering are useful to theories and explanations of how we learn.
Cognitive Perspectives on Learning
Cognitive psychologists have contributed a great deal to psychology’s

understanding of learning. In some cases, they have presented a very different
view from behaviourism by addressing unobservable mental phenomena. In
other cases, their work has simply complemented behaviourism by integrating
cognitive accounts into even the seemingly simplest of learned behaviours, such
as classical and operant conditioning.
Latent Learning
Much of human learning involves absorbing information and then demonstrating
what we have learned by performing a task, such as taking a quiz or exam.
Learning, and reinforcement for learning, may not be expressed until there is an
opportunity to do so. In other words, learning may be occurring even if there is
no behavioural evidence of it taking place.
Psychologist Edward Tolman proposed that humans, and even rats, express
latent learning —learning that is not immediately expressed by a response
until the organism is reinforced for doing so. Tolman and Honzik (1930)
demonstrated latent learning in rats running a maze (see Figure 6.15 ). The
first group of rats could obtain food if they navigated the correct route through the
maze. They were given 10 trials to figure out an efficient route to the end of the
maze, where food was always waiting. A second group was allowed to explore
the maze, but did not have food available at the other end until the 11th trial. A
third group (a control) never received food while in the maze. It might seem that
only the first group—the one that was reinforced on all trials—would learn how to
best shuttle from the start of the maze to the end. After all, it was the only group
that was consistently reinforced. This is, in fact, what happened—at least for the
first 10 trials. Tolman and Honzik discovered that rats that were finally rewarded
on the 11th trial quickly performed as well as the rats that were rewarded on
every trial (see Figure 6.15 ). It appears that this second group of rats was
learning after all, but only demonstrated their knowledge when they received
reinforcement worthy of quickly running through the maze.
Figure 6.15 Learning without Reinforcement
Tolman and Honzik (1930) placed rats in the start box and measured the
number of errors they made in getting to the end box. Rats that were reinforced
during the first 10 days of the experiment made fewer errors. Rats that were
reinforced on day 11 immediately made far fewer errors, which indicated that
they had learned some spatial details of the maze even though food
reinforcement was not available during the first 10 trials for this group.
Source: Ciccarelli, Saundra K.; White, J. Noland, Psychology: An Exploration, 1st ed., © 2010, p. 79, 81, 141. Reprinted and
Source: Adapted from “Degrees of Hunger, Reward and Non-Reward and Maze Learning in Rats” by E. C. Tolman & C. H.
Honzik, (1930), University of California Publications in Psychology, 4241–4256.
If you put yourself in the rat’s shoes—or perhaps paws would be more
appropriate—you will realize that humans experience latent learning as well.
Consider the layout of a university campus. In the first months of school, new
students might wander around the campus to find different classrooms and
perhaps the cafeteria, but they would probably leave entire buildings unexplored.
Yet, if they were suddenly asked to meet someone in a specific building, they
would likely be able to find that location without much problem (i.e., they would
not wander aimlessly from building to building in a trial-and-error fashion as
though investigating a new environment for the first time). The reason is that they
would have formed an understanding of the general area, even though that
knowledge wasn’t rewarded at the time. Tolman and Honzik assumed that this
process held true for their rats, and they further hypothesized that rats possess a
cognitive map of their environment, much like our own cognitive map of our
surroundings. Their classic study is important because it illustrates that humans
(and rats) acquire information in the absence of immediate reinforcement and
that we can use that information when circumstances allow.
It is important to point out that latent learning did not disprove the operant
learning research that highlighted the importance of reinforcement (Module
6.2 ). Instead, most of the controversy centred on the idea of cognitive maps
and the statement that no reinforcement had occurred during the first 10 trials.
Later research suggested that the rats may have been learning where different
parts of the maze were located in relation to each other rather than forming a
complete map of the environment (Whishaw, 1991). Additionally, there is no
guarantee that the rats didn’t find exploring the maze on the first 10 trials to be
rewarding in some way, as rats are naturally curious about their environment.
Because it is experimentally difficult, if not impossible, to answer some of these
questions, much of the debate about the mechanisms underlying latent learning
remains unresolved (Jensen, 2006).
S-O-R Theory of Learning

Latent learning suggests that individuals engage in more “thinking” than is shown
by operant conditioning studies. Instead, cognitive theories of learning suggest
that an individual actively processes and analyzes information; this activity
influences observable behaviours as well as our internal mental lives. Because
of the essential role played by the individual, this early view of cognitive learning
was referred to as the S-O-R theory (stimulus-organism-response theory;
Woodworth, 1929).
Stimulus–response (S–R) and S–O–R theorists both agreed that thinking took
place; however, they disagreed about the content and causes of the thoughts.
S–R psychologists (such as Thorndike) assumed that thoughts were based on
the S–R contingencies that an organism had learned throughout its life; in other
words, thinking was a form of behaviour. Individual differences in responding
would therefore be explained by the different learning histories of the individuals.
S–O–R psychologists, on the other hand, assumed that individual differences
were based on people’s (or animals’) cognitive interpretation of that situation—in
other words, what that stimulus meant to them. In this view, the same stimulus in
the same situation could theoretically produce different responses based on a
variety of factors including an individual’s mood, fatigue, the presence of other
organisms, and so on. For example, the same comment to two coworkers might
lead to an angry response from one person and laughter from another. The
explanation for these differences is the O in the S–O–R theory; each person or
organism will think about or interpret a situation in a slightly different way.
Module 6.3a Quiz:

Cognitive Perspectives on Learning
Know . . .
1. A theory of learning that highlights the role played by an individual’s
interpretation of a situation is (the)
A. classical conditioning theory.
B. operant conditioning theory.
C. stimulus-organism-response theory.
D. individualist theory.
Understand . . .
2. Contrary to some early behaviourist views, suggests that
learning can occur without any immediate behavioural evidence.
A. latent learning
B. operant conditioning
C. classical conditioning
D. desirable difficulties
The first two modules in this chapter focused on aspects of learning that require
direct experience. Pavlov’s dogs experienced the clicking sound of the
metronome and the food one right after the other, and learning occurred. Rats in
an operant chamber experienced the reinforcing consequences of pressing a
lever, and learning occurred. However, not all learning requires direct
experience, and this is a good thing. Can you imagine if surgeons had to learn by
trial and error? Who on earth would volunteer to be the first patient?
Luckily, many species, including humans, are able to learn new skills and new
associations without directly experiencing them. Observational learning
involves changes in behaviour and knowledge that result from watching others.
Humans have elaborate cultural customs and rituals that spread through
observation. The cultural differences we find in dietary preferences, clothing
styles, athletic events, holiday rituals, music tastes, and so many other customs
exist because of observational learning. Indeed, it is the primary way that
adaptive behaviour spreads so rapidly within a population, even in nonhuman
species (Heyes & Galef, 1996). For example, cats that observe others being
trained to leap over a hurdle to avoid a foot shock learn the same trick faster
than cats who did not observe this training (John et al., 1968). A less shocking
example involves rats’ foraging behaviour. Before setting off in search of food,
rats smell the breath of other rats. They will then search preferentially for food
that matches the odour of their fellow rats’ breath. To humans, this practice may
not seem very appealing—but for rats, using breath as a source of information
about food may help them survive. By definition, a breathing rat is a living rat, so
clearly the food the animal ate did not kill it. Living rats are worth copying.
Human children are also very sensitive to social cues about what they should
avoid. Curious as they may be, even young children will avoid food if they
witness their parents reacting with disgust toward it (Stevenson et al., 2010).
However, for observational learning to occur, some key processes need to be in
place if the behaviour is to be successfully transmitted from one person to the
next.
Even rats have a special way of socially transmitting information. Without directly
observing what other rats have eaten, rats will smell the food on the breath of
other rats and then preferentially search for this food.
Cathy Keifer/Shutterstock
Processes Supporting Observational Learning

Albert Bandura (Bandura, 1973; Bandura & Walters, 1963) identified four
processes involved in observational learning: attention to the act or behaviour,
memory for it, the ability to reproduce it, and the motivation to do so (see Figure
6.16 ). Without any one of these processes, observational learning would be
unlikely—or at least would result in a poor rendition of the behaviour.
Figure 6.16 Processes Involved in Observational Learning
For observational learning to occur, several processes are required: attention,
memory, the ability to reproduce the behaviour, and the motivation to do so.
First, consider the importance of attention. Seeing someone react with a

classically conditioned fear to snakes or spiders can result in acquiring a similar
fear—even in the absence of any direct experience with snakes or spiders
(LoBue et al., 2010). As an example, are you afraid of sharks? It is likely that
many of you have this fear, even if you live thousands of kilometres away from
shark-infested waters. The fear you see on the faces of people in horror movies
and in “Shark Week” documentaries is enough for you to learn this experience.
Observational learning can extend to operant conditioning as well. Observing
someone being rewarded for certain behaviours facilitates imitation of the same
behaviours that bring about rewards.
Second, memory is an important facet of observational learning. When we learn

a new behaviour, there is often a delay before the opportunity to perform it
arises. If you tuned in to a cooking show, for example, you would need to
recreate the steps and processes required to prepare the dish at a later time.
Interestingly, memory for how to reproduce a behaviour or skill can be found at a
very early age (Huang, 2012). Infants just nine months of age can reproduce a
new behaviour (admittedly, a much simpler one than cooking), even if there is up
to a one-week delay between observing the act and having the opportunity to
reproduce it (Meltzoff, 1988).
Third, observational learning requires that the observer can actually reproduce
the behaviour. This can be very challenging, depending on the task. Unless an
individual has a physical impairment, learning an everyday task—such as
operating a can opener—is not difficult. By comparison, hitting a baseball thrown
by a Toronto Blue Jays pitcher requires a very specialized skill set. Research
indicates that observational learning is most effective when we first observe,
practise immediately, and continue practising and observing soon after acquiring
the response. For example, one study found that the optimal way to develop and
maintain motor (movement) skills is by repeated observation before and during
the initial stages of practising (Weeks & Anderson, 2000). It appears that
watching someone else helps us practise effectively, and allows us to see how
errors are made. When we see a model making a mistake, we know to examine
our own behaviour for similar mistakes (Blandin & Proteau, 2000; Hodges et
al., 2007).
Myths in Mind Is Teaching Uniquely Human?

Teaching is a significant component of human culture and a primary
means by which information is learned in classrooms, at home, and in
many other settings. But are humans the only species with the ability to
teach others? Some intriguing examples of teaching-like behaviour have
been observed in nonhuman species (Thornton & Raihani, 2010).
Prepare to be humbled.
Teaching behaviour was recently discovered in ants (Franks &

Richardson, 2006)—probably the last species we might suspect would
demonstrate this complex ability. For example, a “teacher” ant gives a
“pupil” ant feedback on how to locate a source of food.
Field researchers studying primates discovered the rapid spread of

potato-washing behaviour in Japanese macaque monkeys (Kawai,
1965). Imo—perhaps one of the more ingenious monkeys of the troop—
discovered that potatoes could be washed in salt water, which also may
have given them a more appealing taste. Potato-washing behaviour
subsequently spread through the population, especially among the
monkeys that observed the behaviour in Imo and her followers.
Primate researchers have documented the spread of potato washing in

Japanese macaque monkeys across multiple generations. Monkeys
appear to learn how to do this by observing experienced monkeys from
their troop.
Miles Barton/Nature Picture Library
Transmission of new and unique behaviours typically occurs between

mothers and their young (Huffman, 1996). Chimpanzee mothers, for
example, actively demonstrate to their young the special skills required to
crack nuts open (Boesch, 1991). Also, mother killer whales appear to
show their offspring how to beach themselves (Rendell & Whitehead,
2001), a behaviour that is needed for the type of killer whale that feeds
on seals that congregate along the shoreline.
In each of these examples, it is possible that the observer animals are

imitating the individual who is demonstrating a behaviour. These
observations raise the possibility that teaching may not be a uniquely
human endeavour.
Is this killer whale teaching her offspring to hunt for seals? Researchers
have found evidence of teaching in killer whales and a variety of other
nonhuman species.
Danita Delimont Creative/ Alamy Stock Photo
Finally, motivation is clearly an important component of observational learning.

On the one hand, being hungry or thirsty will motivate an individual to find out
where others are going to find food and drink. On the other hand, a child who
has no aspirations to ever play the piano will be less motivated to observe his
teacher during lessons. He will also be less likely to practise the observed
behaviour that he is trying to learn.
Observational punishment is also possible, but appears to be less effective at
changing behaviour than reinforcement. Witnessing others experience negative
consequences may decrease your chances of copying someone else’s
behaviour. Even so, we are sometimes surprisingly bad at learning from
observational punishment. Seeing the consequences of smoking, drug abuse,
and other risky behaviours does not seem to prevent many people from
engaging in the same activities.
Imitation and Mirror Neurons

One of the primary mechanisms that allows observational learning to take place
is imitation —recreating someone else’s motor behaviour or expression, often
to accomplish a specific goal. From a very young age, infants imitate the facial
expressions of adults (Meltzoff & Moore, 1977). Later, as they mature
physically, children readily imitate motor acts produced by a model, such as a
parent, teacher, or friend. This ability seems to be something very common
among humans. However, it is currently unclear what imitation actually is,
although a number of theories exist. Some researchers suggest that children
receive positive reinforcement when they properly imitate the behaviour of an
adult and that imitation is a form of operant learning (Horne & Erjavec, 2007).
Others suggest that imitation allows children to gain a better understanding of
their own body parts versus the “observed” body parts of others (Mitchell, 1987).
Finally, imitation might involve a more cognitive representation of one’s own
actions as well as the observed actions of someone else (Whiten, 2000). It is
likely that all three processes are involved with imitation at different points in
human (and some animal) development (Zentall, 2012).
Neuroscientists have provided additional insight into the functions of imitation. In

the 1990s, Italian researchers discovered that groups of neurons in parts of the
frontal lobes associated with planning movements became active both when a
monkey performed an action and when it observed another monkey performing
an action (di Pellegrino et al., 1992). These cells, now known as mirror
neurons, are also found in several areas in the human brain and have been
linked to many different functions ranging from understanding other people’s
emotional states to observational learning (Rizzolatti et al., 1996; Rizzolatti &
Craighero, 2004). Additionally, groups of neurons appear to be sensitive to the
context of an action. In one study, participants viewed a scene of a table covered
in a plate of cookies, a teapot, and a cup (see Figure 6.17 ). In one photo of
these items, the setting is untouched. In this case, reaching for the cup of tea
would indicate that the person intended to have a sip. In another photo, many of
the cookies are gone and the milk container has been knocked over. In this case,
reaching for the cup of tea—the identical action as in the previous photo—would
indicate that the person was cleaning up the mess. Incredibly, different groups of
mirror neurons fired in response to the two images, despite the fact that the
identical movement was being viewed (Iacoboni et al., 2005). These results
suggest that the mirror neuron system—a key part of our ability to imitate—is
sensitive to the purpose or goal of the imitated action.
Figure 6.17 Grasping Intentions of Mirror Neurons

Watching the same physical action—grabbing the teacup— in these two
scenarios will lead to activity in different groups of neurons in the mirror neuron
system. This suggests that the mirror neuron system is influenced by the goals of
the actions, not just the physical action itself.
Source: From Iacoboni, M., Molnar-Szakacs, I., Gallese, V., Buccino, G., Mazziotta, J. C., and Rizzolatti, G. PLoS Biol, 2005,
3, e79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pbio.0030079.g001. Reprinted under open access license.

Working the Scientific Literacy Model Linking
Media Exposure to Behaviour
Imitating behaviours such as opening contraptions with sticks or

picking up teacups is fairly harmless. However, not all of the
behaviours children see are this innocent. Children (and adults)
are exposed to dozens of violent actions in the media, on the
Internet, and in computer games every day. If kids are imitating
the behaviours they see in other contexts, does this mean that
the media are creating a generation of potentially violent people?
What do we know about media effects on behaviour?

In some cases, learning from the media involves direct imitation;
in other cases, what we observe shapes what we view as normal
or acceptable behaviour. Either way, the actions people observe
in the media can raise concerns, especially when children are
watching. Given that North American children now spend an
average of five hours per day interacting with electronic media, it
is no wonder that one of the most discussed and researched
topics in observational learning is the role of media violence in
developing aggressive behaviours and desensitizing individuals
to the effects of violence (Anderson et al., 2003; Huesmann,
2007). So how have researchers tackled the issue?
How can science explain the effect of media exposure on

children’s behaviour?
One of the first experimental attempts to test whether exposure to
violence begets violent behaviour in children was made by Albert
Bandura and colleagues (1961, 1963). In a series of studies,
groups of children watched an adult or cartoon character attack a
“Bobo” doll, while another group of children watched adults who
did not attack the doll. Children who watched adults attack the
doll did likewise when given the opportunity, in some cases even
imitating the specific attack methods used by the adults. The
other children did not attack the doll. This provided initial
evidence that viewing aggression makes children at least
temporarily more prone to committing aggressive acts toward an
inanimate object.
Decades of research has since confirmed that viewing

aggression is associated with increased aggression and
desensitization to violence (Bushman & Anderson, 2007). In
one Canadian study, Wendy Josephson (1987) had children
aged 7–9 view a violent or nonviolent film before playing a game
of floor hockey. Not surprisingly, children who viewed the violent
film were more likely to act aggressively (i.e., to commit an act
that would be penalized in a real hockey game). As an added
twist, in some of the floor hockey games, a referee carried a
walkie-talkie that had appeared in the violent film and thus served
as a reminder of the violence. This movie-associated cue
stimulated more violence, particularly in children who the
teachers had indicated were prone to aggression.
Visual images are not the only source of media violence,

however. Music, particularly hip hop and rap music (Herd, 2009),
has become increasingly graphic in its depictions of violence over
the last few decades. Psychologists have found that songs with
violent lyrics can lead to an increase in aggressive and hostile
thoughts in a manner similar to violent movies (Anderson et al.,
2003). In one study, German researchers asked male and female
participants to listen to songs with sexually aggressive lyrics that
were degrading to women. After listening to this music, the
participants were asked to help out with a (staged) taste-
preference study by pouring hot chili sauce into a plastic cup for
another participant (who was actually a confederate of the
experimenters). The researchers found that after listening to
aggressive music that degraded women, males poured more hot
sauce for a female than for a male confederate; this difference
did not occur after listening to neutral music. Female participants
did not show this effect. Male participants also recalled more
negative and aggressive thoughts. Interestingly, when women
listened to lyrics that were demeaning to men, they too recalled
more negative and hostile information (Fischer & Greitmeyer,
2006). Thus, the effects of media violence are not limited to the
visual domain and can affect both males and females.

Exposure to violent media and aggressive behaviour and thinking
are certainly related to each other. However, at least two very
important questions remain. First, does exposure to violence
cause violent behaviour or desensitization to violence? Second,
does early exposure to violence turn children into violent
adolescents or adults? Unfortunately, there are no simple
answers to either question, due in large part to investigators’
reliance on correlational designs, which are typically used for
studying long-term effects. Recall that correlational studies can
establish only that variables are related, but cannot determine
that one variable (media) causes another one (violent behaviour).
What is very clear from decades of research is that a positive
correlation exists between exposure to violent media and
aggressive behaviour in individuals, and that this correlation is
stronger than those between aggression and peer influence,
abusive parenting, or intelligence (Bushman & Anderson,
2007).
Another concern with these studies is that they aren’t really

examining why people respond aggressively when they see
violent imagery. Although there is clearly a role for observational
learning, a number of researchers have also suggested that
people become desensitized to the violence and thus less likely
to inhibit their own violent impulses. Recent brain-imaging studies
support this view. In one study, activity in parts of the frontal and
parietal lobes showed reductions in activity as people became
less sensitive to aggression shown in videos (Strenziok et al.,
2011). In another experiment, participants with a low history of
exposure to media violence showed more activity in frontal-lobe
regions related to inhibiting responses than did participants who
had more exposure to media violence and who had a history of
aggressive behaviour. These differences were particularly strong
when participants had to inhibit responses related to aggression-
related words (Kalnin et al., 2011). Although these studies don’t
definitively explain why media violence affects behaviour, they do
point to at least one potential cause.

Clearly then, media violence is a significant risk factor for future
aggressiveness. Many organizations have stepped in to help
parents make decisions about which type of media their children
will be exposed to. The Motion Picture Association of America
has been rating movies, with violence as a criterion, since 1968.
(Canada does not have a national ratings system; individual
provinces each rate movies.) Violence on television was being
monitored and debated even before the film industry took this
step. Since the 1980s, parental advisory stickers have been
appearing on music with lyrics that are sexually explicit, reference
drug use, or depict violence. Of course, as you know, these
precautions have little effect on what children watch and listen to.
Kids will always find a way to access this type of material. But,
providing parents with more information about how these
depictions of violence can affect children will hopefully highlight
some of the dangers of these images and lyrics, and may inspire
them to talk to their kids about how violence can be real. Doing
so might teach children and adolescents to be better at
examining how media violence could be affecting their own
behaviour.
In Albert Bandura’s experiment, children who watched adults
behave violently toward the Bobo doll were aggressive toward the
same doll when given the chance—often imitating specific acts
that they viewed.
Albert Bandura
Biopsychosocial Perspectives Violence, Video
Games, and Culture

Can pixilated, fictional characters controlled by your own hands make
you more aggressive or even violent? Adolescents, university students,
and even adults in their thirties and forties play hours of video games
each day, many of which are very violent. Also, because video games
are becoming so widespread, questions have been raised about whether
the correlations between media violence and aggression are found
across different cultures. What do you think: Do these games increase
aggression and violent acts by players? First, test your knowledge and
assumptions and then see what research tells us.
True or False?
1. Playing violent video games reduces a person’s sensitivity to
others’ suffering and need for help.
2. Gamers who play violent video games are less likely to behave
aggressively if they are able to personalize their own character.
3. Gamers from Eastern cultures, who play violent video games as
much as Westerners, are less prone to video game–induced
aggression.
4. Physiological arousal is not affected by violent video games.
5. Male gamers are more likely to become aggressive by playing
video games than female gamers.
Answers
1. True. People who play violent video games often become
less sensitive to the feelings and well-being of others.
2. False. Personalizing a character seems to increase
aggressive behaviour.
3. False. Gamers from both Eastern and Western cultures
show the same effects.
4. False. Players of violent video games show increased
physiological arousal during play. However, it is important to
remember that this does not mean that playing these games will
necessarily cause someone to become violent.
5. False. There are no overall gender differences in
aggression displayed by gamers.
Source: These data are from Anderson et al., 2010; Carnagey et al., 2007; and Fischer et al., 2010.
Research examining the effects of violent movies, television shows, and music
lyrics paints a disturbing picture of the effects of media on aggressive behaviour.
Recently, due to a drastic upsurge in their popularity and sophistication, video
games have also been labelled with parental advisory stickers. Some violent
games, such as Call of Duty (which has sold over 140 million copies worldwide),
involve shooting and blowing up the enemy. Other games, such as Grand Theft
Auto, allow the player to commit illegal and violent acts. An obvious question is:
Are video games related to aggressive behaviour (i.e., observational learning) in
the same way that movies are?
Of course, the most important question is whether a regular pattern of playing

violent video games causes violent behaviour. In 2015, the American
Psychological Association issued a report stating that research has shown a
consistent link between violent video games and violent behaviour. However, a
number of academics disagreed with the methods used to come to these
conclusions. Critics also pointed out that violent crime is decreasing in most
countries despite the prevalence of video games. The general consensus is that
violent video games can lead to aggressive thoughts and behaviours in some
people. Whether these games have a long-term effect on behaviour is still
unclear.
These data don’t mean that you should never watch a violent movie or play
violent video games. And, you don’t need to delete your gangsta rap songs and
replace them with a steady diet of Taylor Swift. Rather, these data show you that
the media can influence your behaviour. It’s up to you to become aware of how
media violence can lead to (unintentional) observational learning. Doing so will
help ensure that your actions are, in fact, your own.
Module 6.3b Quiz:
Know . . .
1. Observational learning
A. is the same thing as teaching.
B. involves a change in behaviour as a result of watching others.
C. is limited to humans.
D. is not effective for long-term retention.
2. is the replication of a motor behaviour or expression, often to

accomplish a specific goal.
A. Observational learning
B. Latent learning
C. Imitation
D. Cognitive mapping
Apply . . .
3. Nancy is trying to learn a new yoga pose. To obtain the optimal results,
research indicates she should
A. observe, practise immediately, and continue to practice and to
observe others.
B. observe and practise one time.
C. just closely observe the behaviour.
D. observe the behaviour just one time and then practise on her
own.
Analyze . . .
4. Which is the most accurate conclusion from the large body of research
that exists on the effects of viewing media violence?
A. Exposure to violent media directly causes increased aggression
and desensitization to violence.
B. There is a positive correlation between exposure to media
violence and aggressive behaviour.
C. Researchers cannot establish a link between exposure to violent
media and either aggression levels or desensitization to violence
without first conducting brain-imaging studies.
D. Viewing aggression is not related to increased aggression and
desensitization to violence.
Module 6.3 Summary

6.3a Know . . . the key terminology associated with cognitive and
observational learning.
imitation
latent learning
observational learning
6.3b Understand . . . the concept of latent learning and its relevance to

cognitive aspects of learning.
Without being able to observe learning directly, it might seem as if no learning

occurs. However, Tolman and Honzik showed that rats can form cognitive maps
of their environment. They found that even when no immediate reward was
available, rats still learned about their environment.
6.3c Apply . . . principles of observational learning outside of the

laboratory.
Apply Activity
Based on what you read about in this module, how would you use observational
learning in each of these settings?
1. Teaching children how to kick a soccer ball

2. Improving efficiency in a busy office
3. Improving environmental sustainability at a university
Are you simply letting people observe your behaviour, or does your plan involve
elements learned in other modules in this chapter (e.g., shaping)?
6.3d Analyze . . . the claim that viewing violent media increases violent
behaviour.
Psychologists agree that observational learning occurs and that media can
influence behaviour. Many studies show a correlational (noncausal) relationship
between violent media exposure and aggressive behaviour. Also, experimental
studies, going all the way back to Albert Bandura’s work in the 1960s, indicate
that exposure to violent media can at least temporarily increase aggressive
behaviour.
Chapter 7 Memory
7.1 Memory Systems

The Atkinson-Shiffrin Model 272
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Distinguishing Short-Term from

Long-Term Memory Stores 276
The Working Memory Model: An Active STM System 279
Long-Term Memory Systems: Declarative and Nondeclarative Memories

282
The Cognitive Neuroscience of Memory 283
7.2 Encoding and Retrieving Memories

Encoding and Retrieval 289
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Context-Dependent Memory 291
Emotional Memories 295

Forgetting and Remembering 298
7.3 Constructing and Reconstructing Memories

How Memories Are Organized and Constructed 303
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: How Schemas Influence Memory

303
Memory Reconstruction 306

Module 7.1 Memory Systems
Jsemeniuk/E+/Getty Images
Learning Objectives
7.1a Know . . . the key terminology of memory systems.
7.1b Understand . . . which structures of the brain are associated with specific
memory tasks and how the brain changes as new memories form.
7.1c Apply . . . your knowledge of the brain basis of memory to predict what
types of damage or disease would result in which types of memory loss.
7.1d Analyze . . . the claim that humans have multiple memory systems.
In October 1981, an Ontario man lost control of his motorcycle and flew
off an exit ramp west of Toronto. He suffered a severe head injury and
required immediate brain surgery in order to treat the swelling caused by
the impact. Brain scans conducted after the accident showed extensive
damage to the temporal lobes (including the hippocampus) as well as to
both frontal lobes and the left occipital lobe. When the man, now known
as patient K.C., recovered consciousness, doctors quickly noted that he
had severe memory impairments. However, when psychologists from the
University of Toronto dug deeper into K.C.’s condition, it became clear
that he had retained some memory for general knowledge, but had lost
his episodic memory, the memory of his specific experiences (Tulving et
al., 1988). Strikingly, K.C. could recall the facts about his life (e.g., where
he lived) but could not recall his personal experiences or feelings relating
to those facts (e.g., sitting on the steps with friends).
K.C.’s devastating experience helped researchers prove that we have

several different types of memory, each involving different networks of
brain areas (Rosenbaum et al., 2005). His case also hearkens back to a
philosophical question posed by William James (1890/1950) over a
century ago: If an individual were to awaken one day with his or her
personal memories erased, would he or she still be the same person?
Focus Questions
1. How is it possible to remember just long enough to have normal

conversations and activities but then to forget them almost
immediately?
2. How would damage to different brain areas affect different types
of memory?
You have probably heard people talk about memory as if it were a single ability:
I have a terrible memory!

Isn’t there some way I could improve my memory?
But have you ever heard people talk about memory as if it were several abilities?
One of my memories works well, but the other is not so hot.
Probably not. However, as you will learn in this module, memory is actually a
collection of several systems that store information in different forms for differing
amounts of time (Atkinson & Shiffrin, 1968). One influential model for
understanding these different systems, and the different types of memories they
involve, can be seen in Figure 7.1 .
Figure 7.1 The Atkinson-Shiffrin Model
Memory is a multistage process. Information flows through a brief sensory
memory store into short-term memory, where rehearsal encodes it into long-term
memory for permanent storage. Memories are retrieved from long-term memory
and brought into short-term storage for further processing.
Source: Based on “Human Memory: A Proposed System and Its Control Processes” by in The Psychology of Learning and
Motivation: Advances in Research and Theory, Vol 2 (pp. 89–195).
The Atkinson-Shiffrin Model
In the 1960s, Richard Atkinson and Richard Shiffrin reviewed what psychologists
knew about memory at that time and constructed the memory model that bears
their name (see Figure 7.1 ). The first thing to notice about the Atkinson-
Shiffrin model is that it includes three memory stores (Atkinson & Shiffrin,
1968). Stores retain information in memory without using it for any specific
purpose; they essentially serve the same purpose as hard drives serve for a
computer. The three stores include sensory memory, short-term memory (STM),
and long-term memory (LTM), which we will investigate in more detail later. In
addition, control processes shift information from one memory store to
another. These are represented by the arrows in the model in Figure 7.1 .
An important point illustrated in Figure 7.1 is that our memory systems,

although stunningly powerful, are not perfect. We lose, or forget, information at
each step of this model. Information enters the sensory memory store through all
of the senses (e.g., vision, hearing, etc.), and the control process we call
attention selects which information will be passed on to STM. This is highly
functional: the attention process selects some elements of our environment that
will receive further processing and add to our experience and understanding of
the world. However, this functionality comes at a cost, because a vast amount of
sensory information is quickly forgotten, almost immediately replaced by new
input. We selectively narrow the information we receive in STM even further
through encoding , the process of storing information in the LTM system. We
retain only some information and lose the rest. Retrieval brings information
from LTM back into STM; this happens when you become aware of existing
memories, such as remembering the movie you saw last week. Of course, this
process is not perfect—we are sometimes unable to retrieve information when
we want to. But, overall, our ability to retrieve information is astonishing. This
interplay between remembering and forgetting is a theme that extends across all
of the modules in this chapter. In this module, we are primarily concerned with
the various types of memory stores, so we will examine each one in detail.
Sensory Memory
“What did I just say to you?” This sentence rarely leads to good things. It is
generally spoken when one person in a conversation (e.g., a relationship
partner) is apparently not paying attention to what another person (e.g., the other
relationship partner) is saying. Individuals on the receiving end of this sentence
often experience anxiety, if not a sense of doom. Luckily, we have a memory
store that can sometimes come to the rescue.
Sensory memory is a memory store that accurately holds perceptual

information for a very brief amount of time—how brief depends on which sensory
system we talk about. Iconic memory , the visual form of sensory memory, is
held for about one-half to one second. Echoic memory , the auditory form of
sensory memory, is held for considerably longer, but still only for about 5–10
seconds (Cowan et al., 1990). It is this form of sensory memory that will allow
you to repeat back the words you just heard, even though you may have been
thinking about something else.
How much information can be held in sensory memory? This important question
has proven very difficult to answer, because sensory memories—particularly
visual memories—disappear faster than an individual can report them. George
Sperling (1960) devised a brilliant method for testing the storage capacity of
iconic memory. In his experiment, researchers flashed a grid of letters on a
screen for a fraction of a second (Figure 7.2 a), and participants were asked
to report what they saw. In the whole report condition, participants attempted to
recall as many of the letters as possible—the whole screen. Participants were
generally able to report only three or four of the letters, and these would usually
be in the same line. But does this mean that the iconic sensory memory system
can only store three or four bits of information at a time? Sperling thought that it
likely had a larger capacity, but hypothe-sized that the memory of the letters
actually faded faster than participants could report them. To test this, in the
partial report condition, participants were again flashed a set of letters on the
screen, but the display was followed immediately by a tone that was randomly
chosen to be low, medium, or high (Figure 7.2 b). After hearing the tone,
participants were to report the corresponding line of letters—bottom, middle, or
top. Under these conditions, participants still reported only three or four of the
letters, but they reported them from the row indicated by the tone. Because the
tone came after the screen went blank, the only way the participants could get
the letters right is if all of the letters were (temporarily) stored in sensory memory.
Thus Sperling argued that iconic memory could hold all 12 letters as a mental
image, but that they would only remain in sensory memory long enough for a few
letters to be reported.
Figure 7.2 A Test of Iconic Sensory Memory

Sperling’s participants viewed a grid of letters flashed on a screen for a split
second, then attempted to recall as many of the letters as possible. In the whole
report condition (a), they averaged approximately four items, usually from a
single row. However, in the partial report condition (b), participants could usually
name any row of four items, depending on the row they were cued to recite. This
indicated that participants’ iconic memory system could store far more than the
mere four items they were able to report.
But if information in our sensory memory disappears after half a second, then
how can we have any continuous perceptions? How can you stare meaningfully
into someone’s eyes without that person fading away from memory half a second
after you look away, just like the letters in Sperling’s experiment? The answer is
attention. Attention allows us to move a small amount of the information from our
sensory memory into STM for further processing. This information is often
referred to as being within the “spotlight of attention” (Pashler, 1998).
Information that is outside of this spotlight of attention is not transferred into STM
and is unlikely to be remembered.
The relationship between sensory memory and attention is beautifully illustrated

by a phenomenon known as change blindness (Rensink et al., 1997, 2000;
Simons & Levin, 1997). In a typical change blindness experiment, participants
view two nearly identical versions of a photograph (or some other stimulus);
these stimuli will have only one difference between them (e.g., a car is different
colours in the two photographs). The goal on each trial of the experiment is to
locate the difference (see Figure 7.3 ). However, the way in which the images
are displayed presents quite a challenge. The two versions of the photograph are
alternately presented for 240 ms each, with a blank screen in between them. So,
a participant would see Photograph 1, blank screen, Photograph 2, blank screen,
Photograph 1, blank screen, and so on. If the item that differs between the two
photographs (e.g., the car) is not the focus of attention, people generally fail to
notice the change (hence the term change blindness). This is likely because the
appearance of the blank screen in between the two photographs occupies
sensory memory, thus making the memory of the previous photograph less
accessible. However, if the participant is paying attention to that changing
element (i.e., the “spotlight” of attention is focused on that part of the image), the
image of the first version of that item will be transferred into STM when the
second, changed version appears on the screen. The difference between the two
photographs then becomes apparent.
Figure 7.3 Change Blindness, Attention, and Sensory Memory

In change blindness, the sensory memory of photograph A disappears before the
onset of photograph B, making it difficult to identify the difference between the
two pictures. However, if a person is paying attention to the area that differs
between the two photographs, then the representation of that part of the first
photograph will still be in short-term memory when the second photograph
appears, thus making it relatively easy to spot the change. In this example, part
of a tree branch disappears in photograph B.
Source: Based on Rensink, R. A., O’Regan, J. K., & Clark, J. J. (1997). To see or not to see: The need for attention to
perceive changes in scenes. Psychological Science, 8, 368–373. (Figure 1, p. 369).
An obvious question that arises is: Why don’t people quickly move their spotlight
of attention around so that they can transfer all of their sensory memory into
short-term memory? Unfortunately, there is a limit to how much information can
be transferred at once (Marois & Ivanoff, 2005).
Short-Term Memory and the Magical Number 7

Although transferring information from sensory memory into short-term memory
increases the chances that this information will be remembered later, it is not
guaranteed. This is because short-term memory (STM) is a memory store
with limited capacity and duration (approximately 30 seconds). The capacity of
STM was summed up by one psychologist as The Magical Number Seven, Plus
or Minus Two (Miller, 1956). In his review, Miller found study after study in which
participants were able to remember seven units of information, give or take a
couple. One researcher made the analogy between STM and a juggler who can
keep seven balls in the air before dropping any of them. Similarly, STM can
rehearse only seven units of information at once before forgetting something
(Nairne, 1996).
This point leads to an important question: What, exactly, is “a unit of

information”? The answer is not as straightforward as one might expect. It turns
out that, whenever possible, we expand our memory capacity with chunking ,
organizing smaller units of information into larger, more meaningful units. These
larger units are referred to as chunks. Consider these examples:
1. O B T N C H C V N T C N S N C
2. C B C H B O C T V T S N C N N
If we randomly assigned one group of volunteers to remember the first list, and
another group to remember the second list, how would you expect the two
groups to compare? Look carefully at both lists. List 2 is easier to remember than
list 1. Volunteers reading list 2 have the advantage of being able to apply
patterns that fit their background knowledge; specifically, they can chunk these
letters into five groups based on popular television networks:
1. CBC HBO CTV TSN CNN
In this case, chunking reduces 15 bits of information to a mere five. We do the

same thing with phone numbers. We turn the area code (236) into one chunk,
the first three numbers (555) into another chunk, and then the final four numbers
into one or two chunks depending upon the numbers (e.g., 1867 might be one
chunk because it can be remembered as the year Canada became a country,
while 8776 could be remembered as two chunks representing the jersey
numbers for hockey players Sidney Crosby and P. K. Subban or, if you’re not a
hockey fan, some other meaningful pattern).
The ability to chunk material varies from situation to situation. If you had never
watched television, then the five chunks of information in the example above
wouldn’t be very meaningful to you. This suggests that experience or expertise
plays a role in our ability to chunk large amounts of information so that it fits into
our STM. Studies of chess experts have confirmed that this is the case. Whereas
most people would memorize the positions of chess pieces on a board
individually, chess masters perceive it as a single unit, like a photograph of a
scene (Chase & Simon, 1973; Gobet & Simon, 1998). Therefore, they are able
to remember the positions of significantly more chess pieces than novices can.
Of course, chunking only works when the chess pieces are aligned in meaningful
chess positions; when they are randomly placed on the board, the experts’
memory advantage disappears (see Figure 7.4 ). Chunking also allows the
chess masters to envision what the board will look like after future moves, again
providing them with an edge over novices.
Figure 7.4 Chunking in Chess Experts
Chess experts have superior STM for the locations of pieces on a chess board
due to their ability to create STM chunks. This advantage only occurs when the
pieces are placed in a meaningful way, as they would appear in a game. (a) A
depiction of a board with the pieces placed as they would appear in a game (left)
and pieces placed in random locations (right). (b) The difference in STM for
meaningful vs. randomly placed pieces increased as a function of the test
subject’s chess experience.
Source: Based on Gobet, F., Lane, P. C. R., Croker, S., Cheng, P. C. H., Jones, G., Oliver, I., and Pine, J. M. (2001).
Chunking mechanisms in human learning. TRENDS in Cognitive Sciences, 5(6), 236–243. (Figure 1, p. 237).
Importantly, this expertise is not necessarily based on some innate talent; it can
be learned through intensive practice. The most stunning confirmation of this
view comes from the Polgár sisters of Budapest, Hungary (Flora, 2005). Their
father, Lázló Polgár, decided before they were born that he was going to raise
them to become chess grandmasters. Doing so would confirm his belief that
anyone could be trained to become a world-class expert in any field if he or she
worked hard enough (he was not a grandmaster himself). Polgár trained his
daughters in the basics of chess, and had them memorize games so that they
could visualize each move on the board. After thousands of hours of what
amounts to “chunking training,” the girls (who, luckily, enjoyed chess) rose to the
top of the chess world. The eldest daughter, Susan, became the first female to
earn the title of Grandmaster through tournament play. The youngest daughter,
Sofia, is an International Master. The middle daughter, Judit, is generally thought
of as the best female chess player in history.
Long-Term Memory
Not all of the information that enters STM is retained. A large proportion of it is
lost forever. This isn’t necessarily a bad thing, however. Imagine if every piece of
information you thought about remained accessible in your memory. Your mind
would be filled with phone numbers, details from text messages, images from
billboards and ads on buses, as well as an incredible amount of trivial
information from other people (e.g., overhearing the coffee order of the person in
front of you). Instead, only a small amount of information from STM is encoded
or transformed into a more permanent representation that we can intentionally
access later on. Encoding allows information to enter the final memory store in
the Atkinson-Shiffrin model. This store, long-term memory (LTM) , holds
information for extended periods of time, if not permanently. Unlike short-term
memory, long-term memory has no capacity limitations (that we are aware of).
All of the information that undergoes encoding will be entered into LTM.
Once entered into LTM, the information needs to be organized. Researchers

have identified at least two ways in which this organization occurs. One way is
based on the semantic categories that the items belong to (Collins & Loftus,
1975). The mental representation of cat would be connected to and stored near
the mental representation of other animals such as dog and mouse. This model
is consistent with the results from an interesting experiment from the 1950s.
Participants were asked to remember a list of 60 words that were drawn from
four different categories. Although the words were randomly presented,
participants recalled them in semantically related groups (e.g., lion, tiger,
cheetah . . . guitar, violin, cello, etc.). This research suggests that semantically
related items are stored near each other in LTM (see Module 8.1 ). A second
way that LTM is organized is based on the sounds of the word and on how the
word looks. This explains part of the tip-of-the-tongue (TOT) phenomenon ,
when you are able to retrieve similar sounding words or words that start with the
same letter but can’t quite retrieve the word you actually want (Brown & McNeil,
1966). What appears to be happening in these situations is that nearby items, or
nodes, in your neural network are activated.
Of course, having the information in LTM doesn’t necessarily mean that you can
access it when you want to. If that were the case, then you would never forget
where you put your keys, and no one would be impressed by your knowledge of
pop culture trivia. Instead, the likelihood that a given piece of information will
undergo retrieval—the process of accessing memorized information and
returning it to short-term memory—is influenced by a number of different factors
including the quality of the original encoding and the strategies used to retrieve
the information. These important processes are described in depth later in this
chapter.

Distinguishing Short-Term from Long-Term
Memory Stores
The Atkinson-Shiffrin model of memory is very neat and tidy, with

different memory stores contained in separate boxes. The
problem is that the real world rarely involves 30-second blocks of
time filled with 7 ± 2 pieces of information followed by a short
break to encode them. Instead, we are often required to use both
STM and LTM at the same time. Without this ability, we wouldn’t
be able to have conversations, nor would we be able to
understand paragraphs of text like this one. So, if both STM and
LTM are constantly working together, how do we isolate the
functions of each memory store?
What do we know about short-term and long-term memory

stores?
As you’ll recall (thanks to your LTM), STM lasts for approximately
30 seconds and usually contains 7 ± 2 units of information; LTM
has no fixed time limits or capacity. The distinction between STM
and LTM can be revealed with a simple experiment. Imagine a
group of people studied a list of 15 words and then immediately
tried to recall the words in the list. The serial position curve—the
U-shaped graph in Figure 7.5 —shows what the results would
look like according to the serial position effect : In general,
most people will recall the first few items from a list and the last
few items, but only an item or two from the middle (Ebbinghaus,
1885/1913). This finding holds true for many types of information,
ranging from simple strings of letters to the ads you might recall
after watching the Super Bowl (Laming, 2010; Li, 2010).
Figure 7.5 The Serial Position Effect
Memory for the order of events is often superior for original items
(the primacy effect) and later items (the recency effect). The
serial position effect provides evidence of distinct short-term and
long-term memory stores.
The first few items are remembered relatively easily (known as

the primacy effect) because they have begun the process of
entering LTM. The last few items are also remembered well
(known as the recency effect); however, this is because those
items are still within our STM (Deese & Kaufman, 1957). The
fate of the items in the middle of the test is more difficult to
determine, as they would be in the process of being encoded into
LTM. As you have already read, some information is lost during
this process.
How can science explain the difference between STM and

LTM stores?
The shape of the serial position effect (see Figure 7.5 )
suggests that there are two different processes at work. But, how
do we explain the dip in the middle of the curve? Memory
researchers suggest that this dip in performance is caused by two
different mechanisms. First, the items that were at the beginning
of the list produce proactive interference , a process in which
the first information learned (e.g., in a list of words) occupies
memory, leaving fewer resources left to remember the newer
information. The last few items on the list create retroactive
interference —that is, the most recently learned information
overshadows some older memories that have not yet made it into
long-term memory (see Figure 7.6 ). Together, these two types
of interference would result in poorer memory performance for
items in the middle of a list.
Figure 7.6 Proactive and Retroactive Interference
Contribute to the Serial Position Effect
In addition to demonstrating behavioural differences between

STM and LTM, scientists have also used neuroimaging to attempt
to identify the different brain regions responsible for each form of
memory. Deborah Talmi and colleagues (2005) at the
University of Toronto performed an fMRI experiment in which
they asked ten volunteers to study a list of 12 words presented
one at a time on a computer screen. Next, the computer screen
flashed a word and the participants had to determine whether the
word was from their study list. The researchers were mostly
concerned about the brain activity that occurred when the
volunteers correctly recognized words. When volunteers
remembered information from early in the serial position curve,
the hippocampus was active (this area is associated with the
formation of LTM, as you will read about later). By comparison,
the brain areas associated with sensory information—hearing or
seeing the words—were more active when people recalled items
at the end of the serial position curve. Thus, the researchers
believed they had isolated the effects of two different neural
systems which, working simultaneously, produce the serial
position curve.
Can we critically evaluate the distinction between STM and

LTM?
In order to evaluate the idea that the serial-position effect is
caused by two interacting memory systems, we need at least two
types of tests. First, we need to find evidence that it is possible to
change the performance on one test but not the other. Then we
need to find medical cases in which brain damage affected one
system, but not the other. Together, these findings would support
the view that STM and LTM stores can be distinguished from
each other.
The fact that it is possible to separately affect the primacy and

recency effects was demonstrated in the 1950s and 1960s. When
items on a list are presented quickly, it becomes more difficult to
completely encode those items into long-term memory. The result
is a reduction in the primacy effect; however, STM will still contain
the most recently presented items, thus leaving the recency effect
unchanged (Murdock, 1962). The recency effect can be reduced
by inserting a delay between the presentation of the list and the
test. This delay will allow other information to fill up STM; LTM, as
shown by the primacy effect, will be unaffected (Bjork & Whitten,
1974).
Evidence from neurological patients also supports the distinction

between STM and LTM. STM deficits can occur after damage to
the lower portions of the temporal and parietal lobes, as well as to
lateral (outside) areas of the frontal lobes (Müller & Knight,
2006). In contrast, damage to the hippocampus will prevent the
transfer of memories from STM to LTM (Scoville & Milner,
1957). These patients will have relatively preserved memories of
their past, but will be unable to add to them with new information
from short-term memory.
The idea of multiple memory stores is theoretically interesting and
can explain some of the minor memory problems we all
experience (e.g., forgetting parts of a phone number). But, being
able to distinguish between STM and LTM has more wide-
reaching implications. The fact that it is possible to separate STM
and LTM—and that these stores are driven by different brain
systems—suggests that you could use simple tests like the serial-
position effect to predict where a neurological patient’s brain
damage had occurred. Many common assessment tools such as
the Wechsler Memory Scales (Wechsler, 2009) include tests of
both types of memory in order to do just that. Clues uncovered by
these initial assessment tests can be used by emergency room
physicians and neurologists to assist with their diagnosis and
may lead them to request a brain scan for a patient (to look for
damage) when they might not otherwise have done so.
The Atkinson-Shiffrin Model provides a very good introduction to the different

stages of memory formation. However, memory is much more complex than is
implied by this box-and-arrow diagram. There are many instances in which
information that we didn’t pay much attention to still seems to influence our later
behaviour, suggesting that this information entered our memory without us
putting effort into encoding it. For instance, children learn new languages and
mimic the behaviours of those around them (i.e., exhibit observational learning)
without being able to articulate how or why they do it. Additionally, brain-imaging
studies have shown that both encoding and retrieval involve complex networks of
interacting brain structures. Throughout the rest of this module, we will move
beyond the Atkinson-Shiffrin Model to examine more complex and nuanced
aspects of human memory. In the next section, we will discuss working memory,
a sophisticated form of STM that involves a number of different, complementary,
pieces.
Module 7.1a Quiz:
The Atkinson-Shiffrin Model
Know . . .
1. Which elements of memory do not actually store information, but instead
describe how information may be shifted from one type of memory to
another?
A. Serial position processes
B. Recency effects
C. Primacy effects
D. Control processes
2. lasts less than a second, whereas holds information

for extended periods of time, if not permanently.
A. Sensory memory; short-term memory
B. Short-term memory; sensory memory
C. Sensory memory; long-term memory
D. Long-term memory; process memory
Apply . . .
3. Chris forgot about his quiz, so he had only 5 minutes to learn 20
vocabulary words. He went through the list once, waited a minute, and
then went through the list again in the same order. Although he felt
confident, his grade indicated that he missed approximately half of the
words. Which words on the list did he most likely miss, and why?
A. According to the primacy effect, he would have missed the first
few words on the list.
B. According to the recency effect, he would have missed the last
few words on the list.
C. According to the serial position effect, most of the items he
missed were probably in the middle of the list.
D. According to the primacy effect, he would have missed all of the
words on the list.
Analyze . . .
4. Brain scans show that recently encountered items are processed in one
area of the brain, whereas older items are stored in a different area.
Which concept does this evidence support?
A. Multiple memory stores
B. A single memory store
C. Complex control processes
D. Retrieval
The Working Memory Model: An Active

STM System
Imagine you are driving a car when you hear the announcement for a radio
contest—the 10th caller at 1-800-555-HITS will win an all-expenses paid trip to
Costa Rica! As the DJ shouts out the phone number, panic sets in. You
desperately want this prize, but you’re driving—and traffic is swarming. What do
you do? As you try to pull over to the side of the road as quickly as you can, you
will probably try to remember the number by using rehearsal , or repeating
information (in this case, the number) until you do not need to remember it
anymore. Psychological research, however, demonstrates that remembering is
much more than just repeating words to yourself (see Module 7.2 ). Instead,
keeping information like the radio station’s phone number available is an active
process that is much more complex than one would expect.
According to the Atkinson-Shiffrin model of memory, you would attempt to retain

the phone number in STM, possibly transferring it to LTM. This process would go
smoothly if no other information entered STM, and if traffic cooperated so that
you didn’t really have to attend to anything other than the phone number. Of
course, the world is rarely that simple. Indeed, in the 1970s, psychologists led by
Alan Baddeley suggested that a slightly more complex model of memory was
required, one that better explained how memory relates to our moment-to-
moment conscious experiences (Baddeley & Hitch, 1974). The result was a
theory of working memory , a model of short-term remembering that includes
a combination of memory components that can temporarily store small amounts
of information for a short period of time.
A key feature of working memory is that it recognizes that stimuli are encoded
simultaneously in a number of different ways, rather than simply as a single unit
of information. Indeed, the classic working memory model for short-term
remembering can be subdivided into three storage components (Figure 7.7 ),
each of which has a specialized role (Baddeley, 2001; Jonides et al., 2005): the
phonological loop, the visuospatial sketchpad, and the episodic buffer. In the
example above, the auditory information from the DJ needs to be remembered
so that you can win the trip to Costa Rica (phonological loop). Visual information
needs to be remembered so that you can keep track of the traffic patterns while
you drive (visuospatial sketchpad). And, while you are juggling these bits of
information, you are also linking them together into a mental narrative or story
about how you had to pull your car over to try to win an exotic vacation (episodic
buffer). These storage components are then coordinated by a control centre
known as the central executive. The central executive helps decide which of the
working-memory stores is most important at any given moment (e.g.,
remembering the phonological information of the phone number). It can also
draw from older information that is stored in a relatively stable way to help
organize or make sense of the new information.
Figure 7.7 Components of Working Memory Work Together to Manage

Complex Tasks
As you can see, working memory provides a more nuanced model of short-term
memory processes than the Atkinson-Shiffrin model (Cowan, 2008). But is all
this additional complexity necessary? Below, we will discuss this model in more
detail and show how various research findings support this more complex
understanding of memory.
The Phonological Loop

The phonological loop is a storage component of working memory that
relies on rehearsal and that stores information as sounds, or an auditory code. It
engages some portions of the brain that specialize in speech and hearing, and it
can be very active without affecting memory for visual and spatial information. At
first glance, it appears similar to the STM store of the Atkinson-Shiffrin model;
however, a simple experiment will show you how it differs. Earlier in this module,
you read about the magical number 7, the finding that the capacity of STM is
generally 7 ± 2 items. However, research into the word-length effect has shown
that people remember more one-syllable words (sum, pay, bar, . . .) than four- or
five-syllable words (helicopter, university, alligator, . . .) in a short-term-memory
task (Baddeley et al., 1975). Psychologists have found that working memory
can only store as many syllables as can be rehearsed in about two seconds, and
that this information is retained for approximately 15 to 30 seconds (Brown,
1958; Peterson & Peterson, 1959). So, in the radio-contest example, you would
likely be able to remember the phone number (it can be spoken in under two
seconds), but you would need to pull over to use your phone fairly quickly, before
the information started to fade away.
Some readers might wonder how the word-length effect and chunking (discussed
earlier in this module) can both affect memory. According to early models of
chunking, long words like helicopter and alligator and short words like bar and
pay would all be one chunk, whereas the word-length effect suggests that fewer
long words would be remembered. Which view is correct? As it turns out, both
can be correct, depending upon how memory is tested. If participants are
allowed to recall information in any order, chunking appears to be an important
factor. If participants have to recall the information in a particular order, then the
length of the stimuli limits memory (Chen & Cowan, 2005). In the case of
remembering the phone number of the radio station in our example, the order of
the numbers would obviously be a critical factor.
The Visuospatial Sketchpad

The visuospatial sketchpad is a storage component of working memory that
maintains visual images and spatial layouts in a visuospatial code. It keeps you
up to date on where objects are around you and where you intend to go. To do
so, the visuospatial sketchpad engages portions of the brain related to
perception of vision and space and does not affect memory for sounds. Just as
the phonological store can be gauged at several levels—that is, in terms of the
number of syllables, the number of words, or the number of chunks—items
stored in visuospatial memory can be counted based on visual features such as
shape, colour, and texture. This leads to an important question: How are these
different visual features processed by the visuospatial sketchpad? Do different
types of features (e.g., colour vs. shape) get stored separately, or are they
integrated into one “chunk”? For example, would a smooth, square-shaped, red
block count as one chunk, or three? Research has consistently shown that a
square-shaped block painted in two colours is just as easy to recognize as the
same-shaped block painted in one colour (Vogel et al., 2001). Therefore,
visuospatial working memory may use a form of chunking. This process of
combining visual features into a single unit goes by a different name, however:
feature binding (see Figure 7.8 ).
Figure 7.8 Working Memory Binds Visual Features into a Single Chunk
Working memory sometimes stores information such as shape, colour, and
texture as three separate chunks, like the three pieces of information on the left.
For most objects, however, it stores information as a single chunk, like the box
on the right.
After visual feature binding, visuospatial memory can accurately retain

approximately four whole objects, regardless of how many individual features
one can find on those objects. Perhaps this is evidence for the existence of a
second magical number—four (Awh et al., 2007; Vogel et al., 2001).
To put feature binding into perspective, consider the amount of visual information
available to you when you are driving a car, as in the story that started this
section. If you are at the wheel, watching traffic, you probably would not look at a
car in front of you and remember images of red, shiny, and smooth. Instead, you
would simply have these features bound together in the image of the car, and
you would be able to keep track of three or four such images without much
problem as you glance at the speedometer and then back to the traffic around
you. It is also possible that you might group together several cars into one visual
chunk (e.g., the six cars you can see directly in front of you); it is likely that our
expertise with situations will allow us to alter the size of the chunks in this
component of working memory.
The Episodic Buffer
Recent research suggests that working memory also includes an episodic
buffer —that is, a storage component of working memory that combines the
images and sounds from the other two components into coherent, story-like
episodes. These episodes allow you to organize or make sense of the images
and sounds, such as “I was driving to a friend’s house when I heard the radio DJ
give a number to call.”
The episodic buffer is the most recently hypothesized working memory system
(Baddeley, 2001). It seems to hold 7 to 10 pieces of information, which may be
combined with other memory stores. This aspect of its operation can be
demonstrated by comparing memory for prose (words strung into sentences) to
memory for unrelated words. When people are asked to read and remember
meaningful prose, they usually remember 7 to 10 more words than when reading
a random list of unrelated words. Some portion of working memory is able to
connect the prose with information found in LTM (“knowledge”) to increase
memory capacity.
The Central Executive

Finally, working memory includes one component that is not primarily used for
storing information. Instead, the central executive is the control centre of
working memory; it coordinates attention and the exchange of information among
the three storage components. It does so by examining what information is
relevant to the person’s goals, interests, and prior knowledge and then focusing
attention on the working memory component whose information will be most
useful in that situation. For example, when you see a series of letters from a
familiar alphabet, it is easy to remember the letters by rehearsing them in the
phonological loop. In contrast, if you were to look at letters or characters from a
foreign language, you may not be able to convert them to sounds; thus you
would assign them to the visuospatial sketchpad instead (Paulesu et al., 1993).
Regions within the frontal lobes of the brain are responsible for carrying out
these tasks for the central executive.
Working Memory: Putting the Pieces Together
Thus far, we’ve talked about the different pieces of working memory as separate
functions. In reality, however, these pieces would work together to influence what
information you are able to remember. So how do these four components of the
working-memory system work for you when you cannot pull your car over
immediately to place the 10th call to win the trip to Costa Rica? Most of us would
rely on our phonological loop, repeating the number 1-800-555-HITS to
ourselves until we can call. Meanwhile, our visuospatial sketchpad is
remembering where other drivers are in relation to our car, even as we look
away to check the speedometer, the rearview mirror, or the volume knob. Finally,
the episodic buffer binds together all this information into episodes, which might
include information such as “I was driving to school,” “the DJ announced a
contest,” and “I wanted to pull over and call the station.” In the middle of all this
activity is the central executive, which guides attention and ensures that each
component is working on the appropriate task. So, if a bus suddenly changed
lanes in front of you, the central executive would focus more on the visuospatial
sketchpad until you were sure that you were safe; then it would again focus on
the phonological loop. Thus, although your memories often seem almost
automatic, there is actually a lot of work being performed by your working
memory.
Module 7.1b Quiz:
The Working Memory Model: An Active STM System
Know . . .
1. Which of the following systems maintains information in memory by
repeating words and sounds?
A. Episodic buffer
B. Central executive
C. Phonological loop
D. Visuospatial sketchpad
2. Which of the following systems coordinates attention and the exchange
of information among memory storage components?
A. Episodic buffer
B. Central executive
C. Phonological loop
D. Visuospatial sketchpad
Apply . . .
3. When Nick looks for his friend’s motorcycle in a parking lot, he sees a
single object, not two wheels, a seat, and a red body. This is an example
of .
A. a phonological loop
B. feature binding
C. buffering
D. proactive interference
Long-Term Memory Systems: Declarative

and Nondeclarative Memories
Figure 7.1 at the beginning of this module suggests that humans have just
one type of long-term memory (LTM). However, as you read in the story about
the neurological patient K.C., LTM has a number of different components. K.C.
could learn new skills, draw maps, and remember basic facts. Yet, he was
unable to recall specific episodes in his own life (Tulving & Markowitsch, 1998).
What do cases like K.C.’s tell us about the organization of LTM?
One way to categorize LTM is based on whether or not we are conscious of a

given memory (see Figure 7.9 ). Specifically, declarative memories (or
explicit memories ) are memories that we are consciously aware of and that
can be verbalized, including facts about the world and one’s own personal
experiences; an easy way to remember this is that declarative memories are,
handily, about things we can declare. In contrast, nondeclarative memories (or
implicit memories
) include actions or behaviours that you can remember
and perform without awareness; that is, these are memories about things that we
cannot declare. But, this initial division only scratches the surface of LTM’s
complexity. Both declarative and nondeclarative memories have multiple
subtypes, each with its own characteristics and brain networks.
Figure 7.9 Varieties of Long-Term Memory

Long-term memory can be divided into different systems based on the type of
information that is stored.
Declarative Memory
Declarative memory comes in two varieties (Tulving, 1972). Episodic
memories are declarative memories for personal experiences that seem to
be organized around “episodes” and are recalled from a first-person (“I” or “my”)
perspective. Examples of episodic memories would be your first day of
university, the party you went to last month, and that time you remember
watching the Olympics on TV. Semantic memories , on the other hand, are
declarative memories that include facts about the world. Examples of semantic
memories would include knowing that Fredericton is the capital of New
Brunswick, remembering that your mother’s birthday is April 6th, and that
bananas are (generally) yellow. The two types of memory can be contrasted in
an example: Your semantic memory is your knowledge of what a bike is,
whereas episodic memory is the memory of a specific time when you rode a
bike. It is worth clarifying that both episodic and semantic memory
representations can be active at the same time. If someone asks you, “Can you
ride a bike?”, you will likely think of both semantic information about bikes as well
as episodic instances in which you rode one. But, there are also instances in
which only one type of memory can be active, such as if someone asked you if
you had ever piloted a space shuttle. The term “space shuttle” would activate
semantic memory but, unless you are one of the ten Canadians who have been
in space, it would not activate episodic memories of you flying through the
atmosphere.
The case of K.C. provides compelling evidence that semantic and episodic
memories are distinct forms of declarative memory. Although K.C. had no
specific memories of events that took place in his high school or his house, he
did understand that he had attended high school and that he lived in a specific
home in Mississauga, ON. However, K.C. is not the only example of the
distinction between these types of memory. Studies of older adults have noted
that they show similar (but much less severe) impairments to K.C. on memory
tests. As people get older, their episodic memory declines more rapidly than their
semantic memory (Luo & Craik, 2008). Older people are more likely to forget
going on vacation five years ago than they are to forget something like the
names of provincial capitals (Levine et al., 2002). Interestingly, they also show
normal performance on a number of tests related to nondeclarative memories.
Nondeclarative Memory
Nondeclarative memory occurs when previous experiences influence
performance on a task that does not require the person to intentionally
remember those experiences (Graf & Schacter, 1985). The earliest published
report of this form of memory came in 1845 when a British physician named
Robert Dunn described the details of a woman with amnesia (Schacter, 1985).
This woman learned how to make dresses following her injury, but had no
conscious memory of learning to do so. A more pointed example was published
in the early 20th century by Claparède (1911/1951). He reported on an amnesic
woman who learned not to shake his hand because he had previously stuck her
with a pin attached to his palm. In both cases, the behaviours of patients with no
conscious memories were altered because of previous experiences, thus
suggesting that this previous information was encoded into LTM in some form.
But, nondeclarative memories are not isolated to cases of amnesia. You have
thousands of nondeclarative memories in your brain right now. However, these
two historical examples provide nice examples of two common forms of
nondeclarative memories. The example of a woman being able to sew dresses is
an example of a procedural memory , a pattern of muscle movements (motor
memory) such as how to walk, play piano, tie your shoes, or drive a car. We
often don’t think of the individual steps involved in these behaviours, yet we
execute them flawlessly most of the time.
The patient learning not to shake hands with the physician who had a pin
attached to his hand is an example of classical conditioning, when a previously
neutral stimulus (e.g., the sound of a metronome) produces a new response
(e.g., salivating) because it has a history of being paired with another stimulus
that produces that response (e.g., food). Although these associations can
sometimes be consciously recalled, this recollection is not necessary for
conditioning to successfully take place (see Module 6.1 ).
Module 7.1c Quiz:
Long-Term Memory Systems: Declarative and Nondeclarative Memories
Know . . .
1. Memories learned without our awareness of them are known as
.
A. semantic memories
B. episodic memories
C. nondeclarative memories
D. declarative memories
2. Memories that can be verbalized, whether they are about your own
experiences or your knowledge about the world, are called .
A. nondeclarative memories
B. procedural memories
C. conditioned memories
D. declarative memories
Apply . . .
3. Mary suffered a head injury during an automobile accident and was
knocked unconscious. When she woke up in a hospital the next day, she
could tell that she was in a hospital room, and she immediately
recognized her sister, but she had no idea why she was in the hospital or
how she got there. Which memory system seems to be affected in Mary’s
case?
A. Semantic memories
B. Episodic memories
C. Nondeclarative memories
D. Working memories
The Cognitive Neuroscience of Memory
Many psychologists who are interested in memory examine it from a biological

perspective, examining how the nervous system changes with the formation of
new memories. To explore the cognitive neuroscience of memory, we will take a
brief look at the neuronal changes that occur as memories are forming and
strengthening, and will then examine the brain structures involved in long-term
storage. Finally, we will use examples from studies of amnesia and other forms
of memory loss to understand how our memory models fit with biological data.
Memory At the Cellular Level

Memory at the cellular level can be summed up in the following way: Cells that
fire together, wire together. This idea was proposed in the 1940s by Canadian
neuroscientist Donald Hebb. Specifically, he suggested that when neurons fire at
the same time, it leads to chemical and physical changes in the neurons, making
them more likely to fire together again in the future (Hebb, 1949). Later research
proved Hebb correct, and demonstrated that changes occur across numerous
brain cells as memories are forming, strengthening, and being stored (Lømo,
1966). This process, long-term potentiation (LTP) , demonstrated that there
is an enduring increase in connectivity and transmission of neural signals
between nerve cells that fire together.
The discovery of LTP occurred when researchers electrically stimulated two

neurons in a rabbit’s hippocampus—a key memory structure of the brain located
in an area called the medial temporal lobes (see Figure 7.10 ). Stimulation of
the hippocampus increased the number of electrical potentials from one neuron
to the other. Soon, the neurons began to generate stronger signals than before,
a change that could last up to a few hours (Bliss & Lømo, 1973). This finding
does not mean that LTP is memory—no one has linked the strengthening of a
particular synapse with a specific memory like your first day of university. In fact,
no one has seen LTP outside of a laboratory. But, the strengthening of synapses
shown in LTP studies may be one of the underlying mechanisms that allow
memories to form.
Figure 7.10 The Hippocampus

The hippocampus resides within the temporal lobe and is critical for memory
processes.
To see how such microscopic detail relates to memory, consider the very simple
case of learning and remembering discussed in a previous module: eyeblink
conditioning. Imagine you hear a simple tone right before a puff of air is blown in
your eye; you will reflexively blink. After two or three pairings, just the tone will be
enough to cause an eye blink—this is an example of classical conditioning (see
Module 6.1 ). At the neural level, the tone causes a series of neurons to
respond, and the puff of air causes another series of neurons to respond. With
repeated tone and air puff pairings, the neurons that are involved in hearing the
tone, and those that control the blinking response, develop a history of firing
together. This simultaneous activation provides the opportunity for synapses to
become strengthened, representing the first stages of memory.
This relationship is not permanent, however. Lasting memories require

consolidation , the process of converting short-term memories into long-term
memories in the brain, which may happen at the level of small neuronal groups
or across the cortex (Abraham, 2006). When neurons fire together a number of
times, they will adapt and make the changes caused by LTP more permanent—a
process called cellular consolidation. This process involves physical changes to
the synapse between the cells so that the presynaptic cell is more likely to
stimulate a specific postsynaptic cell (or group of cells). Without the consolidation
process, the initial changes to the synapse (LTP) eventually fade away, and
presumably so does the memory. (This process can therefore be summed up
with the saying: Use it or lose it.) To demonstrate the distinction between the
initial learning and longer-term consolidation, researchers administered
laboratory rats a drug that allowed LTP, but prevented consolidation from
occurring (by blocking biochemical actions). The animals were able to learn a
task for a brief period, but they were not able to form long-term memories. By
comparison, rats in the placebo group, whose brains were able to consolidate
the information, went through the same tasks and formed long-term memories
without any apparent problems (Squire, 1986).
The initial strengthening of synapses (LTP) and longer-term consolidation of
these connections allow us to form new memories, thus providing us with an
ability to learn and to adapt our behaviour based on previous experiences.
However, these processes are not performed in all areas of the brain. Instead,
specific structures and regions serve essential roles in allowing us to form and
maintain our memories, a fact powerfully demonstrated by the memory deficits of
patients with amnesia.
Memory, the Brain, and Amnesia

On August 31, 1953, Henry Molaison was a 27-year-old man with intractable
epilepsy. Because his seizures could not be controlled by medications, Mr.
Molaison had been referred to Dr. William Scoville, a respected Hartford-based
neurosurgeon, for treatment. Dr. Scoville and his colleagues had suggested that
removing the areas of Molaison’s brain that triggered the seizures would cure, or
at least tame, his epilepsy. On September 1, 1953, Henry Molaison underwent a
resection (removal) of his medial temporal lobes—including the hippocampus—
on both sides of his brain. After that day, he became known to the world as
neurological patient H.M.
H.M.’s surgery was successful in that he no longer had seizures. However, as he

recovered from his surgery, it became apparent that the procedure had produced
some unintended consequences. The doctors quickly determined that H.M. had
amnesia —a profound loss of at least one form of memory. However, not all of
his memories were lost; in fact, numerous studies conducted by Brenda Milner of
McGill University demonstrated that H.M. retained many forms of memory
(Milner, 1962; Scoville & Milner, 1957). He was able to recall aspects of his
childhood. He could also remember the names of the nurses who had treated
him before the surgery, although he was unable to learn the names of nurses he
met afterward. Indeed, H.M. appeared unable to encode new information at all.
Therefore, H.M. was experiencing a specific subtype of amnesia known as
anterograde amnesia , the inability to form new memories for events
occurring after a brain injury.
H.M.’s anterograde amnesia was not due to problems with his sensory memory
or his STM. Both abilities remained normal throughout his life (Corkin, 2002). He
was also able to recall details of his past, such as incidents from his school years
and from jobs he had held before his surgery; this demonstrates that his LTM
was largely intact (Milner et al., 1968). He was also able to form new implicit
memories—he was able to learn new skills such as drawing a picture by looking
at its reflection in the mirror despite the fact that he had no memory for learning
this skill (Milner, 1962). Similar improvements were found for solving puzzles
(Cohen et al., 1985). After extensive testing, researchers concluded that H.M.’s
amnesia was not due to problems with a particular memory store, but was
instead due to problems with one of the control processes associated with those
stores. Specifically, H.M. could not transfer declarative memories from STM into
LTM.
The fact that H.M.’s brain damage was due to a precise surgical procedure
(rather than to widespread damage from an accident like patient K.C.) allowed
researchers to pinpoint the area of the brain responsible for this specific memory
problem. H.M. was missing the medial temporal lobes of both hemispheres. This
damage included the hippocampus and surrounding cortex as well as the
amygdala. Based on H.M. and several similar cases, researchers concluded that
this region of the brain must be involved with consolidating memories (see
Figure 7.11 ), enabling information from STM to enter and remain in LTM, a
process that most of us take for granted.
Figure 7.11 Damage to the Hippocampus: Disruption of Consolidation

When the hippocampus is damaged, the injury interferes with consolidation, the
formation of long-term memories. Such damage does not prevent recall of pre-
existing memories, however.
The hippocampus also appears to be essential for spatial memories such as

remembering the layout of your house or recalling the route you would take to
get to a friend’s apartment. In fact, brain-imaging studies suggest that the size of
a person’s hippocampus can vary with the amount of spatial information that
people are asked to consolidate. Researchers at King’s College London (U.K.)
examined the brains of taxi drivers in that maze-like city and compared them to
the brains of age-matched control participants. The taxi drivers, who were
required to undergo extensive training and to memorize most of London, had
substantially larger hippocampi than did the control participants (Maguire et al.,
2000). This result implies that the demanding memory requirements of that job
altered the structure of brain areas related to memory consolidation and spatial
memory.
Stored Memories and the Brain

It is important to note that our long-term memories do not just sit on a
neurological shelf and collect dust after they have formed. Memory storage
refers to the time and manner in which information is retained between encoding
and retrieval. In other words, memory storage is an active process; stored
memories can be updated regularly, such as when someone reminds you of an
event from years ago, or when you are reminded of information you learned as a
child. In this way, memories undergo a process called reconsolidation, in which
the hippocampus functions to update, strengthen, or modify existing long-term
memories (Lee, 2010; Söderlund et al., 2012). These memories then form
networks in different regions of the cortex, where they can (sometimes) be
retrieved when necessary. These long-term declarative memories are distributed
throughout the cortex of the brain, rather than being localized in one region—a
phenomenon known as cross-cortical storage (Paller, 2004). Interestingly, with
enough use, some of the memory networks will no longer need input from the
hippocampus. The cortical networks themselves will become self-sustaining. The
more that memory is retrieved, the larger and more distributed that network will
become.
Researchers in London found that the hippocampi of taxi drivers, who navigate
the complex maze of the city, are larger than the hippocampi of non-taxi drivers
(Maguire et al., 2000).
Kamira/Shutterstock
Memories that were recently formed and have not had time to develop extensive
cross-cortical networks are much more likely to be lost following a head injury
than are older memories. Indeed, many people who have experienced a brain
injury—including concussions—report that they cannot recall some of the events
leading up to their accident. This type of memory deficit is known as retrograde
amnesia , a condition in which memory for the events preceding trauma or
injury is lost (see Figure 7.12 ). Despite what you might see on soap operas,
the “lost time” is generally limited to the seconds or minutes leading up to the
injury. The loss of extensive periods of time, as seen in K.C., is quite rare.
Figure 7.12 Retrograde and Anterograde Amnesia
The term amnesia can apply to memory problems in both directions. It can wipe
out old memories, and it can prevent consolidation of new memories.
The fact that memories can be lost after even minor brain damage shows us that
our memory systems are quite delicate. Each of the boxes and arrows in the
Atkinson-Shiffrin model (Figure 7.1 ) can be disrupted in some way; but, the
formation and storage of long-term memories seems to be particularly sensitive
to injuries. K.C.’s devastating injury shows us that when we lose our memories,
we lose an important part of ourselves. So be careful.
Module 7.1d Quiz:
The Cognitive Neuroscience of Memory
Know . . .
1. is a process that all memories must undergo to become long-
term memories.
A. Consolidation
B. Retrieval
C. Amnesia
D. Chunking
Understand . . .
2. Long-term potentiation can be described as
A. a decrease in a neuron’s electrical signalling.
B. neurons generating stronger signals than before, which then
persist.
C. decreased neural networking.
D. an example of working memory.
Apply . . .
3. Damage to the hippocampus is most likely to produce .
A. retrograde amnesia
B. consolidation
C. anterograde amnesia
D. seizures
Module 7.1 Summary
7.1a Know . . . the key terminology of memory systems:
amnesia
anterograde amnesia
attention
central executive
chunking
consolidation
control process
declarative (explicit) memory
echoic memory
encoding
episodic buffer
episodic memory
iconic memory
long-term memory (LTM)
long-term potentiation (LTP)
nondeclarative (implicit) memory
phonological loop
proactive interference
procedural memory
rehearsal
retrieval
retroactive interference
retrograde amnesia
semantic memory
sensory memory
serial position effect
short-term memory (STM)
storage
stores
tip-of-the-tongue (TOT) phenomenon
visuospatial sketchpad
working memory
7.1b Understand . . . which structures of the brain are associated with

specific memory tasks and how the brain changes as new memories
form.
The hippocampus is critical to the formation of new declarative memories. Long-
term potentiation at the level of individual synapses between nerve cells is the
basic mechanism underlying this process. Long-term memory stores are
distributed across the cortex. Working memory likely utilizes the parts of the
brain associated with visual and auditory perception, as well as the frontal lobes
(for functioning of the central executive).
7.1c Apply . . . your knowledge of the brain basis of memory to predict

what types of damage or disease would result in which types of
memory loss.
Apply Activity
Try responding to these questions for practice:
1. Dr. Richard trains a rat to navigate a maze and then administers a drug
that blocks the biochemical activity involved in long-term potentiation.
What will happen to the rat’s memory? Will it become stronger? Weaker?
Or is it likely the rat will not remember the maze at all?
2. In another study, Dr. Richard removes a portion of the rat’s hippocampus
one week after it learns to navigate a maze. What will happen to the rat’s
memory? Will it become stronger? Weaker? Or will it be unaffected by
the procedure?
7.1d Analyze . . . the claim that humans have multiple memory systems.
Consider all the evidence from biological and behavioural research, not to
mention the evidence from amnesia. Data related to the serial position effect
indicate that information at the beginning and end of a list is remembered
differently, and even processed and stored differently in the brain. Also, evidence
from amnesia studies suggests that LTM and STM can be affected separately by
brain damage or disease. Most psychologists agree that these investigations
provide evidence supporting the existence of multiple storage systems and
control processes.
Module 7.2 Encoding and
Retrieving Memories
Tkreykes/Fotolia
Learning Objectives
7.2a Know . . . the key terminology related to forgetting, encoding, and
retrieval.
7.2b Understand . . . how the type of cognitive processing employed can affect
the chances of remembering what you encounter.
7.2c Apply . . . what you have learned to improve your ability to memorize
information.
7.2d Analyze . . . whether emotional memories are more accurate than non-
emotional ones.
According to legend, the first person to develop methods of improving

memory was the Greek poet Simonides of Ceos (556–468 BCE). After
presenting one of his lyric poems at a dinner party in northern Greece,
the host, Scopas, told him that he was only going to pay half of the cost
of the poem (he clearly wasn’t impressed by the work). Soon after this
exchange, a grumpy Simonides was told that two men on horses wanted
to talk to him outside. While talking to the horsemen, the roof of Scopas’
house collapsed, killing everyone inside (Greek legends are not happy
places…). When relatives wanted to bury the family, they were unable to
figure out who the remains belonged to; no one could recall where the
family members had been sitting. Simonides had encoded the information
differently than the rest of the guests; he was able to assist the family by
creating a visual image of the dinner party and listing who was sitting in
each chair. His story demonstrates one of the key points to be discussed
in this module—that how you encode information affects the likelihood of
you remembering that information later.
Focus Questions
1. What causes some memories to be strong while others are

weak?
2. How can we improve our memory abilities?
Why are some memories easier to recall than others? Why do we forget things?
How can you use memory research to improve your performance at school and
at work? These questions are addressed in this module, where we focus on
factors that influence the encoding and retrieval of memories.
Encoding and Retrieval
In its simplest form, memory consists of encoding new information, storing that
information, and then retrieving that stored information at a later time. As
discussed in Module 7.1 , encoding is the process of transforming sensory
and perceptual information into memory traces, and retrieval is the process of
accessing memorized information in order to make use of it in the present
moment. In between these two processes is the concept of storage, the time and
manner in which information is retained between encoding and retrieval. Over
the past fifty years, researchers have uncovered a number of factors that
influence how our memory systems work, and also how we can improve our
chances of remembering information. The most important of these factors
appears to be how the information was encoded in the first place.
Rehearsal: The Basics of Encoding

What would you do if someone gave you the address for a house party but you
didn’t have a pen or your phone around? How would you keep the address in
mind until you had a chance to write it down? If you’re like most people, you will
recite the address over and over again until you can write it down. This type of
memorization is known as rehearsal to psychologists (although your teachers
may have called it learning by rote), and it is something probably all of us have
tried. Indeed, students often try to learn vocabulary terms by reading flashcards
with key terms and definitions over and over. But is this strategy effective?
Certainly this approach works some of the time, but is it really the most effective
way to remember? Unfortunately for all the cue-card-memorizing students out
there, the answer is a resounding “no” (Craik & Watkins, 1973). The limitations
of this form of rehearsal were shown in a sneaky experiment performed in the
1970s (see Figure 7.13 ); in this study, participants were asked to remember a
four-digit number. After seeing the number, they were asked to repeat a single
word until being prompted to report the number. The delay between the
presentation of the number and the participants’ responses varied from 2 to 18
seconds; this meant that the amount of time each word was repeated also
varied. Because participants were trying to remember the digits, they barely paid
attention to the word they repeated. Later, when the researchers surprised the
participants by asking them to recall the distracting word they had repeated, they
found virtually no relationship between the duration of rehearsal (between 2 and
18 seconds) and the proportion of individuals who could recall the word
(Glenberg et al., 1977). In other words, longer rehearsal did not lead to better
recall. This is not to say that repeating the word had no effect at all; rather, this
study demonstrated that repeating information only had a small benefit, and that
this benefit was not increased with longer rehearsal times.
Figure 7.13 Rote Rehearsal Has Limited Effects on Long-Term Memory

After participants completed the procedure depicted in this figure, they were
given a surprise test of their memory for the words that they had recited. There
was no difference in the recall of words rehearsed for 2 or 18 seconds. This
result suggests that simply repeating the word—maintenance rehearsal—has a
limited effect on our memory.
It turns out that it is not how long we rehearse information, but rather how we
rehearse it that determines the effectiveness of memory. Individuals in the study
just described were engaged in maintenance rehearsal —prolonging
exposure to information by repeating it—which does relatively little to help the
formation of long-term memories (although it is better than nothing). By
comparison, elaborative rehearsal —prolonging exposure to information by
thinking about its meaning—significantly improves the process of encoding
(Craik & Tulving, 1975). For example, repeating the word bottle, and then
imagining what a bottle looks like and how it is used, is an elaborative technique.
In the story that began this module, Simonides used a form of elaborative
rehearsal by not only memorizing a list of people at a table (Scopus,
Constantine, Helena, etc.), but actively imagining the dinner table and thinking
about where people were relative to each other.
Although maintenance rehearsal helps us remember for a very short time,

elaborative rehearsal improves long-term learning and remembering. It is worth
paying attention to this research and thinking about how it applies to your
success as a student (a form of elaborative rehearsal of this information).
Obviously, being a student involves encoding a large amount of information into
your memory in a relatively small amount of time. Imagine how the two types of
rehearsal may come into play in meeting the challenge of university-level
learning. Students who simply memorize key terms and repeat the definitions
largely fail to employ elaborative rehearsal, and are less likely to do well on an
exam. The wise strategy is to try to elaborate on the material.
Levels of Processing
Although we often find ourselves using maintenance rehearsal “in a pinch,” we
rarely use that strategy for information that we intend to remember much later.
Instead, we focus on elaborative encoding, where additional sensory or semantic
(meaning) information is associated with the to-be-remembered item. But, not all
elaborative encoding is created equal. Instead, different types of elaborative
encoding can produce markedly different levels of recall. The details surrounding
this variability were first described by researchers at the University of Toronto,
and led to a framework for memory known as levels of processing (LOP).
The LOP framework begins with the understanding that our ability to recall
information is most directly related to how that information was initially processed
(Craik & Lockhart, 1972). Differences in processing can be described as a
continuum ranging from shallow to deep processing. Shallow processing , as
you might guess, involves more superficial properties of a stimulus, such as the
sound or spelling of a word. Deep processing , on the other hand, is
generally related to an item’s meaning or its function. The superiority of deep
processing was demonstrated in a study in which participants encoded words
using shallow processing (e.g., “Does this word rhyme with dust?. . . TRUST”) or
deep processing (e.g., “Is this word a synonym for locomotive?. . .TRAIN”).
When given a surprise memory test for the words, the differences ranged from
recalling as few as 14% of the shallow words to 96% of the deeply processed
words (Craik & Tulving, 1975). In essence, they were almost seven times more
likely to recall a deeply processed word than one that was processed at only a
shallow level. Importantly, such effects are limited to LTM; STM memory rates
are unaffected by shallow or deep processing (Rose et al., 2010; Figure
7.14 ).
Figure 7.14 Levels of Processing Affect Long-Term Memory, but Not
Working Memory
When tested immediately after studying words, levels of processing do not seem
to affect memory. In contrast, when there is a gap between studying words and
being tested, levels of processing are important. When words are encoded
based on their meaning (semantics), they are better retained in long-term
memory.
Source: Similarities and diferences between working memory and longterm memory: Evidence from the levels-of-processing
span task. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 36 (2), 471–483.
Similar effects have been found for another form of deep processing. The self-
reference effect occurs when you think about information in terms of how it
relates to you or how it is useful to you; this type of encoding will lead to you
remembering that information better than you otherwise would have (Symons &
Johnson, 1997). This outcome is not terribly surprising, but it is still helpful to
think about when learning new material. The self-reference effect is one of the
reasons why your psychology professor (and this textbook) tries to show you
how psychological concepts relate to your life—linking a concept to “you” will
help you remember it later.
Although encoding strategies clearly influence our ability to remember

information later, they only tell part of the story. The conditions in which we
attempt to retrieve information from memory can also affect whether or not that
information will be recalled.
Retrieval
Once information is encoded—be it in a deep or shallow fashion—and stored in
memory, the challenge is then to be able to retrieve that information when it is
needed. There are two forms of intentional memory retrieval, both of which are
familiar to long-suffering students like the readers of this textbook. Recognition
involves identifying a stimulus or piece of information when it is presented to you.
Examples of recognition memory would be identifying someone you know on the
bus (or in a police lineup), or answering standard multiple-choice test questions.
Recall involves retrieving information when asked, but without that
information being present during the retrieval process. Examples of this would be
describing a friend’s appearance to someone else or answering short-answer or
essay questions on an exam.
Recall is helped substantially when there are hints, or retrieval cues, that help
prompt our memory. The more detailed the retrieval cue, the easier it is for us to
produce the memory. For instance, if you were given a list of 30 words to
remember, it is unlikely that you would be able to recall all of the words. But, if
you were given a hint for a “forgotten” word, such as “gr—” for the word “grape,”
you would be likely to retrieve that information. The hint “grap-” would provide
even more information than “gr—” and would lead to even better retrieval
(Tulving & Watkins, 1975). However, life is not a series of word lists. Instead,
retrieval cues in the real world often involve places, people, sights, and sounds—
in other words, the environment or context in which you are trying to retrieve a
memory. Researchers have found that retrieval is most effective when it occurs
in the same context as encoding, a tendency known as the encoding specificity
principle (Tulving & Thompson, 1973).
The encoding specificity principle can take many forms. It can include internal
contexts such as mood and even whether a person is intoxicated or not. As you’ll
see in the next section, encoding specificity can also include external contexts
such as the physical setting.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Context-

Dependent Memory
One of the most intuitive forms of encoding specificity is context-

dependent memory , the idea that retrieval is more effective
when it takes place in the same physical setting (context) as
encoding. But, what elements of the environment make up
“context”? Is one sense (e.g., smell) enough to produce this
effect? And, does context specificity affect all types of memory
equally?
What do we know about context-dependent memory?

The initial demonstrations of context-dependent learning and
memory used very simple cues: words. In such studies,
participants learned pairs of words; some of the words might be
associated with each other (e.g., bark – dog) and others might
rhyme with each other (e.g., worse – nurse). A recall test for the
second words in each pair (e.g., dog or nurse) generally led to
respectable memory performance. However, performance
improved when the original context (the first word of the word
pair) was reinstated and could serve as a retrieval cue; the more
information from the original context that was included, the better
the level of retrieval (Tulving & Watkins, 1975).
Subsequent studies have focused on the role of environmental

contexts on memory. In a classic study, members of a scuba club
volunteered to memorize word lists—half of the test participants
did so while diving 20 feet (6.7 m) underwater, and half did so
while on land (Godden & Baddeley, 1975). After a short delay,
the divers were tested again; however, some of the experimental
participants had switched locations. This led to four test groups:
trained and tested underwater, trained and tested on dry land,
trained underwater but tested on land, and trained on land but
tested underwater. As you can see in Figure 7.15 , the results
demonstrated that context affects memory. Those who were
tested in the same context as where encoding took place (i.e.,
land–land or underwater–underwater) remembered
approximately 40% more items than those who switched
locations (i.e., land–underwater or underwater–land). Thus, both
controlled laboratory studies and studies involving dramatic
environmental manipulations have shown that matching the
encoding and retrieval contexts leads to better recall of studied
material.
Figure 7.15 Context-Dependent Learning
Divers who encoded information on land had better recall on land

than underwater. Divers who encoded information underwater
had the reverse experience, demonstrating better recall
underwater than when on land.
Inquiry To Understanding, 2nd Ed., © 2011. Reprinted and Electronically reproduced by permission of
Pearson Education, Inc., New York, NY.
How can science explain context-dependent memory?

Context-dependent memory clearly demonstrates that the
characteristics of the environment can serve as retrieval cues for
memory. In the Godden and Baddeley (1975) study above, the
primary cue was likely the feeling of being underwater; however,
diving also involves a change of lighting as well as the sounds of
the breathing apparatus. In other words, when we encode
information, we are also encoding information from a number of
different senses (vision, hearing, touch, etc.). Presumably, each
of these senses can help trigger memories. For instance, most of
you have had the experience where an odour (e.g., cookies)
instantly brings back memories (e.g., your grandmother’s
kitchen). This common phenomenon was tested in a clever
experiment by researchers in the U.K. In this study, researchers
tested whether memory for a Viking museum in York, U.K., could
be enhanced if the memory test occurred in a room with a similar
distinctive set of smells as the museum (burned wood, apples,
garbage, beef, fish, rope/tar, and earth . . . perhaps the Viking
equivalent of Axe body spray). The researchers found that
participants produced more accurate memories for the museum
when the smell of the test room matched the smell of the
museum (Aggleton & Waskett, 1999). Similar results have been
found for the effect of smells on memory for word lists (Stafford
et al., 2009). Context-dependent memory has also been found for
the flavour of gum being chewed during encoding and retrieval
(Baker et al., 2004) as well as for the amount of background
noise when students are studying and taking a test (Grant et al.,
1998). These results suggest that matching the physical and
sensory characteristics of the encoding and retrieval
environments affect memory, likely due to the retrieval cues
provided by these attributes.
Brain-imaging studies have also provided evidence in favour of

context-dependent memory. Studies using fMRI have found
increased activity in the hippocampus and parts of the prefrontal
cortex (part of the frontal lobes) when the retrieval conditions
match the context in which the memory was encoded (Kalisch et
al., 2006; Wagner et al., 1998). Activity in the right frontal lobes
is particularly sensitive to context, likely because this region is
known to be critical for the retrieval process (Tulving et al.,
1994).

Although there is evidence that context-dependent memory
exists, there are some important limitations to these effects. First,
not all types of memory are equally enhanced by returning a
person to the context in which he or she encoded the to-be-
remembered information. Recognition memory (e.g., multiple-
choice questions) is not significantly helped by context; this is
likely due to the fact that the presence of the item (e.g., a
photograph or one of the options on a test question) serves as a
very strong retrieval cue. Context does not add much above and
beyond this cue (Fernández & Alonso, 2001). Recall, on the
other hand, requires you to generate the to-be-remembered
information without any external cues. In this case, returning to
the encoding context could help prompt a memory. A second,
and related, limitation of context-dependent memory is that not all
types of information are equally affected. Information that is
central to a memory episode (e.g., a person’s face in a
photograph or in a conversation) is generally unaffected by
context. Peripheral information (e.g., the faces of people who
were nearby when you were having a conversation) does seem
to be enhanced when a person returns to the original context
(Brown, 2003; Sutherland & Hayne, 2001). As a rule, when
memory for information is quite good, context will have little effect
on accuracy; however, when memory is relatively poor, then
returning to the encoding context can improve recall.
There is one additional issue related to context-dependent

memory. Researchers at Simon Fraser University have noted that
returning a person to the context in which he encoded information
can improve recall and increase the number of false positives
(i.e., saying “I remember” to stimuli that were never seen). Wong
and Read (2011) showed participants a video of a staged crime;
viewing took place in either a large testing room or a small study
room. Participants returned one week later for a follow-up test in
which they were asked to identify the culprit from a photo lineup.
This test took place either in the same room as the initial viewing
of the video or in the opposite room. The catch was that for half of
the participants, the photo lineup did not include the person from
the original video (the “target absent condition”). The results of
the test demonstrated the effect of context: Performance was
much higher when the testing took place in the same room as the
initial encoding. However, participants who took the test in the
same context as they saw the video were also more likely to
claim that a photo looked familiar even in the target-absent
condition (see Figure 7.16 ). Returning to the encoding context
may therefore alter a person’s threshold for saying “I remember.”
This trend is likely due to the retrieval cues associated with the
environment leading to a feeling of familiarity that is mistakenly
attributed to the to-be-remembered information (Leboe &
Whittlesea, 2002), in this case the face of a criminal. This study
has clear implications for police procedures, as many police
departments encourage returning witnesses to the scene of a
crime in order to improve their memories (Hershkowitz et al.,
1998; Kebbel et al., 1999).
Figure 7.16 False Familiarity and Context-

Dependent Memory
In a study involving the identification of a thief in a staged

robbery, participants viewed a robbery and then later selected the
thief from a lineup of photographs. If both stages of the study
were performed in the same room (i.e., the context had been
reinstated), identification of the thief increased. However, we
should also keep in mind that participants were also more likely to
rate an incorrect face as being familiar; this is shown by the lower
accuracy score for the Same than for the Different contexts in the
Target Absent condition on the right.
Source: From Positive and negative effects of physical context reinstatement on eyewitness recall
and identification. Applied Cognitive Psychology, 25, 2-11. Figure 2 (p. 7), 2009 by Carol K. Wong, J.
Don Read. Copyright © 2009 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Reproduced by permission of John Wiley &
Sons, Inc.

One of the most interesting implications of context-dependent
memory research is that it implies that some forgotten information
is not gone forever, but is instead simply inaccessible because
the proper cues have not been provided (Tulving, 1974). This is
the assumption made by police investigators who return
witnesses to the scene of the crime. It’s also similar to some
memory-improvement strategies such as the mental imagery
technique used by Simonides in the story at the beginning of this
module. However, the results of the Wong and Read (2011)
photo lineup story do suggest that we need to be cautious in our
interpretation of context-dependent memory, as the retrieval cues
associated with the context could actually lead to false feelings of
familiarity that could have devastating effects on people’s lives.
It is usually not difficult to spot these context effects while they are occurring.
Almost everyone has had the experience of walking into a room to retrieve
something—maybe a specific piece of mail or a roll of tape—only to find that they
have no idea what they intended to pick up. We might call this phenomenon
context-dependent forgetting, if we believe the change in the environment
influenced the forgetting. It is certainly frustrating, but can be reversed by the
context reinstatement effect, which occurs when you return to the original
location and the memory suddenly comes back; in the above example, this
happens when you walk back into the original room you were in, and suddenly
remember, “Oh yeah! Tape!” But, research also shows that these effects are not
isolated to external contexts; your internal environment can serve as a retrieval
cue for your memory as well.
State-Dependent Memory
Although we are sure that most readers of this book dedicate their lives to
healthy eating and exercise, it is likely that a few of you will have consumed
substances that can affect your memory. For example, people sometimes drink
enough alcohol that they are unable to remember some details of their night out
with their friends. But, is that information gone forever or can it be accessed in
the same way that some context-dependent memories can be retrieved with the
help of environmental cues? Research suggests that retrieval is more effective
when your internal state matches the state you were in during encoding, a
phenomenon known as state-dependent memory . In the first demonstration
of this, Goodwin and colleagues (1969) got half of their participants extremely
drunk (their blood-alcohol level was three times the legal limit); the other half
were sober. Participants encoded information and completed several memory
tests; they were then instructed to return 24 hours later for additional testing (and
a new liver). On Day 2 of testing, half of the participants were again put into a
state of severe intoxication; half of these participants had also been drunk on
Day 1, and the other half had been sober. Thus, there were four groups: drunk–
drunk (drunk on Day 1 and Day 2), drunk–sober, sober–drunk, and sober–sober.
Not surprisingly, the sober–sober group outperformed all of the others. However,
tests of recall showed that the drunk–drunk group outperformed the groups in
which participants were intoxicated during only one of the two test sessions. The
state of intoxication served as a retrieval cue for the participants’ memory. As
with context-dependent memory, this effect appears to be strongest for
declarative memory (e.g., recall), the form of memory that requires the
participant to generate the response on her own (Duka et al., 2001).
Similar effects have been found for other substances. For instance, marijuana
researchers have found that “experienced smokers” who learned (encoded)
information while under the effects of marijuana performed better if they received
marijuana before subsequent tests than if they were sober (Hill et al., 1973;
Stillman et al., 1974). This group also outperformed participants who encoded
information while sober, but were given marijuana before the testing on Day 2.
However, the experimenters, in a beautiful example of understatement, did note
that “marihuana did produce some overall impairment in performance” (Stillman
et al., 1974, p. 81). State-dependent memory has also been observed for
caffeine (Kelemen & Creeley, 2003), a finding that might influence how some of
you study and take exams. However, it is important to remember that, like
context-dependent memory, the effects of state-dependent memory are fairly
small and research is generally limited to artificial stimuli such as word lists.
There is therefore no guarantee that drinking yourself silly will fill in the memory
gaps of a previous wild night.
Mood-Dependent Memory
Just as similar contexts and chemical states can improve memory, studies of
mood-dependent memory indicate that people remember better if their
mood at retrieval matches their mood during encoding (Bower, 1981; Eich &
Metcalfe, 1989). Volunteers in one study generated words while in a pleasant or
unpleasant mood, and then attempted to remember them in either the same or a
different mood. The results indicated that if the type of mood at encoding and
retrieval matched, then memory was superior. However, changes in the intensity
of the mood did not seem to have an effect (Balch et al., 1999).
As with context- and state-dependent memory, mood-dependent memory has

some limitations (Eich et al., 1994). Mood has a very small effect on recognition
memory; it has much larger effects on recall-based tests. Additionally, it
produces larger effects when the participant must generate both the to-be-
remembered information (e.g., “an example of a musical instrument is a
g “) than if the stimuli are externally generated (e.g., “remember this
word: guitar”). In the first example, the participant must put more of his own
cognition into the encoding process; therefore, those cognitive processes
become important retrieval cues during a later recall-based test.
Although its effects are limited, mood-dependent memory does show that a
person’s emotional state can have an effect on encoding and retrieval. As we
shall see, the influence of emotion can be even more dramatic when the stimuli
themselves are emotional in nature.
Module 7.2a Quiz:
Encoding and Retrieval
Know . . .
1. The time and manner in which information is retained between encoding
and retrieval is known as .
A. maintenance rehearsal
B. storage
C. elaborative rehearsal
D. recall
2. Prolonging exposure to information by repeating it to oneself is referred

to as .
B. storage
C. elaborative rehearsal
D. recall
Understand . . .
3. According to the levels of processing approach to memory, thinking about
synonyms for a word is one method of processing that should
memory for that term.
A. deep; decrease
B. deep; increase
C. shallow; increase
D. shallow; decrease
Apply . . .
4. If you are learning vocabulary for a psychology exam, you are better off
using a(n) technique.
B. elaborative rehearsal
C. serial processing
D. consolidation
5. When taking a math exam, the concept of would indicate that
you would do best if you took the exam in the same physical setting as
the setting where you learned the material.
A. context-dependent memory
B. state-dependent memory
C. environmental dependency process
D. sensory-dependent memory
Emotional Memories
Do you remember what you ate for lunch last Tuesday? Is that event imprinted
on your memory forever? Unless your lunch was spectacularly good or bad, it’s
unlikely that the memory of your sandwich will be very vivid. But what if you saw
police arrest people who were fighting in the cafeteria? Or, what if you got food
poisoning from your tuna sandwich? Suddenly, that lunch would become much
more memorable. Indeed, when you think back to different times in your life, the
events that first come to mind are often emotional in nature, such as a wonderful
birthday party or the fear of starting at a new school. Emotion seems to act as a
highlighter for memories, making them easier to retrieve than neutral memories.
This is because emotional stimuli and events are generally self-relevant and are
associated with arousal responses such as increased heart rate and sweating. In
linking emotion and memory back to topics discussed earlier in this module, it
seems reasonable to assume that emotion leads to deep processing of
information and involves powerful stimuli that can serve as retrieval cues.
The tendency for emotion to enhance our memory for events has been
demonstrated in a number of studies (LaBar & Cabeza, 2006; Levine &
Pizarro, 2004). For instance, in one experiment, participants viewed a series of
images that were emotionally negative (e.g., a snarling dog), emotionally positive
(e.g., a puppy), or neutral. The participants rated the images in terms of their
emotion (positive vs. negative), arousal (high vs. low), and visual complexity.
Two weeks later, the participants were given a memory test for the images that
they had rated. Recollection was enhanced for negative and, to a lesser extent,
positive images (Ochsner, 2000). Similar results have been found with
emotional words (e.g., Kensinger & Corkin, 2003) and images depicting
someone’s daily activities (Laney et al., 2003). It seems that the emotion-related
aspects of stimuli do indeed improve memory, particularly for stimuli that trigger
negative emotions.
However, although it is intuitive to think that emotion will boost all forms of
memory, psychology researchers have found that emotion has fairly specific
effects. For example, people often focus their attention on the emotional content
of a scene (e.g., a snake). This information—which typically forms the centre of
one’s field of vision—is more likely to be remembered than peripheral information
(e.g., the flowers near the snake). This phenomenon can take a more sinister
turn in the courtroom. Many eyewitnesses to crimes have shown reductions in
memory accuracy due to weapon focus—the tendency to focus on a weapon at
the expense of peripheral information including the identity of the person holding
the weapon (Kramer et al., 1990; Loftus et al., 1987).
Research has shown that the memory enhancing effect of emotion is strongest
after long (one hour or more) rather than short delays (LaBar & Phelps, 1998;
Sharot & Phelps, 2004). This suggests that emotion’s largest influence is on the
process of consolidation, when information that has recently been transferred
from short-term memory (STM) into long-term memory (LTM) is strengthened
and made somewhat permanent. Emotion has less of an effect on STM and on
recognition memory; these types of memory have much less variability than
LTM, thus leaving less room for emotion to influence accuracy levels.
The above studies suggest that emotional material received deeper (rather than
shallow) processing. However, level of processing is not the only factor
influencing memory and emotions. Emotion can influence memory consolidation
even if the stimuli themselves are not emotional in nature. For example, in one
study, participants studied a list of words and were then randomly assigned to
view a video of oral surgery (the emotional condition) or the way to brush your
teeth effectively (presumably not the emotional condition). Afterwards, the group
members who viewed the surgery video remembered more of the words (see
Figure 7.17 ) (Nielson et al., 2005). The researchers suggested that this
effect was due to the emotional arousal associated with seeing the oral surgery
video; this arousal could influence the process of consolidation. Other, more
invasive, studies support this conclusion. In one experiment, stimulating the
vagus nerve (which brings sensory information from the body and internal organs
to the brain) led to enhanced memory for neutral words (Clark et al., 1999).
Thus, the physiological responses associated with emotions can lead to stronger
memory formation, even if the to-be-remembered information is not directly
related to the emotional event.
Figure 7.17 Does Emotion Improve Memory?

In the study by Nielson and colleagues (2005), both groups remembered
approximately the same percentage of words at pretest, and then watched
dentistry videos unrelated to the word lists. The group whose members watched
the more emotional video recalled more of the words in the end, suggesting that
the emotional arousal associated with the video helped consolidate memory for
the words.
Researchers have identified many of the biological mechanisms that allow

emotion to influence memory (Phelps, 2004). Much of this relationship involves
structures in the temporal lobe of the brain: the hippocampus (the structure
associated with the encoding of long-term memories) and the amygdala (a
structure involved in emotional processing and responding). Brain imaging
shows that emotional memories often activate the amygdala, whereas non-
emotional memories generated at the same time do not (Sharot et al., 2007).
These studies have shown that the amygdala can also alter the activity of
several temporal-lobe areas that send input to the hippocampus (Dolcos et al.,
2004). As a result, the cells in these brain regions fire together more than they
normally would, which may lead to more vivid memories (Kilpatrick & Cahill,
2003; Paz & Paré, 2013; see Figure 7.18 ). However, this coordinated neural
activity still does not guarantee that all of the details of an experience will be
remembered with complete accuracy.
Figure 7.18 Emotion, Memory, and the Brain

Activity in the amygdala influences the activity of nearby regions in the temporal
lobes, increasing the degree to which they fire together. This alters the type of
input received by the hippocampus from regions of the cortex (the outer part of
the temporal lobes).
Flashbulb Memories
Can you remember where you were when Sidney Crosby scored “the golden
goal” against Team USA in the 2010 Olympic hockey final? For non-hockey fans,
that afternoon might simply have been a fun time with friends and family, or
perhaps was entirely forgettable if they weren’t watching the game. But for
others, the memory of that event might take on a vivid, almost photographic,
quality. This phenomenon led researchers to label such an intense and unique
memory as being a flashbulb memory —an extremely vivid and detailed
memory about an event and the conditions surrounding how one learned about
the event (Brown & Kulik, 1977). (The term flashbulb refers to the flash of an
old-fashioned camera.) These highly charged emotional memories typically
involve recollections of location, what was happening around oneself at the time
of the event, and the emotional reactions of self and others (Brown & Kulik,
1977). Some may be personal memories, such as the memory of an automobile
accident. Other events are so widely felt that they seem to form flashbulb
memories for an entire society, such as the assassination of U.S. President
Kennedy in 1963 (Brown & Kulik, 1977), the explosion of the space shuttles
Challenger or Columbia (Kershaw et al., 2009; Neisser & Harsch, 1992), and
the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 (Hirst et al., 2009; Paradis et al.,
2004). One defining feature of flashbulb memories is that people are highly
confident that their recollections are accurate. But is this confidence warranted?
Several studies (described in the Myths in Mind section above) suggest that we
should give flashbulb memories a second look.
Myths in Mind The Accuracy of Flashbulb
Memories
Although flashbulb memories are very detailed and individuals reciting
the details are very confident of their accuracy, it might surprise you to
learn that they are not necessarily more accurate than many other
memories. For example, researchers examined how university students
remembered the September 11, 2001, attacks in comparison to an
emotional but more mundane event (Talarico & Rubin, 2003). On
September 12, 2001, they asked students to describe the events
surrounding the moment they heard about the attacks. For a comparison
event, they asked students to describe something memorable from the
preceding weekend, just two or three days before the attacks. Over
several months, the students were asked to recall details of both events,
and the researchers compared the accuracy of the two memories.
Although their memory for both events was fading at the same rate and
they were equal in accuracy, the students acknowledged the decline in
memory only for the mundane events. They continued to feel highly
confident in their memories surrounding the September 11 attacks, when,
in fact, those memories were not any more accurate. The same pattern
has been found for other major flashbulb events, such as the 1986 space
shuttle Challenger explosion and the verdict in the infamous 1995 murder
trial of former NFL star and actor O. J. Simpson (Neisser & Harsch,
1992; Schmolk et al., 2000).
Module 7.2b Quiz:
Emotional Memories
Know . . .
1. are extremely vivid and detailed memories about an event.
A. Flashbulb memories
B. Deep memories
C. Rehearsal memories
D. Semantic memories
Understand . . .
2. One study had participants view tapes of dental surgery after studying a
word list. This study concluded that
A. emotional videos have no effect on memory.
B. emotional videos can enhance memory, but only for material
related to the video itself.
C. emotional videos can enhance memory even for unrelated
material.
D. emotional videos can enhance memory for related material, while
reducing memory for unrelated material.
Analyze . . .
3. Which statement best sums up the status of flashbulb memories?
A. Due to the emotional strain of the event, flashbulb memories are
largely inaccurate.
B. Recall for only physical details is highly accurate.
C. Both emotion and physical details are remembered very
accurately.
D. Over time, memory for details decays, similar to what happens
with non-flashbulb memories.
Forgetting and Remembering
Have you ever had the experience of studying intensely for an exam, writing it,
and then forgetting almost everything as soon as you walked out of the exam
room? This phenomenon is quite common, particularly if you did all of your
studying the night before (or morning of) the exam. Forgetting information is
probably a good thing, at least if it occurs in moderation. We don’t need to
remember every detail about every day of our lives. Instead, we want to have
some control over what we do remember, thus allowing us to keep the useful
information (e.g., terms for an exam) and deleting the less useful information
(e.g., the details of a conversation you overheard on the bus). Of course, if we
had that type of control, there would be no need to study the intricacies of why
we remember and forget things. As you will see, this issue has been researched
extensively.
The Forgetting Curve: How Soon We Forget . . .

It might seem odd that the first research on remembering was actually a
documentation of how quickly people forget. However, this approach does make
sense: Without knowledge of forgetting, it is difficult to ascertain how well we can
remember. This early work was conducted by Hermann Ebbinghaus, whom
many psychologists consider the founder of memory research. Ebbinghaus
(1885) was his own research participant in his studies; these experiments
involved him studying hundreds of nonsense syllables for later memory tests. His
rationale was that because none of the syllables had any meaning, none of them
should have been easier to remember based on past experiences. Ebbinghaus
studied lists of these syllables until he could repeat them twice. He then tested
himself repeatedly—this is where his persistence really shows—day after day.
How soon do we forget? The data indicated that Ebbinghaus forgot about half of
a list within an hour. If Ebbinghaus had continued to forget at that rate, the rest of
the list should be lost after two hours, but that was not the case. After a day, he
could generally remember one-third of the material, and he could still recall
between 20–25% of the words after a week. The graph in Figure 7.19 shows
the basic pattern in his test results, which has come to be known as a forgetting
curve. It clearly shows that most forgetting occurs right away, and that the rate of
forgetting eventually slows to the point where one does not seem to forget at all.
These results have stood the test of time. In the century after Ebbinghaus
conducted his research, more than 200 articles were published in psychological
journals that fit Ebbinghaus’s forgetting curve (Rubin & Wenzel, 1996). In fact,
one study demonstrated that this forgetting curve applies to information learned
over 50 years before (see Figure 7.20 ; Bahrick, 1984).
Figure 7.19 Ebbinghaus’s Forgetting Curve

This graph reveals Ebbinghaus’s results showing the rate at which he forgot a
series of nonsense syllables. You can see that there is a steep decline in
performance within the first day and that the rate of forgetting levels off over
time.
Source: Memory: A Contribution to Experimental Psychology, Hermann Ebbinghaus (1885). Translated by Henry A. Ruger &
Clara E. Bussenius (1913). Originally published in New York by Teachers College, Columbia University.
Figure 7.20 Bahrick’s Long-Term Forgetting Curve

This forgetting curve depicts the rate at which adults forgot the foreign language
they took in high school. Compared to new graduates, those tested three years
later forgot much of what they learned. After that, however, test scores stabilized,
just as Ebbinghaus’s did a century earlier.
Source: From Bahrick, H. P. (1984). Semantic memory content in permastore: Fifty years of memory for Spanish learned in
school. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 113 (1), 1–29. American Psychological Association.
Given that the forgetting curve has been documented in hundreds of

experiments, it seems inevitable that we will forget most of the information that
we attempt to encode. However, as you have undoubtedly learned over the
course of your studies, there are techniques that will allow you to improve your
memory so that the forgetting curve is not as steep.
Mnemonics: Improving Your Memory Skills

At the beginning of this module, you read about the poet Simonides and his
ability to use mental imagery to improve his memory, thus allowing him to identify
the remains of people crushed under a collapsed roof. Simonides was using a
primitive type of mnemonic —a technique intended to improve memory for
specific information. As you will see in this section, there are a number of
different mnemonics that could be used to improve memory, something that
might be of interest to overwhelmed students.
The technique that Simonides was using is known as the method of loci
(pronounced “LOW-sigh”), a mnemonic that connects words to be remembered
to locations along a familiar path. To use the method of loci, one must first
imagine a route that has landmarks or easily identifiable spaces—for example,
the things you pass on your way from your home to a friend’s house or the seats
around a dinner table. Once the path is identified, the learner takes a moment to
visually relate the first word on the list to the first location encountered. For
example, if you need to remember to pick up noodles, milk, and soap from the
store and the first thing you pass on the way to your friend’s house is an
intersection with a stop sign, you might picture the intersection littered with
noodles, and so on down the list. The image doesn’t need to be realistic—it just
needs to be distinct enough to be memorable. When it is time to recall the items,
the learner simply imagines the familiar drive, identifying the items to be
purchased as they relate to each location along the path.
However, the method of loci can become a bit cumbersome when a person has
to remember hundreds of different facts, as occurs for university exams. A more
practical mnemonic is the use of acronyms , pronounceable words whose
letters represent the initials of an important phrase or set of items. For example,
the word “scuba” came into being with the invention of the self-contained
underwater breathing apparatus. “Roy G. Biv” gives you the colours of the
rainbow: red, orange, yellow, green, blue, indigo, and violet. A related mnemonic,
the first-letter technique , uses the first letters of a set of items to spell out
words that form a sentence. It is like an acronym, but it tends to be used when
the first letters do not spell a pronounceable word (see Figure 7.21 ). One
well-known example is “Every Good Boy Does Fine” for the five lines on the
treble clef in musical notation. Another is “My Very Excited Mother Just Served
Us Nine Pies” for the nine planets in the solar system (Pluto is now a “dwarf
planet”). These types of mnemonic techniques work by organizing the
information into a pattern that is easier to remember than the original information.
Acronyms have a meaning of their own, so the learner gets the benefit of both
elaborative rehearsal and deeper processing.
Figure 7.21 The First-Letter Technique

Students of biology often use mnemonics, such as this example of the first letter
technique, which helps students remember the taxonomic system.
The method of loci relies on mental imagery of a familiar location or path, like this
path that students take to class three times a week.
Lori Howard/Shutterstock
A number of mnemonic devices are based on the premise of dual coding. Dual
coding occurs when information is stored in more than one form—such as a
verbal description and a visual image, or a description and a sound—and it
regularly produces stronger memories than the use of one form alone (Clark &
Paivio, 1991). Dual coding leads to the information receiving deeper, as
opposed to shallow, processing; this is because the additional sensory
representations create a larger number of memory associations. This leads to a
greater number of potential retrieval cues that can be accessed later. For
example, most children growing up in North America learned the alphabet with
the help of a song. In fact, even adults find themselves humming portions of that
song when alphabetizing documents (you’ll probably do it too if asked which
letter comes after “k”). Both the visual “A-B-C-D” and the musical “eh-bee-see-
dee” are encoded together, making memory easier than if you were simply given
visual information to remember (e.g., “ ”, which is ABCD in the
meaningless “wingdings2” font). The simplest explanation for the dual-coding
advantage is that twice as much information is stored.
The application of mnemonic strategies can be found in restaurants where

servers are not allowed to write out orders. These servers use a variety of the
techniques discussed in this chapter. Some use chunking strategies, such as
remembering soft drinks for a group of three customers, and cocktails for the
other four. They also use the method of loci to link faces with positions at the
table. In one study, a waiter was able to recall as many as 20 dinner orders
(Ericsson & Polson, 1988). He used the method of loci by linking food type
(starch, beef, or fish) with a table location, and he used acronyms to help with
encoding salad dressing choices. Thus RaVoSe for a party of three would be
ranch, vinegar and oil, and sesame. Servers, as well as memory researchers,
will tell you that the worst thing restaurant patrons can do is switch seats, as it
completely disrupts the mnemonic devices being used to remember the order
(Bekinschtein et al., 2008).
While these mnemonic devices can help with rote memorization, they may not
necessarily improve your understanding of material. Researchers have begun to
examine other memory boosters that may offer more benefits understanding and
retaining information. For example, some research has shown that desirable
difficulties can aid learning. These techniques make studying slower and more
effortful, but result in better overall remembering. For instance, in Module 1.1
you read about the benefits of spreading out study sessions rather than
cramming for an exam in one long session (spaced vs. massed learning). When
you space out your sessions, it is likely that you will forget some of the items
from the previous study session (Smolen et al., 2016). As a result, you’ll reread
those notes and study them in more depth, a behaviour that will improve your
chances of remembering the information later. Studying material in varying
orders has a similar effect.
Another popular approach to studying is to use flashcards. Although

psychologists have begun to understand how this process benefits students,
they also have identified a few pitfalls that can hinder its effects. First is the
spacing effect. When studying with flashcards, it is better to use one big stack
rather than several smaller stacks; using the entire deck helps take advantage of
the effect of spacing the cards. A second potential problem is the fact that
students become overconfident and drop flashcards as soon as they believe they
have learned the material. In reality, doing so seems to reduce the benefits of
overlearning the material (making it more difficult to forget) and spacing out
cards in the deck (Kornell, 2009; Kornell & Bjork, 2007). No matter how you
study, you should take advantage of the testing effect , the finding that taking
practice tests can improve exam performance, even without additional studying.
In fact, researchers have directly compared testing to additional studying and
have found that, in some cases, testing actually improves memory more
(Roediger et al., 2010). That’s why psychology textbooks such as this one
include quizzes and online tests.
Module 7.2c Quiz:
Forgetting and Remembering
Know . . .
1. Dual coding seems to help memory by
A. allowing for maintenance rehearsal.
B. ensuring that the information is encoded in multiple ways.
C. ensuring that the information is encoded on two separate
occasions.
D. duplicating the rehearsal effect.
Apply . . .
2. If you are preparing for an exam by using flashcards, you will probably
find that you are more confident about some of the items than others. To
improve your exam performance, you should
A. drop the cards you already know.
B. keep the cards in the deck even if you feel like you know them.
C. use maintenance rehearsal.
D. use the method of loci.
3. If you wanted to remember a grocery list using the method of loci, you
should
A. imagine the items on the list on your path through the grocery
store.
B. match rhyming words to each item on your list.
C. repeat the list to yourself over and over again.
D. tell a story using the items from the list.
Module 7.2 Summary

7.2a Know . . . the key terminology related to forgetting, encoding, and
retrieval.
acronym
context-dependent memory
deep processing
dual coding
elaborative rehearsal
encoding specificity principle
first-letter technique
flashbulb memory
maintenance rehearsal
method of loci
mnemonic
mood-dependent memory
recall
recognition
self-reference effect
state-dependent memory
shallow processing
testing effect
7.2b Understand . . . how the type of cognitive processing employed can

affect the chances of remembering what you encounter.
Generally speaking, deeper processing makes things more likely to be

remembered. Greater depth of processing may be achieved by elaborating on
the meaning of the information, through increased emotional content, and
through coding in images and sounds simultaneously.
7.2c Apply . . . what you have learned to improve your ability to

memorize information.
Try putting some tools from the chapter into practice. One mnemonic device that
might be helpful is the method of loci.
Apply Activity
Have someone create a shopping list for you while you prepare yourself by
imagining a familiar path (perhaps the route you take to class or work). When
you are ready to learn the list, read a single item on the list and imagine it at
some point on the path. Feel free to exaggerate the images in your memory—
each item could become the size of a stop sign or might take on the appearance
of a particular building or tree that you pass by. Continue this pattern for each
individual item until you have learned the list. Then try what Ebbinghaus did: Test
your memory over the course of a few days. How do you think you will do?
7.2d Analyze . . . whether emotional memories are more accurate than

non-emotional ones.
Both personal experiences and controlled laboratory studies demonstrate that

emotion enhances memory. However, as we learned in the case of flashbulb
memories, even memories for details of significant events decline over time,
although confidence in memory accuracy typically remains very high.
Module 7.3 Constructing and
Reconstructing Memories
RiceWithSugar/Shutterstock.com
Learning Objectives
7.3a Know . . . the key terminology used in discussing how memories are
organized and constructed.
7.3b Understand . . . how schemas serve as frameworks for encoding and
constructing memories.
7.3c Understand . . . how psychologists can produce false memories in the
laboratory.
7.3d Apply . . . what you have learned to judge the reliability of eyewitness
testimony.
7.3e Analyze . . . the arguments in the “recovered memory” debate.
In 1992, the Saskatchewan town of Martensville was rocked by a sex

abuse scandal. A complaint about a suspicious diaper rash from a parent
of a toddler attending a local daycare led to a police investigation. After
repeated and extensive interviewing, the children claimed to remember
astonishing things including extensive sexual abuse, human sacrifice, a
“Devil Church,” and a Satanic cult known as The Brotherhood of the
Ram. The owners of the daycare along with several other individuals—
including five police officers—were eventually arrested. However, a
closer examination of the police investigation identified some serious
problems. Expert witnesses noted that the questions used in the
interviews were leading and suggestive. Upon further examination, many
charges were dropped. In fact, only one of the accused was convicted of
a crime (molestation). The Saskatchewan government has since paid out
millions of dollars to the other accused individuals whose lives were
affected by these investigations.
While certainly well-meaning, the investigators—who were not trained to

interview child witnesses—forgot a critical piece of information: Memories
are not like photographs perfectly depicting an event from our past.
Instead, they are reconstructed each time we retrieve them, and can
therefore be altered by a number of different factors.
Focus Questions
1. How is it possible to remember events that never happened?

2. Do these false memories represent memory problems, or are they
just a normal part of remembering?
The true story that opened this module demonstrates that our memories are not
perfect. In a less disturbing example, cognitive psychologist and renowned
memory researcher Ulric Neisser once recounted what he was doing on
December 7, 1941, the day Japan attacked Pearl Harbor. Neisser was sitting in
the living room listening to a baseball game on the radio when the program was
interrupted with the news (Neisser, 2000). Or was he? He had certainly
constructed a very distinct memory for this emotional event, but something must
have gone wrong. Baseball season does not last through December. As this
example demonstrates, even memory researchers are prone to
misremembering. In this module we will examine how such misremembering
occurs and what it says about how memories are constructed . . . and
reconstructed.
How Memories Are Organized and

Constructed
Think about the last time you read a novel or watched a film. What do you recall
about the story? If you have a typical memory, you will forget the proper names
of locations and characters quickly, but you will be able to remember the basic
plot for a very long time (Squire, 1989; Stanhope et al., 1993). The plot may be
referred to as the gist of the story and it impacts us much more than characters’
names, which are often just details. As it turns out, much of the way we store
memories depends on our tendency to remember the gist of things.
The Schema: An Active Organization Process

The gist of a story gives us “the big picture,” or a general structure for the
memory; details can be added around that structure. Gist is often influenced by
schemas , organized clusters of memories that constitute one’s knowledge or
beliefs about events, objects, and ideas. Whenever we encounter familiar events
or objects, these schemas become active and affect what we expect, what we
pay attention to, and what we remember. Because we use these patterns
automatically, it may be difficult to understand what they are, even though we
use them throughout our lives. Here is an example; read the following passage
through one time:
The procedure is quite simple. First, you arrange things into different groups. Of course,
one pile may be sufficient, depending on how much there is to do. If you have to go
somewhere else due to lack of facilities, that is the next step; otherwise, you are pretty
well set. It is important not to overdo things. That is, it is better to do too few things at
once than too many. At first the whole procedure will seem complicated. Soon,
however, it will become just another facet of life. After the procedure is completed, one
arranges the materials into different groups again. Then they can be put into their
appropriate places. Eventually they will be used once more, and the whole cycle will
have to be repeated (Bransford & Johnson, 1973).
At this point, if you were to write down the details of the paragraph solely from
memory, how well do you think you would do? Most people do not have high
expectations for themselves, but they would blame it on how vague the
paragraph seems. Now, what if we tell you the passage is about doing laundry?
If you read the paragraph a second time, you should see that it is easier to
understand, as well as to remember.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model How

Schemas Influence Memory
Although schemas are used to explain memory, they can be used

to explain many other phenomena as well, such as the way we
perceive, remember, and think about people and situations. In
each case, schemas provide a ready-made structure that allows
us to process new information more quickly than we could without
this mental shortcut. This makes schemas extremely useful. But,
are they accurate?
What do we know about schemas?

The laundry demonstration tells us quite a bit about schemas and
memory. First, most of us have our own personal schema about
the process of doing laundry. Refer to the definition of schema—a
cluster of memories that constitutes your knowledge about an
event (gathering clothes, going to the laundromat), object (what
clothes are, what detergent is), or idea (why clean clothes are
desirable). When you read the paragraph the first time, you
probably did not know what the objects and events were.
However, when you were told it was about doing laundry, it
activated your laundry schema—your personal collection of
concepts and memories. Once your schema was activated, you
were prepared to make sense of the story and could likely fill in
the gaps of your memory for the passage with stored knowledge
from your schema in long-term memory (LTM). Second, we
should point out that schemas are involved in all three stages of
memory: They guide what we attend to during encoding, organize
stored memories, and serve as cues when it comes time to
retrieve information.
How can science explain schemas?

Research indicates that we remember events using constructive
memory , a process by which we first recall a generalized
schema and then add in specific details (Scoboria et al., 2006;
Silva et al., 2006). Where do these schemas come from? They
appear to be products of culture and experience (e.g., Ross &
Wang, 2010). For example, individuals within a culture tend to
have schemas related to gender roles—men and women are
each assumed to engage in certain jobs and to behave in certain
ways. Even if an individual realizes that these schemas are not
100% accurate (in fact, they can be far from accurate in some
cases), he or she is likely to engage in schematic processing
when having difficulty remembering something specific.
A study by Heather Kleider and her associates (2008)

demonstrates how schemas influence memory quite well. These
investigators had research participants view photographs of a
handyman engaged in schema-consistent behaviour (e.g.,
working on plumbing) as well as a schema-inconsistent tasks
(e.g., folding a baby’s clothing). Participants also viewed images
of a stay-at-home mother performing schema-consistent (e.g.,
feeding a baby) and schema-inconsistent tasks (e.g., hammering
a nail). Immediately after viewing the photographs, participants
were quite successful at remembering correctly who had
performed what actions. However, after two days, what types of
memory mistakes do you think the researchers found? As you
can see from Figure 7.22 , individuals began making mistakes,
and these mistakes were consistent with gender schemas.
Figure 7.22 Schemas Affect How We Encode and

Remember
In this study, memory was accurate when tested immediately, as

shown by the small proportion of errors on the “immediate” side
of the graph. After two days, however, participants
misremembered seeing the schema-inconsistent tasks in line with
stereotypes. For example, they misremembered the stay-at-home
mother stirring cake batter even if they had actually seen the
handyman doing it.
Source: Data from Kleider, H., Pezdek, K., Goldinger, S., & Kirk, A. (2008). Schema–driven source
misattribution errors: Remembering the expected from a witnessed event. Applied Cognitive
Psychology, 22 (1), 1–20.
Can we critically evaluate the concept of a schema?

The concept of a schema is certainly useful in describing our
methods of mental organization, but some psychologists remain
skeptical of its validity. After all, you cannot record brain activity
and expect to see a particular schema, and individuals generally
are not aware that they are using schematic processing. It may
even be the case that what we assume are schemas about
laundry, gender, or ourselves are different every time we think
about these topics. If that is the case, then describing this
tendency as a schema might even be misleading.
However, recent brain-imaging studies suggest that schemas do

exist and likely help with the process of memory consolidation
(Wang & Morris, 2010). Both encoding and retrieving information
that was consistent with a schema learned during an experiment
led to greater activity in a network involving parts of the medial
temporal lobes (including the hippocampus) and the frontal lobes
(van Kesteren, Fernandez, et al., 2010; van Kesteren,
Rijpkema, et al., 2010; see Figure 7.23 ). Additionally, adding
new information to an existing schema actually changes the
expression of genes in the frontal lobes in order to strengthen
connections between this region and the hippocampus (Tse et
al., 2011). Thus, while we cannot identify the neural correlates for
a specific schema like that for doing laundry, it is possible to see
how schemas influence brain activity while new information is
encoded and entered into the structure of our LTM.
Figure 7.23 A Brain Network Related to
Processing Schemas
Brain-imaging data suggest that encoding information consistent

with a schema activates a network involving structures in the
medial temporal lobe (including our friend, the hippocampus) and
parts of the frontal lobes.
Source: Figure 5 from van Kesteren et al., (2013), Trends in Neuroscience, p. 2358.
Biopsychosocial Perspectives Your
Earliest Memories
Think back to the earliest memory you can recall: How old
were you? It is likely that you do not have any personal or
autobiographical memories from before your third
birthday. Psychologists have been trying to explain this
phenomenon—sometimes called infantile amnesia.
Research indicates that self-schemas begin to develop

around the ages of 18 to 24 months (Howe, 2003).
Without these schemas, it is difficult and maybe even
impossible to organize and encode memories about the
self. This is not a universal phenomenon, however. Other
researchers taking a cross-cultural perspective have
found that a sense of self emerges earlier among
European Americans than among people living in eastern
Asia, which correlates with earlier ages of first memories
among European Americans (Fivush & Nelson, 2004;
Ross & Wang, 2010). Why might this difference arise?
The European American emphasis on developing a sense
of self encourages thinking about personal experiences,
which increases the likelihood that personal events—such
as your third birthday party with that scary drunken clown,
or getting chased by a dog—will be remembered. In
contrast, Asian cultures tend to emphasize social
harmony and collectiveness over individualism, resulting
in a schema that is more socially integrated than in
Westerners. This may explain the slightly later onset of
autobiographical memory in Asian children. It will be
interesting to see if this cultural difference changes as
Asian cultures become more “Westernized.”
Do these findings mean that we could get infants to

remember early life events by teaching them to talk about
themselves at an early age? This is not likely. The brains
of young children are still developing, so the neural
architecture necessary to form stable schemas is not yet
in place (Newcombe et al., 2000).

An important aspect of schema-driven processing has to do with
how we process information about ourselves. Clinical psychology
researchers have become particularly concerned with the ways in
which these self-schemas may contribute to psychological
problems. Consider a person with clinical depression—a
condition that involves negative emotion, lack of energy, self-
doubt, and self-blame. An individual with depression is likely to
have a very negative self-schema, which means that he will pay
attention to things that are consistent with the depressive
symptoms, and will be more likely to recall events and feelings
that are consistent with this schema. Thus the schema
contributes to a pattern of thinking and focusing on negative
thoughts. Fortunately, researchers have been able to target these
schemas in psychotherapy. The evidence shows that by
changing their self-schema, individuals are better able to recover
from even very serious bouts of depression (Dozois et al., 2009).
Schemas about the self are based on past experiences and are used to organize
the encoding of self-relevant information in a way that can influence our
responses (Markus, 1977). But self-schemas may serve an additional role
during development. Some evidence suggests that the ability to form schemas,
particularly self-schemas, plays a critical role in our ability to form memories
about our lives.
Module 7.3a Quiz:
How Memories Are Organized and Constructed
Know . . .
1. Schemas appear to affect which of the following stages of memory?
A. Encoding
B. Storage
C. Retrieval
D. All of these stages
2. The act of remembering through recalling a framework and then adding

specific details is known as .
A. constructive memory
B. confabulation
C. schematic interpretation
D. distinctiveness
Understand . . .
3. Information that does not fit our expectations for a specific context is
likely to be forgotten if
A. it is extremely unusual.
B. it only fits our expectations for another completely different
context.
C. it is unexpected, but really not that unusual.
D. it is schema consistent.
Memory Reconstruction
You’ve all heard the cliché, “You are what you eat.” But, it’s also becoming
increasingly clear to psychologists that “You are what you remember” (Wilson &
Ross, 2003). As you read earlier in this module, our memories are organized to
a large degree by our schemas, including self-schemas. There is no guarantee,
however, that these schemas are 100% accurate. In fact, different motivations
can influence which schemas are accessible to us in a given moment, thereby
biasing our memory reconstruction. As a result of these motivational influences,
the past that we remember is actually influenced by our mental state and by our
view of ourselves in the present (Albert, 1977).
This type of biasing effect was nicely demonstrated in a study conducted by

researchers at Concordia University and the University of Waterloo (Conway &
Ross, 1984). The researchers had one group of participants complete a study
skills course while another group remained on a waiting list. The course itself
proved completely ineffective, at least in terms of improving study skills. The
course did have an interesting effect on memory, however. Participants who
completed the study course rated their previous study skills lower than they had
rated them prior to taking the course; participants on the waiting list rated their
study skills as being unchanged. Therefore, the study course participants revised
their memories of their past abilities in a way that allowed them to feel as though
they benefited from the course. This memory bias allowed them to feel as though
they were improving over time, a bias that almost all of us have about ourselves
(Ross & Wilson, 2000).
The results of such studies demonstrate that our memories are not stable, but
instead change over time. Indeed, we have all experienced a false memory ,
remembering events that did not occur, or incorrectly recalling details of an
event. It is important to remember that these incorrect memories do not
necessarily indicate a dysfunction of memory, but rather reflect normal memory
processes—which are inherently imperfect. As you read in the discussion of
schemas, the elements that comprise a memory must be reconstructed each
time that memory is retrieved. This reconstruction is influenced by the demands
of the current situation. Psychologists have identified several ways in which our
memories can be biased, and have explored how these biases can have many
real-world implications, such as in the legal system.
The Perils of Eyewitness Testimony

Have you ever witnessed a crime or even a minor traffic accident? When asked
later about what you witnessed, how accurate were your reports? Most of us feel
quite confident in our ability to retrieve this type of information. However,
psychologists have shown that a number of minor factors can dramatically
influence the details of our “memories.”
In one classic study, Elizabeth Loftus and John Palmer (1974) showed
undergraduate research participants film clips of traffic accidents. Participants
were asked to write down a description of what they had seen, and were then
asked a specific question: “About how fast were the cars going when they
smashed into each other?” However, the exact wording of this question varied
across experimental conditions. For some participants, the word “smashed” was
replaced by “collided,” “bumped,” “contacted,” or “hit.” The results of the study
were stunning—simply changing one verb in the sentence produced large
differences in the estimated speed of the vehicles (see Figure 7.24 ). At one
extreme, the word “smashed” led to an estimate of 65.2 km/h. At the low end of
the spectrum, the word “contacted” led to estimates of 51.2 km/h. So, changing
the verb altered the remembered speed of the vehicles by 14 km/h. In a follow-
up study, Loftus and Palmer also found that participants in the “smashed”
condition were more likely to insert false details such as the presence of broken
glass into their accident reports. This study was a powerful demonstration of the
effect of question wording on memory retrieval and provided police with
important information about the need for caution when questioning witnesses.
Figure 7.24 The Power of a Word

Simply changing the wording of a question altered participants’ recollections of a
filmed traffic accident. All participants viewed the same filmed traffic accidents
and all participants received the identical question with the exception of one key
verb: smashed, collided, bumped, hit, or contacted.
Source: Based on data from Loftus, E. F., & Palmer, J. C. (1974). Reconstruction of automobile destruction: An example of
the interaction between language and memory. Journal of Verbal Learning and Verbal Behavior, 13, 585–589 (p. 586.).
Another factor that can alter memories of an event—and that has implications for
the legal system—is the information that is encoded after the event has
occurred, such as rumours, news reports, or hearing about other people’s
perceptions of the event. If such information was accurate, it could improve
people’s memories; however, this type of information is not always accurate,
which explains why jury members are asked to avoid reading about or watching
TV reports related to the case with which they are involved. Psychologists have
shown that this legal procedure is a wise one, as a number of studies have
demonstrated the misinformation effect , when information occurring after an
event becomes part of the memory for that event. In the original studies of this
topic (Loftus, 1975), researchers attempted to use the misinformation effect to
change the details of people’s memories. For example, in one study, students
viewed a videotape of a staged car crash. In the experimental conditions,
participants were asked about an object that was not in the video, such as a yield
sign (when in fact the scene had contained a stop sign). Later, when asked if
they had seen a yield sign, participants in the experimental group were likely to
say yes. As this experiment demonstrates, one can change the details of a
memory by asking a leading question.
Children are particularly susceptible to misinformation effects and to the effects

of a question’s wording (Bruck & Ceci, 1999). In one study, five- and six-year-
old children watched a janitor (really an actor) named Chester as he cleaned
some dolls and other toys in a playroom. For half of the children, his behaviour
was innocent and simply involved him cleaning the toys. For the other children,
Chester’s behaviour seemed abusive and involved him treating the toys roughly.
The children were later questioned by two interviewers who were (1) accusatory
(implying that Chester had been playing with the dolls when he should have
been working), (2) innocent (implying that Chester was simply cleaning the
dolls), or (3) neutral (not implying anything about Chester’s behaviour). When the
interviewer’s tone matched what the children saw, such as innocent questioning
about Chester when he treated the toys nicely or accusatory questioning when
Chester was rough with the toys, the children’s reports of the behaviour were
quite accurate. However, when the interview technique did not match the
observed behaviour (e.g., accusatory questioning when Chester had simply
cleaned the toys), the children’s responses matched the interviewer’s tone. In
other words, the tone of the interviewer altered the details of the information that
the children retrieved and reported (Thompson et al., 1997).
Participants in one study viewed the top photo and later were asked about the
“yield sign,” even though they saw a stop sign. This small bit of misinformation
was enough to get many participants to falsely remember seeing a yield sign.
Similarly, participants who first viewed the bottom photo could be led to
misremember seeing a stop sign with a single misleading question.
Dr. Elizabeth Loftus
Similar to adults, children are also dependent on schemas. In one study,

researchers told children at school about their clumsy friend Sam Stone. On
numerous occasions, they told funny stories about Sam’s life, including the times
he broke a Barbie doll and tore a sweater. Later, the children met “Sam Stone.”
During his time in the classroom, he did not perform a single clumsy act. The
following day, the teacher showed the children a torn book and a dirty teddy
bear, but did not link Sam to these damaged items. When questioned a few
weeks later, however, many of the three- and four-year-old children reported that
Sam Stone had ruined these objects. Some even claimed to have witnessed
these acts themselves (Leichtman & Ceci, 1995). These findings should not
lead us to ignore the eyewitness testimony of children; but, they should also
remind us (and investigators) that memories—particularly those of children—are
not stable and unchanging like a photograph. This research highlights how
extremely important it is for legal professionals, such as the police, to practise
investigative techniques that avoid biasing witnesses to crimes. Failure to do so
could easily result in innocent people being convicted of crimes they did not
commit, or conversely, guilty people being set free due to “reasonable doubt”
because of questionable eyewitness testimony.
PSYCH@ Court: Is Eyewitness Testimony
Reliable?
While trying to identify the individual responsible for a crime, investigators
often present a lineup of a series of individuals (either in person or in
photographs) and ask the eyewitness to identify the suspect. Given the
constructive nature of memory, it should come as no surprise to hear that
an eyewitness gets it wrong from time to time. The consequences of this
kind of wrongful conviction are dire—an innocent person may go to jail
while a potentially dangerous person stays free.
How can the science of memory improve this process? Here are the six
main suggestions for reforming eyewitness identification procedures:
1. Employ double-blind procedures. Elsewhere in this book, we

discussed how double-blind procedures help reduce
experimenter bias. Similarly, a double-blind lineup (i.e., the
investigator in the room with the eyewitness has no knowledge of
which person is the actual suspect) can prevent an investigator
from biasing an eyewitness, either intentionally or accidentally.
2. Use appropriate instructions. For example, the investigator
should include the statement, “The suspect might not be present
in the lineup.” Eyewitnesses often assume the guilty person is in
the lineup, so they are likely to choose a close match. This risk
can be greatly reduced by instructing the eyewitness that the
correct answer may be “none of the above.”
3. Compose the lineup carefully. The lineup should include
individuals who match the eyewitness’s description of the
perpetrator, not the investigator’s beliefs about the suspect.
4. Use sequential lineups. When an entire lineup is shown
simultaneously, this may encourage the witness to assume one
of the people is guilty, so they choose the best candidate. If the
people in the lineup are presented one at a time, witnesses are
less likely to pick out an incorrect suspect because they are
willing to consider the next person in the sequence.
5. Require confidence statements. Eyewitness confidence can
change as a result of an investigator’s response, or simply by
seeing the same suspect in multiple lineups, neither of which
make the testimony any more accurate. Therefore, confidence
statements should be taken in the witness’s own words after an
identification is made.
6. Record the procedures. Eyewitness researchers have identified
at least a dozen specific things that can go wrong during
identification procedures. By recording these procedures, expert
witnesses can evaluate the reliability of testimony during
hearings.
Recently, Canadian legal experts produced the 2011 Report of the

Federal/Provincial/Territorial Heads of Prosecutions Subcommittee on
the Prevention of Wrongful Convictions. This 233-page document
presents recommendations to the legal community for the use of
eyewitness testimony, among other investigative practices, and highlights
the need for testimony from experts, including psychologists.
Imagination and False Memories
Because our memories are not always as accurate as we would like them to be,
people use a number of techniques to try to help themselves retrieve information.
One of these techniques is to imagine the situation that you are trying, but failing,
to remember. However, although this strategy seems logical at first, the results of
several studies suggest that the retrieved memories may not be very accurate.
Research indicates that repeatedly imagining an action such as breaking a
toothpick makes it very difficult for people to remember whether or not they
performed that action (Goff & Roediger, 1998). In fact, imagining events can
often lead to imagination inflation , the increased confidence in a false
memory of an event following repeated imagination of the event. The more
readily and clearly we can imagine events, the more certain we are that the
memories are accurate.
To study this effect, researchers created a list of events that may or may not
have happened to the individuals in their study (e.g., got in trouble for calling
911, found a $10 bill in a parking lot). The volunteers were first asked to rate
their confidence that the event happened. In sessions held over a period of days,
participants were asked to imagine these events, until finally they were asked to
rate their confidence again. For each item they were asked to imagine, repeated
imagination inflated their confidence in the memory of the event even if they
initially reported that the event had not occurred (Garry et al., 1996; Garry &
Polaschek, 2000).
Importantly, imagination inflation is very similar to guided imagery, a technique

used by some clinicians (and some police investigators) to help people recover
details of events that they are unable to remember. It involves a guide giving
instructions to participants to imagine certain events. Like the misinformation
effect, guided imagery can be used to alter memories for actual events, but it can
also create entirely false memories. For example, in one experiment, volunteers
were asked to imagine a procedure in which a nurse removed a sample of skin
from a finger. Despite the fact that this is not a medical procedure and that it
almost certainly never occurred, individuals in the experimental group were more
likely than those in the control group to report that this event had actually
happened to them (Mazzoni & Memon, 2003). In other words, attempting to
imagine an event can implant new—and false—events into a person’s memory.
Creating False Memories in the Laboratory

Given that several research studies have shown that false memories are fairly
easy to create, and given that such memories can have dramatic and tragic
consequences when they appear in clinical or legal settings, it became important
for researchers to develop techniques that would allow them to study false
memories in more detail. The first of these techniques to be used was the
Deese-Roediger-McDermott (DRM) paradigm (see Figure 7.25 ). In the DRM
procedure , participants study a list of highly related words called semantic
associates (which means they are associated by meaning). The word that would
be the most obvious member of the list just happens to be missing. This missing
word is called the critical lure. What happens when the participants are given a
memory test? A significant proportion of participants remember the critical lure,
even though it never appeared on the list (Deese, 1959; Roediger &
McDermott, 1995). When individuals recall the critical lure, it is called an
intrusion, because a false memory is sneaking into an existing memory.
Figure 7.25 A Sample Word List and Its Critical Lure for the DRM Procedure
The words on the left side are all closely related to the word “bread”—but “bread”
does not actually appear on the list. People who study this list of words are very
likely to misremember that “bread” was present.
Source: From Roediger, H., & McDermott, K. (1995). Creating false memories: Remembering words not presented in lists.
Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 21, 803–814. American Psychological Association.
The fact that people make intrusion errors is not particularly surprising. However,
the strength of the effect is astonishing. In routine studies, the DRM lures as
many as 70% of the participants. The most obvious way to reduce this effect
would be to simply explain the DRM procedure and warn participants that
intrusions may occur. Although this approach has proved effective in reducing
intrusions, false memories still occur (Gallo et al., 1997). Obviously, intrusions
are very difficult to prevent, but not because memory is prone to mistakes. In
fact, memory is generally accurate and extremely efficient, given the millions of
bits of information we encounter every day. Instead, the DRM effect reflects the
fact that normal memory processes are constructive.
A second method of creating false memories in the laboratory comes from

doctored photographs. For instance, researchers at the University of Victoria and
their colleagues exposed undergraduate research participants to altered
photographs showing the participant and his or her parent taking a ride on a hot-
air balloon, an event that did not actually occur (Wade et al., 2002). For this type
of experiment to work, the volunteers in the study had to recruit the help of their
family. Their parents provided pictures of the participant from early childhood,
along with an explanation of the event, the location, and the people and objects
in the photo. The researchers took one of the pictures and digitally cut and
pasted it into a balloon ride. On three occasions the participants went through
the set of pictures, the true originals plus the doctored photo, in a structured
interview process (the kind designed to help police get more details from
eyewitnesses). By the end of the third session, half the participants had some
memory for the balloon ride event, even though it never occurred (Wade et al.,
2002).
Photographic images such as the ones used in the hot-air balloon study leave it
to the participant to fill in the gaps as to what “happened” on their balloon ride.
Other researchers have gone so far as to create false videotaped evidence of an
event (R. Nash et al., 2009). For this method, a volunteer was videotaped
watching a graduate student perform an action. The researchers also videotaped
the graduate student performing an additional action that the volunteer did not
witness. The videos were then spliced together to show the volunteer watching
an event that she, in reality, did not actually see. Now imagine you were shown a
video of yourself watching an action you had not seen before—would you believe
it? In fact, a significant portion of the individuals did form memories of the events
they had never witnessed. This type of false memory retrieval mirrors that
created in the guided imagery exercises used in some clinical settings, a trend
that sparked a very contentious debate in both the scientific and legal
communities.
In one study of false memory, true photos were obtained from volunteers’
families (top), and were edited to look like a balloon ride (bottom). About half of
the volunteers in this study came to recall some details of an event that never
happened to them.
Courtesy of K. Wade, M. Garry, J. Read, and S. Lindsay
The Danger of False Remembering

In the early 1990s, Beth Rutherford sought the help of her church counsellor to
deal with personal issues. During their sessions, the counsellor managed to
convince her that her father, a minister, had raped her. The memory was further
elaborated so that she remembered becoming pregnant and that her father had
forced her to undergo an abortion using a coat hanger. You can imagine what
kind of effects this had on the family. Her father had little choice but to resign
from his position, and his reputation was left in shambles. Although it can be
difficult to prove some false memories, this incident is particularly disturbing
because it could have been supported by medical evidence. When a medical
investigation was finally conducted, absolutely no evidence was found that Beth
had ever been raped or that she had ever been pregnant (Loftus, 1997).
In this example, Beth’s therapist believed that Beth had experienced a

recovered memory , a memory of a traumatic event that is suddenly
recovered after blocking the memory of that event for a long period of time, often
many years. However, the topic of recovered memories is a contentious one. In
the past three decades, psychologists have performed a great deal of research
investigating whether it is possible to suppress a memory and whether there are
research tools available to help us distinguish between memories that are
accurate and those that are not.
This idea that we suppress traumatic memories is popularly known as repression

from Freudian psychoanalysis (see Module 12.3 ). According to this idea, a
repressed memory could still affect other psychological processes, leading
people to suffer in other ways such as experiencing depression. This school of
thought suggests that if a repressed memory can be recovered, then a patient
can find ways to cope with the trauma. Some therapists espouse this view and
use techniques such as hypnosis and guided imagery to try to unearth repressed
memories. However, given the research we have discussed about how false
memories can be implanted through these types of techniques, there is an
obvious danger in the use of these methods.
Can we suppress our memories of traumatic life events? As it turns out, it is

possible, although it is difficult to determine how common it is. In one survey
study, researchers examined the testimony of people who had been imprisoned
in Camp Erika, a Nazi concentration camp in The Netherlands, in the early 1940s
(Wagenaar & Groeneweg, 1990). Most of the prisoners were able to provide
detailed information about their time in the concentration camp, but a minority of
prisoners did not remember many emotional events during their imprisonment
including the names and appearances of people who tortured them and the fact
that they had witnessed murders! But, being able to suppress a horrific memory
is very different from then recovering that memory years later.
Recovered memories, like many other types of long-term memory, are difficult to
study because one can rarely determine if they are true or false. This uncertainty
has led to the recovered memory controversy , a heated debate among
psychologists about the validity of recovered memories (Davis & Loftus, 2009).
On one side of the controversy are some clinical mental health workers (although
certainly not the majority) who regularly attempt to recover memories they
suspect have been repressed. On the opposing side are the many psychologists
who point out that the techniques that might help “recover” a memory bear a
striking resemblance to those that are used to create false memories in
laboratory research; they often involve instructions to remember, attempts to
form images, and social reinforcement for reporting memories (Spanos et al.,
1994). How can this disagreement be resolved?
One method is to use brain imaging to differentiate true and false memories.
Psychologists have found that when people recount information that is true, the
visual and other sensory areas of the brain become more active. When revealing
falsely remembered information, these same individuals have much less activity
in the sensory regions—the brain is not drawing on mental imagery because it
was not there in the first place (Dennis et al., 2012; Stark et al., 2010).
Interestingly, these brain results do not always map onto the participants’
conscious memories of what they had seen. So, this method might be able to
distinguish between true and false memories better than the participant himself
(M. K. Johnson et al., 2012). However, although these neuroimaging results are
promising, these studies did not use stimuli that were as emotional as the
recovered memories patients report. Therefore, as with most areas of
psychology, much more research is needed in this controversial area.
Although this module provides some frightening examples of how malleable our
memories are, there is actually something inspirational about these results. We
construct our own memories and, as a result, our own reality. Therefore, we
have the power to focus our memories on the positive experiences of our lives,
or on the negative ones. It’s up to you—remember that.
Module 7.3b Quiz:
Memory Reconstruction
Know . . .
1. If you are presented with a list of 15 words, all of which have something
in common, you are most likely participating in a study focusing on
.
A. misinformation effects
B. the DRM procedure
C. imagination inflation
D. repression
2. Which of the following effects demonstrates that one can change the
details of a memory just by phrasing a question a certain way?
A. Misinformation effects
B. The DRM procedure
C. Imagination inflation
D. Repression
Apply . . .
3. Jonathan witnessed a robbery. The police asked him to identify the
perpetrator from a lineup. You can be most confident in his selection if
A. the authorities smiled after Jonathan’s response so that he would
feel comfortable during the lineup procedure.
B. the authorities had the lineup presented all at the same time so
Jonathan could compare the individuals.
C. the lineup included individuals of different races and ethnicities.
D. Jonathan was given the option to not choose any of the people
from the lineup if no one fit his memory.
Analyze . . .
4. Psychologists who study false memories have engaged in a debate over
the validity of recovered memories. Why are they skeptical about claims
of recovered memories?
A. They have never experienced recovered memories themselves.
B. Many of the techniques used to recover memories in therapy bear
a striking similarity to the techniques used to create false
memories in research.
C. Brain scans can easily distinguish between true and false
memories.
D. Scientists have proven that it is impossible to remember
something that you have once forgotten.
Module 7.3 Summary

7.3a Know . . . the key terminology used in discussing how memories are
organized and constructed.
constructive memory
DRM procedure
false memory
imagination inflation
misinformation effect
recovered memory
recovered memory controversy
schema
7.3b Understand . . . how schemas serve as frameworks for encoding

and constructing memories.
Schemas guide our attention, telling us what to expect in certain circumstances.

They organize long-term memories and provide us with cues when it comes time
to retrieve those memories.
7.3c Understand . . . how psychologists can produce false memories in

the laboratory.
Psychologists have found that a number of factors contribute to the construction

of false memories, including misinformation, imagination inflation, and the
semantic similarities used in the DRM procedure.
7.3d Apply . . . what you have learned to judge the reliability of

eyewitness testimony.
Eyewitness testimony is absolutely crucial to the operation of most legal

systems, but how reliable is it? Since 1989, 225 U.S.-based cases of
exonerations (convictions that have been overturned due to new evidence after
the trial) have been made possible thanks to the help of The Innocence Project.
In these cases, the original convictions were based on the following information
(some cases included multiple sources):
Eyewitness misidentification (173 cases)

Improper or unvalidated forensics (116 cases)
False confessions (51 cases)
Questionable information from informants (36 cases)
Apply Activity
What percentage of the exonerations mentioned above involved eyewitness
mistakes? What do these data suggest about research on eyewitness
testimony?
7.3e Analyze . . . the arguments in the “recovered memory” debate.
You should first understand the premise behind the idea of recovered memories:
Some people believe that if a memory is too painful, it might be blocked from
conscious recollection, only to be recovered later through therapeutic
techniques. Others argue that it is difficult to prove that a “recovered” memory is
actually real, as opposed to falsely constructed. Given how easy it is to create
false memories, they argue, any memory believed to be recovered should be
viewed with skepticism.
Chapter 8 Thought and
Language
8.1 The Organization of Knowledge

Concepts and Categories 315
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Priming and Semantic Networks

318
Memory, Culture, and Categories 319
8.2 Problem Solving, Judgment, and Decision Making

Defining and Solving Problems 325
Judgment and Decision Making 328
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Maximizing and Satisficing in

Complex Decisions 332
8.3 Language and Communication

What Is Language? 337
The Development of Language 341
Genes, Evolution, and Language 344
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Genes and Language 344

Module 8.1 The Organization of
Knowledge
Dmitry Vereshchagin/Fotolia
Learning Objectives
8.1a Know . . . the key terminology associated with concepts and categories.
8.1b Understand . . . theories of how people organize their knowledge about
the world.
8.1c Understand . . . how experience and culture can shape the way we
organize our knowledge.
8.1d Apply . . . your knowledge to identify prototypical examples.
8.1e Analyze . . . the claim that the language we speak determines how we
think.
When Edward regained consciousness in the hospital, his family

immediately noticed that something was wrong. The most obvious
problem was that he had difficulty recognizing faces, a relatively common
disorder known as prosopagosia. As the doctors performed more testing,
it became apparent that Edward had other cognitive problems as well.
Edward had difficulty recognizing objects—but not all objects. Instead, he
couldn’t distinguish between different vegetables even though he could
use language to describe their appearance. His ability to recognize most
other types of objects seemed normal.
Neurological patients like Edward may seem unrelated to your own life.
However, for specific categories of visual information to be lost, they must
have been stored in similar areas of the brain before brain damage
occurred. Therefore, these cases give us some insight into how the brain
stores and organizes the information that we have encoded into memory.
Focus Questions
1. How do people form easily recognizable categories from complex

information?
2. How does culture influence the ways in which we categorize
information?
Each of us has amassed a tremendous amount of knowledge in the course of

our lifetime. Indeed, it is impossible to put a number on just how many facts each
of us knows. Imagine trying to record everything you ever learned about the
world—how many books could you fill? Instead of asking how much we know,
psychologists are interested in how we keep track of it all. In this module, we will
explore what those processes are like and how they work. We will start by
learning about the key terminology before presenting theories about how
knowledge is stored over the long term.
Concepts and Categories
A concept is the mental representation of an object, event, or idea. Although

it seems as though different concepts should be distinct from each other, there
are actually very few independent concepts. You do not have just one concept
for chair, one for table, and one for sofa. Instead, each of these concepts can be
divided into smaller groups with more precise labels, such as arm chair or coffee
table. Similarly, all of these items can be lumped together under the single label,
furniture. Psychologists use the term categories to refer to these clusters of
interrelated concepts. We form these groups using a process called
categorization.
Classical Categories: Definitions and Rules

Categorization is difficult to define in that it involves elements of perception
(Chapter 4 ), memory (Chapter 7 ), and “higher-order” processes like
decision making (Module 8.2 ) and language (Module 8.3 ). The earliest
approach to the study of categories is referred to as classical
categorization ; this theory claims that objects or events are categorized
according to a certain set of rules or by a specific set of features—something
similar to a dictionary definition (Lakoff & Johnson, 1999; Rouder & Ratcliffe,
2006). Definitions do a fine job of explaining how people categorize items, at
least in certain situations. For example, a triangle can be defined as “a figure
(usually, a plane rectilinear figure) having three angles and three sides” (Oxford
English Dictionary, 2011). Using this definition, you should find it easy to
categorize the triangles in Figure 8.1 .
Figure 8.1 Using the Definition of a Triangle to Categorize Shapes
Classical categorization does not tell the full story of how categorization works,
however. We use a variety of cognitive processes in determining which objects fit
which category. One of the major problems we confront in this process is graded
membership —the observation that some concepts appear to make better
category members than others. For example, see if the definition in Table 8.1
fits your definition of bird and then categorize the items in the table.
Table 8.1 Categorizing Objects According to the Definition of Bird
Definition: “Any of the class Aves of warm-blooded, egg-laying, feathered vertebrates

with forelimbs modified to form wings.” (American Heritage Dictionary, 2016)
Now categorize a set of items by answering yes or no regarding the truth of the
following sentences.
1. A sparrow is a bird.
2. An apple is a bird.
3. A penguin is a bird.
Ideally, you said yes to the sparrow and penguin, and no to the apple. But did
you notice any difference in how you responded to the sparrow and penguin?
Psychologists have researched classical categorization using a behavioural
measure known as the sentence-verification technique, in which volunteers wait
for a sentence to appear in front of them on a computer screen and respond as
quickly as they can with a yes or no answer to statements such as “A sparrow is
a bird,” or, “A penguin is a bird.” The choice the participant makes, as well as her
reaction time to respond, is measured by the researcher. Sentence-verification
shows us that some members of a category are recognized faster than others
(Olson et al., 2004; Rosch & Mervis, 1975). In other words, subjects almost
always answer “yes” faster to sparrow than to penguin. This seems to go against
a classical, rule-based categorization system because both sparrows and
penguins are equally good fits for the definition, but sparrows are somehow
perceived as being more bird-like than penguins. Thus, a modern approach to
categorization must explain how “best examples” influence how we categorize
items.
Prototypes: Categorization by Comparison

When you hear the word bird, what mental image comes to mind? Does it
resemble an ostrich? Or is your image closer to a robin, sparrow, or blue jay?
The likely image that comes to mind when you imagine a bird is what
psychologists call a prototype (see Figure 8.2 ). Prototypes are mental
representations of an average category member (Rosch, 1973). If you took an
average of the three most familiar birds, you would get a prototypical bird.
Figure 8.2 A Prototypical Bird
Left: chatursunil/Shutterstock; centre: Al Mueller/Shutterstock; right:
Leo/Shutterstock
Prototypes allow for classification by resemblance. When you encounter a little

creature you have never seen before, its basic shape—maybe just its silhouette
—can be compared to your prototype of a bird. A match will then be made and
you can classify the creature as a bird. Notice how different this process is from
classical categorization: No rules or definitions are involved, just a set of
similarities in overall shape and function.
The main advantage of prototypes is that they help explain why some category
members make better examples than others. Ostriches are birds just as much as
blue jays are, but they do not resemble the rest of the family very well. In other
words, blue jays are closer to the prototypical bird.
Now that you have read about categories based on a set of rules or
characteristics (classical categories) and as a general comparison based on
resemblances (prototypes), you might wonder which approach is correct.
Research says that we can follow either approach—the choice really depends on
how complicated a category or a specific example might be. If there are a few
major distinctions between items, we use resemblance; if there are
complications, we switch to rules (Feldman, 2003; Rouder & Ratcliff, 2004,
2006). For example, in the case of seeing a bat dart by, your first impression
might be “bird” because it resembles a bird. But if you investigated further, you
will see that a bat fits the classical description of a mammal, not a bird. In other
words, it has hair, gives live birth rather than laying eggs, and so on.
Networks and Hierarchies

Classical categorization and prototypes only explain part of how we organize
information. Each concept that we learn about has similarities to other concepts.
A sparrow has physical similarities to a bat (e.g., size and shape); a sparrow will
have even more in common with a robin because they are both birds (e.g., size,
shape, laying eggs, etc.). These connections among ideas can be represented in
a network diagram known as a semantic network , an interconnected set of
nodes (or concepts) and the links that join them to form a category (see Figure
8.3 ). Nodes are circles that represent concepts, and links connect them
together to represent the structure of a category as well as the relationships
among different categories (Collins & Loftus, 1975). In these networks, similar
items have more, and stronger, connections than unrelated items.
Figure 8.3 A Semantic Network Diagram for the Category “Animal”
The nodes include the basic-level categories, Bird and Fish. Another node
represents the broader category of Animal, while the lowest three nodes
represent the more specific categories of Robin, Emu, and Trout.
Source: Based on Collins, A. M., & Quillian, M. R. (1969). Retrieval time from semantic memory. Journal of Verbal Learning
and Verbal Behavior, 8, 240–248.
Something you may notice about Figure 8.3 is that it is arranged in a

hierarchy—that is, it consists of a structure moving from general to very specific.
This organization is important because different levels of the category are useful
in different situations. The most frequently used level, in both thought and
language, is the basic-level category, which is located in the middle row of the
diagram (where birds and fish are) (Johnson & Mervis, 1997; Rosch et al.,
1976). A number of qualities make the basic-level category unique:
Basic-level categories are the terms used most often in conversation.

They are the easiest to pronounce.
They are the level at which prototypes exist.
They are the level at which most thinking occurs.
To get a sense for how different category levels influence our thinking, we can
compare sentences referring to an object at different levels. Consider what would
happen if someone approached you and made any one of the following
statements:
There’s an animal in your yard.

There’s a bird in your yard.
There’s a robin in your yard.
The second sentence—”There’s a bird in your yard”—is probably the one you
are most likely to hear, and it makes reference to a basic level of a category
(birds). Many people would respond that the choice of animal as a label indicates
confusion, claiming that if the speaker knew it was a bird, he should have said
so; otherwise, it sounds like he is trying to figure out which kind of animal he is
looking at. Indeed, superordinate categories like “animal” are generally used
when someone is uncertain about an object or when he or she wishes to group
together a number of different examples from the basic-level category (e.g.,
birds, cats, dogs). In contrast, when the speaker identifies a subordinate-level
category like robin, it suggests that there is something special about this
particular type of bird. It may also indicate that the speaker has expert-level
knowledge of the basic category and that using the more specific level is
necessary to get her point across in the intended way.
In order to demonstrate the usefulness of semantic networks in our attempt to

explain how we organize knowledge, complete this easy test based on the
animal network in Figure 8.3 . If you were asked to react to dozens of
sentences, and the following two sentences were included among them, which
do you think you would mark as “true” the fastest?
A robin is a bird.
A robin is an animal.
As you can see in the network diagram, robin and bird are closer together; in
fact, to connect robin to animal, you must first go through bird. Sure enough,
people regard the sentence “A robin is a bird” as a true statement faster than “A
robin is an animal.”
Now consider another set of examples. Which trait do you think you would verify
faster?
A robin has wings.

A robin eats.
Using the connecting lines as we did before, we can predict that it would be the
first statement about wings. As research shows, our guess would be correct.
These results demonstrate that how concepts are arranged in semantic networks
can influence how quickly we can access information about them.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Priming

and Semantic Networks
The thousands of concepts and categories in long-term memory

are not isolated, but connected in a number of ways. What are
the consequences of forming all the connections in semantic
networks?
What do we know about semantic networks?

In your daily life, you notice the connections within semantic
networks anytime you encounter one aspect of a category and
other related concepts seem to come to mind. Hearing the word
“fruit,” for example, might lead you to think of an apple, and the
apple may lead you to think of a computer, which may lead you to
think of a paper that is due tomorrow. These associations
illustrate the concept of priming —the activation of individual
concepts in long-term memory. Interestingly, research has shown
that priming can also occur without your awareness; “fruit” may
not have brought the image of a watermelon to mind, but the
concept of a watermelon may have been primed nonetheless.
How can science explain priming effects?

Psychologists can test for priming through reaction time
measurements, such as those in the sentence verification tasks
discussed earlier or through a method called the lexical decision
task. With the lexical decision method, a volunteer sits at a
computer and stares at a focal point. Next, a string of letters
flashes on the screen. The volunteer responds yes or no as
quickly as possible to indicate whether the letters spell a word
(see Figure 8.4 ). Using this method, a volunteer should
respond faster that “apple” is a word if it follows the word “fruit”
(which is semantically related) than if it follows the word “bus”
(which is not semantically related).
Figure 8.4 A Lexical Decision Task
In a lexical decision task, an individual watches a computer

screen as strings of letters are presented. The participant must
respond as quickly as possible to indicate whether the letters
spell a word (e.g., “desk”) or are a non-word (e.g., “sekd”).
Given that lexical decision tasks are highly controlled

experiments, we might wonder if they have any impact outside of
the laboratory. One test by Jennifer Coane suggests that priming
does occur in everyday life (Coane & Balota, 2009). Coane’s
research team invited volunteers to participate in lexical decision
tasks about holidays at different times of the year. The words
they chose were based on the holiday season at that time. Sure
enough, without any laboratory priming, words such as
“nutcracker” and “reindeer” showed priming effects at times when
they were congruent (or “in season”) in December, relative to
other times of the year (see Figure 8.5 ). Similarly, words like
“leprechaun” and “shamrock” showed a priming effect during the
month of March. Because the researchers did not instigate the
priming, it must have been the holiday spirit at work: Decorations
and advertisements may serve as constant primes.
Figure 8.5 Priming Affects the Speed of

Responses on a Lexical Decision Task
Average response times were faster when the holiday-themed

words were congruent (in season), as represented by the blue
bars. This finding is consistent for both the first half and the
second half of the list of words.
Source: Republished with permission of Springer, from Priming the Holiday Spirit: Persistent
Activation due to Extraexperimental Experiences Fig. 1, Pg.1126, Psychonomic Bulletin & Review, 16
(6), 1124–1128, 2009. Permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc.

Priming influences thought and behaviour, but is certainly not all-
powerful. In fact, it can be very weak at times. Because the
strength of priming can vary a great deal, some published
experiments have been very difficult to replicate—an important
criterion of quality research. So, while most psychologists agree
that priming is an important area of research, there have been
very open debates at academic conferences and in peer-
reviewed journals about the best way to conduct the research
and how to interpret the results (Cesario, 2014; Klatzky &
Creswell, 2014).

Advertisers know all too well that priming is more than just a
curiosity; it can be used in a controlled way to promote specific
behaviours. For example, cigarette advertising is not allowed on
television stations, but large tobacco companies can sponsor
anti-smoking ads. Why would a company advertise against its
own product? Researchers brought a group of smokers into the
lab to complete a study on television programming and subtly
included a specific type of advertisement between segments
(they did not reveal the true purpose of the study until after it was
completed). Their participants were four times as likely to light up
after watching a tobacco-company anti-smoking ad than if they
saw the control group ad about supporting a youth sports league
(Harris et al., 2013). It would appear that while the verbal
message is “don’t smoke,” the images actually prime the
behaviour. Fortunately, more healthful behaviours have been
promoted through priming; for example, carefully designed
primes have been shown to reduce mindless snacking (Papies &
Hamstra, 2010) and binge-drinking in university students (Goode
et al., 2014).
Module 8.1a Quiz:
Concepts and Categories
Know . . .
1. A is a mental representation of an average member of a
category.
A. subordinate-level category
B. prototype
C. similarity principle
D. network
2. refer to mental representations of objects, events, or ideas.

A. Categories
B. Concepts
C. Primings
D. Networks
Understand . . .
3. Classical categorization approaches do not account for , a type
of categorization that notes some items make better category members
than others.
A. basic-level categorization
B. prototyping
C. priming
D. graded membership
Memory, Culture, and Categories

In the first part of this module, we examined how we group together concepts to
form categories. However, it is important to remember that these processes are
based, at least in part, on our experiences. In this section of the module, we
examine the role of experience—both in terms of memory processes and cultural
influences—on our ability to organize our vast stores of information.
Categorization and Experience

People integrate new stimuli into categories based on what they have
experienced before (Jacoby & Brooks, 1984). When we encounter a new item,
we select its category by retrieving the item(s) that are most similar to it from
memory (Brooks, 1978). Normally, these procedures lead to fast and accurate
categorization. If you see an animal with wings and a beak, you can easily
retrieve from memory a bird that you previously saw; doing so will lead you to
infer that this new object is a bird, even if it is a type of bird that you might not
have encountered before.
However, there are also times when our reliance on previously experienced
items can lead us astray. In a series of studies with medical students and
practising physicians, Geoffrey Norman and colleagues at McMaster University
found that recent exposure to an example from one category can bias how
people diagnose new cases (Leblanc et al., 2001; Norman, Brooks, et al.,
1989; Norman, Rosenthal, et a., 1989). In one experiment, medical students
were taught to diagnose different skin conditions using written rules as well as
photographs of these diseases. Some of the photographs were typical examples
of that disorder whereas other photographs were unusual cases that resembled
other disorders. When tested later, the participants were more likely to rely on
the previously viewed photographs than they were on the rules (a fact that would
surprise most medical schools); in fact, the unusual photographs viewed during
training even led to wrong diagnoses for test items that were textbook examples
of that disorder (Allen et al., 1992)! This shows the power that our memory can
have on how we take in and organize new information. As an aside, expert
physicians were accurate over 90% of the time in most studies, so you can still
trust your doctor.
Categories, Memory, and the Brain
The fact that our ability to make categorical decisions is influenced by previous
experiences tells us that this process involves memory. Studies of neurological
patients like the man discussed at the beginning of this module provide a unique
perspective on how these memories are organized in the brain. Some patients
with damage to the temporal lobes have trouble identifying objects such as
pictures of animals or vegetables despite the fact that they were able to describe
the different shapes that made up those objects (i.e., they could still see). The
fact that these deficits were for particular categories of objects was intriguing, as
it suggested that damaging certain parts of the brain could impair the ability to
recognize some categories while leaving others unaffected (Warrington &
McCarthy, 1983; Warrington & Shallice, 1979). Because these problems were
isolated to certain categories, these patients were diagnosed as having a
disorder known as category specific visual agnosia (or CSVA).
Early attempts to find a pattern in these patients’ deficits focused on the

distinction between living and non-living categories (see Figure 8.6 ). Several
patients with CSVA had difficulties identifying fruits, vegetables, and/or animals
but were still able to accurately identify members of categories such as tools and
furniture (Arguin et al., 1996; Bunn et al., 1998). However, although CSVA has
been observed in a number of patients, researchers also noted that it would be
physically impossible for our brains to have specialized regions for every
category we have encountered. There simply isn’t enough space for this to
occur. Instead, they proposed that evolutionary pressures led to the development
of specialized circuits in the brain for a small group of categories that were
important for our survival. These categories included animals, fruits and
vegetables, members of our own species, and possibly tools (Caramazza &
Mahon, 2003). Few, if any, other categories involve such specialized memory
storage. This theory can explain most, but not all, of the problems observed in
the patients tested thus far. It is also in agreement with brain-imaging studies
showing that different parts of the temporal lobes are active when people view
items from different categories including animals, tools, and people (Martin et
al., 1996). Thus, although different people will vary in terms of the exact location
that these categories are stored, it does appear that some categories are stored
separately from others.
Figure 8.6 Naming Errors for a CSVA Patient

Patients with CSVA have problems identifying members of specific categories.
When asked to identify the object depicted by different line drawings, patient E.
W. showed a marked impairment for the recognition of animals. Her ability to
name items from other categories demonstrated that her overall perceptual
abilities were preserved.
Source: Based on data from Caramazza, A., & Mahon, B. Z. (2003). The organization of conceptual knowledge: the evidence
from category-specific semantic deficits. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 7 (8), 354–361.
Biopsychosocial Perspectives Culture and
Categorical Thinking
Animals, relatives, household appliances, colours, and other entities all
fall into categories. However, people from different cultures might differ in
how they categorize such objects. In North America, cows are sometimes
referred to as “livestock” or “food animals,” whereas in India, where cows
are regarded as sacred, neither category would apply.
In addition, how objects are related to each other differs considerably
across cultures. Which of the two photos in Figure 8.7 a do you think
someone from North America took? Researchers asked both American
and Japanese university students to take a picture of someone, from
whatever angle or degree of focus they chose. American students were
more likely to take close-up pictures, whereas Japanese students
typically included surrounding objects (Nisbett & Masuda, 2003). When
asked which two objects go together in Figure 8.7 b, American college
students tend to group cows with chickens—because both are animals.
In contrast, Japanese students coupled cows with grass, because grass
is what cows eat (Gutchess et al., 2010; Nisbett & Masuda, 2003).
These examples demonstrate cross-cultural differences in perceiving
how objects are related to their environments. People raised in North
America tend to focus on a single characteristic, whereas Japanese
people tend to view objects in relation to their environment.
Figure 8.7 Your Culture and Your Point of View
(a) Which of these two pictures do you think a North American would be
more likely to take? (b) Which two go together?
Top photos: Blend Images/Shutterstock
Source, bottom: Adapted from Nisbett, R. E., & Masuda, T. (2003). Culture and point of view. Proceedings of the
National Academy of Sciences, 100 (19), 11163–11170. Copyright © 2003. Reprinted by permission of National
Academy of Sciences.
Researchers have even found differences in brain function when people

of different cultural backgrounds view and categorize objects (Park &
Huang, 2010). Figure 8.8 reveals differences in brain activity when
Westerners and East Asians view photos of objects, such as an animal,
against a background of grass and trees. Areas of the brain devoted to
processing both objects (lateral parts of the occipital lobes) and
background (the parahippocampal gyrus, an area underneath the
hippocampus) become activated when Westerners view these photos,
whereas only areas devoted to background processes become activated
in East Asians (Goh et al., 2007). These findings demonstrate that a
complete understanding of how humans categorize objects requires
application of the biopsychosocial model.
Figure 8.8 Brain Activity Varies by Culture

Brain regions that are involved in object recognition and processing are
activated differently in people from Western and Eastern cultures. Brain
regions that are involved in processing individual objects are more highly
activated when Westerners view focal objects against background
scenery, whereas people from East Asian countries appear to attend to
background scenery more closely than focal objects.
Source: Park, D. C. & Huang, C.-M. (2010). Culture wires the brain: A cognitive neuroscience perspective.
Perspectives on Psychological Science, 5 (4), 391–400. Reprinted by permission of SAGE Publications.
Myths in Mind How Many Words for Snow?

Cultural differences in how people think and categorize items have led to
the idea of linguistic relativity (or the Whorfian hypothesis)—the
theory that the language we use determines how we understand (and
categorize) the world. One often-cited example is about the Inuit in
Canada’s Arctic regions, who are thought to have many words for snow,
each with a different meaning. For example, aput means snow that is on
the ground, and gana means falling snow. This observation, which was
made in the early 19th century by anthropologist Franz Boas, was often
repeated and exaggerated, with claims that Inuit people had dozens of
words for different types of snow. With so many words for snow, it was
thought that perhaps the Inuit people perceive snow differently than
someone who does not live near it almost year-round. Scholars used the
example to argue that language determines how people categorize the
world.
Research tells us that we must be careful in over-generalizing the

influence of language on categorization. The reality is that the Inuit seem
to categorize snow the same way a person from the rest of Canada does.
Someone from balmy Winnipeg can tell the difference between falling
snow, blowing snow, sticky snow, drifting snow, and “oh-sweet-God-it’s-
snowing-in-May-snow,” just as well as an Inuit who lives with snow for
most of the year (Martin, 1986). Therefore, we see that the linguistic
relativity hypothesis is incorrect in this case: The difference in vocabulary
for snow does not lead to differences in perception.
Categories and Culture

The human brain is wired to perceive similarities and differences and, as we
learned from prototypes, the end result of this tendency is to categorize items
based on these comparisons as well as on our previous experiences with
members of different categories. However, our natural inclination to do so
interacts with our cultural experiences; how we categorize objects depends to a
great extent on what we have learned about those objects from others in our
culture.
Various researchers have explored the relationships between culture and
categorization by studying basic-level categories among people from different
cultural backgrounds. For example, researchers have asked individuals from
traditional villages in Central America to identify a variety of plants and animals
that are extremely relevant to their diet, medicine, safety, and other aspects of
their lives. Not surprisingly, these individuals referred to plants and animals at a
more specific level than North American university students would (Bailenson et
al., 2002; Berlin, 1974). Thus, categorization is based—at least to some extent
—on cultural learning. Psychologists have also discovered that cultural factors
influence not just how we categorize individual objects, but also how objects in
our world relate to one another.
Although culture and memory both clearly affect how we describe and categorize
our world, we do need to remember to critically analyze the results of these
studies. Specifically, as our world becomes more Westernized, it is possible—
even likely—that these cultural differences will decrease. These results, then, tell
us about cultural differences at a given time. As you saw in the Myths in Mind
feature above, we should also exercise caution when reading about another form
of cultural influences on categorization—linguistic relativity.
Module 8.1b Quiz:
Memory, Culture, and Categories
Know . . .
1. The idea that our language influences how we understand the world is
referred to as .
A. the context specificity hypothesis
B. sentence verification
C. the Whorfian hypothesis
D. priming
Understand . . .
2. A neurologist noticed that a patient with temporal-lobe damage seemed
to have problems naming specific categories of objects. Based upon
what you read in this module, which classes of objects are most likely to
be affected by this damage?
A. Animals and tools
B. Household objects that he would use quite frequently
C. Fruits and vegetables
D. Related items such as animals and hunting weapons
Apply . . .
3. Janice, a medical school student, looked at her grandmother’s hospital
chart. Although her grandmother appeared to have problems with her
intestines, Janice thought the pattern of the lab results resembled those
of a patient with lupus she had seen in the clinic earlier that week. Janice
is showing an example of
A. how memory for a previous example can influence categorization
decisions.
B. how people rely on prototypes to categorize objects and events.
C. how we rely on a set of rules to categorize objects.
D. how we are able to quickly categorize examples from specific
categories.
Analyze . . .
4. Research on linguistic relativity suggests that
A. language has a complete control over how people categorize the
world.
B. language can have some effects on categorization, but the effects
are limited.
C. language has no effect on categorization.
D. researchers have not addressed this question.
Module 8.1 Summary

8.1a Know . . . the key terminology associated with concepts and
categories.
categories
classical categorization
concept
graded membership
linguistic relativity (Whorfian hypothesis)
priming
prototypes
semantic network
8.1b Understand . . . theories of how people organize their knowledge

about the world.
Certain objects and events are more likely to be associated in clusters. The
priming effect demonstrates this phenomenon; for example, hearing the word
“fruit” makes it more likely that you will think of “apple” than, say, “table.” More
specifically, we organize our knowledge about the world through semantic
networks, which arrange categories from general to specific levels. Usually we
think in terms of basic-level categories, but under some circumstances we can
be either more or less specific. Studies of people with brain damage suggest that
the neural representations of members of evolutionarily important categories are
stored together in the brain. These studies also show us that our previous
experience with a category can influence how we categorize and store new
stimuli in the brain.
8.1c Understand . . . how experience and culture can shape the way we
organize our knowledge.
One of many possible examples of this influence was discussed. Specifically,

ideas of how objects relate to one another differ between people from North
America and people from Eastern Asia. People from North America (and
Westerners in general) tend to focus on individual, focal objects in a scene,
whereas people from Japan tend to focus on how objects are interrelated.
8.1d Apply . . . your knowledge to identify prototypical examples.
Apply Activity
Try the following questions for practice.
1. What is the best example for the category of fish: a hammerhead shark, a
trout, or an eel?
2. What do you consider to be a prototypical sport? Why?
3. Some categories are created spontaneously, yet still have prototypes.
For example, what might be a prototypical object for the category “what
to save if your house is on fire”?
8.1e Analyze . . . the claim that the language we speak determines how
we think.
Researchers have shown that language can influence the way we think, but it
cannot entirely shape how we perceive the world. For example, people can
perceive visual and tactile differences between different types of snow even if
they don’t have unique words for each type.
Module 8.2 Problem Solving,
Judgment, and Decision
Making
Polaris/Newscom
Learning Objectives
8.2a Know . . . the key terminology of problem solving and decision making.
8.2b Understand . . . the characteristics that problems have in common.
8.2c Understand . . . how obstacles to problem solving are often self-imposed.
8.2d Apply . . . your knowledge to determine if you tend to be a maximizer or a
satisficer.
8.2e Analyze . . . whether human thought is primarily logical or intuitive.
Ki-Suck Han was about to die. He had just been shoved onto the
subway’s tracks and was desperately scrambling to climb back onto the
station’s platform as the subway train rushed toward him. If you were a
few metres away from Mr. Han, what would you have done? What factors
would have influenced your actions?
In this case, the person on the platform was R. Umar Abbasi, a freelance
photographer working for The New York Post. Mr. Abbasi did not put
down his camera and run to help Mr. Han. Instead, he took a well-framed
photograph that captured the terrifying scene. The photograph was
published on the front page of the Post and was immediately condemned
by people who were upset that the photographer didn’t try to save Mr.
Han’s life (and that the Post used the photograph to make money). In a
statement released to other media outlets, the Post claimed that Mr.
Abbasi felt that he wasn’t strong enough to lift the man and instead tried
to use his camera’s flash to signal the driver. According to this
explanation, Mr. Abbasi analyzed the situation and selected a course of
action that he felt would be most helpful. Regardless of whether you
believe this account, it does illustrate an important point: Reasoning and
decision making can be performed in a number of ways and can be
influenced by a number of factors. That is why we don’t all respond the
same way to the same situation.
Focus Questions
1. How do people make decisions and solve problems?

2. How can having multiple options lead people to be dissatisfied
with their decisions?
In other modules of this text, you have read about how we learn and remember
new information (Modules 7.1 and 7.2 ) and how we organize our
knowledge of different concepts (Module 8.1 ). This module will focus on how
we use this information to help us solve problems and make decisions. Although
it may seem like such “higher-order cognitive abilities” are distinct from memory
and categorization, they are actually a wonderful example of how the different
topics within the field of psychology relate to each other. When we try to solve a
problem or decide between alternatives, we are actually drawing on our
knowledge of different concepts and using that information to try to imagine
different possible outcomes (Green et al., 2006). How well we perform these
tasks depends on a number of factors including our problem-solving strategies
and the type of information available to us.
Defining and Solving Problems
You are certainly familiar with the general concept of a problem, but in
psychological terminology, problem solving means accomplishing a goal
when the solution or the path to the solution is not clear (Leighton & Sternberg,
2003; Robertson, 2001). Indeed, many of the problems that we face in life
contain obstacles that interfere with our ability to reach our goals. The challenge,
then, is to find a technique or strategy that will allow us to overcome these
obstacles. As you will see, there are a number of options that people use for this
purpose—although none of them are perfect.
Problem-Solving Strategies and Techniques
Each of us will face an incredible number of problems in our lives. Some of these
problems will be straightforward and easy to solve; however, others will be quite
complex and will require us to come up with a novel solution. How do we
remember the strategies we can use for routine problems? And, how do we
develop new strategies for nonroutine problems? Although these questions
appear as if they could have an infinite number of answers, there seem to be two
common techniques that we use time and again.
One type of strategy is more objective, logical, and slower, whereas the other is
more subjective, intuitive, and quicker (Gilovich & Griffin, 2002; Holyoak &
Morrison, 2005). The difference between them can be illustrated with an
example. Suppose you are trying to figure out where you have left your phone.
You’ve tried the trick of calling yourself using a landline phone, but you couldn’t
hear it ringing. So, it’s not in your house. A logical approach might involve
making of list of the places you’ve been in the last 24 hours and then retracing
your steps until you (hopefully) find your phone. An intuitive approach might
involve thinking about previous times you’ve lost your phone or wallet and using
these experiences to guide your search (e.g., “I’m always forgetting my phone at
Dan’s place, so I should look there first”).
When we think logically, we rely on algorithms , problem-solving strategies

based on a series of rules. As such, they are very logical and follow a set of
steps, usually in a pre-set order. Computers are very good at using algorithms
because they can follow a preprogrammed set of steps and perform thousands
of operations every second. People, however, are not always so rule-bound. We
tend to rely on intuition to find strategies and solutions that seem like a good fit
for the problem. These are called heuristics , problem-solving strategies that
stem from prior experiences and provide an educated guess as to what is the
most likely solution. Heuristics are often quite efficient; these “rules of thumb” are
usually accurate and allow us to find solutions and to make decisions quickly. In
the example of trying to figure out where you left your phone, you are more likely
to put your phone down at a friend’s house than on the bus, so that increases the
likelihood that your phone is still sitting on his coffee table. Calling your friend to
ask about your phone is much simpler than retracing your steps from class to the
gym to the grocery store, and so on.
The overall goal of both algorithms and heuristics is to find an accurate solution
as efficiently as possible. In many situations, heuristics allow us to solve
problems quite rapidly. However, the trade-off is that these shortcuts can
occasionally lead to incorrect solutions, a topic we will return to later in this
module.
Of course, different problems call for different approaches. In fact, in some

cases, it might be useful to start off with one type of problem-solving and then
switch to another. Think about how you might play the children’s word-game
known as hangman, shown in Figure 8.9 . Here, the goal state is to spell a
word. In the initial state, you have none of the letters or other clues to guide you.
So, your obstacles are to overcome (i.e., fill in) blanks without guessing the
wrong letters. How would you go about achieving this goal?
Figure 8.9 Problem Solving in Hangman

In a game of hangman, your job is to guess the letters in the word represented
by the four blanks to the left. If you get a letter right, your opponent will put it in
the correct blank. If you guess an incorrect letter, your opponent will draw a body
part on the stick figure. The goal is to guess the word before the entire body is
drawn.
On one hand, an algorithm might go like this: Guess the letter A, then B, then C,
and so on through the alphabet until you lose or until the word is spelled.
However, this would not be a very successful approach. An alternative algorithm
would be to find out how frequently each letter occurs in the alphabet and then
guess the letters in that order until the game ends with you winning or losing. So,
you would start out by selecting E, then A, and so on. On the other hand, a
heuristic might be useful. For example, if you discover the last letter is G, you
might guess that the next-to-last letter is N, because you know that many words
end with -ing. Using a heuristic here would save you time and usually lead to an
accurate solution.
As you can see, some problems (such as the hangman game) can be
approached with either algorithms or heuristics. In other words, most people start
out a game like hangman with an algorithm: Guess the most frequent letters until
a recognizable pattern emerges, such as -ing, or the letters -oug (which are often
followed by h, as in tough or cough) appear. At that point, you might switch to
heuristics and guess which letters would be most likely to fit in the spaces.
Cognitive Obstacles
Using algorithms or heuristics will often allow you to eventually solve a problem;
however, there are times when the problem-solving rules and strategies that you
have established might actually get in the way of problem solving. The nine-dot
problem (Figure 8.10 ; Maier, 1930) is a good example of such a cognitive
obstacle. The goal of this problem is to connect all nine dots using only four
straight lines and without lifting your pen or pencil off the paper. Try solving the
nine-dot problem before you read further.
Figure 8.10 The Nine-Dot Problem
Connect all nine dots using only four straight lines and without lifting your pen or
pencil (Maier, 1930). The solution to the problem can be seen in Figure 8.11 .
Source: Maier, N. F. (1930). Reasoning in humans. I. On direction. Journal of Comparative Psychology, 10 (2), 115–143.
American Psychological Association.
Figure 8.11 One Solution to the Nine-Dot Problem

In this case, the tendency is to see the outer edge of dots as a boundary, and to
assume that one cannot go past that boundary. However, if you are willing to
extend some of the lines beyond the dots, it is actually quite a simple puzzle to
complete.
Here is something to think about when solving this problem: Most people impose
limitations on where the lines can go, even though those limits are not a part of
the rules. Specifically, people often assume that a line cannot extend beyond the
dots. As you can see in Figure 8.11 , breaking these rules is necessary in
order to find a solution to the problem.
Having a routine solution available for a problem generally allows us to solve that
problem with less effort than we would use if we encountered it for the first time.
This efficiency saves us time and effort. Sometimes, however, routines may
impose cognitive barriers that impede solving a problem if circumstances change
so that the routine solution no longer works. A mental set is a cognitive
obstacle that occurs when an individual attempts to apply a routine solution to
what is actually a new type of problem. Figure 8.12 presents a problem that
often elicits a mental set. The answer appears at the bottom of the figure, but
make your guess before you check it. Did you get it right? If not, then you
probably succumbed to a mental set.
Figure 8.12 The Five-Daughter Problem

Maria’s father has five daughters: Lala, Lela, Lila, and Lola. What is the fifth
daughter’s name?
The fifth daughter’s name is Maria.
Mental sets can occur in many different situations. For instance, a person may
experience functional fixedness , which occurs when an individual identifies
an object or technique that could potentially solve a problem, but can think of
only its most obvious function. Functional fixedness can be illustrated with a
classic thought problem: Figure 8.13 shows two strings hanging from a
ceiling. Imagine you are asked to tie the strings together. However, once you
grab a string, you cannot let go of it until both are tied together. The problem is,
unless you have extraordinarily long arms, you cannot reach the second string
while you are holding on to the first one (Maier, 1931). So how would you solve
the problem? Figure 8.16 offers one possible answer and an explanation of
what makes this problem challenging.
Figure 8.13 The Two-String Problem

Imagine you are standing between two strings and need to tie them together.
The only problem is that you cannot reach both strings at the same time (Maier,
1931). In the room with you is a table, a piece of paper, a pair of pliers, and a ball
of cotton. What do you do? For a solution, see Figure 8.16 .
Figure 8.16 A Solution to the Two-String Problem
One solution to the two-string problem from Figure 8.13 is to take the pliers
off the table and tie them to one string. This provides enough weight to swing
one string back and forth while you grab the other. Many people demonstrate
functional fixedness when they approach this problem—they do not think of
using the pliers as a weight because its normal function is as a grasping tool.
Problem solving occurs in every aspect of life, but as you can see, there are
basic cognitive processes that appear no matter what the context. We identify
the goal we want to achieve, try to determine the best strategy to do so, and
hope that we do not get caught by unexpected obstacles—especially those we
create in our own minds.
Of course, not all problems are negative obstacles that must be overcome.
Problem solving can also be part of some positive events as well.
PSYCH@ Problem Solving and Humour

Question: Why can’t university students take exams at the zoo?
Answer: There are too many cheetahs.
Jokes often involve a problem that needs to be solved. Solving the

problem typically requires at least two steps. The initial step requires the
audience to detect that some part of the joke’s set-up is not what is
expected. Theories of humour sometimes refer to this as incongruity
detection. Incongruities create an initial tension. In the example we’re
using, the key word in this joke is “cheetahs.” Why would the presence of
cheetahs affect exam taking? The trick is to understand that “cheetahs”
sounds a lot like “cheaters.” So, a zoo would have “cheetahs,” but an
exam could have “cheaters.” Once we understand the incongruity, we no
longer feel any tension. Incongruity resolution has occurred (Suls, 1972).
At this point, the audience has solved the problem. But, is it funny? Wyer
and Collins (1992) suggested that for an incongruity resolution to be
funny, the audience or reader would need to elaborate on the joke,
possibly thinking about how it relates to them or forming humourous
mental images (see Figure 8.14 ). This process of elaboration should,
ideally, lead to an emotional response of amusement, although this might
differ across cultures.
Figure 8.14 The Comprehension-Elaboration Theory of Humour

Humour is a form of problem solving. With most jokes, we identify the
incongruity or “twist” involved in the wording of the joke and then attempt
to resolve it. Once we have found the solution, we think about (elaborate
on) the joke, oftentimes relating it to ourselves or to mental imagery.
These processes lead to a feeling of amusement or, in the case of the
cheetah joke, a rolling of the eyes.
Source: Republished with permission of Elsevier, Inc. from Towards a neural circuit model of verbal humor
processing: An fMRI study of the neural substrates of incongruity detection and resolution, NeuroImage 66 (2013)
169–176. Copyright © 2012. Permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc.
Recent neuroimaging studies have manipulated the characteristics of

verbal stimuli to allow the researchers to identify brain areas related to
nonsense stimuli (incongruities that did not undergo cognitive
elaboration) and stimuli that were perceived as humourous (incongruities
that did undergo elaboration). Incongruity detection and resolution
activated areas in the temporal lobes and the medial frontal lobes (close
to the middle of the brain). Elaboration activated a network involving the
left frontal and parietal lobes (Chan et al., 2013). The purpose of this
section wasn’t to take the joy out of humour. Instead, it was to show that
humour, like most of our behaviours, involves the biopsychosocial model.
If we suggested otherwise, we’d be lion.
Module 8.2a Quiz:
Defining and Solving Problems
Know . . .
1. are problem-solving strategies that provide a reasonable
guess for the solution.
A. Algorithms
B. Heuristics
C. Operators
D. Subgoals
Understand . . .
2. Javier was attempting to teach his daughter how to tie her shoes. The
strategy that would prove most effective in this situation would be a(n)
.
A. heuristic
B. algorithm
C. obstacle
D. mental set
3. Jennifer was trying to put together her new bookshelf in her bedroom.
Unfortunately, she didn’t have a hammer. Frustrated, she went outside
and sat down beside some bricks that were left over from a gardening
project. Her inability to see that the bricks could be used to hammer in
nails is an example of .
A. a mental set
B. an algorithm
C. functional fixedness
D. a heuristic
Judgment and Decision Making
Like problem solving, judgments and decisions can be based on logical

algorithms, intuitive heuristics, or a combination of the two types of thought
(Gilovich & Griffin, 2002; Holyoak & Morrison, 2005). We tend to use
heuristics more often than we realize, even those of us who consider ourselves
to be logical thinkers. This isn’t necessary a bad thing—heuristics allow us to
make efficient judgments and decisions all the time. In this section of the module,
we will examine specific types of heuristics, how they positively influence our
decision making, and how they can sometimes lead us to incorrect conclusions.
Conjunction Fallacies and Representativeness

Linda is 31 years old, single, outspoken, and very bright. She majored in philosophy. As
a student, she was deeply concerned with issues of discrimination and social justice,
and also participated in antinuclear demonstrations. Which is more likely?
A. Linda is a bank teller.

B. Linda is a bank teller and is active in the feminist movement.
Which answer did you choose? In a study that presented this problem to
participants, the researchers reported that (B) was chosen more than 80% of the
time. Most respondents stated that option (B) seemed more correct even though
option (A) is actually much more likely and would be the correct choice based on
the question asked (Tversky & Kahneman, 1982).
So how is the correct answer (A)? Individuals who approach this problem from
the stance of probability theory would apply some simple logical steps. The world
has a certain number of (A) bank tellers; this number would be considered the
base rate, or the rate at which you would find a bank teller in the world’s
population just by asking random people on the street if they are a bank teller.
Among the base group, there will be a certain number of (B) bank tellers who are
feminists, as shown in Figure 8.15 . In other words, the number of bank tellers
who are feminists will always be a fraction of (i.e., less than) the total number of
bank tellers. But, because many of Linda’s qualities could relate to a “feminist,”
the idea that Linda is a bank teller and a feminist feels correct. This type of error,
known as the conjunction fallacy , reflects the mistaken belief that finding a
specific member in two overlapping categories (i.e., a member of the conjunction
of two categories) is more likely than finding any member of one of the larger,
general categories.
Figure 8.15 The Conjunction Fallacy

There are more bank tellers in the world than there are bank tellers who are
feminists, so there is a greater chance that Linda comes from either (A) or (B)
than just (B) alone.
The conjunction fallacy demonstrates the use of the representativeness

heuristic : making judgments of likelihood based on how well an example
represents a specific category. In the bank teller example, we cannot identify any
traits that seem like a typical bank teller. At the same time, the traits of social
activism really do seem to represent a feminist. Thus, the judgment was biased
by the fact that Linda seemed representative of a feminist, even though a
feminist bank teller will always be rarer than bank tellers in general (i.e., the
representativeness heuristic influenced the decision more than logic or
mathematical probabilities).
Seeing this type of problem has led many people to question what is wrong with
people’s ability to use logic: Why is it so easy to get 80% of the people in a study
to give the wrong answer? In fact, there is nothing inherently wrong with using
heuristics; they simply allow individuals to obtain quick answers based on readily
available information. In fact, heuristics often lead to correct assumptions about a
situation.
Consider this scenario:
You are in a department store trying to find a product that is apparently sold out. At the
end of the aisle, you see a young man in tan pants with a red polo shirt—the typical
employee’s uniform of this chain of stores. Should you stop and consider the
probabilities yielding an answer that was technically most correct?
A. A young male of this age would wear tan pants and a red polo shirt.
B. A young male of this age would wear tan pants and a red polo shirt and work at
this store.
Or does it make sense to just assume (B) is correct, and to simply ask the young
man for help (Shepperd & Koch, 2005)? In this case, it would make perfect
sense to assume (B) is correct and not spend time wondering about the best
logical way to approach the situation. In other words, heuristics often work and,
in the process, save us time and effort. However, there are many situations in
which these mental shortcuts can lead to biased or incorrect conclusions.
The Availability Heuristic
The availability heuristic entails estimating the frequency of an event based
on how easily examples of it come to mind. In other words, we assume that if
examples are readily available, then they must be very frequent. For example,
researchers asked volunteers which was more frequent in the English language:
A. Words that begin with the letter K

B. Words that have K as the third letter
Most subjects chose (A) even though it is not the correct choice. The same thing
happened with the consonants L, N, R, and V, all of which appear as the third
letter in a word more often than they appear as the first letter (Tversky &
Kahneman, 1973). This outcome reflects the application of the availability
heuristic: People base judgments on the information most readily available.
Of course, heuristics often do produce correct answers. Subjects in the same

study were asked which was more common in English:
A. Words that begin with the letter K

B. Words that begin with the letter T
In this case, more subjects found that words beginning with T were readily
available to memory, and they were correct. The heuristic helped provide a
quick, intuitive answer.
There are numerous real-world examples of the availability heuristic. In the year
following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, people were much more likely
to overestimate the likelihood that planes could crash and/or be hijacked. As a
result, fewer people flew that year than in the year prior to the attacks, opting
instead to travel by car when possible. The availability of the image of planes
crashing into the World Trade Center was so vivid and easily retrieved from
memory that it influenced decision making. Ironically, this shift proved to be
dangerous, particularly given that driving is statistically much more dangerous
than flying. Gerd Gigerenzer, a German psychologist at the Max Planck Institute
in Berlin, examined traffic fatalities on U.S. roads in the years before and after
2001. He found that in the calendar year following these terrorist attacks, there
were more than 1500 additional deaths on American roads (when compared to
the average of the previous years). Within a year of the attacks, the number of
people using planes returned to approximately pre-9/11 levels; so did the
number of road fatalities (Gigerenzer, 2004). In other words, for almost a year,
people overestimated the risks of flying because it was easier to think of
examples of 9/11 than to think of all of the times hijackings and plane crashes
did not occur; and, they underestimated the risks associated with driving
because these images were less available to many people. This example shows
us that heuristics, although often useful, can cause us to incorrectly judge the
risks associated with many elements of our lives (Gardner, 2008).
Anchoring and Framing Effects

While the representativeness and availability heuristics involve our ability to
remember examples that are similar to the current situation, other heuristics
influence our responses based on the way that information is presented. Issues
such as the wording of a problem and the problem’s frames of reference can
have a profound impact on judgments. One such effect, known as the anchoring
effect , occurs when an individual attempts to solve a problem involving
numbers and uses previous knowledge to keep (i.e., anchor) the response within
a limited range. Sometimes this previous knowledge consists of facts that we can
retrieve from memory. For example, imagine that you are asked to name the
year that British Columbia became part of Canada. Although most of you would,
of course, excitedly jump from your chair and shout, “1871!” the rest might
assume that if Canada became a country in 1867, then B.C. likely joined a few
years after that. In this latter case, the birth of our country in 1867 served as an
anchor for the judgment about when B.C. joined Confederation.
The anchoring heuristic has also been produced experimentally. In these cases,
questions worded in different ways can produce vastly different responses
(Epley & Gilovich, 2006; Kahneman & Miller, 1986). For example, consider
what might happen if researchers asked the same question to two different
groups, using a different anchor each time:
A. What percentage of countries in the United Nations are from Africa? Is it
greater than or less than 10%? What do you think the exact percentage
is?
B. What percentage of countries in the United Nations are from Africa? Is it
greater than or less than 65%? What do you think the exact percentage
is?
Researchers conducted a study using similar methods and found that individuals
in group (A), who received the 10% anchor, estimated the number to be
approximately 25%. Individuals in group (B), who received the 65% anchor,
estimated the percentage at approximately 45%. In this case, the anchor
obviously had a significant effect on the estimates.
The anchoring heuristic can have a large effect on your life. For example, have
you ever had to bargain with someone while travelling? Or have you ever
negotiated the price of a car? If you are able to establish a low anchor during
bargaining, the final price is likely to be much lower than if you let the
salesperson dictate the terms. So don’t be passive—use what you learn in this
course to save yourself some money.
Decision making can also be influenced by how a problem is worded or framed.

Consider the following dilemma: Imagine that you are a selfless doctor
volunteering in a village in a disease-plagued part of Africa. You have two
treatment options. Vaccine A has been used before; you know that it will save
200 of the 600 villagers. Vaccine B is untested; it has a 33% chance of saving all
600 people and a 67% chance of saving no one. Which option would you
choose?
Now let’s suppose that you are given two different treatment options for the
villagers. Treatment C has been used before and will definitely kill 67% of the
villagers. Treatment D is untested; it has a 33% chance of killing none of the
villagers and a 67% chance of killing them all. Which option would you choose?
Most people choose the vaccine that will definitely save 200 people (Vaccine A)
and the treatment that has a chance of killing no one (Treatment D). This
tendency is interesting because options A and C are identical as are options B
and D. As you can see by looking at Figure 8.17 , the only difference between
them is that one is framed in terms of saving people and the other is framed in
terms of killing people. Yet, people become much more risk-averse when the
question is framed in terms of potential losses (or deaths).
Figure 8.17 Framing Effects

When people are asked which vaccine or treatment they would use to help a
hypothetical group of villagers, the option they select is influenced by how the
question is worded or framed. If the question is worded in terms of saving
villagers, most people choose Vaccine A. If the question is worded in terms of
killing villagers, most people choose Treatment D.
Source: Wade Carole; Tavris, Carol, Invitation to Psychology, 2nd Ed., ©2002, p. 121. Adapted and Electronically reproduced
by permissin of Pearson Eduation, Inc., Upper Saddle River, New Jersey.
Belief Perseverance and Confirmation Bias

Whenever we solve a problem or make a decision, we have an opportunity to
evaluate the outcome to make sure we got it right and to judge how satisfied we
are with the decision. However, feeling satisfied does not necessarily mean we
are correct.
Let’s use an example to make this discussion more concrete. Each time there is
a mass shooting in the U.S., thousands of gun owners will post messages on
social media stating that Americans need to be able to easily purchase more
guns in order to protect themselves. Many people (including many Americans),
might think this idea is a bit illogical given that easy access to lethal weapons is
what makes mass shootings so prevalent in that country. However, gun lovers
often engage in (at least) two cognitive biases in order to maintain their beliefs.
One cognitive bias is belief perseverance , when an individual believes he or

she has the solution to the problem or the correct answer for a question and will
hold onto that belief even in the face of evidence against it. So, gun advocates
will oppose any form of gun control even when presented with evidence from
other countries (e.g., Australia) showing that preventing the public from owning
assault rifles reduces or even eliminates mass shootings.
A second cognitive bias is the confirmation bias , when an individual

searches for (or pays attention to) only evidence that will confirm his or her
beliefs instead of evidence that might disconfirm them. To continue our example,
gun advocates will often present statistics showing that particular U.S. states
with strict gun laws still have high crime rates. These data are consistent with the
claim that limiting gun access does not reduce crime. Of course, it ignores a
great deal of evidence suggesting that limiting gun access also makes it more
difficult for ordinary citizens to commit gun-related violence. In other words, it is a
selective representation of the data. The goal of these paragraphs isn’t to pick on
gun enthusiasts or Americans! But, as mass shootings become more and more
common, it is worth looking at some of the biases that are influencing the
discussions around these issues.
Brain-imaging research provides an interesting perspective on belief

perseverance and confirmation bias. This research shows that people treat
evidence in ways that minimize negative or uncomfortable feelings while
maximizing positive feelings (Westen et al., 2006). For example, one American
study examined the brain regions and self-reported feelings involved in
interpreting information about presidential candidates during the 2004 campaign.
The participants were all deeply committed to either the Republican (George
“Dubya” Bush) or Democratic (John Kerry) candidate, and they all encountered
information that was politically threatening toward each candidate (in this case,
evidence that the candidate had contradicted himself). As you can see from the
results in Figure 8.18 , participants had strong emotional reactions to
threatening (self-contradictory) information about their own candidate, but not to
the alternative candidate, or a relatively neutral person, such as a retired network
news anchor. Analyses of the brain scans demonstrated that participants from
both political parties engaged in motivated reasoning. When the threat was
directed at the participant’s own candidate, brain areas associated with ignoring
or suppressing information were more active, whereas few of the regions
associated with logical thinking were activated (Westen et al., 2006).
Figure 8.18 Ratings of Perceived Contradictions in Political Statements
Democrats and Republicans reached very different conclusions about
candidates’ contradictory statements. Democrats readily identified the
opponent’s contradictions but were less likely to do so for their own candidate;
the same was true for Republican responders.
Source: Westen, D., Blagov, P. S., & Harenski, K. (2006). Neural bases for motivated reasoning: An fMRI study of emotional
constraints on partisan political judgment in the 2004 U.S. presidential election. Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 18, 1974–
1958. Reprinted with permission of MIT Press.
These data demonstrate that a person’s beliefs can influence their observable
behavioural responses to information as well as the brain activity underlying
these behaviours. As we shall see, decision making—and our happiness with
those decisions—can also be influenced by a person’s personality.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Maximizing

and Satisficing in Complex Decisions
One privilege of living in a technologically advanced, democratic

society is that we get to make many decisions for ourselves.
However, for each decision there can be more choices than we
can possibly consider. As a result, two types of consumers have
emerged in our society. Satisficers are individuals who seek to
make decisions that are, simply put, “good enough.” In contrast,
maximizers are individuals who attempt to evaluate every option
for every choice until they find the perfect fit. Most people exhibit
some of both behaviours, satisficing at times and maximizing at
other times. However, if you consider all the people you know,
you can probably identify at least one person who is an extreme
maximizer—he or she will always be comparing products, jobs,
classes, and so on, to find out who has made the best decisions.
At the same time, you can probably identify an extreme satisficer
—the person who will be satisfied with his or her choices as long
as they are “good enough.”
What do we know about maximizing and satisficing?

If one person settles for the good-enough option while another
searches until he finds the best possible option, which individual
do you think will be happier with the decision in the end? Most
people believe the maximizer will be happier, but this is not
always the case. In fact, researchers such as Barry Schwartz of
Swarthmore College and his colleagues have no shortage of data
about the paradox of choice, the observation that more choices
can lead to less satisfaction. In one study, the researchers asked
participants to recollect both large (more than $100) and small
(less than $10) purchases and report the number of options they
considered, the time spent shopping and making the decision,
and the overall satisfaction with the purchase. Sure enough,
those who ranked high on a test of maximization invested more
time and effort, but were actually less pleased with the outcome
(Schwartz et al., 2002).
In another study, researchers questioned recent university

graduates about their job search process. Believe it or not,
maximizers averaged 20% higher salaries, but were less happy
about their jobs than satisficers (Iyengar et al., 2006). This
outcome occurred even though we would assume that
maximizers would be more careful when selecting a job—if
humans were perfectly logical decision makers.
So, now we know that just the presence of alternative choices

can drive down satisfaction—but how can that be?
How can science explain maximizing and satisficing?

To answer this question, researchers asked participants to read
vignettes that included a trade-off between number of choices
and effort (Dar-Nimrod et al., 2009). Try this example for
yourself:
Your cleaning supplies (e.g., laundry detergent, rags, carpet cleaner,

dish soap, toilet paper, glass cleaner) are running low. You have the
option of going to the nearest grocery store (5 minutes away), which
offers 4 alternatives for each of the items you need, or you can drive to
the grand cleaning superstore (25 minutes away), which offers 25
different alternatives for each of the items (for approximately the same
price). Which store would you go to?
In the actual study, maximizers were much more likely to spend

the extra time and effort to have more choices. Thus, if you
decided to go to the store with more options, you are probably a
maximizer. What this scenario does not tell us is whether having
more or fewer choices was pleasurable for either maximizers or
satisficers.
See how well you understand the nature of maximizers and

satisficers by predicting the results of the next study: Participants
at the University of British Columbia completed a taste test of one
piece of chocolate, but they could choose this piece of chocolate
from an array of 6 pieces or an array of 30 pieces. When there
were 6 pieces, who was happier—maximizers or satisficers?
What happened when there were 30 pieces to choose from? As
you can see in Table 8.2 , the maximizers were happier when
there were fewer options. On a satisfaction scale indicating how
much they enjoyed the piece of chocolate that they selected, the
maximizers scored higher in the 6-piece condition (5.64 out of 7)
than in the 30-piece condition (4.73 out of 7; Dar-Nimrod et al.,
2009). In contrast, satisficers did not show a statistical difference
between the conditions (5.44 and 6.00 for the 6-piece and 30-
piece conditions, respectively).
Table 8.2 Satisfaction of Maximizers and

Satisficers
6 Alternatives 30 Alternatives Difference
Maximizers 5.64 4.73 −0.91
Satisficers 5.44 6.00 +0.46
Source: Adapted from Dar-Nimrod et al. (2009). The Maximization Paradox: The costs of
seeking alternatives. Personality and Individual Differences, 46, 631–635, Figure 1 and Table 1.

One hypothesis that seeks to explain the dissatisfaction of
maximizers suggests that they invest more in the decision, so
they expect more from the outcome. Imagine that a satisficer and
a maximizer purchase the same digital camera for $175. The
maximizer may have invested significantly more time and effort
into the decision so, in effect, she feels like she paid considerably
more for the camera.
Regardless of the explanation, we should keep in mind that

maximizers and satisficers are preexisting categories. People
cannot be randomly assigned to be in one category or another,
so these findings represent the outcomes of quasi-experimental
research (see Module 2.2 ). We cannot be sure that the act of
maximizing leads to dissatisfaction based on these data. Perhaps
maximizers are the people who are generally less satisfied, which
in turn leads to maximizing behaviour.

Although we described maximizing and satisficing in terms of
purchasing decisions, you might also notice that these styles of
decision making can be applied to other situations, such as
multiple-choice exams. Do you select the first response that
sounds reasonable (satisficing), or do you carefully review each
of the responses and compare them to one another before
marking your choice (maximizing)? Once you make your choice,
do you stick with it, believing it is good enough (satisficing), or are
you willing to change your answer to make the best possible
choice (maximizing)? Despite the popular wisdom that you should
never change your first response, there may be an advantage to
maximizing on exams. Research focusing on more than 1500
individual examinations showed that when people changed their
answers, they changed them from incorrect to correct 51% of the
time, from correct to incorrect 25% of the time, and from incorrect
to another incorrect option 23% of the time (Kruger et al., 2005).
The research discussed above suggests that there are some aspects of our
consumer-based society that might actually be making us less happy. This
seems counterintuitive given that the overwhelming number of product options
available to us almost guarantees that we will get exactly what we want (or think
we want). It’s worth thinking about how the different biases discussed in this
module relate to your own life. By examining how your thinking is affected by
different heuristics and biases, you will gain some interesting insights into why
you behave the way you do. You will also be able to increase the amount of
control you have over your own life.
Module 8.2b Quiz:
Judgment and Decision Making
Know . . .
1. When an individual makes judgments based on how easily things come
to mind, he or she is employing the heuristic.
A. confirmation
B. representativeness
C. availability
D. belief perseverance
Understand . . .
2. Belief perseverance seems to function by
A. maximizing positive feelings.
B. minimizing negative feelings.
C. maximizing negative feelings while minimizing positive feelings.
D. minimizing negative feelings while maximizing positive feelings.
Analyze . . .
3. Why do psychologists assert that heuristics are beneficial for problem
solving?
A. Heuristics increase the amount of time we spend arriving at good
solutions to problems.
B. Heuristics decrease our chances of errors dramatically.
C. Heuristics help us make decisions efficiently.
D. Heuristics are considered the most logical thought pattern for
problem solving.
4. The fact that humans so often rely on heuristics is evidence that

A. humans are not always rational thinkers.
B. it is impossible for humans to think logically.
C. it is impossible for humans to use algorithms.
D. humans will always succumb to the confirmation bias.
Module 8.2 Summary
8.2a Know . . . the key terminology of problem solving and decision
making.
algorithms
anchoring effect
availability heuristic
belief perseverance
confirmation bias
conjunction fallacy
functional fixedness
heuristics
mental set
problem solving
representativeness heuristic
8.2b Understand . . . the characteristics that problems have in common.
All problems involve people attempting to reach some sort of goal; this goal can
be an observable behaviour like learning to serve a tennis ball or a cognitive
behaviour like learning Canada’s ten provincial capitals. This process involves
forming strategies that will allow the person to reach the goal. It may also require
a person to overcome one or more obstacles along the way.
8.2c Understand . . . how obstacles to problem solving are often self-

imposed.
Many obstacles arise from the individual’s mental set, which occurs when a
person focuses on only one potential solution and does not consider alternatives.
Similarly, functional fixedness can arise when an individual does not consider
alternative uses for familiar objects.
8.2d Apply . . . your knowledge to determine if you tend to be a

maximizer or a satisficer.
Apply Activity
Rate the following items on a scale from 1 (completely disagree) to 7 (completely
agree), with 4 being a neutral response.
1. Whenever I’m faced with a choice, I try to imagine what all the other
possibilities are, even ones that aren’t present at the moment.
2. No matter how satisfied I am with my job, it’s only right for me to be on
the lookout for better opportunities.
3. When I am in the car listening to the radio, I often check other stations to
see whether something better is playing, even if I am relatively satisfied
with what I’m listening to.
4. When I watch TV, I channel surf, often scanning through the available
options even while attempting to watch one program.
5. I treat relationships like clothing: I expect to try a lot on before finding the
perfect fit.
6. I often find it difficult to shop for a gift for a friend.
7. When shopping, I have a difficult time finding clothing that I really love.
8. No matter what I do, I have the highest standards for myself.
9. I find that writing is very difficult, even if it’s just writing to a friend,
because it’s so difficult to word things just right. I often do several drafts
of even simple things.
10. I never settle for second best.
When you are finished, average your ratings together to find your overall score.
Scores greater than 4 indicate maximizers; scores less than 4 indicate
satisficers. Approximately one-third of the population scores below 3.25 and
approximately one-third scores above 4.75. Where does your score place you?
8.2e Analyze . . . whether human thought is primarily logical or intuitive.

This module provides ample evidence that humans are not always logical.
Heuristics are helpful decision-making and problem-solving tools, but they do not
always follow logical principles. Even so, the abundance of heuristics does not
mean that humans are never logical; instead, they simply point to the limits of our
rationality.
Module 8.3 Language and
Communication
Manuela Hartling/Reuters
Learning Objectives
8.3a Know . . . the key terminology from the study of language.
8.3b Understand . . . how language is structured.
8.3c Understand . . . how genes and the brain are involved in language use.
8.3d Apply . . . your knowledge to distinguish between units of language such
as phonemes and morphemes.
8.3e Analyze . . . whether species other than humans are able to use
language.
Dog owners are known for attributing a lot of intelligence, emotion, and
“humanness” to their canine pals. Sometimes they may appear to go
overboard—such as Rico’s owners, who claimed their border collie
understood 200 words, most of which referred to different toys and
objects he liked to play with. His owners claimed that they could show
Rico a toy, repeat its name a few times, and toss the toy into a pile of
other objects; Rico would then retrieve the object upon verbal command.
Rico’s ability appeared to go well beyond the usual “sit,” “stay,” “heel,”
and perhaps a few other words that dog owners expect their companions
to understand.
Claims about Rico’s language talents soon drew the attention of

scientists, who skeptically questioned whether the dog was just
responding to cues by the owners, such as their possible looks or
gestures toward the object they asked their pet to retrieve. The scientists
set up a carefully controlled experiment in which no one present in the
room knew the location of the object that was requested. Rico correctly
retrieved 37 out of 40 objects. The experimenters then tested the owners’
claim that Rico could learn object names in just one trial. Rico again
confirmed his owners’ claims, and the researchers concluded that his
ability to understand new words was comparable to that of a three-year-
old child (Kaminski et al., 2004).
However, as you will see in this module, Rico’s abilities, while impressive,
are dwarfed by those of humans. Our ability to reorganize words into
complex thoughts is unique in the animal kingdom and may even have
aided our survival as a species.
Focus Questions
1. What is the difference between language and other forms of

communication?
2. Might other species, such as chimpanzees, also be capable of
learning human language?
Communication happens just about anywhere you can find life. Dogs bark, cats
meow, monkeys chatter, and mice can emit sounds undetectable to the human
ear when communicating. Honeybees perform an elaborate dance to
communicate the direction, distance, and quality of food sources (von Frisch,
1967). Animals even communicate by marking their territories with their distinct
scent, much to the chagrin of the world’s fire hydrants. Language is among the
ways that humans communicate. It is quite unlike the examples of animal
communication mentioned previously. So what differentiates language from
these other forms of communication? And, what is it about our brains that
enables us to turn different sounds and lines into the sophisticated languages
found across different human cultures?
What Is Language?
Language is one of the most intensively studied areas in all of psychology.

Thousands of experiments have been performed to identify different
characteristics of language as well as the brain regions associated with them.
But, all fields of study have a birthplace. In the case of the scientific study of
language, it began with an interesting case study of a patient in Paris in the early
1860s.
Early Studies of Language

In 1861, Paul Broca, a physician and founder of the Society of Anthropology of
Paris, heard of an interesting medical case. The patient appeared to show a very
specific impairment resulting from a stroke suffered 21 years earlier. He could
understand speech and had fairly normal mental abilities; however, he had great
difficulty producing speech and often found himself uttering single words
separated by pauses (uh, er . . .). In fact, this patient acquired the nickname
“Tan” because it was one of the only sounds that he could reliably produce. Tan
had what is known as aphasia , a language disorder caused by damage to the
brain structures that support using and understanding language.
Tan died a few days after being examined by Broca. During the autopsy, Broca
noted that the brain damage appeared primarily near the back of the frontal
lobes in the left hemisphere. Over the next couple of years, Broca found 12 other
patients with similar symptoms and similar brain damage, indicating that Tan was
not a unique case. This region of the left frontal lobe that controls our ability to
articulate speech sounds that compose words is now known as Broca’s area
(see Figure 8.19 ). The symptoms associated with damage to this region, as
seen in Tan, are known as Broca’s aphasia.
Figure 8.19 Two Language Centres of the Brain

Broca’s and Wernicke’s areas of the cerebral cortex are critical to language
function.
The fact that a brain injury could affect one part of language while leaving others
preserved suggested that the ability to use language involves a number of
different processes using different areas of the brain. In the years following the
publication of Broca’s research, other isolated language impairments were
discovered. In 1874, a young Prussian (German) physician named Carl
Wernicke published a short book detailing his study of different types of aphasia.
Wernicke noted that some of his patients had trouble with language
comprehension rather than language production. These patients typically had
damage to the posterior superior temporal gyrus (the back and top part of the
temporal lobe). This region, now known as Wernicke’s area , is the area of
the brain most associated with finding the meaning of words (see Figure
8.19 ). Damage to this area results in Wernicke’s aphasia, a language disorder
in which a person has difficulty understanding the words he or she hears. These
patients are also unable to produce speech that other people can understand—
the words are spoken fluently and with a normal intonation and accent, but these
words seem randomly thrown together (i.e., what is being said does not make
sense). Consider the following example:
Examiner: I’d like to have you tell me something about your problem.
Person with Wernicke’s aphasia: Yes, I, ugh, cannot hill all of my way. I cannot
talk all of the things I do, and part of the part I can go alright, but I cannot tell
from the other people. I usually most of my things. I know what can I talk and
know what they are, but I cannot always come back even though I know they
should be in, and I know should something eely I should know what I’m doing . . .
The important thing to look for in this sample of speech is how the wrong words
appear in an otherwise fluent stream of utterances. Contrast this with an
example of Broca’s aphasia:
Examiner: Tell me, what did you do before you retired?
Person with Broca’s aphasia: Uh, uh, uh, pub, par, partender, no.
Examiner: Carpenter?
Person with Broca’s aphasia: (Nodding to signal yes) Carpenter, tuh, tuh,
twenty year.
Notice that the individual has no trouble understanding the question or coming
up with the answer. His difficulty is in producing the word carpenter and then
putting it into an appropriate phrase. Did you also notice the missing “s” from
twenty year? This is another characteristic of Broca’s aphasia: The individual
words are often produced without normal grammatical flair: no articles, suffixes,
or prefixes.
Broca’s aphasia can include some difficulties in comprehending language as

well. In general, the more complex the sentence structure, the more difficult it will
be to understand. Compare these two sentences:
The girl played the piano.
The piano was played by the girl.
These are two grammatically correct sentences (although the second is

somewhat awkward) that have the same meaning but are structured differently.
Patients with damage to Broca’s area would find it much more difficult to
understand the second sentence than the first. This impairment suggests that the
distinction between speech production and comprehension is not as simple as
was first thought. Indeed, as language became a central topic of research in
psychology, researchers quickly realized that this ability—or set of abilities—is
among the most complex processes humans perform.
Properties of Language
Language, like many other cognitive abilities, flows so automatically that we
often overlook how complicated it really is. However, cases like those described
above show us that language is indeed a complex set of skills. Researchers
define language as a form of communication that involves the use of spoken,
written, or gestural symbols that are combined in a rule-based form. With this
definition in mind, we can distinguish which features of language make it a
unique form of communication.
Language can involve communication about objects and events that are not
in the present time and place. We can use language to talk about events
happening on another planet or that are happening within atoms. We can
also use different tenses to indicate that the topic of the sentence occurred or
will occur at a different time. For instance, you can say to your roommate,
“I’m going to order pizza tonight,” without her thinking the pizza is already
there.
Languages can produce entirely new meanings. It is possible to produce a
sentence that has never been uttered before in the history of humankind,
simply by reorganizing words in different ways. As long as you select English
words and use correct grammar, others who know the language should be
able to understand it. You can also use words in novel ways. Imagine the
tabloid newspaper headline: Bat Boy Found in Cave! In North American
culture, “bat boys” are regular kids who keep track of the baseball bats for
baseball players. In this particular tabloid, the story concerned a completely
novel creature that was part bat and part boy. Both meanings could be
correct, depending upon the context in which the term bat boy is used.
Language is passed down from parents to children. As we will discuss later
in this module, children learn to pay attention to the particular sounds of their
native language(s) at the expense of other sounds (Werker, 2003). Children
also learn words and grammatical rules from parents, teachers, and peers. In
other words, even if we have a natural inclination to learn a language,
experience dictates which language(s) we will speak.
Language requires us to link different sounds (or gestures) with different

meanings in order to understand and communicate with other people. Therefore,
understanding more about these seemingly simple elements of language is
essential for understanding language as a whole.
Words can be arranged or combined in novel ways to produce ideas that have
never been expressed before.
Weekly World News
Phonemes and Morphemes: The Basic Ingredients

of Language
Languages contain discrete units that exist at differing levels of complexity.
When people speak, they assemble these units into larger and more complex
units. Some psychologists have used a cooking analogy to explain this
phenomenon: We all start with the same basic language ingredients, but they
can be mixed together in an unlimited number of ways (Pinker, 1999).
Phonemes are the most basic of units of speech sounds. You can identify
phonemes rather easily; the phoneme associated with the letter t (which is
written as /t/, where the two forward slashes indicate a phoneme) is found at the
end of the word pot or near the beginning of the word stop. If you pay close
attention to the way you use your tongue, lips, and vocal cords, you will see that
phonemes have slight variations depending on the other letters around them.
Pay attention to how you pronounce the /t/ phoneme in stop, stash, stink, and
stoke. Your mouth will move in slightly different ways each time, and there will be
very slight variations in sound, but they are still the same basic phoneme.
Individual phonemes typically do not have any meaning by themselves; if you
want someone to stop doing something, asking him to /t/ will not suffice.
Morphemes are the smallest meaningful units of a language. Some

morphemes are simple words, whereas others may be suffixes or prefixes. For
example, the word pig is a morpheme—it cannot be broken down into smaller
units of meaning. You can combine morphemes, however, if you follow the rules
of the language. If you want to pluralize pig, you can add the morpheme /-s/,
which will give you pigs. If you want to describe a person as a pig, you can add
the morpheme /-ish/ to get piggish. In fact, you can add all kinds of morphemes
to a word as long as you follow the rules. You could even say piggable (able to
be pigged) or piggify (to turn into a pig). These words do not make much literal
sense, but they combine morphemes according to the rules; thus we can make a
reasonable guess as to the speaker’s intended meaning. Our ability to combine
morphemes into words is one distinguishing feature of language that sets it apart
from other forms of communication (e.g., we don’t produce a lengthy series of
facial expressions to communicate a new idea). In essence, language gives us
productivity—the ability to combine units of sound into an infinite number of
meanings.
Finally, there are the words that make up a language. Semantics is the study
of how people come to understand meaning from words. Humans have a knack
for this kind of interpretation, and each of us has an extensive mental dictionary
to prove it. Not only do normal speakers know tens of thousands of words, but
they can often understand new words they have never heard before based on
their understanding of morphemes.
Although phonemes, morphemes, and semantics have an obvious role in spoken

language, they also play a role in our ability to read. When you recognize a word,
you effortlessly translate the word’s visual form (known as its orthography) into
the sounds that make up that word (known as its phonology or phonological
code). These sounds are combined into a word, at which point you can access
its meaning or semantics. However, not all people are able to translate
orthography into sounds. Individuals with dyslexia have difficulties translating
words into speech sounds. Indeed, children with dyslexia show less activity in
the left fusiform cortex (at the bottom of the brain where the temporal and
occipital lobes meet), a brain area involved with word recognition and with linking
word and sound representations (Desroches et al., 2010). This difficulty linking
letters with phonemes leads to unusually slow reading in both children and adults
despite the fact that these people have normal hearing and are cognitively and
neurologically healthy (Desroches & Joanisse, 2009; Shaywitz, 1998).
This research into the specific impairments associated with dyslexia allows
scientists and educators to develop treatment programs to help children improve
their reading and language abilities. One of the most successful programs has
been developed by Maureen Lovett and her colleagues at Sick Kids Hospital in
Toronto and Brock University. Their Phonological and Strategy Training (PHAST)
program (now marketed as EmpowerTM Reading to earn research money for the
hospital) has been used to assist over 6000 students with reading disabilities.
Rather than focusing on only one aspect of language, this program teaches
children new word-identification and reading-comprehension strategies while
also educating them about how words and phrases are structured (so that they
know what to expect when they see new words or groups of words). Children
who completed these programs showed improvements on a number of
measures of reading and passage comprehension (Frijters et al., 2013; Lovett
et al., 2012). Given that 5–15% of the population has some form of reading
impairment, treatment programs like PHAST could have a dramatic effect on our
educational system.
As you can see, languages derive their complexity from several elements,
including phonemes, morphemes, and semantics. And, when these systems are
not functioning properly, language abilities suffer. But phonemes, morphemes,
and semantics are just the list of the ingredients of language—we still need to
figure out how to mix these ingredients together.
Syntax: The Language Recipe

Perhaps the most remarkable aspect of language is syntax , the rules for
combining words and morphemes into meaningful phrases and sentences—the
recipe for language. Children master the syntax of their native language before
they leave elementary school. They can string together morphemes and words
when they speak, and they can easily distinguish between well-formed and ill-
formed sentences. But despite mastering those rules, most speakers cannot tell
you what the rules are; syntax just seems to come naturally. It might seem odd
that people can do so much with language without a full understanding of its
inner workings. Of course, people can also learn how to walk without any
understanding of the biochemistry that allows their leg muscles to contract and
relax.
The most basic units of syntax are nouns and verbs. They are all that is required
to construct a well-formed sentence, such as Goats eat. Noun–verb sentences
are perfectly adequate, if a bit limited, so we build phrases out of nouns and
verbs, as the diagram in Figure 8.20 demonstrates.
Figure 8.20 Syntax Allows Us to Understand Language by the Organization
of the Words
The rules of syntax help us divide a sentence into noun phrases, verb phrases,
and other parts of speech.
Source: Adapted from S. Pinker. (1994). The Language Instinct. New York: HarperCollins.
Syntax also helps explain why the order of words in a sentence has such a
strong effect on what the sentence means. For example, how would you make a
question out of this statement?
A. A goat is in the garden.

B. IS a goat in the garden?
This example demonstrates that a statement (A) can be turned into a well-
formed question (B) just by moving the verb is to the beginning of the sentence.
Perhaps that is one of the hidden rules of syntax. Try it again:
A. A goat that is eating a flower is in the garden.

B. IS a goat that eating a flower is in the garden?
As you can see, the rule “move is to the beginning of the sentence” does not
apply in this case. Do you know why? It is because we moved the wrong is. The
phrase that is eating a flower is a part of the noun phrase because it describes
the goat. We should have moved the is from the verb phrase. Try it again:
A. A goat that is eating a flower is in the garden.

B. IS a goat that is eating a flower in the garden?
This is a well-formed sentence. It may be grammatically awkward, but the syntax

is understandable (Pinker, 1994).
As you can see from these examples, the order of words in a sentence helps
determine what the sentence means, and syntax is the set of rules we use to
determine that order.
Pragmatics: The Finishing Touches
If syntax is the recipe for language, pragmatics is the icing on the cake.
Pragmatics is the study of nonlinguistic elements of language use. It places
heavy emphasis on the speaker’s behaviours and the social situation (Carston,
2002).
Pragmatics reminds us that sometimes what is said is not as important as how it

is said. For example, a student who says, “I ate a 50-pound cheeseburger,” is
most likely stretching the truth, but you probably would not call him a liar.
Pragmatics helps us understand what he implied. The voracious student was
actually flouting—or blatantly disobeying—a rule of language in a way that is
obvious (Grice, 1975; Horn & Ward, 2004). There are all sorts of ways in which
flouting the rules can lead to implied, rather than literal, meanings; a sample of
these are shown in Table 8.3 .
Table 8.3 Pragmatic Rules Guiding Language Use
The Rule Flouting the Rule The Implication
Say what My roommate is a He does not really live with a giraffe. Maybe
you believe giraffe. his roommate is very tall?
is true.
Say only Is my blind date She didn’t answer my question. He’s probably
what is good-looking? He’s not good-looking.
relevant. got a great
personality.
Say only I like my lab partner, Of course he’s not Einstein. Why is she
as much as but he’s no Einstein. bothering to tell me this? She probably means
you need that her partner is not very smart.
to.
Importantly, pragmatics depends upon both the speaker (or writer) and listener
(or reader) understanding that rules are being flouted in order to produce a
desired meaning. If you speak with visitors from a different country, you may find
that they don’t understand what you mean when you flout the rules of Canadian
English or use slang (shortened language). When we say “The goalie stood on
his head,” most hockey-mad Canadians understand that we are commenting on
a goaltender’s amazing game; however, someone new to hockey would be
baffled by this expression. This is another example of how experience—in this
case with a culture—influences how we use and interpret language.
Module 8.3a Quiz:
What Is Language?
Know . . .
1. What are the rules that govern how words are strung together into
meaningful sentences?
A. Semantics
B. Pragmatics
C. Morphemics
D. Syntax
2. The study of how people extract meaning from words is called .
A. syntax
B. pragmatics
C. semantics
D. flouting
Understand . . .
3. Besides being based in a different region of the brain, a major distinction
between Broca’s aphasia and Wernicke’s aphasia is that
A. words from people with Broca’s aphasia are strung together
fluently, but often make little sense.
B. Broca’s aphasia is due to a FOXP2 mutation.
C. Wernicke’s aphasia results in extreme stuttering.
D. words from people with Wernicke’s aphasia are strung together
fluently, but often make little sense.
Apply . . .
4. is an example of a morpheme, while is a phoneme.
A. /dis/; /ta/
B. /a/; /like/
C. /da/; /ah/
D. /non/; /able/
The Development of Language
Human vocal tracts are capable of producing approximately 200 different

phonemes. However, no language uses all of these sounds. Jul’hoan, one of the
“clicking languages” of Botswana, contains almost 100 sounds (including over 80
different consonant sounds). In contrast, English contains about 40 sounds. But,
if Canadians are genetically identical to people in southern Africa, why are our
languages different? And, why can’t we produce and distinguish between some
of the sounds of these other languages? It turns out that experience plays a
major role in your ability to speak the language, or languages, that you do.
Infants, Sound Perception, and Language

Acquisition
Say the following phrase out loud: “Your doll.” Now, say this phrase: “This doll.”
Did you notice a difference in how you pronounced doll in these two situations? If
English is your first language, it is quite likely that you didn’t notice the slight
change in how the letter “d” was expressed. But, Hindi speakers would have no
problem making this distinction. To them, the two instances of the word doll
would be pronounced differently and would mean lentils and branch,
respectively.
Janet Werker of the University of British Columbia and her colleagues found that
very young English-learning infants are able to distinguish between these two “d”
sounds. But, by 10 months of age, the infants begin hearing sounds in a way that
is consistent with their native language; because English has only one “d” sound,
English-learning infants stop detecting the difference between these two sounds
(Werker & Tees, 1984; Werker et al., 2012). This change is not a weakness on
the part of English-learning infants. Rather, it is evidence that they are learning
the statistical principles of their language. Infants who hear only English words
will group different pronunciations of the letter “d” into one category because that
is how this sound is used in English. Hindi-learning children will learn to separate
different types of “d” sounds because this distinction is important. A related study
using two “k” sounds from an Interior Salish (First Nations) language from British
Columbia produced similar results—English-learning infants showed a significant
drop-off in hearing sounds for the non-English language after 8–10 months
(Werker & Tees, 1984).
In addition to becoming experts at identifying the sounds of their own language,

infants also learn how to separate a string of sounds into meaningful groups (i.e.,
into words). Infants as young as two months old show a preference for speech
sounds over perceptually similar non-speech sounds (Vouloumanos & Werker,
2004). And, when presented with pronounceable non-words (e.g., strak), infants
prefer to hear words that follow the rules of their language. An English-learning
baby would prefer non-words beginning in “str” to those beginning in “rst”
because there are a large number of English words that begin with “str”
(Jusczyk et al., 1993). Additionally, newborn infants can distinguish between
function words (e.g., prepositions) and content words (e.g., nouns and verbs)
based on their sound properties (Shi et al., 1999). By six months of age, infants
prefer the content words (Shi & Werker, 2001), thus showing that they are
learning which sounds are most useful for understanding the meaning of a
statement.
By the age of 20 months, the children are able to use the perceptual categories
that they developed in order to rapidly learn new words. In some cases, children
can perform fast mapping —the ability to map words onto concepts or objects
after only a single exposure. Human children seem to have a fast-mapping
capacity that is superior to any other organism on the planet. This skill is one
potential explanation for the naming explosion, a rapid increase in vocabulary
size that occurs at this stage of development.
The naming explosion has two biological explanations as well. First, at this stage
of development, the brain begins to perform language-related functions in the left
hemisphere, similar to the highly efficient adult brain; prior to this stage, this
information was stored and analyzed by both hemispheres (Mills et al., 1997).
Second, the naming explosion has also been linked to an increase in the amount
of myelin on the brain’s axons, a change that would increase the speed of
communication between neurons (Pujol et al., 2006). These changes would
influence not only the understanding of language, but also how a child uses
language to convey increasingly complex thoughts such as “How does
Spiderman stick to walls?” and “Why did Dad’s hair fall out?”
Producing Spoken Language

Learning to identify and organize speech sounds is obviously an important part
of language development. An equally critical skill is producing speech that other
people will be able to understand. Early psychologists focused only on
behavioural approaches to language learning. They believed that language was
learned through imitating sounds and being reinforced for pronouncing and using
words correctly (Skinner, 1985). Although it is certainly true that imitation and
reinforcement are involved in language acquisition, they are only one part of this
complex process (Messer, 2000). Here are a few examples that illustrate how
learning through imitation and reinforcement is just one component of language
development:
Children often produce phrases that include incorrect grammar or word

forms. Because adults do not (often) use these phrases, it is highly unlikely
that such phrases are imitations.
Children learn irregular verbs and pluralizations on a word-by-word basis. At
first, they will use ran and geese correctly. However, when children begin to
use grammar on their own, they over-generalize the rules. A child who learns
the /-ed/ morpheme for past tense will start saying runned instead of ran.
When she learns that /-s/ means more than one, she will begin to say gooses
instead of geese. It is also unlikely that children would produce these forms
by imitating.
When children use poor grammar, or when they over-generalize their rules,
parents may try to correct them. Although children will acknowledge their
parents’ attempts at instruction, this method does not seem to work. Instead,
children go right back to over-generalizing.
In light of these and many other examples, it seems clear that an exclusively
behaviourist approach falls short in explaining how language is learned. After all,
there are profound differences in the success of children and adults in learning a
new language: Whereas adults typically struggle, children seem to learn the
language effortlessly. If reinforcement and imitation were the primary means by
which language was acquired, then adults should be able to learn just as well as
children.
The fact that children seem to learn language differently than adults has led
psychologists to use the term language acquisition when referring to children
instead of language learning. The study of language acquisition has revealed
remarkable similarities among children from all over the world. Regardless of the
language, children seem to develop this capability in stages, as shown in Table
8.4 .
Table 8.4 Milestones in Language Acquisition and Speech
Average Time of Onset Milestone Example

(Months)
1–2 Cooing Ahhh, ai-ai-ai
4–10 Babbling (consonants start) Ab-ah-da-ba
8–16 Single-word stage Up, mama, papa
24 Two-word stage Go potty

24+ Complete, meaningful phrases I want to talk to
strung together Grandpa.
Sensitive Periods for Language

The phases of language development described above suggest that younger
brains are particularly well-suited to acquiring languages; this is not the case for
older brains. Imagine a family with two young children who immigrated to
Canada from a remote Russian village where no one spoke English. The parents
would struggle with English courses, while the children would attend English-
speaking schools. Within a few years, the parents would have accumulated
some vocabulary but they would likely still have difficulty with pronunciation and
grammar (Russian-speaking people often omit articles such as the). Meanwhile,
their children would likely pick up English without much effort and have language
skills equivalent to those of their classmates; they would have roughly the same
vocabulary, the same accents, and even the same slang.
Why can children pick up a language so much more easily than adults? Most
psychologists agree that there is a sensitive period for language—a time during
childhood in which children’s brains are primed to develop language skills (see
also Module 10.1 ). Children can absorb language almost effortlessly, but this
ability seems to fade away starting around age seven. Thus, when families
immigrate to a country that uses a different language, young children are able to
pick up this language much more quickly than their parents (Hakuta et al., 2003;
Hernandez & Li, 2007).
A stunning example of critical periods comes from Nicaragua. Until 1979, there
was no sign language in this Central American country. Because there were no
schools for people with hearing impairments, there was no (perceived) need for a
common sign language. When the first schools for the deaf were established,
adults and teenaged students attempted to learn to read lips. While few
mastered this skill, these students did do something even more astonishing:
They developed their own primitive sign language. This language, Lenguaje de
Signos Nicaragüese (LSN), involves a number of elaborate gestures similar to a
game of charades and did not have a consistent set of grammatical rules. But, it
was a start. Children who attended these schools at an early age (i.e., during the
sensitive period for language acquisition) used this language as the basis for a
more fluent version of sign language: Idioma de Signos Nicaragüese (ISN). ISN
has grammatical rules and can be used to express a number of complicated,
abstract ideas (Pinker, 1994). It is now the standard sign language in Nicaragua.
The difference between LSN and ISN is similar to the difference between adults
and children learning a new language. If you acquire the new language during
childhood, you will be much more fluent than if you try to acquire it during
adulthood (Senghas, 2003; Senghas et al., 2004).
The Bilingual Brain

Let’s go back to the example of the Russian-speaking family who immigrated to
balmy Canada. The young children learning English would also be speaking
Russian at home with their parents. As a result, they would be learning two
languages essentially at the same time. What effect would this situation have on
their ability to learn each language?
Although bilingualism leads to many benefits (see below), there are some costs
to learning more than one language. Bilingual children tend to have a smaller
vocabulary in each language than unilingual children (Mahon & Crutchley,
2006). In adulthood, this difference is shown not by vocabulary size, but by how
easily bilinguals can access words. Compared to unilingual adults, bilingual
adults are slower at naming pictures (Roberts et al., 2002), have more difficulty
on tests that ask them to list words starting with a particular letter (Rosselli et
al., 2000), have more tip-of-the-tongue experiences in which they can’t quite
retrieve a word (Gollan & Acenas, 2004), and are slower and less accurate
when making word/non-word judgments (Ransdell & Fischler, 1987). These
problems with accessing words may be due to the fact that they use each
language less than a unilingual person would use their single language (Michael
& Gollan, 2005).
The benefits of bilingualism, however, appear to far outweigh the costs. One
difference that has been repeatedly observed is that bilingual individuals are
much better than their unilingual counterparts on tests that require them to
control their attention or their thoughts. These abilities, known as executive
functions (or executive control), enable people who speak more than one
language to inhibit one language while speaking and listening to another (or to
limit the interference across languages). If they didn’t, they would produce
confusing sentences like The chien is tres sick. Although most of you can figure
out that this person is talking about a sick dog, you can see how such sentences
would make communication challenging. Researchers have found that bilinguals
score better than unilinguals on tests of executive control throughout the
lifespan, beginning in infancy (Kovacs & Mehler, 2009) and the toddler years
(Poulin-Dubois et al., 2011) and continuing throughout adulthood (Costa et al.,
2008) and into old age (Bialystok et al., 2004). Bilingualism has also recently
been shown to have important health benefits. Because the executive control
involved with bilingualism uses areas in the frontal lobes, these regions may form
more connections in bilinguals than unilinguals (Bialystok, 2009, 2011a, 2011b).
As a result, these brains likely have more back-up systems if damage occurs.
Indeed, Ellen Bialystok at York University and her colleagues have shown that
being bilingual helps protect against the onset of dementia and Alzheimer’s
disease (Bialystok et al., 2007; Schweizer et al., 2012), a finding that leaves
many at a loss for words.
Module 8.3b Quiz:
The Development of Language
Know . . .
1. What is fast mapping?
A. The rapid rate at which chimpanzees learn sign language
B. The ability of children to map concepts to words with only a single
example
C. The very short period of time that language input can be useful
for language development
D. A major difficulty that people face when affected by Broca’s
aphasia
Understand . . .
2. The term “sensitive period” is relevant to language acquisition because
A. exposure to language is needed during this time for language
abilities to develop normally.
B. Broca’s area is active only during this period.
C. it is what distinguishes humans from the apes.
D. it indicates that language is an instinct.
Analyze . . .
3. What is the most accurate conclusion from studies of bilingualism and the
brain?
A. Being bilingual causes the brain to form a larger number of
connections than it normally would.
B. Being bilingual reduces the firing rate of the frontal lobes.
C. Only knowing one language allows people to improve their
executive functioning.
D. Being bilingual makes it more likely that a person will have
language problems if they suffer brain damage.
Genes, Evolution, and Language
This module began with a discussion of two brain areas that are critical for
language production and comprehension: Broca’s area and Wernicke’s area,
respectively. But, these brain areas didn’t appear out of nowhere. Rather,
genetics and evolutionary pressures led to the development of our language-
friendly brains. Given recent advances in our understanding of the human
genome (see Module 3.1 ), it should come as no surprise that researchers are
actively searching for the genes involved with language abilities.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Genes and
Language
Given that language is a universal trait of the human species, it

likely involves a number of different genes. These genes would,
of course, also interact with the environment. In this section we
examine whether it is possible that specific genes are related to
language.
What do we know about genes and language?

Many scientists believe that the evidence is overwhelming that
language is a unique feature of the human species, and that
language evolved to solve problems related to survival and
reproductive fitness. Language adds greater efficiency to thought,
allows us to transmit information without requiring us to have
direct experience with potentially dangerous situations, and,
ultimately, facilitates communicating social needs and desires.
Claims that language promotes survival and reproductive
success are difficult to test directly with scientific experimentation,
but there is a soundness to the logic of the speculation. We can
also move beyond speculation and actually examine how genes
play a role in human language. As with all complex psychological
traits, there are likely many genes associated with language.
Nevertheless, amid all of these myriad possibilities, one gene has
been identified that is of particular importance.
How can science explain a genetic basis of

language?
Studies of this gene have primarily focused on the KE family
(their name is abbreviated to maintain their confidentiality). Many
members of this family have inherited a mutated version of a
gene on chromosome 7 (see Figure 8.21 ; Vargha-Khadem et
al., 2005). Each gene has a name—and this one is called
FOXP2. All humans carry a copy of the FOXP2 gene, but the KE
family passes down a mutated copy. Those who inherit the
mutated copy have great difficulty putting thoughts into words
(Tomblin et al., 2009). Thus, it appears that the physical and
chemical processes that FOXP2 codes for are related to
language function.
Figure 8.21 Inheritance Pattern for the Mutated

FOXP2 Gene in the KE Family
Family members who are “affected” have inherited a mutated

form of the FOXP2 gene, which results in difficulty with
articulating words. As you can see from the centre of the figure,
the mutated gene is traced to a female family member and has
been passed on to the individuals of the next two generations.
Source: Republished with permission of Nature Publishing Group, from FOXP2 and the
neuroanatomy of speech and language, Fig. 1, Nature Reviews Neuroscience, 6, 131–138 by
Faraneh Vargha-Khadem; David G. Gadian; Andrew Copp; Mortimer Mishkin. Copyright 2005;
permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc.

What evidence indicates that this gene is specifically involved in
language? If you were to ask the members of the family who
inherited the mutant form of the gene to speak about how to
change the batteries in a flashlight, they would be at a loss. A
rather jumbled mixture of sounds and words might come out, but
nothing that could be easily understood. However, these same
individuals have no problem actually performing the task. Their
challenges with using language are primarily restricted to the use
of words, not with their ability to think.
Scientists have used brain-imaging methods to further test

whether the FOXP2 mutation affects language. One group of
researchers compared brain activity of family members who
inherited the mutation of FOXP2 with those who did not
(Liégeois et al., 2003). During the brain scans, the participants
were asked to generate words themselves, and also to repeat
words back to the experimenters. As you can see from Figure
8.22 , the members of the family who were unaffected by the
mutation showed normal brain activity: Broca’s area of the left
hemisphere became activated, just as expected. In contrast,
Broca’s area in the affected family members was silent, and the
brain activity that did occur was unusual for this type of task.
Figure 8.22 Brain Scans Taken While Members of

the KE Family Completed a Speech Task
The unaffected group shows a normal pattern of activity in

Broca’s area, while the affected group shows an unusual pattern.
Source: Republished with permission of Nature Publishing Group, from Source: Language fMRI
abnormalities associated with FOXP2 gene mutation, Figure 1, Nature Neuroscience, 6, 1230–1237,
Copyright © 2003. permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc.

As you have now read, language has multiple components. Being
able to articulate words is just one of many aspects of using and
understanding language. The research on FOXP2 is very
important, but reveals only how a single gene relates to one
aspect of language use. There are almost certainly a large
number of different genes working together to produce each
component of language. To their credit, FOXP2 researchers are
quick to point out that many other genes will need to be identified
before we can claim to understand the genetic basis of language;
FOXP2 is just the beginning.
It is also worth noting that although the FOXP2 gene affects

human speech production, it does occur in other species that do
not produce sophisticated language. This gene is found in both
mice and birds as well as in humans, and the human version
shares a very similar molecular structure to the versions
observed in these other species. Interestingly, the molecular
structure and activity of the FOXP2 gene in songbirds (unlike
non-songbirds) is similar to that in humans, again highlighting its
possible role in producing meaningful sounds (Vargha-Khadem
et al., 2005).

This work illuminates at least part of the complex relationship
between genes and language. Other individual genes that have
direct links to language function will likely be discovered as
research continues. It is possible that this information could be
used to help us further understand the genetic basis of language
disorders. The fact that the FOXP2 gene is found in many other
species suggests that it may play a role in one of the components
of language rather than being the gene for language. Thus,
scientists will have to perform additional research in order to
understand why and how human language became so much
more complex than that of any other species.
The fact that animals such as songbirds have some of the same language-
related genes as humans suggests that other species may have some language
abilities. As it turns out, many monkey species have areas in their brains that are
similar to Broca’s and Wernicke’s area. As in humans, these regions are
connected by white-matter pathways, thus allowing them to communicate with
each other (Galaburda & Pandya, 1982). These areas appear to be involved
with the control of facial and throat muscles and with identifying when other
monkeys have made a vocalization. This is, of course, a far cry from human
language. But, the fact that some monkey species have similar “neural
hardware” to humans does lead to some interesting speculations about language
abilities in the animal kingdom.
Can Animals Use Language?

Psychologists have been studying whether nonhuman species can acquire
human language for many decades. Formal studies of language learning in
nonhuman species gained momentum in the mid-1950s when psychologists
attempted to teach spoken English to a chimpanzee named Viki (Hayes &
Hayes, 1951). Viki was cross-fostered , meaning that she was raised as a
member of a family that was not of the same species. Like humans, chimps
come into the world dependent on adults for care, so the humans who raised Viki
were basically foster parents. Although the psychologists learned a lot about how
smart chimpanzees can be, they did not learn that Viki was capable of language
—she managed to whisper only about four words after several years of trying.
Psychologists who followed in these researchers’ footsteps did not consider the
case to be closed. Perhaps Viki’s failure to learn spoken English was a limitation
not of the brain, but of physical differences in the vocal tract and tongue that
distinguish humans and chimpanzees. One project that began in the mid-1960s
involved teaching chimpanzees to use American Sign Language (ASL). The first
chimpanzee involved in this project was named Washoe. The psychologists
immersed Washoe in an environment rich with ASL, using signs instead of
speaking and keeping at least one adult present and communicating with her
throughout the day. By the time she turned two years old, Washoe had acquired
about 35 signs through imitation and direct guidance of how to configure and
move her hands. Eventually, she learned approximately 200 signs. She was able
to generalize signs from one context to another and to use a sign to represent
entire categories of objects, not just specific examples. For example, while
Washoe learned the sign for the word “open” on a limited number of doors and
cupboards, she subsequently signed “open” to many different doors, cupboards,
and even her pop bottles. The findings with Washoe were later replicated with
other chimps (Gardner et al., 1989).
Washoe was the first chimpanzee taught to use some of the signs of American
Sign Language. Washoe died in 2007 at age 42 and throughout her life
challenged many to examine their beliefs about human uniqueness.
Photo permission granted by Friends of Washoe
Instead of using sign language, some researchers have developed a completely

artificial language to teach to apes. This language consists of symbols called
lexigrams—small keys on a computerized board that represent words and,
therefore, can be combined to form complex ideas and phrases. One subject of
the research using this language is a bonobo named Kanzi (bonobos are another
species of chimpanzee). Kanzi has learned approximately 350 symbols through
training, but he learned his first symbols simply by watching as researchers
attempted to teach his mother how to use the language. In addition to the
lexigrams he produces, Kanzi seems to recognize about 3000 spoken words. His
trainers claim that Kanzi’s skills constitute language (Savage-Rumbaugh &
Lewin, 1994). They argue that he can understand symbols and at least some
syntax; that he acquired symbols simply by being around others who used them;
and that he produced symbols without specific training or reinforcement. Those
who work with Kanzi conclude that his communication skills are quite similar to
those of a young human in terms of both the elements of language (semantics
and syntax) and the acquisition of language (natural and without effortful
training).
Despite their ability to communicate in complex ways, debate continues to swirl

about whether these animals are using language. Many language researchers
point out that chimpanzees’ signing and artificial language use is very different
from how humans use language. Is the vastness of the difference important? Is
using 200 signs different in some critical way from being able to use 4000 signs,
roughly the number found in the ASL dictionary (Stokoe et al., 1976)? If our only
criterion for whether a communication system constitutes language is the
number of words used, then we can say that nonhuman species acquire some
language skills after extensive training. But as you have learned in this module,
human language involves more than just using words. In particular, our
manipulation of phonemes, morphemes, and syntax allow us to utter an infinite
number of words and sentences, thereby conveying an infinite number of
thoughts.
Kanzi is a bonobo chimpanzee that has learned to use an artificial language
consisting of graphical symbols that correspond to words. Kanzi can type out
responses by pushing buttons with these symbols, shown in this photo.
Researchers are also interested in Kanzi’s ability to understand spoken English
(which is transmitted to the headphones by an experimenter who is not in the
room).
MICHAEL NICHOLS/National Geographic Creative
Some researchers who have worked closely with language-trained apes

observed too many critical differences between humans and chimps to conclude
that language extends beyond our species (Seidenberg & Pettito, 1979). For
example:
One major argument is that apes are communicating only with symbols, not
with the phrase-based syntax used by humans. Although some evidence of
syntax has been reported, the majority of their “utterances” consist of single
signs, a couple of signs strung together, or apparently random sequences.
There is little reputable experimental evidence showing that apes pass their
language skills to other apes.
Productivity—creating new words (gestures) and using existing gestures to
name new objects or events—is rare, if it occurs at all.
Some of the researchers become very engaged in the lives of these animals
and talk about them as friends and family members (Fouts, 1997; Savage-
Rumbaugh & Lewin, 1994). This tendency has left critics to wonder the
extent to which personal attachments to the animals might interfere with the
objectivity of the data.
It must be pointed out that the communication systems of different animals have
their own adaptive functions. It is possible that some species simply didn’t have a
need to develop a complex form of language. However, in the case of
chimpanzees, this point doesn’t hold true. Both humans and chimpanzees
evolved in small groups in (for the most part) similar parts of the world; thus,
chimpanzees would have faced many of the same social and environmental
pressures as humans. However, their brains, although quite sophisticated, are
not as large or well-developed as those of humans. It seems, therefore, that a
major factor in humanity’s unique language abilities is the wonderful complexity
and plasticity of the human brain.
Module 8.3c Quiz:
Genes, Evolution, and Language
Know . . .
1. Which nonhuman species has had the greatest success at learning a
human language?
A. Border collies
B. Bonobo chimpanzees
C. Dolphins
D. Rhesus monkeys
Understand . . .
2. Studies of the KE family and the FOXP2 gene indicate that
A. language is controlled entirely by a single gene found on
chromosome 7.
B. language is still fluent despite a mutation to this gene.
C. this particular gene is related to one specific aspect of language.
D. mutations affecting this gene lead to highly expressive language
skills.
Analyze . . .
3. What is the most accurate conclusion from research conducted on
primate language abilities?
A. Primates can learn some aspects of human language, though
many differences remain.
B. Primates can learn human language in full.
C. Primates cannot learn human language in any way.
D. Primates can respond to verbal commands, but there is no
evidence they can respond to visual cues such as images or
hand signals.
Module 8.3 Summary
8.3a Know . . . the key terminology from the study of language.
aphasia
Broca’s area
cross-foster
fast mapping
language
morpheme
phoneme
pragmatics
semantics
syntax
Wernicke’s area
8.3b Understand . . . how language is structured.

Sentences are broken down into words that are arranged according to
grammatical rules (syntax). The relationship between words and their meaning is
referred to as semantics. Words can be broken down into morphemes, the
smallest meaningful units of speech, and phonemes, the smallest sound units
that make up speech.
8.3c Understand . . . how genes and the brain are involved in language
use.
Studies of the KE family show that the FOXP2 gene is involved in our ability to
speak. However, mutation to this gene does not necessarily impair people’s
ability to think. Thus, the FOXP2 gene seems to be important for just one of
many aspects of human language. Multiple brain areas are involved in language
—two particularly important ones are Broca’s and Wernicke’s areas.
8.3d Apply . . . your knowledge to distinguish between units of language

such as phonemes and morphemes.
Apply Activity
Which of these represent a single phoneme and which represent a morpheme?
Do any of them represent both?
1. /dis/
2. /s/
3. /k/
8.3e Analyze . . . whether species other than humans are able to use
language.
Nonhuman species certainly seem capable of acquiring certain aspects of

human language. Studies with apes have shown that they can learn and use
some sign language or, in the case of Kanzi, an artificial language system
involving arbitrary symbols. However, critics have pointed out that many
differences between human and nonhuman language use remain.
Chapter 9 Intelligence Testing
9.1 Measuring Intelligence

Different Approaches to Intelligence Testing 351
The Checkered Past of Intelligence Testing 356
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Beliefs about Intelligence 358
9.2 Understanding Intelligence

Intelligence as a Single, General Ability 363
Intelligence as Multiple, Specific Abilities 365
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Testing for Fluid and Crystallized
Intelligence 366
The Battle of the Sexes 371
9.3 Biological, Environmental, and Behavioural Influences on

Intelligence
Biological Influences on Intelligence 375
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Brain Size and Intelligence 377
Environmental Influences on Intelligence 379
Behavioural Influences on Intelligence 382

Module 9.1 Measuring
Intelligence
Leilani Muir, who passed away in Alberta in 2016.

The Canadian Press/Edmonton Journal
Learning Objectives
9.1a Know . . . the key terminology associated with intelligence and
intelligence testing.
9.1b Understand . . . the reasoning behind the eugenics movements and its
use of intelligence tests.
9.1c Apply . . . the concepts of entity theory and incremental theory to help
kids succeed in school.
9.1d Analyze . . . why it is difficult to remove all cultural bias from intelligence
testing.
Leilani Muir kept trying to get pregnant, but to no avail. Finally, frustrated,
she went to her doctor to see if there was a medical explanation. It turned
out that there was, but not one that she expected; the doctors found that
her fallopian tubes had been surgically destroyed, permanently sterilizing
her.
How could someone’s fallopian tubes be destroyed without them

knowing? Tragically, forced sterilization was a not uncommon practice in
the United States and parts of Canada for almost half of the 20th century.
In 1928, Alberta passed the Sexual Sterilization Act, giving doctors the
power to sterilize people deemed to be “genetically unfit,” without their
consent. One of the criteria that could qualify a person for being
genetically unfit was getting a low score on an IQ test, which was the
reason for Leilani’s own sterilization.
Leilani Muir is one of the tens of thousands of victims of the misguided

application of intelligence tests. Born into a poor farming family near
Calgary, Alberta, Leilani was entered by her parents into the Provincial
Training School for Mental Defectives when she was 11. A few years
later, when given an intelligence test, she scored 64, which was below
the 70 point cut-off required by law for forced sterilization. When she was
14, she was told by doctors she needed to have her appendix removed.
Trusting the good doctors, she went under the knife, never knowing the
full extent of the surgery she was about to undergo. After the surgery, she
was never informed that her fallopian tubes had been destroyed, and had
to find out on her own after her many attempts to get pregnant. Later in
her life, Leilani had her IQ re-tested. She scored 89, which is close to
average.
In 1996, Leilani received some measure of justice. She sued the

government of Alberta and won her case, becoming the first person to
receive compensation for injustices committed under the Sexual
Sterilization Act. For her lifetime of not being able to have children, she
received almost $750 000 in damages.
Focus Questions
1. How have intelligence tests been misused in modern society?

2. Why do we have the types of intelligence tests that we have?
What happened to Leilani Muir was terrible and should never have happened.
But this story also serves to drive home an extremely important truth about
psychology, and science in general—it is important to measure things properly.
This may sound trite, but Leilani’s story underscores the importance of ensuring
that the research carried out in psychology and other disciplines is as rigorous as
possible. Research isn’t just about writing complicated articles that only scientists
and academics read; its real-world implications may ripple through society and
affect people’s lives in countless ways. In Leilani’s case, her misfortune was the
result of both inhumane policies passed by government and the failure to
accurately measure her intelligence. Intelligence is not something like the length
or mass of a physical object; there is no “objective” standard to which we can
compare our measures to see if they are accurate. Instead, we have to rely upon
rigorous testing of our methodologies.
So, how can we measure intelligence accurately? What does science say? As
you will see in this module, this question is not easy to answer. Intelligence
measures have a very checkered past, making the whole notion of intelligence
one of the most hotly contested areas in all of psychology.
Different Approaches to Intelligence

Testing
Intelligence is a surprisingly difficult concept to define. You undoubtedly know

people who earn similar grades even though one may seem to be “smarter” than
the other. You likely also know people who do very well in school and have “book
smarts,” but have difficulty in many other aspects of life, perhaps lacking “street
smarts.” Furthermore, you may perceive a person to be intelligent or
unintelligent, but how do you know your perceptions are not biased by their
confidence, social skills, or other qualities? The history of psychology has seen
many different attempts to define and measure intelligence. In this module, we
will examine some of the more influential of these attempts, and then explore
some of the important social implications of intelligence testing.
Francis Galton believed that intelligence was something people inherit. Thus, he
believed that an individual’s relatives were a better predictor of intelligence than
practice and effort.
Intelligence and Perception: Galton’s

Anthropometric Approach
The systematic attempt to measure intelligence in the modern era began with
Francis Galton (1822–1911) (who is often given the appellation “Sir,” because he
was knighted in 1909). Galton believed that because people learn about the
world through their senses, those with superior sensory abilities would be able to
learn more about it. Thus, he argued, sensory abilities should be an indicator of a
person’s intelligence. In 1884, Galton created a set of 17 sensory tests, such as
the highest and lowest sounds people could hear or their ability to tell the
difference between objects of slightly different weights, and began testing
people’s abilities in his anthropometric laboratory. Anthropometrics (literally,
“the measurement of people”) referred to methods of measuring physical and
mental variation in humans. Galton’s lab attracted many visitors, allowing him to
measure the sensory abilities of thousands of people in England (Gillham,
2001).
One of Galton’s colleagues, James McKeen Cattell, took his tests to the United
States and began measuring the abilities of university students. This research
revealed, however, that people’s abilities on different sensory tests were not
correlated with each other, or only very weakly. For example, having exceptional
eyesight seemed to signify little about whether one would have exceptional
hearing. Clearly, this was a problem, because if two measures don’t correlate
well with each other, then they can’t both be indicators of the same thing, in this
case, intelligence. Cattell also found that students’ scores on the sensory tests
did not predict their grades, which one would expect would also be an indicator
of intelligence. As a result, Galton’s approach to measuring intelligence was
generally abandoned.
Intelligence and Thinking: The Stanford–Binet Test

In contrast to Galton, a prominent French psychologist, Alfred Binet, argued that
intelligence should be indicated by more complex thinking processes, such as
memory, attention, and comprehension. This view has influenced most
intelligence researchers up to the present day; they define intelligence as the
ability to think, understand, reason, and adapt to or overcome obstacles
(Neisser et al., 1996). From this perspective, intelligence reflects how well
people are able to reason and solve problems, plus their accumulated
knowledge.
In 1904, Binet and his colleague, Theodore Simon, were hired by the French
government to develop a test to measure intelligence. At the end of the 19th
century, institutional reforms in France had made primary school education
available to all children. As a result, French educators struggled to deliver a
curriculum to students ranging from the very bright to those who found school
exceptionally challenging. To respond to this problem, the French government
wanted an objective way of identifying “retarded” children who would benefit from
specialized education (Siegler, 1992).
Binet and Simon experimented with a wide variety of tasks, trying to capture the
complex thinking processes that presumably comprised intelligence. They settled
on thirty tasks, arranged in order of increasing difficulty. For example, simple
tasks included repeating sentences and defining common words like “house.”
More difficult tasks included constructing sentences using combinations of
certain words (e.g., Paris, river, fortune), reproducing drawings from memory,
and being able to explain how two things differed from each other. Very difficult
tasks included being able to define abstract concepts and to logically reason
through a problem (Fancher, 1985).
Binet and Simon gave their test to samples of children from different age groups
to establish the average test score for each age. Binet argued that a child’s test
score measured her mental age , the average intellectual ability score for
children of a specific age. For example, if a 7-year-old’s score was the same as
the average score for 7-year-olds, she would have a mental age of 7, whereas if
it was the same as the average score for 10-year-olds, she would have a mental
age of 10, even though her chronological age would be 7 in both cases. A child
with a mental age lower than her chronological age would be expected to
struggle in school and to require remedial education.
The practicality of Binet and Simon’s test was apparent to others, and soon
researchers in the United States began to adapt it for their own use. Lewis
Terman at Stanford University adapted the test for American children and
established average scores for each age level by administering the test to
thousands of children. In 1916, he published the first version of his adapted test,
and named it the Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale (Siegler, 1992).
Terman and others almost immediately began describing the Stanford-Binet

test as a test intended to measure innate levels of intelligence. This differed
substantially from Binet, who had viewed his test as a measure of a child’s
current abilities, not as a measure of an innate capacity. There is a crucial
difference between believing that test scores reflect a changeable ability or
believing they reflect an innate capacity that is presumably fixed. The
interpretation of intelligence as an innate ability set the stage for the incredibly
misguided use of intelligence tests in the decades that followed, as we discuss
later in this module.
To better reflect people’s presumably innate levels of intelligence, Terman

adopted William Stern’s concept of the intelligence quotient, or IQ , a label
that has stuck to the present day. IQ is calculated by taking a person’s mental
age, dividing it by his chronological age, and then multiplying by 100. For
example, a 10-year-old child with a mental age of 7 would have an IQ of 7/10 ×
100 = 70. On the other hand, if a child’s mental and chronological ages were the
same, the IQ score would always be 100, regardless of the age of the child; thus,
100 became the standard IQ for the “average child.”
To see the conceptual difference implied by these two ways of reporting

intelligence, consider the following two statements. Does one sound more
optimistic than the other?
He has a mental age of 7, so he is 3 years behind.

He has an IQ of 70, so he is 30 points below average.
To many people, being 3 years behind in mental age seems changeable; with
sufficient work and assistance, it feels like such a child should be able to catch
up to his peers. On the other hand, having an IQ that’s 30 points below average
sounds like the diagnosis of a permanent condition; such a person seems
doomed to be “unintelligent” forever.
One other odd feature of both Binet’s mental age concept and Stern’s IQ was
that they didn’t generalize very well to adult populations. For example, are 80-
year olds twice as intelligent as 40-year-olds? After all, an 80-year-old who was
as intelligent as an average 40-year-old would have an IQ of 50 (40/80 × 100 =
50); clearly, this doesn’t make sense. Similarly, imagine a 30-year-old with a
mental age of 30; her IQ would be 100. But in 10 years, when she was 40, if her
mental age stayed at 30, she would have an IQ of only 75 (30/40 × 100 = 75).
Given that IQ scores remain constant after about age 16 (Eysenck, 1994), this
would mean that adults get progressively less smart with every year that they
age. Although children may sometimes think exactly this about their parents,
their parents would clearly have a different opinion.
To adjust for this problem, psychologists began to use a different measure,

deviation IQ, for calculating the IQ of adults (Wechsler, 1939). The deviation IQ
is calculated by comparing the person’s test score with the average score for
people of the same age. In order to calculate deviation IQs, one must first
establish the norm, or average, for a population. To do so, psychologists
administer tests to huge numbers of people and use these scores to estimate the
average for people of different ages. These averages are then used as baselines
against which to compare a person. Because “average” is defined to be 100, a
deviation IQ of 100 means that the person is average, whereas an IQ of 115
would mean that the person’s IQ is above average (see Figure 9.1 ). One
advantage of using deviation IQ scores is that it avoids the problem of IQ scores
that consistently decline with age because scores are calculated relative to
others of the same age.
Figure 9.1 The Normal Distribution of Scores for a Standardized

Intelligence Test
The Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale
In an ironic twist, the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS) , the most
common intelligence test in use today for adolescents and adults, was developed
by a man who himself had been labelled as “feeble minded” by intelligence tests
after immigrating to the United States from Romania at the age of nine. David
Wechsler originally developed the scale in 1955 and it is now in its fourth edition.
The WAIS provides a single IQ score for each test taker—the Full Scale IQ—but
also breaks intelligence into a General Ability Index (GAI) and a Cognitive
Proficiency Index (CPI), as shown in Figure 9.2 . The GAI is computed from
scores on the Verbal Comprehension and Perceptual Reasoning indices. These
measures tap into an individual’s intellectual abilities, but without placing much
emphasis on how fast he can solve problems and make decisions. The CPI, in
contrast, is based on the Working Memory and Processing Speed subtests. It is
included in the Full Scale IQ category because greater working memory capacity
and processing speed allow more cognitive resources to be devoted to
reasoning and solving problems. Figure 9.3 shows some sample test items
from the WAIS.
Figure 9.2 Subscales of the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale

Figure 9.3 Types of Problems Used to Measure Intelligence
These hypothetical problems are consistent with the types seen on the Wechsler
Adult Intelligence Scale.
Raven’s Progressive Matrices

Although the Stanford-Binet test and the WAIS have been widely used across
North America, they have also been criticized by a number of researchers. One
of the key problems with many intelligence tests, such as these, is that questions
often are biased to favour people from the test developer’s culture or who
primarily speak the test developer’s language. This cultural bias puts people from
different cultures, social classes, educational levels, and primary languages, at
an immediate disadvantage. Clearly, this is a problem, because a person’s
“intelligence” should not be affected by whether they are fluent in English or
familiar with Western culture. In response to this problem, psychologists have
tried to develop “culture-free” tests.
In the 1930s, John Raven developed Raven’s Progressive Matrices , an

intelligence test that is based on pictures, not words, thus making it relatively
unaffected by language or cultural background. The main set of tasks found in
Raven’s Progressive Matrices measure the extent to which test takers can see
patterns in the shapes and colours within a matrix and then determine which
shape or colour would complete the pattern (see Figure 9.4 ).
Figure 9.4 Sample Problem from Raven’s Progressive Matrices
Which possible pattern (1–8) should go in the blank space? Check your answer
at the bottom of the page.
Source: “Sample Problem from Raven’s Progressive Matrices,” NCS Pearson, 1998.
Answer to Figure 9.4 : Pattern 6.
Module 9.1a Quiz:
Different Approaches to Intelligence Testing
Know . . .
1. Galton developed anthropometrics as a means to measure intelligence
based on .
A. creativity
B. perceptual abilities
C. physical size and body type
D. brain convolution
Understand . . .
2. The deviation IQ is calculated by comparing an individual’s test score
A. at one point in time to that same person’s test score at a different
point in time.
B. to that same person’s test score from a different IQ test; the
“deviation” between the tests is a measure of whether either test
is inaccurate.
C. to that same individual’s school grades.
D. to the average score for other people who are the same age.
3. In an attempt to be culturally unbiased, Raven’s Progressive Matrices

relies upon what types of questions?
A. Verbal analogies
B. Spatial calculations
C. Visual patterns
D. Practical problems that are encountered in every culture
Apply . . .
4. If someone’s mental age is double her chronological age, what would her
IQ be?
A. 100
B. 50
C. 200
D. Cannot be determined with this information
The Checkered Past of Intelligence

Testing
IQ testing in North America got a significant boost during World War I. Lewis
Terman, developer of the Stanford-Binet test, worked with the United States
military to develop a set of intelligence tests that could be used to identify which
military recruits had the potential to become officers and which should be
streamed into non-officer roles. The intention was to make the officer selection
process more objective, thereby increasing the efficiency and effectiveness of
officer training programs. Following World War I, Terman argued for the use of
intelligence tests in schools for similar purposes—identifying students who
should be channelled into more “advanced” academic topics that would prepare
them for higher education, and others who should be channelled into more skill-
based topics that would prepare them for direct entry into the skilled trades and
the general workforce. Armed with his purportedly objective IQ tests, he was a
man on a mission to improve society. However, the way he went about doing so
was rife with problems.
IQ Testing and the Eugenics Movement

In order to understand the logic of Terman and his followers, it is important to
examine the larger societal context in which his theories were developed. The
end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries was a remarkable time in
human history. A few centuries of European colonialism had spread Western
influence through much of the world. The Industrial Revolution, which was
concentrated in the West, compounded this, making Western nations more
powerful militarily, technologically, and economically. And in the sciences,
Darwin’s paradigm-shattering work on the origin of species firmly established the
idea of evolution by natural selection (see Module 3.1 ), permanently
transforming our scientific understanding of the living world.
Although an exciting time for the advancement of human knowledge, this

confluence of events also had some very negative consequences, especially in
terms of how colonialism affected non-Western cultures and people of non-White
ethnicities. However, the stage was set for social “visionaries” to apply Darwin’s
ideas to human culture, and to explain the military–economic–technological
dominance of Western cultures by assuming that Westerners (and especially
White people) were genetically superior. This explanation served as a handy
justification for the colonial powers’ imposition of Western-European values on
other cultures; in fact, it was often viewed that the colonizers were actually doing
other cultures a favour, helping to “civilize” them by assimilating them into a
“superior” cultural system.
The social Darwinism that emerged gave rise to one of the uglier social
movements of recent times—eugenics, which means “good genes” (Gillham,
2001). The history of eugenics is intimately intertwined with the history of
intelligence testing. In fact, Francis Galton himself, a cousin of Charles Darwin,
coined the term eugenics, gaining credibility for his ideas after making an
extensive study of the heritability of intelligence.
Many people viewed eugenics as a way to “improve” the human gene pool. Their
definition of “improve” is certainly up for debate.
American Philosophical Society
Galton noticed that many members of his own family were successful
businessmen and some, like Charles Darwin, eminent scientists. He studied
other families and concluded that eminence ran in families, which he believed
was due to “good breeding.” Although families share more than genes, such as
wealth, privilege, and social status, Galton believed that genes were the basis of
the family patterns he observed (Fancher, 2009).
Galton’s views influenced Lewis Terman, who promoted an explicitly eugenic

philosophy; he argued for the superiority of his own “race,” and in the interest of
“improving” society, believed that his IQ tests provided a strong empirical
justification for eugenic practices. One such practice was the forced sterilization
of people like Leilani Muir, whom we discussed at the beginning of this module.
Supporters of eugenics often noted that its logic was based on research and
philosophy from many different fields. Doing so put the focus on the abstract
intellectual characteristics of eugenics rather than on some of its disturbing, real-
world implications.
American Philosophical Society
As Terman administered his tests to more people, it seemed like his race-based
beliefs were verified by his data. Simply put, people from other cultures and other
apparent ethnic backgrounds, didn’t score as highly on his tests as did White
people from the West (i.e., the U.S., Canada, and Western Europe, for the most
part). For example, 40% of new immigrants to Canada and the United States
scored so low they were classified as “feebleminded” (Kevles, 1985). As a
result, Terman concluded that people from non-Western cultures and non-White
ethnicities generally had lower IQs, and he therefore argued that it was
appropriate (even desirable) to stream them into less challenging academic
pursuits and jobs of lower status. For example, he wrote, “High-grade or border-
line deficiency . . . is very, very common among Spanish-Indian and Mexican
families of the Southwest and also among negroes. Their dullness seems to be
racial, or at least inherent in the family stocks from which they come. . . .
Children of this group should be segregated into separate classes. . . . They
cannot master abstractions but they can often be made into efficient workers . . .
from a eugenic point of view they constitute a grave problem because of their
unusually prolific breeding” (Terman, 1916, pp. 91–92).
Such ideas gained enough popularity that forced sterilization was carried out in
at least 30 states and two Canadian provinces, lasting for almost half a century.
In Alberta, the Sexual Sterilization Act remained in force until 1972, by which
time more than 2800 people had undergone sterilization procedures in that
province alone. And as you might have guessed, new immigrants, the poor,
Native people, and Black people were sterilized far more often than middle and
upper class White people.
The Race and IQ Controversy

One of the reasons intelligence tests played so well into the agendas of
eugenicists is that, from Terman onwards, researchers over the last century have
consistently found differences in the IQ scores of people from different ethnic
groups. Before we go any further, we want to acknowledge that this is a difficult,
and potentially upsetting, set of research findings. However, it’s important to take
a close look at this research, and to understand the controversy that surrounds it,
because these findings are well known in the world of intelligence testing and
could be easily misused by those who are motivated by prejudiced views. As you
will see, when you take a close look at the science, the story is not nearly as
clear as it may appear at first glance.
The root of this issue about “race and IQ” is that there is a clear and reliable
hierarchy of IQ scores across different ethnic groups. This was first discovered in
the early 1900s, and by the 1920s, the United States passed legislation making it
standard to administer intelligence tests to new immigrants arriving at Ellis Island
for entry into the country. The result was that overwhelming numbers of
immigrants were officially classified as “morons” or “feebleminded.” Some
psychologists suspected that these tests were unfair, and that the low scores of
these minority groups might be due to language barriers and a lack of knowledge
of American culture. Nevertheless, as intelligence tests were developed that
were increasingly culturally sensitive—such as Raven’s Progressive Matrices—
these differences persisted. Specifically, Asian people tended to score the
highest, followed by Whites, followed by Latinos and Blacks; this has been found
in samples in several parts of the world, including Canada (Rushton & Jensen,
2005). Other researchers have found that Native people in Canada score lower
as a group than Canadians with European ancestry (e.g., Beiser & Gotowiec,
2000).
The race–IQ research hit the general public in 1994 with the publication of The
Bell Curve (Herrnstein & Murray, 1994), which became a bestseller. This book
focused on over two decades of research that replicated the race differences in
IQ that we mentioned earlier. Herrnstein and Murray also argued that human
intelligence is a strong predictor of many different personal and social outcomes,
such as workplace performance, income, and the likelihood of being involved in
criminal activities. Additionally, The Bell Curve argued that those of high
intelligence were reproducing less than those of low intelligence, leading to a
dangerous population trend in the United States. They believed that America
was becoming an increasingly divided society, populated by a small class of
“cognitive elite,” and a large underclass with lower intelligence. They argued that
a healthy society would be a meritocracy, in which people who had the most
ability and worked the hardest would receive the most wealth, power, and status.
Those who didn’t have what it took to rise to the top, such as those with low IQs,
should be allowed to live out their fates, and should not therefore be helped by
programs such as Head Start, affirmative action programs, or scholarships for
members of visible minorities. Instead, the system should simply allow people
with the most demonstrable merit to rise to the top, regardless of their cultural or
ethnic backgrounds. Although many people agree with the idea of a meritocracy
in principle, a huge problem arises in implementing a meritocracy when the
system is set up to systematically give certain groups advantages over other
groups; in this situation, assessing true “merit” is far from straightforward.
As you can imagine, research on the race–IQ gap sparked bitter controversy.
Within the academic world, some researchers have claimed that these findings
are valid (e.g., Gottfredson, 2005), whereas others have argued that these
results are based on flawed methodologies and poor measurements (e.g.,
Lieberman, 2001; Nisbett, 2005). Others have sought to discredit Herrnstein
and Murray’s conclusions, in particular their argument that the differences in IQ
scores between ethnic groups means that there are inherent, genetic differences
in intelligence between the groups. Within the general public, reaction was
similarly mixed; however, this research does get used by some people to justify
policies such as limiting immigration, discontinuing affirmative action programs,
and otherwise working to overturn decades of progress made in the fight for civil
rights and equality.
Problems with the Racial Superiority Interpretation

In many ways, the simplest critique of the racial superiority interpretation of these
test score differences is that the tests themselves are culturally biased. This
critique was lodged against intelligence tests from the time of Terman and, as we
discussed earlier, a considerable amount of research focused on creating tests
that were not biased due to language and culture. But in spite of all this work, the
test score differences between ethnic groups remained.
A more subtle critique was that it wasn’t necessarily the tests that were biased,
but the very process of testing itself. If people in minority groups are less familiar
with standardized tests, if they are less motivated to do well on the tests, or if
they are less able to focus on performing well during the testing sessions, they
will be more likely to produce lower test scores. This indeed seems to be the
case; researchers have found that cultural background affects many aspects of
the testing process including how comfortable people are in a formal testing
environment, how motivated they are to perform well on such tests, and their
ability to establish rapport with the test administrators (Anastasi & Urbina,
1996).
Research has also indicated that the IQ differences may be due to a process
known as stereotype threat , which occurs when negative stereotypes about
a group cause group members to underperform on ability tests (Steele, 1997). In
other words, if a Black person is reminded of the stereotype that Black people
perform more poorly than White people on intelligence tests, she may end up
scoring lower on that test as a result. Researchers have identified at least three
reasons why this may happen. First, stereotype threat increases arousal due to
the fact that individuals are aware of the negative stereotype about their group,
and are concerned that a poor performance may reflect poorly on their group;
this arousal then undermines their test performance. Second, stereotype threat
causes people to become more self-focused, paying more attention to how well
they are performing; this leaves fewer cognitive resources for them to focus on
the test itself. Third, stereotype threat increases the tendency for people to
actively try to inhibit negative thoughts they may have, which also reduces the
cognitive resources that could otherwise be used to focus on the test (Schmader
et al., 2008). There have now been more than 200 studies on stereotype threat
(Nisbett et al., 2012), establishing it as a reliable phenomenon that regularly
suppresses the test scores of members of stereotyped groups.
These concerns cast doubt on the validity of IQ scores for members of non-
White ethnic and cultural groups, suggesting that differences in test scores do
not necessarily reflect differences in the underlying ability being tested (i.e.,
intelligence), but instead may reflect other factors, such as such as linguistic or
cultural bias in the testing situation.
Another important critique has been lodged against the race–IQ research,
arguing that even if one believes that the tests are valid and that there are
intelligence differences between groups in society, these may not be the result of
innate, genetic differences between the groups. For example, consider the
circumstances that poor people and ethnic minorities face in countries like
Canada or the United States. People from such groups tend to experience a host
of factors that contribute to poorer cognitive and neurological development, such
as poorer nutrition, greater stress, lower-quality schools, higher rates of illness
(Acevedo-Garcia et al., 2008) with reduced access to medical treatment, and
greater exposure to toxins such as lead (Dilworth-Bart & Moore, 2006).
One additional, subtle factor that may interfere with the test performances of
people from disadvantaged groups is that the life experiences of people in those
groups may encourage them to adopt certain beliefs about themselves, which
then interfere with their motivations to perform their best. For example, if early
experiences in educational settings lead people to believe that they are not
intelligent, and that this is a fixed quality, they will tend to believe that there is
little they can do to change their own intelligence, and as a result, they won’t try
very hard to do so. However, recent research suggests that it is possible to
improve one’s intelligence—but one has to believe this in order to take the
necessary steps to make it happen.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Beliefs

about Intelligence
Think of something you’re not very good at (or maybe have never
even tried), like juggling knives, solving Sudoku puzzles, or
speaking Gaelic. Most likely, you would expect that even if your
initial attempts didn’t go well, with practice you could get better.
Now think about how smart you are. Do you think you could make
yourself smarter? Do you ever say things like “I’m no good at
math,” or “I just can’t do multiple choice tests?” Do you think
about these abilities the same way that you think about knife-
juggling?
Many people hold implicit beliefs that their intelligence level is

relatively fixed and find it surprising that intelligence is, in fact,
highly changeable. Ironically, this mistaken belief itself will tend to
limit people’s potential to change their own intelligence. This is an
especially important issue for students, as children’s self-
perceptions of their mental abilities have a very strong influence
on their academic performance (Greven et al., 2009).
What do we know about the kinds of beliefs that may affect

test scores?
Research into this phenomenon has helped to shed light on the
frustrating mystery of why some people seem to consistently fall
short of reaching their potential. Carol Dweck (2002) has found
that people seem to hold one of two theories about the nature of
intelligence. They may hold an entity theory : the belief that
intelligence is a fixed characteristic and relatively difficult (or
impossible) to change; or they may hold an incremental
theory : the belief that intelligence can be shaped by
experiences, practice, and effort. Whether one holds to an entity
theory or incremental theory has powerful effects on one’s
academic performance.
How can science test whether beliefs affect performance?

In experiments by Dweck and her colleagues, students were
identified as holding either entity theory or incremental theory
beliefs. The students had the chance to answer 476 general
knowledge questions dealing with topics such as history,
literature, math, and geography. They received immediate
feedback on whether their answers were correct or incorrect.
Those who held entity beliefs were more likely to give up in the
face of highly challenging problems, and they were likely to
withdraw from situations that resulted in failure. These individuals
seemed to believe that intelligence was something you either
had, or you didn’t; thus, when encountering difficult problems or
feelings of failure, they seemed to conclude “Well, I guess I don’t
have it,” and as a result, gave up trying (Mangels et al., 2006).
As Homer Simpson has said, “Kids, you tried your best and you
failed miserably. The lesson is, never try” (Richdale & Kirkland,
1994). To the entity theorist, difficulty is a sign of inadequacy.
In comparison, people with incremental views of intelligence were
more resilient (Mangels et al., 2006), continuing to work hard
even when faced with challenges and failures. After all, if
intelligence and ability can change, then rather than getting
discouraged by difficulties, one should keep working hard,
improving one’s abilities.
Because resilience is such a desirable trait, Dweck and her

colleagues tested a group of junior high students to see whether
incremental views could be taught (Blackwell et al., 2007). In a
randomized, controlled experiment, they taught one group of
Grade 7 students incremental theory—that they could control and
change their abilities. This group’s grades increased over the
school year, whereas the control group’s grades actually declined
(Figure 9.5 ).
Figure 9.5 Personal Beliefs Influence Grades
Students who held incremental views of intelligence (i.e., the

belief that intelligence can change with effort) show improved
grades in math compared to students who believed that
intelligence was an unchanging entity (Blackwell et al., 2007).
Source: From Implicit theories of intelligence predict achievement across an Adult Transition: A
Longitudinal Study and an intervention.” Child Development, Vol 78, No 1, Pg 246-263 byLisa S.
Blackwell, Kali H. Trzesniewski, Carol Sorich Dweck. Copyright © 2007 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Reproduced by permission of John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
The moral of the story? If you think you can, you might; but if you
think you can’t, you won’t.

These findings suggest that it is desirable to help people adopt
incremental beliefs about their abilities. However, is this always
for the best? What if, in some situations, it is true that no matter
how hard a person tries, he or she is unlikely to succeed, and
continuing to try at all costs may be detrimental to the person’s
well-being, or may close the door on other opportunities that may
have turned out better? At what point do we encourage people to
be more “realistic” and to accept their limitations? So far, these
remain unanswered questions in this literature.
An additional difficulty surrounding these studies is that it is not

fully clear what mechanisms might be causing the improvements.
Does the incremental view of intelligence lead to increased
attention, effort, and time invested in studying? Does it lead to
less-critical self-judgments following failure experiences? Or,
does it have a positive effect on mood, which has been shown to
improve performance on tests of perception and creativity (Isen
et al., 1987)? In order to better understand why these mindsets
work the way they do, and perhaps, how to apply them more
effectively, a great deal of research is needed to determine which
mechanisms are operating in which circumstances. However,
regardless of the mechanism(s) involved, the fact that it is
possible to help students by changing their view of intelligence
could be a powerful force for educational change in the future.

This research has huge potential to be applied in schools and to
become a part of standard parenting practice. Teaching people to
adopt the view that intelligence and other abilities are trainable
skills should give them a greater feeling of control over their lives,
strengthen their motivations, enhance their resilience to difficulty,
and improve their goal-striving success. Carol Dweck and Lisa
Sorich Blackwell have designed a program called Brainology to
teach students from elementary through high school that the
brain can be trained and strengthened through practice. They
hope that programs such as this can counteract the
disempowering effects of stereotypes by helping members of
stereotyped groups to have greater resilience and to avoid
succumbing to negative beliefs about themselves. Not only is
intelligence changeable, as this research shows, but perhaps
society itself can be changed through the widespread application
of this research.
Module 9.1b Quiz:
The Checkered Past of Intelligence Testing
Know . . .
1. People who believe that intelligence is relatively fixed are said to
advocate a(n) theory of intelligence.
A. incremental
B. entity
C. sexist
D. hereditary
2. When people are aware of stereotypes about their social group, and their
social group membership is brought to their minds, they may experience
a reduction in their performance on a stereotype-relevant task. This is
known as .
A. incremental intelligence
B. hereditary intelligence
C. stereotype threat
D. intelligence discrimination
3. Eugenics was a movement that promoted

A. the use of genetic engineering technologies to improve the
human gene pool.
B. the assimilation of one culture into another, often as part of
colonialism.
C. using measures of physical capabilities (e.g., visual acuity) as
estimates of a person’s intelligence.
D. preventing people from reproducing if they were deemed to be
genetically inferior, so as to improve the human gene pool.
Apply . . .
4. As a major exam approaches, a teacher who is hoping to reduce
stereotype threat and promote an incremental theory of intelligence
would most likely
A. remind test takers that males tend to do poorly on the problems.
B. remind students that they inherited their IQ from their parents.
C. cite research of a recent study showing that a particular gene is
linked to IQ.
D. let students know that hard work is the best way to prepare for
the exam.
Analyze . . .
5. According to the discussion of the race and IQ controversy
A. there are clear IQ differences between people of different
ethnicities, and these probably have a genetic basis.
B. the use of Raven’s Progressive Matrices has shown that there
are in fact no differences in IQ between the “races”; any such
group differences must be due to cultural biases built into the
tests.
C. many scholars believe that the ethnic differences in IQ are so
large that one could argue that a person’s race should be
considered a relevant factor in important decisions, such as who
to let into medical school or who to hire for a specific job.
D. even if tests are constructed that are culturally unbiased, the
testing process itself may still favour some cultures over others.
Module 9.1 Summary
9.1a Know . . . the key terminology associated with intelligence and

anthropometrics
deviation IQ
entity theory
incremental theory
intelligence
intelligence quotient (IQ)
mental age
Stanford-Binet test
stereotype threat
Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS)
9.1b Understand . . . the reasoning behind the eugenics movements

and its use of intelligence tests.
The eugenicists believed that abilities like intelligence were inborn, and thus, by
encouraging reproduction between people with higher IQs, and reducing the
birthrate of people with lower IQs, the gene pool of humankind could be
improved.
9.1c Apply . . . the concepts of entity theory and incremental theory

to help kids succeed in school.
One of the key reasons that people stop trying to succeed in school, and then
eventually drop out, is that they hold a belief that their basic abilities, such as
their intelligence, are fixed. Not trying then guarantees that they perform poorly,
which reinforces their tendency to not try. However, this downward spiral can be
stopped by training young people to think of themselves as changeable.
Specifically, learning to think that the brain is like a muscle that can be
strengthened through exercise leads people to improve their scores on
intelligence tests, helps them become more resilient to negative circumstances,
and enables them to respond to life’s challenges more effectively.
9.1d Analyze . . . why it is difficult to remove all cultural bias from

There are many reasons why the process of intelligence testing may be
systematically biased, resulting in inaccuracies when testing people from certain
cultural groups: Tests may contain content that is more relevant or familiar to
some cultures; the method of testing (e.g., paper- and-pencil multiple-choice
questions) may be more familiar to people from some cultures; the environment
of testing may make people from some cultures less comfortable; the presence
of negative stereotypes about one’s group may interfere with test-taking abilities;
and the internalization of self-defeating beliefs may affect performance.
Module 9.2 Understanding
Intelligence
Lane V. Erickson/Shutterstock
Learning Objectives
9.2a Know . . . the key terminology related to understanding intelligence.
9.2b Understand . . . why intelligence is divided into fluid and crystallized
types.
9.2c Understand . . . intelligence differences between males and females.
9.2d Apply . . . your knowledge to identify examples from the triarchic theory of
intelligence.
9.2e Analyze . . . whether teachers should spend time tailoring lessons to
each individual student’s learning style.
Blind Tom was born into a Black slave family in 1849. When his mother
was bought in a slave auction by General James Bethune, Tom was
included in the sale for nothing because he was blind and believed to be
useless. Indeed, Tom was not “smart” in the normal sense of the term.
Even as an adult he could speak fewer than 100 words and would never
be able to go to school. But he could play more than 7000 pieces on the
piano, including a huge classical music repertoire and many of his own
compositions. Tom could play, flawlessly, Beethoven, Mendelssohn,
Bach, Chopin, Verdi, Rossini, and many others, even after hearing a
piece only a single time. As an 11-year-old, he played at the White
House, and by 16 went on a world tour. A panel of expert musicians
performed a series of musical experiments on him, and universally
agreed he was “among the most wonderful phenomena in musical
history.” Despite his dramatic linguistic limitations, he could reproduce,
perfectly, up to a 15-minute conversation without losing a single syllable,
and could do so in English, French, or German, without understanding
any part of what he was saying. In the mid-1800s, he was considered to
be the “eighth wonder of the world.”
Today, Tom would be considered a savant , an individual with low

mental capacity in most domains but extraordinary abilities in other
specific areas such as music, mathematics, or art. The existence of
savants complicates our discussion of intelligence considerably.
Normally, the label “intelligent” or “unintelligent” is taken to indicate some
sort of overall ability, the amount of raw brainpower available to the
person, akin to an engine’s horsepower. But this doesn’t map onto
savants at all—they have seemingly unlimited “horsepower” for certain
skills and virtually none for many others. The existence of savants, and
the more general phenomenon of people being good at some things
(e.g., math, science) but not others (e.g., languages, art), challenges our
understanding of intelligence and makes us ask more deeply, what is
intelligence? Is it one ability? Or is it many?
Focus Questions
1. Is intelligence one ability or many?

2. How have psychologists attempted to measure intelligence?
When we draw conclusions about someone’s intelligence (e.g., Sally is really

smart!), we intuitively know what we mean. Right? Being intelligent has to do
with a person’s abilities to think, understand, reason, learn, and find solutions to
problems. But this intuitive understanding unravels quickly when you start
considering the questions it raises. Are these abilities related to each other?
Does the content of a person’s intelligence matter? That is, does it mean the
same thing if a person is very good at different things, like math, music, history,
poetry, and child rearing? Or should intelligence be thought of more as a
person’s abilities on these specific types of tasks? Perhaps that would mean that
there isn’t any such thing as “intelligence” per se, but rather a whole host of
narrower “intelligences.” As you will learn in this module, a full picture of
intelligence involves considering a variety of different perspectives.
Intelligence as a Single, General Ability
When we say someone is intelligent, we usually are implying they have a high
level of generalized cognitive ability. We expect intelligent people to be
“intelligent” in many different ways, about many different topics. We wouldn’t
normally call someone intelligent if she were good at, say, making up limericks,
but nothing else. Intelligence should manifest itself in many different domains.
Scientific evidence for intelligence as a general ability dates back to early 20th-
century work by Charles Spearman, who began by developing techniques to
calculate correlations among multiple measures of mental abilities (Spearman,
1923). One of these techniques, known as factor analysis , is a statistical
technique that examines correlations between variables to find clusters of related
variables, or “factors.” For example, imagine that scores on tests of vocabulary,
reading comprehension, and verbal reasoning correlate highly together; these
would form a “language ability” factor. Similarly, imagine that scores on algebra,
geometry, and calculus questions correlate highly together; these would form a
“math ability” factor. However, if the language variables don’t correlate very well
with the math variables, then you have some confidence that these are separate
factors; in this case, it would imply that there are at least two types of
independent abilities: math and language abilities. For there to be an overarching
general ability called “intelligence,” one would expect that tests of different types
of abilities would all correlate with each other, forming only one factor.
Spearman’s General Intelligence

Spearman found that schoolchildren’s grades in different school subjects were
positively correlated, even though the content of the different topics (e.g., math
vs. history) was very different. This led Spearman to hypothesize the existence
of a general intelligence factor (abbreviated as “g”). Spearman believed that
g represented a person’s “mental energy,” reflecting his belief that some people’s
brains are simply more “powerful” than others (Sternberg, 2003). This has
greatly influenced psychologists up to the present day, cementing within the field
the notion that intelligence is a basic cognitive trait comprising the ability to learn,
reason, and solve problems, regardless of their nature; common intelligence
tests in use today calculate g as an “overall” measure of intelligence (Johnson
et al., 2008).
But is g real? Does it predict anything meaningful? In fact, g does predict many
important phenomena. For example, g correlates quite highly with high school
and university grades (Neisser et al., 1996), how many years a person will stay
in school, and how much they will earn afterwards (Ceci & Williams, 1997).
General intelligence scores also predict many seemingly unrelated phenomena,

such as how long people are likely to live (Gottfredson & Deary, 2004), how
quickly they can make snap judgments on perceptual discrimination tasks (i.e.,
laboratory tasks that test how quickly people form perceptions; Deary & Stough,
1996), and how well people can exert self-control (Shamosh et al., 2008). Some
other examples of g’s influences are depicted in Figure 9.6 .
Figure 9.6 General Intelligence Is Related to Many Different Life Outcomes
General intelligence (g) predicts not just intellectual ability, but also psychological
well-being, income, and successful long-term relationships.
Source: Based on “General Intelligence is related to Various Outcomes” Adapted from Herrnstein, R., & Murray, C. (1994).
The bell curve: Intelligence and class structure in American life. New York: Free Press.; Gottfredson, L. (1997). Why g
matters : Complexity of everyday life. Intelligence, 24, 79–132.
In the workplace, intelligence test scores not only predict who gets hired, but also
how well people perform at a wide variety of jobs. In fact, the correlation is so
strong that after almost a century of research (Schmidt & Hunter, 1998),
general mental ability has emerged as the single best predictor of job
performance (correlation = .53; Hunter & Hunter, 1984). Overall intelligence is a
far better predictor than the applicant’s level of education (correlation = .10) or
how well the applicant does in the job interview itself (correlation = .14). It is
amazing to think that in order to make a good hiring decision, a manager would
be better off using a single number given by an IQ test than actually sitting down
and interviewing applicants face to face!
The usefulness of g is also shown by modern neuroscience research findings

that overall intelligence predicts how well our brains work. For example, Tony
Vernon at Western University and his colleagues have found that general
intelligence test scores predict how efficiently we conduct impulses along nerve
fibres and across synapses (Johnson et al., 2005; Reed et al., 2004). This
efficiency of nerve conduction allows for more efficient information processing
overall. As a result, when working on a task, the brains of highly intelligent
people don’t have to work as hard as those of less intelligent people; high IQ
brains show less overall brain activation than others for the same task (Grabner
et al., 2003; Haier et al., 1992).
Thus, overall intelligence, as indicated by g, is related to many real-world

phenomena, from how well we do at work to how well our brains function.
Does g Tell us the Whole Story?

Clearly, g reflects something real. However, we have to remember that
correlation does not equal causation. It is possible that the effects of g are due to
motivation, self-confidence, or other variables. For example, one would expect
that being motivated to succeed, as well as being highly self-confident, could
lead to better grades, better IQ scores, and better job performance. Therefore, it
is important to be cautious when interpreting these results.
We should also ask whether g can explain everything about a person’s

intelligence. For example, how could a single number possibly capture the kinds
of genius exhibited by savants like Blind Tom, who are exceptionally talented in
some domains but then severely impaired in others? It is easy to find other
examples in your own experience; surely, you have known people who were very
talented in art or music but terrible in math or science? Or perhaps you have
known an incredibly smart person who was socially awkward, or a charismatic
and charming person whom you’d never want as your chemistry partner? There
may be many ways of being intelligent, and reducing such diversity to a single
number seems to overlook the different types of intelligence that people have.
Module 9.2a Quiz:
Intelligence as a Single, General Ability
Know . . .
1. Spearman believed that
A. people have multiple types of intelligence.
B. intelligence scores for math and history courses should not be
correlated.
C. statistics cannot help researchers understand how different types
of intelligence are related to each other.
D. some people’s brains are more “powerful” than others, thus giving
them more “mental energy.”
Understand . . .
2. What is factor analysis?
A. A method of ranking individuals by their intelligence
B. A statistical procedure that is used to identify which sets of
psychological measures are highly correlated with each other
C. The technique of choice for testing for a single, general
intelligence
D. The technique for testing the difference between two means
3. Researchers who argue that g is a valid way of understanding

intelligence would NOT point to research showing
A. people with high g make perceptual judgments more quickly.
B. people with high g are more likely to succeed at their jobs.
C. the brains of people with low g conduct impulses more slowly.
D. people with low g are better able to do some tasks than people
with high g.
Intelligence as Multiple, Specific Abilities
Spearman himself believed that g didn’t fully capture intelligence because his
own analyses showed that although different items on an intelligence test were
correlated with each other, their correlations were never 1.0, and usually far less
than that. Thus, g cannot be the whole story; there must, at the very least, be
other factors that account for the variability in how well people respond to
different questions.
One possible explanation is that in addition to a generalized intelligence, people
also possess a number of specific skills. Individual differences on these skills
may explain some of the variability on intelligence tests that is not accounted for
by g. In a flurry of creativity, Spearman chose the inspired name “s” to represent
this specific-level, skill-based intelligence. His two-factor theory of intelligence
was therefore comprised of g and s, where g represents one’s general,
overarching intelligence, and s represents one’s skill or ability level for a given
task.
Nobody has seriously questioned the s part of Spearman’s theory; obviously,

each task in life, from opening a coconut, to solving calculus problems, requires
abilities that are specific to the task. However, the concept of g has come under
heavy fire throughout the intervening decades, leading to several different
theories of multiple intelligences.
The first influential theory of multiple intelligences was created by Louis

Thurstone, who examined scores of general intelligence tests using factor
analysis, and found seven different clusters of what he termed primary mental
abilities. Thurstone’s seven factors were word fluency (the person’s ability to
produce language fluently), verbal comprehension, numeric abilities, spatial
visualization, memory, perceptual speed, and reasoning (Thurstone, 1938). He
argued that there was no meaningful g, but that intelligence needed to be
understood at the level of these primary mental abilities that functioned
independently of each other. However, Spearman (1939) fired back, arguing
that Thurstone’s seven primary mental abilities were in fact correlated with each
other, suggesting that there was after all an overarching general intelligence.
A highly technical and statistical debate raged for several more decades
between proponents of g and proponents of multiple intelligences, until it was
eventually decided that both of them were right.
The Hierarchical Model of Intelligence

The controversy was largely settled by the widespread adoption of hierarchical
models that describe how some types of intelligence are “nested” within others in
a similar manner to how, for example, a person is nested within her community,
which may be nested within a city. The general hierarchical model describes how
our lowest-level abilities (those relevant to a particular task, like Spearman’s s)
are nested within a middle level that roughly corresponds to Thurstone’s primary
mental abilities (although not necessarily the specific ones that Thurstone
hypothesized), and these are nested within a general intelligence (Spearman’s g;
Gustaffson, 1988). By the mid-1990s, analyses of prior research on intelligence
concluded that almost all intelligence studies were best explained by a three-
level hierarchy (Carroll, 1993).
What this means is that we have an overarching general intelligence, which is

made up of a small number of sub-abilities, each of which is made up of a large
number of specific abilities that apply to individual tasks. However, even this
didn’t completely settle the debate about what intelligence really is, because it
left open a great deal of room for different theories of the best way to describe
the middle-level factors. And as you will see in the next section, even the debate
about g has been updated in recent years.
Testing for Fluid and Crystallized Intelligence

The concept of g implies that performance on all aspects of an
intelligence test is influenced by this central ability. But careful
analyses of many data sets, and recent neurobiological evidence,
have shown that there may be two types of g that have come to
be called fluid intelligence (Gf) and crystallized intelligence (Gc).
What do we know about fluid and crystallized intelligence?

The distinction between fluid and crystallized intelligence is
basically the difference between “figuring things out” and
“knowing what to do from past experience.” Fluid intelligence
(Gf) is a type of intelligence used in learning new information
and solving new problems not based on knowledge the person
already possesses. Tests of Gf involve problems such as pattern
recognition and solving geometric puzzles, neither of which is
heavily dependent on past experience. For example, Raven’s
Progressive Matrices, in which a person is asked to complete a
series of geometric patterns of increasing complexity (see
Module 9.1 ), is the most widely used measure of Gf. In
contrast, crystallized intelligence (Gc) is a type of
intelligence that draws upon past learning and experience. Tests
of Gc, such as tests of vocabulary and general knowledge,
depend heavily on individuals’ prior knowledge to come up with
the correct answers (Figure 9.7 ; Cattell, 1971).
Figure 9.7 Fluid and Crystallized Intelligence
Fluid intelligence is dynamic and changing, and may eventually

become crystallized into a more permanent form.
AVAVA/Shutterstock
Gf and Gc are thought to be largely separate from each other,
with two important exceptions. One is that having greater fluid
intelligence means that the person is better able to process
information and to learn; therefore, greater Gf may, over time,
lead to greater Gc, as the person who processes more
information will gain more crystallized knowledge (Horn &
Cattell, 1967). Note, however, that this compelling hypothesis
has received little empirical support thus far (Nisbett et al.,
2012). The second is that it is difficult, perhaps impossible, to
measure Gf without tapping into people’s pre-existing knowledge
and experience, as we discuss below.
How can science help distinguish between fluid and

crystallized intelligence?
One interesting line of research that supports the Gf/Gc
distinction comes from examining how each type changes over
the lifespan (Cattell, 1971; Horn & Cattell, 1967). In one study,
people aged 20 to 89 years were given a wide array of tasks,
including the Block Design task (see Figure 9.3 ), the Tower of
London puzzle (see Figure 9.8 ), and tests of reaction time.
Researchers have found that performance in Gf-tasks declines
after a certain age, which some research estimates as middle
adulthood (Bugg et al., 2006), whereas other studies place the
beginning of the decline as early as the end of adolescence
(Avolio & Waldman, 1994; Baltes & Lindenberger, 1997).
Measures of Gc (see Figure 9.9 ), by comparison, show
greater stability as a person ages (Schaie, 1994). Healthy, older
adults generally do not show much decline, if any, in their
crystallized knowledge, at least until they reach their elderly years
(Miller et al., 2009).
Figure 9.8 Measuring Fluid Intelligence
The Tower of London problem has several versions, each of

which requires the test taker to plan and keep track of rules. For
example, the task might involve moving the coloured beads from
the initial position so that they match any of the various end goal
positions.
Source: Shallice, T. (1982). Specific impairments of planning. Philosophical Transcripts of the Royal
Society of London, B 298, 199–209. “Measuring Fluid Intelligence.” Copyright © 1982 by The Royal
Society. Reprinted by permission of The Royal Society.

Figure 9.9 Measuring Crystallized Intelligence
Crystallized intelligence refers to facts, such as names of

countries.
Neurobiological evidence further backs this up. The functioning of

brain regions associated with Gf tasks declines sooner than the
functioning of those regions supporting Gc tasks (Geake &
Hansen, 2010). For example, the decline of Gf with age is
associated with reduced efficiency in the prefrontal cortex
(Braver & Barch, 2002), a key brain region involved in the
cognitive abilities that underlie fluid intelligence (as discussed
below). In contrast, this brain region does not play a central role
in crystallized intelligence, which is more dependent on long-term
memory systems that involve a number of different regions of the
cortex.
Can we critically evaluate crystallized and fluid intelligence?

There are certainly questions we can ask about crystallized and
fluid intelligence. For one, is there really any such thing as fluid
intelligence, or does it merely break down into specific sub-
abilities?
Cognitive psychologists generally accept that fluid intelligence is

a blending of several different cognitive abilities. For example, the
abilities to switch attention from one stimulus to another, inhibit
distracting information from interfering with concentration, sustain
attention on something at will, and keep multiple pieces of
information in working memory at the same time, are all part of
fluid intelligence (Blair, 2006). If Gf is simply a statistical creation
that reflects the integration of these different processes, perhaps
researchers would be better off focusing their attention on these
systems, rather than the more abstract construct Gf.
Another critique is that fluid and crystallized intelligence are not,

after all, entirely separable. Consider the fact that crystallized
intelligence involves not only possessing knowledge, but also
being able to access that knowledge when it’s needed. Fluid
cognitive processes, and the brain areas that support them such
as the prefrontal cortex, play important roles in both storing and
retrieving crystallized knowledge from long-term memory
(Ranganath et al., 2003).
Similarly, tests of fluid intelligence likely also draw upon

crystallized knowledge. For example, complete-the-pattern tasks
such as Raven’s Progressive Matrices may predominantly reflect
fluid intelligence, but people who have never seen any type of
similar task or had any practice with such an exercise will likely
struggle with them more than someone with prior exposure to
similar tasks. Imagine learning a new card game—you would
have to rely on your fluid intelligence to help you learn the rules,
figure out effective strategies, and outsmart your opponents.
However, your overall knowledge of cards, games, and strategies
will help you, especially if you compare yourself to a person who
has played no such games in his life.

Recognizing the distinctiveness of Gf and Gc can help to reduce
stereotypes and expectations about intelligence in older persons,
reminding people that although certain kinds of intelligence may
decline with age, other types that rely on accumulated knowledge
and wisdom may even increase as we get older (Kaufman,
2001). Also, research on fluid intelligence has helped
psychologists to develop a much more detailed understanding of
the full complement of cognitive processes that make up
intelligence, and to devise tests that measure these processes
more precisely.
Sternberg’s Triarchic Theory of Intelligence

Other influential models of intelligence have been proposed in attempts to move
beyond g. For example, Robert Sternberg (1983, 1988) developed the triarchic
theory of intelligence , a theory that divides intelligence into three distinct
types: analytical, practical, and creative (see Figure 9.10 ). These
components can be described in the following ways:
Analytical intelligence is “book smarts.” It’s the ability to reason logically

through a problem and to find solutions. It also reflects the kinds of abilities
that are largely tested on standard intelligence tests that measure g. Most
intelligence tests predominantly measure analytical intelligence, while
generally ignoring the other types.
Practical intelligence is “street smarts.” It’s the ability to find solutions to
real-world problems that are encountered in daily life, especially those that
involve other people. Practical intelligence is what helps people adjust to new
environments, learn how to get things done, and accomplish their goals.
Practical intelligence is believed to have a great deal to do with one’s job
performance and success.
Creative intelligence is the ability to generate new ideas and novel solutions
to problems. Obviously, artists must have some level of creative intelligence,
because they are, by definition, trying to create things that are new. It also
takes creative intelligence to be a scientist because creative thinking is often
required to conceive of good scientific hypotheses and develop ways of
testing them (Sternberg et al., 2001).
Figure 9.10 The Triarchic Theory of Intelligence

According to psychologist Robert Sternberg, intelligence comprises three
overlapping yet distinct components.
Inc., New York, NY.

Myths in Mind Learning Styles
One of the biggest arenas in which people have applied the idea that
there are multiple types of intelligence is the widespread belief in
educational settings that different people process information better
through specific modalities, such as sight, hearing, and bodily movement.
If this is true, then it suggests that people have different learning styles
(e.g., people may be visual learners, auditory learners, tactile learners,
etc.), and therefore, educators would be more effective if they tailor their
lesson plans to the learning styles of their students, or at least ensure
that they appeal to a variety of learning styles.
However, finding evidence to support this has proven difficult. In fact,

dozens of studies have failed to show any benefit for tailoring information
to an individual’s apparent learning style (Pasher et al., 2008). This
result probably reflects the fact that regardless of how you encounter
information—through reading, watching, listening, or moving around—
retaining it over the long term largely depends on how deeply you
process and store the meaning of the information (Willingham, 2004),
which in turn is related to how motivated students are to learn. As a
result, rather than trying to match the way that information is presented to
the presumed learning styles of students, it is likely far more important for
teachers to be able to engage students in ways they find interesting,
meaningful, fun, personally relevant, and experientially engaging.
Sternberg believed that both practical and creative intelligences are better than
analytical intelligence at predicting real-world outcomes, such as job success
(Sternberg et al., 1995). However, some psychologists have criticized
Sternberg’s studies of job performance, arguing that the test items that were
supposed to measure practical intelligence were merely measuring job-related
knowledge (Schmidt & Hunter, 1993). Other psychologists have questioned
whether creative intelligence, one of the key components of Sternberg’s theory,
actually involves “intelligence” per se, or is instead measuring the tendency to
think in ways that challenge norms and conventions (Gottfredson, 2003;
Jensen, 1993). These critiques show us how challenging it can be to define
intelligence, and to predict how intelligence—or intelligences—will influence real-
world behaviours.
Gardner’s Theory of Multiple Intelligences

Howard Gardner proposed an especially elaborate theory of multiple
intelligences. Gardner was inspired by specific cases, such as people who were
savants (discussed in the introduction to this module), who had extraordinary
abilities in limited domains, very poor abilities in many others, and low g. Gardner
also was influenced by cases of people with brain damage, which indicated that
some specific abilities could be dramatically affected while others remained
intact (Gardner, 1983, 1999). He also noted that “normal people” (presumably,
those of us who are not savants and also don’t have brain damage) differ widely
in their abilities and talents, having a knack for some things but hopeless at
others, which doesn’t fit the notion that intelligence is a single, overarching
ability.
Based on his observations, Gardner proposed a theory of multiple

intelligences , a model claiming that there are seven (now updated to at least
nine) different forms of intelligence, each independent from the others (see
Table 9.1 ). As intuitively appealing as this is, critics have pointed out that few
of Gardner’s intelligences can be accurately and reliably measured, making his
theory unfalsifiable and difficult to research. For example, how would you reliably
measure “existential intelligence” or “bodily/kinesthetic intelligence”? You cannot
simply ask people how existential they are, or how well they are able to attune to
their bodies, relative to other people. Creating operational definitions of these
concepts has proven to be a difficult challenge, and has held back empirical work
on Gardner’s theory. This is not a critique against Gardner specifically, but
rather, highlights the need for researchers to develop better ways of measuring
intelligence (Tirri & Nokelainen, 2008).
Table 9.1 Gardner’s Proposed Forms of Intelligence

Source: Based on The Nine Types of Intelligence By Howard Gardner.
Verbal/linguistic The ability to read, write, and speak effectively
intelligence
Logical/mathematical The ability to think with numbers and use abstract thought; the
intelligence ability to use logic or mathematical operations to solve
problems
Visuospatial The ability to create mental pictures, manipulate them in the

intelligence imagination, and use them to solve problems
Bodily/kinesthetic The ability to control body movements, to balance, and to

intelligence sense how one’s body is situated
Musical/rhythmical The ability to produce and comprehend tonal and rhythmic

intelligence patterns
Interpersonal The ability to detect another person’s emotional states,

intelligence motives, and thoughts
Self/intrapersonal Self-awareness; the ability to accurately judge one’s own

intelligence abilities, and identify one’s own emotions and motives
Naturalist The ability to recognize and identify processes in the natural

intelligence world—plants, animals, and so on
Existential The tendency and ability to ask questions about purpose in life
intelligence and the meaning of human existence
PSYCH @ The NFL Draft

One rather interesting application of IQ has been to try to predict who will
succeed in their careers. One test in particular, the Wonderlic Personnel
Test, is widely used to predict career success in many different types of
jobs (Schmidt & Hunter, 1998; Schmidt et al., 1981). It has even
become famous to National Football League (NFL) fans, because
Wonderlic scores are one of many factors that influence which college
players are drafted by NFL teams. This is no small thing—high draft picks
receive multimillion dollar contracts. The logic behind using Wonderlic
scores is that football is a highly complex game, involving learning and
memorizing many complicated strategies, following all the rules, and
being able to update strategies “on the fly.” Football is not only about
being agile, fast, and strong; it might also involve intelligence.
But does the Wonderlic, a 50-item, 12-minute IQ test, actually predict

NFL success, as the NFL has believed since the 1970s? According to
research, the answer is “only sometimes,” but not the way you might
think.
After studying 762 players from the 2002, 2003, and 2004 drafts and
measuring their performance in multiple ways, researchers concluded
that there was no significant correlation between Wonderlic scores and
performance. What’s more, the performance of only two football
positions, tight end and defensive back, showed any significant
correlation with Wonderlic scores, and it was in a negative direction
(Lyons et al., 2009)! This means that lower intelligence scores predicted
greater football success for these positions.
It seems that NFL teams would be well advised to throw out the
Wonderlic test entirely, or perhaps only use it to screen for defensive
backs and tight ends, and choose the lower-scoring players. No offence
is intended whatsoever to football players, who may be extremely
intelligent individuals, but in general, being highly intelligent does not
seem to be an advantage in professional football. In the now
immortalized words of former Washington Redskins quarterback Joe
Thiesmann, “Nobody in the game of football should be called a genius. A
genius is somebody like Norman Einstein.”
The Wonderlic Personnel Test is supposed to predict success in
professional football, although it is not always very successful. This
failure could be because of low validity.
Ed Reinke/AP Images
Gardner’s theory has set off a firestorm of controversy in the more than 30 years
since its initial proposal, gaining little traction in the academic literature, but being
widely embraced in applied fields, such as education. While critics point to the
lack of reliable ways of measuring Gardner’s different intelligences, proponents
argue that there is more to a good theory than whether you can measure its
constructs. From the applied perspective, Gardner’s theory is useful. It helps
teachers to create more diverse and engaging lesson plans to connect with and
motivate students with different strengths. It helps people to see themselves as
capable in different ways, rather than feeling limited by their IQ score, especially
if it is not very high. And, it helps explain the wide range of human abilities and
accomplishments far better than a mere IQ score.
From this perspective, perhaps the “psychometric supremacists” (Kornhaber,

2004), who insist that variables must be reliably quantifiable, might be missing
the point. After all, even though IQ scores, for example, predict real-world
outcomes like job status and income and offer a reliable means for identifying
students who qualify for extra educational attention (such as “gifted” students or
students with learning issues), they help very little in understanding people’s
strengths or weaknesses, and offer little to no guidance in actually helping
people to improve their performance in different areas. Besides, IQ tests are
almost exclusively based on highly unrealistic and limited testing situations, such
as answering questions on paper-and-pencil tests while sitting in a room,
whereas Gardner’s theory was formed out of real-world observations of the
abilities of people with a wide range of accomplishments. Given that it is
essentially impossible to objectively quantify many different types of abilities
(e.g., being a good dancer, farmer, actor, comedian), it follows that you cannot
judge a theory that purports to explain such abilities on the same grounds as
theories about more easily quantifiable constructs.
The debate over Gardner’s theory lays bare a fundamental tension in the
psychological sciences, which is that sometimes at least, the nuances of human
behaviour cannot be easily measured, or perhaps even be measured at all.
Should the observations and wisdom of teachers with decades of experience be
discounted because scientists cannot develop quantifiable measures of certain
constructs? However, if you accept the argument that “human experience” can
trump psychometrically rigorous evidence, then where do you draw the line?
Does this not throw into question the whole scientific basis of psychology itself?
We can’t resolve these questions for you here, but they remain excellent
questions. The debate rages on.
Module 9.2b Quiz:
Intelligence as Multiple, Specific Abilities
Know . . .
1. Which of the following is not part of the triarchic theory of intelligence?
A. Practical intelligence
B. Analytical intelligence
C. Kinesthetic intelligence
D. Creative intelligence
2. proposed that there are multiple forms of intelligence, each
independent from the others.
A. Robert Sternberg
B. Howard Gardner
C. L. L. Thurstone
D. Raymond Cattell
3. The ability to adapt to new situations and solve new problems reflects
intelligence(s), whereas the ability to draw on one’s
experiences and knowledge reflects intelligence(s).
A. fluid; crystallized
B. crystallized; fluid
C. general; multiple
D. multiple; general
Analyze . . .
4. The hierarchical model of intelligence claims that
A. some types of intelligence are more powerful and desirable than
others.
B. intelligence is broken down into two factors, a higher-level factor
called g, and a lower-level factor called s.
C. scores on intelligence tests are affected by different levels of
factors, ranging from lower-level factors such as physical health,
to higher-level factors such as a person’s motivation for doing
well on a test.
D. intelligence is comprised of three levels of factors, which are
roughly similar to Spearman’s g, Thurstone’s primary mental
abilities, and Spearman’s s.
The Battle of the Sexes
The distinction between g and multiple intelligences plays an important role in

the oft-asked question, “Who is smarter, females or males?” Although earlier
studies showed some average intelligence differences between males and
females, this has not been upheld by subsequent research and is likely the result
of bias in the tests that favoured males over females. One of the most conclusive
studies used 42 different tests of mental abilities to compare males and females
and found almost no differences in intelligence between the sexes (Johnson &
Bouchard, 2007).
Some research has found that although males and females have the same
average IQ score, there is much greater variability in male scores, which
suggests that there are more men with substantial intellectual challenges, as well
as more men who are at the top of the brainpower heap (Deary et al., 2007;
Dykiert et al., 2009). However, this may not be as simple as it appears. For
example, one type of test that shows this male advantage at the upper levels of
ability examines math skills on standardized tests. A few decades ago, about 12
times more males than females scored at the very top (Benbow & Stanley,
1983). This difference has decreased in recent years to 3–4 times as many
males scoring at the top end of the spectrum. Not surprisingly, this change has
occurred just as the number of math courses being taken by females—and the
efforts made to increase female enrollment in such courses—has increased. So,
the difference in results between the sexes is still there, but has been vastly
reduced by making math education more accessible for females (Wai et al.,
2010).
The apparent advantage enjoyed by males may also be the result of an

unintentional selection bias. More males than females drop out of secondary
school; because these males would have lower IQs, on average, the result is
that fewer low-IQ men attend university. Therefore, most of the samples of
students used in psychology studies are skewed in that they under-represent
men with low IQs. This biased sampling of males and females would make it
seem like men have higher fluid intelligence, when in reality they may not (Flynn
& Rossi-Casé, 2011).
So, who is smarter, males or females? Neither. The best data seems to show
that they are basically equal in overall intelligence.
Do Males and Females have Unique Cognitive
Skills?
Although the results discussed above suggest that males and females are
equally intelligent, when multiple intelligences are considered, rather than overall
IQ, a clear difference between the sexes does emerge. Females are, on
average, better at verbal abilities, some memory tasks, and the ability to read
people’s basic emotions, whereas males have the advantage on visuospatial
abilities, such as mentally rotating objects or aiming at objects (see Figure
9.11 ; Halpern & LaMay, 2000; Johnson & Bouchard, 2007; Tottenham et
al., 2005; Weiss et al., 2003).
Figure 9.11 Mental Rotation and Verbal Fluency Tasks

Some research indicates that, on average, males outperform females on mental
rotation tasks (a), while females outperform men on verbal fluency (b).
This finding is frequently offered as an explanation for why males are more
represented in fields like engineering, science, and mathematics. However, there
are many other factors that could explain the under-representation of women in
these disciplines, such as prevalent stereotypes that discourage girls from
entering the maths and sciences, parents from supporting them in doing so, and
teachers from evaluating females’ work without bias.
Overlooking the many other factors that limit females’ participation in the maths
and sciences is a dangerous thing to do. This was dramatically shown in 2005
when the President of Harvard University, Lawrence Summers, was removed
from his position shortly after making a speech in which he argued that innate
differences between the sexes may be responsible for under-representation of
women in science and engineering. The outrage many expressed at his
comments reflected the fact that many people realize that highlighting innate
differences while minimizing or ignoring systemic factors only serves to
perpetuate problems, not solve them.
Module 9.2c Quiz:
The Battle of the Sexes
Know . . .
1. Men tend to outperform women on tasks requiring , whereas
women outperform men on tasks requiring .
A. spatial abilities; the ability to read people’s emotions
B. practical intelligence; interpersonal intelligence
C. memory; creativity
D. logic; intuition
Analyze . . .
2. Research on gender differences in intelligence leads to the general
conclusion that
A. males are more intelligent than females.
B. females are more intelligent than males.
C. males and females are equal in overall intelligence.
D. it has been impossible, thus far, to tell which gender is more
intelligent.
Module 9.2 Summary

9.2a Know . . . the key terminology related to understanding
intelligence.
crystallized intelligence (Gc)
factor analysis
fluid intelligence (Gf)
general intelligence factor (g)
multiple intelligences
savant
triarchic theory of intelligence
9.2b Understand . . . why intelligence is divided into fluid and

crystallized types.
Mental abilities encompass both the amount of knowledge accumulated and the
ability to solve new problems. This understanding is consistent not only with our
common views of intelligence, but also with the results of decades of intelligence
testing. Also, the observation that fluid intelligence can decline over the lifespan,
even as crystallized intelligence remains constant, lends further support to the
contention that they are different abilities.
9.2c Understand . . . intelligence differences between males and

females.
Males and females generally show equal levels of overall intelligence, as

measured by standard intelligence tests. However, men do outperform women
on some tasks, particularly spatial tasks such as mentally rotating objects,
whereas women outperform men on other tasks, such as perceiving emotions.
Although there are some male–female differences in specific abilities, such as
math, it is not yet clear whether these reflect innate differences between the
sexes, or whether other factors are responsible, such as reduced enrollment of
women in math classes and the presence of stereotype threat in testing
sessions.
9.2d Apply . . . your knowledge to identify examples from the

triarchic theory of intelligence.
This theory proposes the existence of analytical, practical, and creative forms of
intelligence.
Apply Activity
Classify whether the individual in the following scenario is low, medium, or high
in regard to each of the three aspects of intelligence.
Katrina is an excellent chemist. She has always performed well in school, so it is no

surprise that she earned her PhD from a prestigious institution. Despite her many
contributions and discoveries related to chemistry, however, she seems to fall short in
some domains. For example, Katrina does not know how to cook her own meals and if
anything breaks at her house, she has to rely on someone else to fix it.
9.2e Analyze . . . whether teachers should spend time tailoring

lessons to each individual student’s learning style.
Certainly, no one would want to discourage teachers from being attentive to the
unique characteristics that each student brings to the classroom. However, large-
scale reviews of research suggest that there is little basis for individualized
teaching based on learning styles (e.g., auditory, visual, kinesthetic).
Module 9.3 Biological,
Environmental, and Behavioural
Influences on Intelligence
Miguel Medina/AFP/Newscom
Learning Objectives
9.3a Know . . . the key terminology related to heredity, environment, and
intelligence.
9.3b Understand . . . different approaches to studying the genetic basis of
intelligence.
9.3c Apply . . . your knowledge of environmental and behavioural effects on
intelligence to understand how to enhance your own cognitive abilities.
9.3d Analyze . . . the belief that older children are more intelligent than their
younger siblings.
In 1955, the world lost one of the most brilliant scientists in history, Albert
Einstein. Although you are probably familiar with his greatest scientific
achievements, you may not know about what happened to him after he
died—or more specifically, what happened to his brain.
Upon his death, a forward-thinking pathologist, Dr. Thomas Harvey,

removed Einstein’s brain (his body was later cremated) so that it could be
studied in the hope that medical scientists would eventually unlock the
secret to his genius. Dr. Harvey took photographs of Einstein’s brain, and
then it was sliced up into hundreds of tissue samples placed on
microscope slides, and 240 larger blocks of brain matter, which were
preserved in fluid. Surprisingly, Dr. Harvey concluded that the brain
wasn’t at all remarkable, except for being smaller than average (1230
grams, compared to the average of 1300–1400 grams).
You might expect that Einstein’s brain was intensively studied by leading
neurologists. But, instead, the brain mysteriously disappeared. Twenty-
two years later, a journalist named Steven Levy tried to find Einstein’s
brain. The search was fruitless until Levy tracked down Dr. Harvey in
Wichita, Kansas, and interviewed him in his office. Dr. Harvey was initially
reluctant to tell Levy anything about the brain, but eventually admitted
that he still had it. In fact, he kept it right there in his office! Sheepishly,
Dr. Harvey opened a box labelled “Costa Cider” and there, inside two
large jars, floated the chunks of Einstein’s brain. Levy later wrote, “My
eyes were fixed upon that jar as I tried to comprehend that these pieces
of gunk bobbing up and down had caused a revolution in physics and
quite possibly changed the course of civilization. Swirling in formaldehyde
was the power of the smashed atom, the mystery of the universe’s black
holes, the utter miracle of human achievement.”
Since that time, several research teams have discovered important

abnormalities in Einstein’s brain. Einstein had a higher than normal ratio
of glial cells to neurons in the left parietal lobe (Diamond et al., 1985)
and parts of the temporal lobes (Kigar et al., 1997), and a higher density
of neurons in the right frontal lobe (Anderson & Harvey, 1996).
Einstein’s parietal lobe has been shown to be about 15% larger than
average, and to contain an extra fold (Witelson et al., 1999). The frontal
lobes contain extra convolutions (folds and creases) as well. These extra
folds increase the surface area and neural connectivity in those areas.
How might these unique features have affected Einstein’s intelligence?

The frontal lobes are heavily involved in abstract thought, and the parietal
lobes are involved in spatial processing, which plays a substantial role in
mathematics. Thus, these unique brain features may provide a key part
of the neuroanatomical explanation for Einstein’s remarkable abilities in
math and physics. Einstein not only had a unique mind, but a unique
brain.
Focus Questions
1. Which biological and environmental factors have been found to

be important contributors to intelligence?
2. Is it possible for people to enhance their own intelligence?
Wouldn’t it be wonderful to be as smart as Einstein? Or even just smarter than

you already are? Imagine if you could boost your IQ, upgrading your brain like
you might upgrade a hard drive. You could learn more easily, think faster, and
remember more. What benefits might you enjoy? Greater success? A cure for
cancer? A Nobel Prize? At least you might not have to study as much to get
good grades. As you will read in this module, there are in fact ways to improve
your intelligence (although perhaps not to “Einsteinian” levels). However, to
understand how these techniques can benefit us, we must also understand how
our biology and our environment—”nature” and “nurture”—interact to influence
intelligence.
Biological Influences on Intelligence
The story of Einstein’s brain shows us, once again, that our behaviours and
abilities are linked to our biology. However, although scientists have been
interested in these topics for over 100 years, we are only beginning to
understand the complex processes that influence measures like IQ scores. In
this section, we discuss the genetic and neural factors that influence intelligence,
and how they may interact with our environment.
The Genetics of Intelligence: Twin and Adoption

Studies
The belief that intelligence is a capacity that we are born with has been widely
held since the early studies of intelligence. However, early researchers lacked
today’s sophisticated methods for studying genetic influences, so they had to rely
upon their observations of whether intelligence ran in families, which it seemed
to do (see Module 9.1 ). Since those early days, many studies have been
conducted to see just how large the genetic influence on intelligence may be.
Studies of twins and children who have been adopted have been key tools
allowing researchers to begin estimating the genetic contribution to intelligence.
Decades of such research have shown that genetic similarity does contribute to
intelligence test scores. Several important findings from this line of study are
summarized in Figure 9.12 (Plomin & Spinath, 2004). The most obvious
trend in the figure shows that as the degree of genetic relatedness increases,
similarity in IQ scores also increases. The last two bars on the right of Figure
9.12 present perhaps the strongest evidence for a genetic basis for
intelligence. The intelligence scores of identical twins correlate with each other at
about .85 when they are raised in the same home, which is much higher than the
correlation for fraternal twins. Even when identical twins are adopted and raised
apart, their intelligence scores are still correlated at approximately .80—a very
strong relationship. In fact, this is about the same correlation that researchers
find when individuals take the same intelligence test twice and are compared
with themselves!
Figure 9.12 Intelligence and Genetic Relatedness

Several types of comparisons reveal genetic contributions to intelligence
(Plomin & Spinath, 2004). Generally, the closer the biological relationship
between people, the more similar their intelligence scores.
Source: Adapted from Plomin, R., & Spinath, F. M. (2004). Intelligence: Genetics, genes, and genomics. Journal of
Personality & Social Psychology, 86 (1), 112–129.
The Heritability of Intelligence

Overall, the heritability of intelligence is estimated to be between 40% and 80%
(Nisbett et al., 2012). However, interpreting what this means is extremely tricky.
People often think that this means 40% or more of a person’s intelligence is
determined by genes. But this is a serious misunderstanding of heritability.
A heritability estimate describes how much of the differences between people in

a sample can be accounted for by differences in their genes (see Module
3.1 ). This may not sound like a crucial distinction, but in fact it’s extremely
important! It means that a heritability estimate is not a single, fixed number;
instead, it is a number that depends on the sample of people being studied.
Heritability estimates for different samples can be very different. For example,
the heritability of intelligence for wealthy people has been estimated to be about
72%, but for people living in poverty, it’s only 10% (Turkheimer et al., 2003).
Why might this be?
The key to solving this puzzle is to recognize that heritability estimates depend
on other factors, such as how different or similar people’s environments are. If
people in a sample inhabit highly similar environments, the heritability estimate
will be higher, whereas if they inhabit highly diverse environments, the heritability
estimate will be lower. Because most wealthy people have access to good
nutrition, good schools, plenty of enrichment opportunities, and strong parental
support for education, these factors contribute fairly equally to the intelligence of
wealthy people; thus, differences in their intelligence scores are largely explained
by genetic differences. But the environments inhabited by people living in poverty
differ widely. Some may receive good schooling and others very little. Some may
receive proper nutrition (e.g., poor farming families that grow their own food),
whereas others may be chronically malnourished (e.g., children in poor inner-city
neighbourhoods). For poorer families, these differences in the environment
would impact intelligence (as we discuss later in this module), leading to lower
heritability estimates.
There are many other problems with interpreting heritability estimates as

indications that genes cause differences in intelligence. Two of the most
important both have to do with an under-appreciation for how genes interact with
the environment. First, as discussed in Module 3.1 , genes do not operate in
isolation from the environment. We know now that the “nature vs. nurture”
debate has evolved into a discussion of how “nurture shapes nature.”
Environmental factors determine how genes express themselves and influence
the organism.
Second, genes that influence intelligence may do so indirectly, operating through

other factors. For example, imagine genes that promote novelty-seeking. People
with these genes would be more likely to expose themselves to new ideas and
new ways of doing things. This tendency to explore, rooted in their genes, may
lead them to become more intelligent. However, in more dangerous
environments, these novelty-seeking genes could expose the person to more
danger. Therefore, genes that encourage exploratory behaviour might be related
to higher intelligence in relatively safe environments, but in dangerous
environments might be related to getting eaten by cave-bears more often.
Behavioural Genomics
Twin and adoption studies show that some of the individual differences observed
in intelligence scores can be attributed to genetic factors. But these studies do
not tell us which genes account for the differences. To answer that question,
researchers use behavioural genomics, a technique that examines how specific
genes interact with the environment to influence behaviours, including those
related to intelligence. Thus far, the main focus of the behavioural genomics
approach to intelligence is to identify genes that are related to cognitive abilities,
such as learning and problem solving (Deary et al., 2010).
Overall, studies scanning the whole human genome show that intelligence levels
can be predicted, to some degree, by the collection of genes that individuals
inherit (Craig & Plomin, 2006; Plomin & Spinath, 2004). These collections of
genes seem to pool together to influence general cognitive ability; although each
contributes a small amount, the contributions combine to have a larger effect.
However, although almost 300 individual genes have been found to have a large
impact on various forms of mental retardation (Inlow & Restifo, 2004), very few
genes have been found to explain normal variation in intelligence (Butcher et
al., 2008). In one large study that scanned the entire genome of 7000 people,
researchers found a mere six genetic markers that predicted cognitive ability.
Taken together, these six markers only explained 1% of the variability in
cognitive ability (Butcher et al., 2008). Thus, there is still a long way to go before
we can say that we understand the genetic contributors to intelligence.
One way of speeding the research up has been to develop ways of

experimenting with genes directly, in order to see what they do. Gene knockout
(KO) studies involve removing a specific gene and comparing the
characteristics of animals with and without that gene. In one of the first knockout
studies of intelligence, researchers discovered that removing one particular gene
disrupted the ability of mice to learn spatial layouts (Silva et al., 1992). Since this
investigation was completed, numerous studies using gene knockout methods
have shown that specific genes are related to performance on tasks that have
been adapted to study learning and cognitive abilities in animals (Robinson et
al., 2011).
Scientists can also take the opposite approach; instead of knocking genes out,
they can insert genetic material into mouse chromosomes to study the changes
associated with the new gene. The animal that receives this so-called gene
transplant is referred to as a transgenic animal. Although this approach may
sound like science fiction, it has already yielded important discoveries, such as
transgenic mice that are better than average learners (Cao et al., 2007; Tang et
al., 1999).
One now-famous example is the creation of “Doogie mice,” named after the
1990s TV character Doogie Howser (played by a young Neil Patrick Harris), a
genius who became a medical doctor while still a teenager. Doogie mice were
created by manipulating a single gene, NR2B (Tang et al., 1999). This gene
encodes the NMDA receptor, which plays a crucial role in learning and memory.
Having more NMDA receptors should, therefore, allow organisms to retain more
information (and possibly to access it more quickly). Consistent with this view,
Doogie mice with altered NR2B genes learned significantly faster and had better
memories than did other mice. For example, when the Doogie mice and normal
mice were put into a tank of water in which they had to find a hidden platform in
order to escape, the Doogie mice took half as many trials to remember how to
get out of the tank.
The Princeton University lab mouse, Doogie, is able to learn faster than other
mice thanks to a bit of genetic engineering. Researchers inserted a gene known
as NR2B that helps create new synapses and leads to quicker learning.
Princeton University/KRT/Newscom
The different types of studies reviewed in this section show us that genes do
have some effect on intelligence. What they don’t really show us is how these
effects occur. What causes individual differences in intelligence? One theory
suggests that these differences could be due to varying brain size.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Brain Size

and Intelligence
Are bigger brains more intelligent? We often assume that to be

the case—think of the cartoon characters that are super-
geniuses; they almost always have gigantic heads. Or think about
what it means to call someone a “pea brain.” Psychologists have
not been immune to this belief, and many studies have searched
for a correlation between brain size and intelligence.
What do we know about brain size and intelligence?

Brain-based approaches to measuring intelligence rest on a
common-sense assumption: Thinking occurs in the brain, so a
larger brain should be related to greater intelligence. But does
scientific evidence support this assumption? In the days before
modern brain imaging was possible, researchers typically
obtained skulls from deceased subjects, filled them with fine-
grained matter such as metal pellets, and then transferred the
pellets to a flask to measure the volume. These efforts taught us
very little about intelligence and brain or skull size, but a lot about
problems with measurement and racial prejudice. In some cases,
the studies were highly flawed and inevitably led to conclusions
that Caucasian males (including the Caucasian male scientists
who conducted these experiments) had the largest brains and,
therefore, were the smartest of the human race (Gould, 1981).
Modern approaches to studying the brain and intelligence are far
more sophisticated, thanks to newer techniques and a more
enlightened knowledge of the brain’s form and functions.
How can science explain the relationship between brain size

and intelligence?
In relatively rare cases, researchers have had the two most
important pieces of data needed: brains, and people attached to
those brains who had taken intelligence tests when they were
alive. In one ambitious study at McMaster University, Sandra
Witelson and her colleagues (2006) collected 100 brains of
deceased individuals who had previously completed the
Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS). Detailed anatomical
examinations and size measurements were made on the entire
brains and certain regions that support cognitive skills. For
women and right-handed men (but not left-handed men), 36% of
the variation in verbal intelligence scores was accounted for by
the size of the brain; however, brain size did not significantly
account for the other component of intelligence that was
measured, visuospatial abilities. Thus, it appears that brain size
does predict intelligence, but certainly doesn’t tell the whole story.
In addition to the size of the brain and its various regions, there
are other features of our neuroanatomy that might be important to
consider. The most obvious, perhaps, is the convoluted surface
of fissures and folds (called gyri; pronounced “ji-rye”) that
comprise the outer part of the cerebral cortex (see Figure
9.13 ). Interestingly, the number and size of these cerebral gyri
seems strongly related to intelligence across different species;
species that have complex cognitive and social lives, such as
elephants, dolphins, and primates, have particularly convoluted
cortices (Marino, 2002; Rogers et al., 2010). And indeed, even
within humans, careful studies using brain imaging technology
have shown that having more convolutions on the surface of
certain parts of the cortex was also positively correlated with
scores on the WAIS intelligence test, accounting for
approximately 25% of the variability in WAIS scores (Luders et
al., 2008).
Figure 9.13 Does Intelligence Increase with Brain

Size?
While the size of the brain may have a modest relationship to

intelligence, the convolutions or “gyri” along the surface of the
cortex are another important factor: Increased convolutions are
associated with higher intelligence test scores.
Can we critically evaluate this issue?

A common critique of studies examining brain size and IQ is that
it is not always clear what processes or abilities are being tested.
IQ scores could be measuring a number of things including
working memory, processing speed, ability to pay attention, or
even motivation to perform well on the test. Therefore, when
studies show that brain size can account for 25% of the variability
in IQ scores, it is not always clear what ability (or abilities) are
underlying these results.
Another potential problem is the third-variable problem; even if

brain size and performance on intelligence tests are correlated
with each other, it might be the case that they are both related to
some other factor, like stress, nutrition, physical health,
environmental toxins, or the amount of enriching stimulation
experienced during childhood (Choi et al., 2008). If these other
factors can account for the relationship between brain size and
intelligence, then the brain–IQ relationship itself may be
overestimated.
A final critique is simply the recognition that there is more to

intelligence than just the size of one’s brain. After all, if brain size
explains 25% of the variability in IQ scores, the other 75% must
be due to other things.

This research is important for reasons that go far beyond the
issue of intelligence and IQ tests. More generally, research on the
neurology of intelligence has furthered our understanding of the
relationship between brain structure and function, which are
related to many important phenomena. For example, certain
harmful patterns of behaviour, such as anorexia nervosa (a
psychological disorder marked by self-starvation) or prolonged
periods of alcohol abuse, both have been shown to lead to
changes in cognitive abilities and corresponding loss of brain
volume (e.g., McCormick et al., 2008; Schottenbauer et al.,
2007). Measurements of brain volume have also played a key
role in understanding the impaired neurological and cognitive
development of children growing up in institutional settings (e.g.,
orphanages), as well as how these children benefit from
adoption, foster care, or increased social contact (Sheridan et
al., 2012). Better understanding of how experiences like
anorexia, alcoholism, and child neglect affect brain development
may provide ways of developing effective interventions that could
help people who have suffered from such experiences.
Module 9.3a Quiz:
Biological Influences on Intelligence
Know . . .
1. When scientists insert genetic material into an animal’s genome, the
result is called a .
A. genomic animal
B. transgenic animal
C. knockout animal
D. fraternal twin
Understand . . .
2. How do gene knockout studies help to identify the contribution of specific
genes to intelligence?
A. After removing or suppressing a portion of genetic material,
scientists can look for changes in intelligence.
B. After inserting genetic material, scientists can see how
intelligence has changed.
C. Scientists can rank animals in terms of intelligence and then see
how the most intelligent animals differ genetically from the least
intelligent.
D. They allow scientists to compare identical and fraternal twins.
Analyze . . .
3. Identical twins, whether reared together or apart, tend to score very
similarly on standardized measures of intelligence. Which of the following
statements does this finding support?
A. Intelligence levels are based on environmental factors for both
twins reared together and twins reared apart.
B. Environmental factors are stronger influences on twins raised
together compared to twins reared apart.
C. The “intelligence gene” is identical in both twins reared together
and reared apart.
D. Genes are an important source of individual variations in
intelligence test scores.
Environmental Influences on Intelligence
As described earlier, research on the biological underpinnings of intelligence

repeatedly emphasizes the importance of environmental factors. For example,
environmental conditions determine which genes get expressed (“turned on”) for
a given individual; thus, without the right circumstances, genes can’t
appropriately affect the person’s development. Also, brain areas involved in
intelligence are responsive to a wide variety of environmental factors. The full
story of how “nature” influences intelligence is intricately bound up with the story
of how “nurture” influences intelligence.
Both animal and human studies have demonstrated how environmental factors
influence cognitive abilities. Controlled experiments with animals show that
growing up in physically and socially stimulating environments results in faster
learning and enhanced brain development compared to growing up in a dull
environment (Hebb, 1947; Tashiro et al., 2007). For example, classic studies in
the 1960s showed that rats who grew up in enriched environments (i.e., these
rats enjoyed toys, ladders, and tunnels) ended up with bigger brains than rats
who grew up in impoverished environments (i.e., simple wire cages). Not only
were their cerebral cortices approximately 5% larger (Diamond et al., 1964;
Rosenzweig et al., 1962), but their cortices contained 25% more synapses
(Diamond et al., 1964). With more synapses, the brain can make more
associations, potentially enhancing cognitive abilities such as learning and
creativity. In this section, we review some of the major environmental factors that
influence intelligence.
Birth Order
One of the most hotly debated environmental factors affecting intelligence is
simply whether you were the oldest child in your family, or whether you were
lower in the pecking order of your siblings. Debate about this issue has raged for
many decades within psychology. Regardless of the larger debate about why
birth order might affect intelligence, the evidence seems to indicate that it does.
For example, a 2007 study of more than 240 000 people in Norway found that
the IQs of first-born children are, on average, about three points higher than
those of second-born children and four points higher than those of third-born
children (Kristensen & Bjerkedal, 2007).
Socioeconomic status is related to intelligence. People from low-socioeconomic
backgrounds typically have far fewer opportunities to access educational and
other important resources that contribute to intellectual growth.
John Dominis/Getty Images
Why might this be? The most important factor, researchers believe, is that older
siblings, like it or not, end up tutoring and mentoring younger siblings, imparting
the wisdom they have gained through experience on to their younger siblings.
Although this may help the younger sibling, the act of teaching their knowledge
benefits the older sibling more (Zajonc, 1976). The act of teaching requires the
older sibling to rehearse previously remembered information and to reorganize it
in a way that their younger sibling will understand. Teaching therefore leads to a
deeper processing of the information, which, in turn, increases the likelihood that
it will be remembered later (see Module 7.2 ).
Before any first-born children reading this section start building monuments to
their greatness, it is important to note that the differences between the IQs of
first- and later-born siblings are quite small: three or four points. There will
definitely be many individual families in which the later-born kids have higher IQs
than their first-born siblings. Nevertheless, this finding is one example of how
environments can influence intelligence.
Socioeconomic Status
One of the most robust findings in the intelligence literature is that IQ correlates
strongly with socioeconomic status (SES). It is perhaps no surprise that children
growing up in wealthy homes have, on average, higher IQs than those growing
up in poverty (Turkheimer et al., 2003), but there may be many reasons for this
that have nothing to do with the “innate” or potential intelligence of the rich or the
poor. Think of the many environmental differences and greater access to
resources and opportunities enjoyed by the wealthy! For example, consider how
much language children are exposed to at home; one U.S. study estimated that
by age three, children of professional parents will have heard 30 million words,
children of working-class parents will have heard only 20 million words, and
children of unemployed African-American mothers will have heard only 10 million
words. Furthermore, the level of vocabulary is strikingly different for families in
the different socioeconomic categories, with professional families using the most
sophisticated language (Hart & Risley, 1995).
Other studies have shown that higher SES homes are much more enriching and
supportive of children’s intellectual development—high SES parents talk to their
children more; have more books, magazines, and newspapers in the home; give
them more access to computers; take them to more learning experiences outside
the home (e.g., visits to museums); and are less punitive toward their children
(Bradley et al., 1993; Phillips et al., 1998).
Unfortunately, the effects of SES don’t end here. SES interacts with a number of
other factors that can influence intelligence, including nutrition, stress, and
education. The difference between rich and poor people’s exposure to these
factors almost certainly affects the IQ gap between the two groups.
Nutrition
It’s a cliché we are all familiar with—“you are what you eat.” Yet over the past
century, the quality of the North American diet has plummeted as we have
adopted foods that are highly processed, high in sugar and fat, low in fibre and
nutrients, and laden with chemicals (preservatives, colours, and flavourings).
Some evidence suggests that poor nutrition could have negative effects on
intelligence. For example, research has shown that diets high in saturated fat
quickly lead to sharp declines in cognitive functioning in both animal and human
subjects. In contrast, diets low in such fats and high in fruits, vegetables, fish,
and whole grains are associated with higher cognitive functioning (Greenwood
& Winocur, 2005; Parrott & Greenwood, 2007).
A massive longitudinal study on diet is currently underway in the United

Kingdom. The Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children is following the
development of children born to 14 000 women in the early 1990s. This research
has shown that a “poor” diet (high in fat, sugar, and processed foods) early in life
leads to reliably lower IQ scores by age 8.5, whereas a “health-conscious” diet
(emphasizing salads, rice, pastas, fish, and fruit) leads to higher IQs. Importantly,
this was true even when researchers accounted for the effects of other variables,
such as socioeconomic status (Northstone et al., 2012).
So what kinds of foods should we eat to maximize our brainpower? Although

research on nutrition and intelligence is still relatively new, it would appear that
eating foods low in saturated fats and rich in omega-3 fats, whole grains, and
fruits and veggies are your smartest bets.
Stress
High levels of stress in economically poor populations is also a major factor in
explaining the rich–poor IQ gap. People living in poverty are exposed to high
levels of stress through many converging factors, ranging from higher levels of
environmental noise and toxins, to more family conflict and community violence,
to less economic security and fewer employment opportunities. These and many
other stresses increase the amounts of stress hormones such as cortisol in their
bodies, which in turn is related to poorer cognitive functioning (Evans &
Schamberg, 2009). High levels of stress also interfere with working memory (the
ability to hold multiple pieces of information in memory at one time; Evans &
Schamberg, 2009), and the ability to persevere when faced with challenging
tasks, such as difficult questions on an IQ test (Evans & Stecker, 2004). These
deficits interfere with learning in school (Blair & Razza, 2007; Ferrer & McArdle,
2004).
The toxic effects of chronic stress show up in the brain as well, damaging the
neural circuitry of the prefrontal cortex and hippocampus, which are critical for
working memory and other cognitive abilities (e.g., controlling attention, cognitive
flexibility) as well as for the consolidation and storage of long-term memories
(McEwen, 2000). In short, too much stress makes us not only less healthy, but
can make us less intelligent as well.
Education
One of the great hopes of modern society has been that universal education
would level the playing field, allowing all children, rich and poor alike, access to
the resources necessary to achieve success. Certainly, attending school has
been shown to have a large impact on IQ scores (Ceci, 1991). During school,
children accumulate factual knowledge, learn basic language and math skills,
and learn skills related to scientific reasoning and problem solving. Children’s IQ
scores are significantly lower if they do not attend school (Ceci & Williams,
1997; Nisbett, 2009). In fact, for most children, IQ drops even over the months
of summer holiday (Ceci, 1991; Jencks et al., 1972), although the wealthiest
20% actually show gains in IQ over the summer, presumably because they enjoy
activities that are even more enriching than the kinds of experiences delivered in
the classroom (Burkam et al., 2004; Cooper et al., 2000). However, although
education has the potential to help erase the rich–poor gap in IQ, its
effectiveness at doing so will depend on whether the rich and poor have equal
access to the same quality of education and other support and resources that
would allow them to make full use of educational opportunities.
Clearly, environmental factors such as nutrition, stress, and education all

influence intelligence, which gives us some clues as to how society can
contribute to improving the intelligence of the population. Interestingly, exactly
such a trend has been widely observed across the last half-century or so; it
appears that generation after generation, people are getting smarter!
The Flynn Effect: IS Everyone Getting Smarter?

The Flynn effect , named after researcher James Flynn, refers to the steady
population level increases in intelligence test scores over time (Figure 9.14 ).
This effect has been found in numerous situations across a number of countries.
For example, in the Dutch and French militaries, IQ scores of new recruits rose
dramatically between the 1950s and 1980s—21 points for the Dutch and about
30 for the French (Flynn, 1987). From 1932 to 2007, Flynn estimates that, in
general, IQ scores rose about one point every three years (Flynn, 2007).
Figure 9.14 The Flynn Effect
For decades, there has been a general trend toward increasing IQ scores. This
trend, called the Flynn effect, has been occurring since standardized IQ tests
have been administered.
Source: Flynn, J. R. (1999). Searching for justice: The discovery of IQ gains over time. American Psychologist, 54, 5–20.
The magnitude of the Flynn effect is striking. In the Dutch study noted above,
today’s group of 18-year-olds would score 35 points higher than 18-year-olds in
1950. The average person back then had an IQ of 100, but the average person
today, taking the same test, would score 135, which is above the cut-off
considered “gifted” in most gifted education programs! Or consider this the
opposite way—if the average person today scored 100 on today’s test, the
average person in 1950 would score about 65, enough to qualify as mentally
disabled.
How can we explain this increase? Nobody knows for sure, but one of the most
likely explanations is that modern society requires certain types of intellectual
skills, such as abstract thinking, scientific reasoning, classification, and logical
analysis. These have been increasingly emphasized since the Industrial
Revolution, and particularly since the information economy and advent of
computers have restructured society over the past half-century or so. Each
successive generation spends more time manipulating information with their
minds; more time with visual media in the form of television, video games, and
now the Internet; and more time in school. It seems reasonable to propose that
these shifts in information processing led to the increases in IQ scores (Nisbett
et al., 2012).
Module 9.3b Quiz:
Environmental Influences on Intelligence
Understand . . .
1. What have controlled experiments with animals found in regard to the
effects of the environment on intelligence?
A. Stimulating environments result in faster learning and enhanced
brain development.
B. Deprived environments result in faster learning and enhanced
brain development.
C. Stimulating environments result in slower learning and poorer
brain development.
D. Deprived environments have no effect on learning and brain
development.
2. In which way have psychologists NOT studied the major environmental

factors that, through their interaction with genes, influence intelligence?
A. By measuring stress hormones among poor and affluent children
and correlating them with intelligence test scores
B. By depriving some children of education and comparing them to
others who attended school
C. By measuring children’s nutrition and then correlating it with
intelligence scores
D. By correlating children’s birth order in their family with intelligence
scores
Analyze . . .
3. What effect does birth order have on intelligence scores? Why is this the
case?
A. Older children often have lower IQs than their siblings because
their parents spend more time taking care of younger children.
B. Younger siblings often have higher IQs because their older
siblings spent time teaching them new information and skills.
C. Younger siblings have lower IQs because they have had less
time to learn information and skills.
D. Older children typically have slightly higher IQs, likely because
they reinforce their knowledge by teaching younger siblings.
Behavioural Influences on Intelligence
If you want to make yourself more intelligent, we’ve covered a number of ways to
do that—eat a brain-healthy diet, learn how to manage stress better, keep
yourself educated (if not in formal schooling, then perhaps by continuing to be an
active learner), and expose yourself to diverse and stimulating activities. But is
there anything else you can do? For example, if you want bigger muscles, you
can go to the gym and exercise. Can you do the same thing for the brain?
Brain Training Programs

One potential technique to improve intelligence is the use of “brain training”
programs designed to improve working memory and other cognitive skills. The
idea behind such programs is that playing games related to memory and
attention will not only improve your performance on these games, but will also
help you use those abilities in other, real-world situations.
Research in this area initially appeared quite promising. For instance, in one line
of research, a computer task (the “N-back” task) was used as an exercise
program for working memory. In this task, people are presented with a stimulus,
such as squares that light up on a grid, and are asked to press a key if the
position on the grid is the same as the last trial. The task gets progressively more
difficult, requiring participants to remember what happened two, three, or more
trials ago (although it takes considerable practice for most people to be able to
reliably remember what happened even three trials ago). Practising the N-back
task was shown to not only improve performance at that task, but also to
increase participants’ fluid intelligence (Jaeggi et al., 2008). Importantly, the
benefits were not merely short term, but lasted for at least three months (Jaeggi
et al., 2011).
However, recent reviews of this area of research suggest that we should be

cautious when interpreting the results (and media reports). Many studies of
brain-training programs involved small sample sizes; other studies included
major methodological flaws such as a lack of a control group (Simons et al.,
2016). A more careful examination of this research area suggests that the effects
of brain-training programs are typically quite limited. Practising games related to
working memory will improve working memory, but will rarely have an effect on
other types of tasks, particularly on behaviours occurring outside of the
laboratory (Melby-Lervåg & Hulme, 2013). Although these results are
disappointing—particularly for people who have spent money on expensive
brain-training programs—they help remind us of the importance of being critical
consumers of scientific information.
Nootropic Drugs
Another behaviour that many people believe improves their cognitive functioning
is the use of certain drugs. Nootropic substances (meaning “affecting the
mind”) are substances that are believed to beneficially affect intelligence.
Nootropics can work through many different mechanisms, from increasing overall
arousal and alertness, to changing the availability of certain neurotransmitters, to
stimulating nerve growth in the brain.
Certainly, these drugs can work for many people. For example, two drugs
commonly used are methylphenidate (Ritalin) and modafinil (Provigil).
Methylphenidate is a drug that inhibits the reuptake of norepinephrine and
dopamine, thus leaving more of these neurotransmitters in the synapses
between cells. Although generally prescribed to help people with attentional
disorders, Ritalin can also boost cognitive functioning in the general population
(Elliott et al., 1997). Modafinil, originally developed to treat narcolepsy (a sleep
disorder), is known to boost short-term memory and planning abilities by
affecting the reuptake of dopamine (Turner et al., 2003).
Boosting the brain, however, does not come without risk. For example, the long-
term effects of such drugs are poorly understood and potential side effects can
be severe. There can also be dependency issues as people come to rely on
such drugs and use them more regularly, and problems with providing unfair
advantages to people willing to take such drugs, which puts pressure on others
to take them as well in order to stay competitive (Sahakian & Morein-Zamir,
2007). Because of these risks, a September 2013 review in the Canadian
Medical Association Journal recommended that doctors “should seriously
consider refusing to prescribe medications for cognitive enhancement to healthy
individuals” (Forlini et al., 2013, p. 1047).
These risks have to be weighed against the potential benefits of developing

these drugs, at least for clinical populations. For example, researchers in the
United Kingdom have argued that if nootropic drugs could improve the cognitive
functioning of Alzheimer’s patients by even a small amount, such as a mere 1%
change in the severity of the disease each year, this would be enough not only to
dramatically improve the lives of people with Alzheimer’s and their families, but
to completely erase the predicted increases in long-term health care costs for the
U.K.’s aging population (Sahakian & Morein-Zamir, 2007).
As with most questions concerning the ethical and optimally desirable uses of
technologies, there are no easy answers when it comes to nootropic drugs. But
we would caution you—there are much safer ways to increase your performance
than ingesting substances that can affect your brain in unknown ways.
In sum, although few people are blessed with brains as abnormally intelligent as
Einstein’s, there are practical things anyone can do to maximize their potential
brainpower. From eating better to providing our brains with challenging
exercises, we can use the science of intelligence to make the most out of our
genetic inheritance.
Module 9.3c Quiz:
Behavioural Influences on Intelligence
Know . . .
1. A commonly used nootropic drug is .
A. Tylenol
B. Ecstasy
C. Ritalin
D. Lamictal
Understand . . .
2. Which of the following seems to be affected by brain-training tasks like
the N-back task?
A. Crystallized intelligence
B. Fluid intelligence
C. A person’s dominant learning style
D. A person’s belief that they are more intelligent
Analyze . . .
3. Research on nootropic drugs shows that
A. they have a much larger effect on intelligence than do
environmental factors such as socioeconomic status.
B. they show low addiction rates and are therefore quite safe.
C. they have a larger effect on long-term memory than on working
memory.
D. these drugs can produce increases in intelligence in some
individuals.
Module 9.3 Summary
9.3a Know . . . the key terminology related to heredity, environment,

and intelligence.
Flynn effect
gene knockout (KO) studies
nootropic substances
video deficit
9.3b Understand . . . different approaches to studying the genetic

basis of intelligence.
Behavioural genetics typically involves conducting twin or adoption studies.

Behavioural genomics involves looking at gene–behaviour relationships at the
molecular level. This approach often involves using animal models, including
knockout and transgenic models.
9.3c Apply . . . your knowledge of environmental and behavioural

effects on intelligence to understand how to enhance your own
cognitive abilities.
Based on the research we reviewed, there are many different strategies that are
good bets for enhancing the cognitive abilities that underlie your own
intelligence. (Note: some of these strategies are known to be helpful for children,
and the effects on adult intelligence are not well researched.)
Choose challenging activities and environments that are stimulating and

enriching.
Eat diets low in saturated fat and processed foods and high in omega-3 fatty
acids, nuts, seeds, fruits, and antioxidant-rich vegetables.
Reduce sources of stress and increase your ability to handle stress well.
Remain an active learner by continually adding to your education or learning.
Don’t spend too much time watching TV and other media that are relatively
poor at challenging your cognitive abilities.
The use of nootropic drugs remains a potential strategy for enhancing your
cognitive faculties; however, given the potential side effects, addictive
possibilities, and the uncertainty regarding the long-term consequences of using
such drugs, this option may not be the best way to influence intelligence.
9.3d Analyze . . . the belief that older children are more intelligent
than their younger siblings.
Reviews of intelligence tests show that the oldest child in a family tends to have
higher IQs than their younger siblings. However, this effect is quite small: 3 IQ
points. Importantly, this difference is not due to the genetic superiority of the
older siblings; rather, it is likely related to the fact that older children often spend
time teaching things to their younger siblings.
Chapter 10 Lifespan
Development
10.1 Physical Development from Conception through Infancy

Methods for Measuring Developmental Trends 387
Zygotes to Infants: From One Cell to Billions 388
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: The Long-Term Effects of

Premature Birth 392
Sensory and Motor Development in Infancy 394
10.2 Infancy and Childhood: Cognitive and Emotional Development

Cognitive Changes: Piaget’s Cognitive Development Theory 401
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Evaluating Piaget 404
Social Development, Attachment, and Self-Awareness 406
Psychosocial Development 412

10.3 Adolescence
Physical Changes in Adolescence 418
Emotional Challenges in Adolescence 419
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Adolescent Risk and Decision

Making 420
Cognitive Development: Moral Reasoning vs. Emotions 422
Social Development: Identity and Relationships 425
10.4 Adulthood and Aging

From Adolescence through Middle Age 429
Late Adulthood 433
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Aging and Cognitive Change 436

Module 10.1 Physical
Development from Conception
through Infancy
Leungchopan/Fotolia
Learning Objectives
10.1a Know . . . the key terminology related to prenatal and infant physical
development.
10.1b Understand . . . the pros and cons to different research designs in
developmental psychology.
10.1c Apply . . . your understanding to identify the best ways expectant parents
can ensure the health of their developing fetus.
10.1d Analyze . . . the effects of preterm birth.
It is difficult to overstate the sheer miracle and profundity of birth.

Consider the following story, told by a new father. “About two days after
the birth of my first child, I was driving to the hospital and had one of
‘those moments,’ an awe moment, when reality seems clear and
wondrous. What triggered it was that the person driving down the
highway in the car next to mine yawned. Suddenly, I remembered my
newborn baby yawning just the day before, and somehow, it hit me—we
are all just giant babies, all of us, the power broker in the business suit,
the teenager in jeans and a hoodie, the tired soccer parent in the mini-
van and the elderly couple holding hands on the sidewalk. Although we
have invented these complex inner worlds for ourselves, with all of our
cherished opinions, political beliefs, dreams, and aspirations, at our
essence, we are giant babies. We have the same basic needs as babies
—food, security, love, air, water. Our bodies are basically the same, only
bigger. Our brains are basically the same, only substantially more
developed. Our movements are even basically the same, just more
coordinated. I like to remember that now and then, when I feel intimidated
by someone, or when I feel too self-important. Just giant babies!”
Of course, we don’t stay “just babies” over our lives. We develop in many
complex ways as we age and learn to function in the world.
Understanding how we change, and how we stay the same, over the
course of our lives, is what developmental psychology is all about.
Focus Questions
1. How does the brain develop, starting even before birth?

2. What factors can significantly harm or enhance babies’
neurological development?
Developmental psychology is the study of human physical, cognitive, social,
and behavioural characteristics across the lifespan. Take just about anything you
have encountered so far in this text, and you will probably find psychologists
approaching it from a developmental perspective. From neuroscientists to
cultural psychologists, examining how we function and change across different
stages of life raises many central and fascinating questions.
Methods for Measuring Developmental

Trends
Studying development requires some special methods for measuring and

tracking change over time. A cross-sectional design is used to measure and
compare samples of people at different ages at a given point in time. For
example, to study cognition from infancy to adulthood, you could compare
people of different age groups—say, groups of 1-, 5-, 10-, and 20-year-olds. In
contrast, a longitudinal design follows the development of the same set of
individuals through time. With this type of study, you would select a sample of
infants and measure their cognitive development periodically over the course of
20 years (see Figure 10.1 ).
Figure 10.1 Cross-Sectional and Longitudinal Methods
In cross-sectional studies, different groups of people—typically of different ages
—are compared at a single point in time. In longitudinal studies, the same group
of subjects is tracked over multiple points in time.
These different methods have different strengths and weaknesses. Cross-

sectional designs are relatively cheap and easy to administer, and they allow a
study to be done quickly (because you don’t have to wait around while your
participants age). On the other hand, they can suffer from cohort effects ,
which are differences between people that result from being born in different time
periods. For example, if you find differences between people born in the 2000s
with those born in the 1970s, this may reflect any number of differences between
people from those time periods—such as differences in technological advances,
parenting norms, cultural changes, environmental pollutants, nutritional
practices, or many other factors. This creates big problems in interpreting the
findings of a study—do differences between the age groups reflect normal
developmental processes or do they reflect more general differences between
people born into these time periods?
A longitudinal study fixes the problem of cohort effects, but these studies are
often difficult to carry out and tend to be costly and time consuming to follow, due
to the logistic challenges involved in following a group of people for a long period
of time. Longitudinal designs often suffer from the problem of attrition, which
occurs when participants drop out of a study for various reasons, such as losing
interest or moving away.
The combination and accumulation of cross-sectional and longitudinal studies

has taught us a great deal about the processes of human development. This can
help parents and educators who want to have a positive influence on children’s
development. It can help us understand how to better serve the needs of those
who are aging. And it can help all of us, who just want to better understand who
we are, and why we turned out the way that we did.
One quite famous example of a longitudinal study is the Seven-up series, which
is a documentary and extensive longitudinal study of a group of people who
started the study at age 7, more than 50 years ago. Watching the series is a
fascinating look at how people retain basic features of their personality over
pretty much their entire lifespan, whereas they also change as their
circumstances take them down different paths in life. If you are interested, you
can find this series online; search for “7 up,” “14 up,” etc., up to “56 up,” which
was released in 2013.
Patterns of Development: Stages and Continuity

One of the challenges that has faced developmental psychologists is that human
development does not unfold in a gradual, smooth, linear fashion; instead,
periods of seeming stability are interrupted by sudden, often dramatic upheavals
and shifts in functioning as a person transitions from one pattern of functioning to
a qualitatively different one. This common pattern, relatively stable periods
interspersed with periods of rapid reorganization, has been reflected in many
different stage models of human development. According to these models,
specific stages of development can be described, differentiated by qualitatively
different patterns of how people function. In between these stages, rapid shifts in
thinking and behaving occur, leading to a new set of patterns that manifest as
the next stage. Stage models have played an important role in helping
psychologists understand both continuity and change over time.
Module 10.1a Quiz:
Methods for Measuring Developmental Trends
Know . . .
1. Studies that examine factors in groups of people of different ages (e.g., a
group of 15–20 year-olds; a group of 35–40 year-olds; and a group of
75–80 year-olds), are employing a research design.
A. cohort
B. longitudinal
C. cross-sectional
D. stage-model
Apply . . .
2. A researcher has only one year to complete a study on a topic that spans
the entire range of childhood. To complete the study, she should use a
design.
A. cohort
B. longitudinal
C. correlational
D. cross-sectional
Analyze . . .
3. Which of the following is a factor that would be least likely to be a cohort
effect for a study on cognitive development in healthy people?
A. Differences in genes between individuals
B. Differences in educational practices over time
C. Changes in the legal drinking age
D. Changes in prescription drug use
Zygotes to Infants: From One Cell to

Billions
The earliest stage of development begins at the moment of conception, when a

single sperm (out of approximately 200 million that start the journey into the
vagina), is able to find its way into the ovum (egg cell). At this moment, the ovum
releases a chemical that bars any other sperm from entering, and the nuclei of
egg and sperm fuse, forming the zygote . Out of the mysterious formation of
this single cell, the rest of our lives flow.
Fertilization and Gestation

The formation of the zygote through the fertilization of the ovum marks the
beginning of the germinal stage , the first phase of prenatal development,
which spans from conception to two weeks. Shortly after it forms, the zygote
begins dividing, first into two cells, then four, then eight, and so on. The zygote
also travels down the fallopian tubes toward the uterus, where it becomes
implanted into the lining of the uterus (Table 10.1 ). The ball of cells, now
called a blastocyst, splits into two groups. The inner group of cells develops into
the fetus. The outer group of cells forms the placenta, which will pass oxygen,
nutrients, and waste to and from the fetus.
Table 10.1 Phases of Prenatal Development
A summary of the stages of human prenatal development and some of the major events
at each.
GERMINAL: 0 TO 2 WEEKS
Major Events
Migration of the blastocyst from the fallopian tubes and its implantation in
the uterus. Cellular divisions take place that eventually lead to multiple
organ, nervous system, and skin tissues.
EMBRYONIC: 2 TO 8 WEEKS
Major Events
Stage in which basic cell layers become differentiated. Major structures

such as the head, heart, limbs, hands, and feet emerge. The embryo
attaches to the placenta, the structure that allows for the exchange of
oxygen and nutrients and the removal of wastes.
FETAL STAGE: 8 WEEKS TO BIRTH
Major Events
Brain development progresses as distinct regions take form. The

circulatory, respiratory, digestive, and other bodily systems develop. Sex
organs appear at around the third month of gestation.
Top: Doug Steley A/Alamy Stock Photo; centre: MedicalRF.com/Alamy Stock Photo; bottom: Claude Edelmann/Photo
Researchers, Inc./Science Source
The embryonic stage spans weeks two through eight, during which time the
embryo begins developing major physical structures such as the heart and
nervous system, as well as the beginnings of arms, legs, hands, and feet.
The fetal stage spans week eight through birth, during which time the
skeletal, organ, and nervous systems become more developed and specialized.
Muscles develop and the fetus begins to move. Sleeping and waking cycles start
and the senses become fine-tuned—even to the point where the fetus is
responsive to external cues (these events are summarized in Table 10.1 ).
Fetal Brain Development

The beginnings of the human brain can be seen during the embryonic stage,
between the second and third weeks of gestation, when some cells migrate to
the appropriate locations and begin to differentiate into nerve cells. The first
major development in the brain is the formation of the neural tube, which occurs
only 2 weeks after conception. A layer of specialized cells begins to fold over
onto itself, structurally differentiating between itself and the other cells. This tube-
shaped structure eventually develops into the brain and spinal cord (Lenroot &
Gledd, 2007; O’Rahilly & Mueller, 2008). The first signs of the major divisions
of the brain—the forebrain, the midbrain, and the hindbrain—are apparent at only
4 weeks (see Figure 10.2 ). Around 7 weeks, neurons and synapses develop
in the spinal cord, giving rise to a new ability—movement; the fetus’s own
movements then provide a new source of sensory information, which further
stimulates the central nervous system’s development of increasingly coordinated
movements (Kurjak, Pooh, et al., 2005). By 11 weeks, differentiations between
the cerebral hemisphere, the cerebellum, and the brain stem are apparent, and
by the end of the second trimester, the outer surface of the cerebral cortex has
started to fold into the distinctive gyri and sulci (ridges and folds) that give the
outer cortex its wrinkled appearance. It is around the same time period that a
fatty tissue called myelin begins to build up around developing nerve cells, a
process called myelination. Myelin is centrally important; by insulating nerve
cells, it enables them to conduct messages more rapidly and efficiently (see
Module 3.2 ; Giedd, 2008), thereby allowing for the large-scale functioning
and integration of neural networks.
Figure 10.2 Fetal Brain Development
The origins of the major regions of the brain are already detectable at four
weeks’ gestation. Their differentiation progresses rapidly, with the major
forebrain, midbrain, and hindbrain regions becoming increasingly specialized.
At birth, the newborn has an estimated 100 billion neurons and a brain that is
approximately 25% the size and weight of an adult brain. Astonishingly, this
means that at birth, the infant has created virtually all of the neurons that will
comprise the adult brain, growing up to 4000 new neurons per second in the
womb (Brown et al., 2001). However, most of the connections between these
neurons have not yet been established in the brain of a newborn (Kolb, 1989,
1995). This gives us a key insight into one of our core human capacities—our
ability to adapt to highly diverse environments. Although the basic shape and
structure of our brains is guided by the human genome, the strength of the
connections between brain regions is dependent upon experience.
The child’s brain has a vast number of synapses, far more than it will have as an
adult in fact, which is why the child’s brain is so responsive to external input. The
brain is learning, at a very basic level, what the world is like, and what it needs to
be able to do in order to perceive and function effectively in the world. Children’s
brains have a very high amount of plasticity, so that whatever environments the
child endures while growing up, her developing brain will be best able to learn to
perceive and adapt to those environments. Our brains generally develop the
patterns of biological organization that correspond to the world that we’ve
experienced.
This means that in a deep and personal way, who we are depends on the
environments that structure our brains. Ironically, this profound reliance upon the
outside world is also the reason why human babies are so helpless (and make
such bad Frisbee partners). We humans have relatively little pre-programmed
into us and thus, we can do very little at birth relative to so many other animals.
However, this seemingly profound weakness is offset by two huge, truly world-
altering strengths: the incredible plasticity of our neurobiology, and the social
support systems that keep us alive when we are very young. These advantages
also give us the luxury of slowly developing over a long period of time. As a
result, our increasingly complex neurobiological systems can learn to adapt and
function effectively across a vast diversity of specific circumstances. The net
result of this flexibility is that humans have been able to flourish in practically
every ecosystem on the surface of the planet.
Nutrition, Teratogens, and Fetal Development

The rapidly developing fetal brain is highly vulnerable to environmental
influences; for example, the quality of a pregnant woman’s diet can have a long-
lasting impact on her child’s development. In fact, proper nutrition is the single
most important non-genetic factor affecting fetal development (aside from the
obvious need to avoid exposure to toxic substances; Phillips, 2006). The
nutritional demands of a developing infant are such that women typically require
an almost 20% increase in energy intake during pregnancy, including sufficient
quantities of protein (which affects neurological development; Morgane et al.,
2002) and essential nutrients (especially omega-3 fatty acids, folic acid, zinc,
calcium, and magnesium). Given that most people’s diets do not provide enough
of these critical nutrients, supplements are generally considered to be a good
idea (Ramakrishnan et al., 1999).
Fetal malnutrition can have severe consequences, producing low-birth-weight

babies who are more likely to suffer from a variety of diseases and illnesses, and
are more likely to have cognitive deficits that can persist long after birth. Children
who were malnourished in the womb are more likely to experience attention
deficit disorders and difficulties controlling their emotions, due to underdeveloped
prefrontal cortices and other brain areas involved in self-control (Morgane et al.,
2002). A wide variety of effects on mental health have been suggested; for
example, one study showed that babies who were born in Holland during a
famine in World War II experienced a variety of physical problems (Stein et al.,
1975) and had a much higher risk of developing psychological disorders, such as
schizophrenia and antisocial personality disorder (Neugebauer et al., 1999;
Susser et al., 1999).
Fetal development can also be disrupted through exposure to teratogens ,

substances, such as drugs or environmental toxins, that impair the process of
development. One of the most famous and heartbreaking examples of
teratogens was the use of thalidomide, a sedative that was hailed as a wonder
drug for helping pregnant women deal with morning sickness during pregnancy.
Available in Canada from 1959 to 1962, thalidomide was disastrous, causing
miscarriages, severe birth defects such as blindness and deafness, plus its most
well-known effect, phocomelia, in which victims’ hands, feet, or both emerged
directly from their shoulders or hips, functioning more like flippers than limbs;
indeed, phocomelia is taken from the Greek words phoke, which means “seal,”
and melos, which means “limb” (www.thalidomide.ca/faq-en/#12). It is
estimated that up to twenty thousand babies were born with disabilities as a
result of being exposed to thalidomide. In most countries, victims were able to
secure financial support through class action lawsuits; however, in Canada, the
government has steadfastly refused to provide much support to victims, who face
ongoing severe challenges in their lives.
More common teratogens are alcohol and tobacco, although their effects differ
widely depending on the volume consumed and the exact time when exposure
occurs during pregnancy. First described in the 1970s (Jones & Smith, 1973),
fetal alcohol syndrome involves abnormalities in mental functioning, growth,
and facial development in the offspring of women who use alcohol during
pregnancy. This condition occurs in approximately 1 per 1000 births worldwide,
but the specific rates likely vary greatly between regions, and little is known
about specific regional variability. It also seems likely that FAS is underreported,
and thus the effects of FAS may be far more widespread than is widely
recognized (Morleo et al., 2011).
This is particularly worrisome when one considers that research suggests there
is no safe limit for alcohol consumption by a pregnant woman; even one drink
per day can be enough to cause impaired fetal development (O’Leary et al.,
2010; Streissguth & Connor, 2001). Alcohol, like many other substances,
readily passes through the placental membranes, leaving the developing fetus
vulnerable to its effects, which include reduced mental functioning and
impulsivity (Olson et al., 1997; Streissguth et al., 1999). It is concerning, then,
to acknowledge that about 1 in 10 pregnancies in Canada involve ingesting
alcohol (Walker et al., 2011), and in some communities, such as those in
isolated Northern regions, more than 60% of pregnancies have been shown to
be alcohol-exposed (Muckle et al., 2011). Given that any amount of reduced
drinking during pregnancy helps to reduce the risks of FAS, there is a clear role
for public health and awareness campaigns, family and school efforts, and our
own personal contributions to social norms, to tackle this together, and to
eradicate, or at least minimize, alcohol consumption during pregnancy.
Victims of thalidomide; this sedative seemed like a miracle drug in the late
1950s, until its tragic effects on fetal development became apparent.
Dpa picture alliance/Alamy Stock Photo
Fetal alcohol syndrome is diagnosed based on facial abnormalities, growth
problems, and behavioural and cognitive deficits.
Betty Udesen/KRT/Newscom
Smoking can also expose the developing fetus to teratogens, decreasing blood
oxygen and raising concentrations of nicotine and carbon monoxide, as well as
increasing the risk of miscarriage or death during infancy. Babies born to
mothers who smoke are twice as likely to have low birth weight and have a 30%
chance of premature birth—both factors that increase the newborn’s risk of
illness or death. Evidence also suggests that smoking during pregnancy
increases the risk that the child will experience problems with emotional
development and impulse control (Brion et al., 2010; Wiebe et al., 2014), as
well as attentional and other behavioural problems (Makin et al., 1991). These
behavioural outcomes could be the outgrowth of impaired biological function; for
example, there is evidence that prenatal exposure to nicotine interferes with the
development of the serotonergic system, interfering with neurogenesis, and with
the expression of receptors that affect synaptic functioning (Hellström-Lindahl
et al., 2001; Falk et al., 2005). Tobacco exposure may also interfere with the
development of brain areas related to self-regulation (e.g., the prefrontal cortex),
which then leads to poorer self-control and an increase in emotional and
behavioural problems over time (Marroun et al., 2014).
We must note, however, that there is an ongoing debate in the literature as to

whether this is a causal relationship, or whether this is a third variable problem;
in particular, there are a variety of familial risk factors (e.g., poverty, low parental
education, etc.) that are related both to smoking during pregnancy and to the
various developmental deficits that have been reported. Recent studies that
attempted to statistically account for these third variable factors are somewhat
inconclusive; some find very little direct relationship between maternal smoking
during pregnancy and children’s development, whereas other report specific
relationships that cannot be explained as being due to other variables. The jury
is still out, but on the whole, researchers tentatively conclude that maternal
smoking during pregnancy has a causal influence on various developmental
outcomes (Melchior et al., 2015; Palmer et al., 2016).
Smoking is implicated in other risk-factors for infants as well, perhaps most

notably being the tragedy of sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS). Babies
exposed to smoke are as much as three times more likely to die from SIDS
(Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2009a; Rogers, 2009).
Even exposure to second-hand smoke during pregnancy carries similar risks
(Best, 2009). Thankfully, after major public health campaigns, the rate of SIDS
has been declining substantially, dropping in Canada by 71% from 1981 to 2009
(Public Health Agency of Canada, 2014). These campaigns targeted three key
behaviours: breastfeeding, putting infants to sleep on their backs (rather than
their stomachs), and reducing smoking during pregnancy. To be fair, researchers
don’t know how much each of these individual behaviours have contributed to
the reduction in SIDS. Researchers will continue trying to disentangle exactly
what factors are related to reductions in rates of SIDS so that campaigns can
even more effectively target the factors that make the biggest difference.
Clearly, teratogens exact a major cost on society, causing deficits that range
from very specific (e.g., improperly formed limbs), to more general effects on
development (e.g., premature birth causing overall low birth weight).
Working the Scientific Literacy Model The Long-

Term Effects of Premature Birth
The human mother’s womb has evolved to be a close- to-ideal

environment for a fetus’s delicate brain and body to prepare for
life outside the womb. Premature birth thrusts the vulnerable
baby into a much less congenial environment before she is ready;
what effects does this have on development?
What do we know about premature birth?

Typically, humans are born at a gestational age of around 40
weeks. Preterm infants are born earlier than 36 weeks.
Premature babies often have underdeveloped brains and lungs,
which present a host of immediate challenges, such as breathing
on their own and maintaining an appropriate body temperature.
With modern medical care, babies born at 30 weeks have a very
good chance of surviving (approximately 95%), although for those
born at 25 weeks, survival rates drop to only slightly above 50%
(Dani et al., 2009; Jones et al., 2005). Although babies born at
less than 25 weeks often survive, they run a very high risk of
damage to the brain and other major organs. To try to reduce
these risks and improve outcomes as much as possible, medical
science is continually seeking better procedures for nurturing
preterm infants.
How can science be used to help preterm infants?
Researchers and doctors have compared different methods for
improving survival and normal development in preterm infants.
One program, called the Newborn Individualized Developmental
Care and Assessment Program (NIDCAP), is a behaviourally
based intervention in which preterm infants are closely observed
and given intensive care during early development. To keep the
delicate brain protected against potentially harmful experiences,
NIDCAP calls for minimal lights, sound levels, and stress.
Controlled studies suggest that this program works. Researchers

randomly assigned 117 infants born at 29 weeks or less
gestational age to receive either NIDCAP or standard care in a
prenatal intensive care unit. Within 9 months of birth, the infants
who received the NIDCAP care showed significantly improved
motor skills, attention, and other behavioural skills, as well as
superior brain development (McAnulty et al., 2009). A
longitudinal study indicates that these initial gains last for a long
time. Even at eight years of age, those who were born preterm
and given NIDCAP treatment scored higher on measures of
thinking and problem solving, and also showed better frontal lobe
functioning, than children who were born preterm but did not have
NIDCAP treatment (McAnulty et al., 2010).

The chief limitation of this longitudinal study is its small sample
size (only 22 children across the two conditions). Such a small
sample size presents problems from a statistical perspective,
increasing the likelihood that random chance plays a substantial
role in the results. Small samples also make it difficult to test the
effects of interacting factors, such as whether the effectiveness of
the program may depend on the child’s gender, on family
socioeconomic status, ethnicity, or other factors. This study also
does not identify why the program works—what specific
mechanisms it affects that in turn improve development. It is not
known which brain systems are beneficially affected by the
program, or which aspects of the treatment itself are responsible
for the effects. These remain questions for future research.
Kangaroo care—skin-to-skin contact between babies and

caregivers— is now encouraged for promoting optimal infant
development.
Victoria Boland Photography/Flickr/ Getty Images

Worldwide, an estimated 9% of infants are born preterm (Villar et
al., 2003). For these children, medical advances have increased
the likelihood of survival, and behaviourally based interventions
such as NIDCAP may reduce the chances of long-term negative
effects of preterm birth. This fits with a growing literature on other
behavioural interventions that have shown promise in improving
outcomes for preterm infants. For example, massaging preterm
infants for a mere 15 minutes per day can result in a 50% greater
daily weight gain (Field et al., 2006) and reduce stress-related
behaviours (Hernandez-Reif et al., 2007). Another method called
kangaroo care focuses on promoting skin-to-skin contact
between infants and caregivers, and encouraging breastfeeding.
These practices have been shown to improve the physical and
psychological health of preterm infants (Conde-Agudelo et al.,
2011), and are becoming widely adopted into mainstream
medical practice.
The fact that teratogens can influence the development of the fetal brain—and in
some cases lead to premature birth—has made (most) parents quite vigilant
about these potential dangers. As you’ve read in this section, these concerns are
well-founded. However, it is also important that parents examine the evidence for
each potential threat to see if it is credible. In Module 2.3 , we briefly
discussed Andrew Wakefield, a British researcher who fabricated some of his
data showing a link between vaccinations and autism. In that module, we
focused on the ethical violations that he committed. The Myths in Mind box
illustrates how this researcher’s lapse in ethics has had a profound effect on the
health and safety of tens of thousands of innocent children.
Myths in Mind Vaccinations and Autism

When you consider all the attention paid to developing better ways to
promote healthy infant development, it is ironic and tragic that a
surprising number of people actively avoid one of the key ways of
preventing some of the most serious childhood illnesses—vaccination. A
major controversy erupted in the late 1990s about a widely administered
vaccine designed to prevent measles, mumps, and rubella (MMR).
Research from one British lab linked the MMR vaccine to the
development of autism, and even though the science was later
discredited and the key researcher (Andrew Wakefield) lost his license to
practise medicine, he continued to promote his views against vaccines
through public speaking appearances and rallies, and the anti-vaccine
movement remained convinced that vaccines were scarier than the
diseases they prevented.
The net result has been a public health tragedy. For example, in Canada,
measles was considered to have been eliminated as an endemic disease
by 1997; any further cases would have to have been imported from other
areas of the world. The United States followed shortly thereafter,
eliminating measles by the year 2000, with less than 100 new cases
imported into the country each year, which were easily dealt with
because of large-scale immunity. However, as the anti-vaccine
movement continued to proselytize its conspiracy theories about the
medical establishment and pharmaceutical industries, these gains began
to reverse. By 2011, more than 30 European countries, plus Canada and
the U.S., saw huge spikes in measles cases, with worrying outbreaks
occurring in France, Quebec, and California (CDC 2015; Sherrard et al.,
2015).
The take-home message? There is no evidence that vaccines cause

autism. On the contrary, all the evidence suggests that vaccines prevent
far more problems than they may cause.
Module 10.1b Quiz:
Zygotes to Infants: From One Cell to Billions
Know . . .
1. A developing human is called a(n) during the time between
weeks 2 and 8 of development.
A. embryo
B. zygote
C. fetus
D. germinal
2. In which stage do the skeletal, organ, and nervous systems become

more developed and specialized?
A. Embryonic stage
B. Fetal stage
C. Germinal stage
D. Gestational stage
Understand . . .
3. Which of the following would not qualify as a teratogen?
A. Cigarette smoke
B. Alcohol
C. Prescription drugs
D. All of the above are possible teratogens
Analyze . . .
4. Which of the following statements best summarizes the effects of preterm
birth?
A. Preterm births are typically fatal.
B. The worrisome effects of preterm birth are exaggerated. There is
little to worry about.
C. Preterm birth may cause physical and cognitive problems.
D. Cohort effects make it impossible to answer this question.
Sensory and Motor Development in

Infancy
Compared to the offspring of other species, healthy newborn humans have fairly
limited abilities. Horses, snakes, deer, and many other organisms come into the
world with a few basic skills, such as walking (or slithering), that enable them to
move about the world, get food, and have at least a chance of evading
predators. But human infants depend entirely on caregivers to keep them alive
as they slowly develop their senses, strength, and coordination. In this section,
we shift our focus to newborns to find out how movement and sensation develop
in the first year of life.
It’s strange to think about what the world of an infant must be like. As adults, we
Module 4.1
depend heavily on our top-down processes (see ) to help us label,
categorize, perceive, and make sense of the world, but infants have developed
very few top-down patterns when they are born. Their brains are pretty close to
being “blank slates,” and life must be, as William James so aptly put it, a
“blooming, buzzing confusion.”
However, babies aren’t quite as “blank” as we have historically assumed. In fact,

they are even starting to perceive and make sense of their world while still in the
womb. By month four of prenatal development, the brain starts receiving signals
from the eyes and ears. By seven to eight months, not only can infants hear,
they seem to be actually listening. This amazing finding comes from studies in
which developing fetuses were exposed to certain stimuli, and then their
preference for these stimuli was tested upon birth. In one study, mothers read
stories, including The Cat in the Hat, twice daily during the final six weeks of
pregnancy. At birth, their babies were given a pacifier that controlled a tape
recording of their mother’s voice reading different stories. Babies sucked the
pacifier much more to hear their mothers read The Cat in the Hat compared to
hearing stories the moms had not read to them in the womb (DeCasper &
Spence, 1986). Newborn babies also show a preference for their mother’s voice
over other women’s voices. For example, a study involving researchers at
Queen’s University showed that babies responded positively when they heard
poems read by their mother, but not when the poems were read by a stranger
(Kisilevsky et al., 2003). (Unfortunately for fathers, babies up to at least 4
months old don’t prefer their dad’s voice over other men’s [DeCasper &
Prescott, 1984; Ward & Cooper, 1999].)
The auditory patterning of babies’ brains is so significant that they have already
started to internalize the sounds of their own native tongue, even before they are
born. Recently, researchers analyzed the crying sounds of 60 babies born to
either French or German parents and discovered that babies actually cry with an
accent. The cries of French babies rose in intensity toward the end of their cry
while German babies started at high intensity and then trailed off. This difference
was apparent at only a few days of age and reflects the same sound patterns
characteristic of their respective languages (Mampe et al., 2009). So, babies are
actively learning about their cultural environment even while in the womb.
The visual system is not as well developed at birth, however. Enthusiastic family
members who stand around making goofy faces at a newborn baby are not really
interacting with the child; newborns have only about 1/40th of the visual acuity of
adults (Sireteanu, 1999), and can only see about as far away as is necessary to
see their mother’s face while breastfeeding (about 30 cm or less). It takes 6
months or more before they reach 20/20 visual acuity. Colour vision, depth
perception, and shape discrimination all get a slow start as well. Colour
discrimination happens at about 2 months of age, depth perception at 4 months,
and it takes a full 8 months before infants can perceive shapes and objects about
as well as adults (Csibra et al., 2000; Fantz, 1961). Nevertheless, even
newborns are highly responsive to visual cues if they’re close enough to see
them. They will track moving objects, and will stare intently at objects they
haven’t seen before, although after a while they habituate to an object and lose
interest in looking at it (Slater et al., 1988).
At just a few days of age, infants will imitate the facial expressions of others
(Meltzoff & Moore, 1977).
From Meltzoff, A. N., & Moore, M. K. (1977). Imitation of facial and manual gestures by human neonates. Science, 198, 75–
78.
Babies’ visual responses to the world illustrate a major theme within psychology,
which is that humans are fundamentally social creatures. By a few days of age,
newborns will imitate the facial expressions of others (Meltzoff & Moore, 1977).
Newborns prefer to look at stimuli that look like faces, compared to stimuli that
have all the same features but are scrambled so that they don’t look like faces
(see Figure 10.3 ). Infants also take longer to habituate to the face-like stimuli,
suggesting that the human face holds particular importance even for newborns
(Johnson et al., 1991). This social attuning was dramatically illustrated in one
study (Reissland, 1988), which showed that within one hour of birth, newborns
begin to imitate facial expressions that they see!
Figure 10.3 Experimental Stimuli for Studying Visual Habituation in Infants

Infants were shown three types of stimuli, a face-like stimulus, a neutral stimulus,
and a scrambled-face stimulus.
Interestingly, the proper development of the visual system is not guaranteed to

happen; it’s not hardwired into our genes. Instead, the visual system develops in
response to the infant experiencing a world of diverse visual input. Research at
McMaster University has shown that even though babies possess the necessary
“equipment” for proper vision, this equipment needs to be exposed to a diverse
visual world in order to learn how to function effectively (Maurer et al., 1999); it
is the patterns in the world which develop the appropriate neural pathways in the
visual cortex (see Module 4.2 ).
Although being exposed to a complex world is essential for the development of

the human visual system, interacting with this world is also necessary for the
visual system to properly develop. This was illustrated by research involving an
ingenious device—the visual cliff. Originally, researchers in 1960 (Gibson &
Walk, 1960) found that infants would be reluctant to crawl over the deep side,
seeming to understand depth and danger right from birth. However, researchers
eventually discovered that only babies who had some experience crawling
showed fear of the deep end (Campos et al., 1992).
In contrast to vision, the taste and olfactory systems are relatively well developed
at birth. Similar to adults, newborns cringe when they smell something rotten or
pungent (such as ammonia), and they show a strong preference for the taste of
sweets. Odours are strong memory cues for infants as well. For example, infants
can learn that a toy will work in the presence of one odour but not others, and
they can retain this memory over several days (Schroers et al., 2007). Newborn
infants can also smell the difference between their mother’s breastmilk and that
of a stranger. Infants even turn their heads toward the scent of breastmilk, which
helps to initiate nursing (Porter & Winberg, 1999).
The visual cliff.

Mark Richard/PhotoEdit, Inc.
Motor Development in The First Year
Although the motor system takes many years to develop a high degree of
coordination (good luck getting an infant to wield a steak knife), the beginnings of
the motor system develop very early. A mere five months after conception, the
fetus begins to have control of voluntary motor movements. In the last months of
gestation, the muscles and nervous system are developed enough to
demonstrate basic reflexes —involuntary muscular reactions to specific types
of stimulation. These reflexes provide newborns and infants with a set of innate
responses for feeding and interacting with their caregivers (see Table 10.2 for
a partial list of important infant reflexes). We evolved these reflexes because
they help the infant survive (e.g., the rooting reflex helps the infant find and latch
onto the breast; the grasping reflex helps the infant hold onto the caregiver,
which was probably pretty important especially for our tree-dwelling ancestors),
and they often begin the motor learning process that leads to the development of
more complex motor skills (e.g., there is a stepping reflex that may help the
infant learn to better sense and control her legs in order to support eventual
walking behaviour).
Table 10.2 A Few Key Infant Reflexes
THE ROOTING REFLEX
The rooting reflex is elicited by stimulation to the corners of the

mouth, which causes infants to orient themselves toward the
stimulation and make sucking motions. The rooting reflex helps the
Cathy Melloan infant begin feeding immediately after birth.
Resources/PhotoEdit,
Inc.
THE MORO REFLEX
The Moro reflex, also known as the “startle” reflex, occurs when
infants lose support of their head. Infants grimace and reach their
arms outward and then inward in a hugging motion. This may be a
Petit Format/Photo
protective reflex that allows the infant to hold on to the mother when
Researchers,
support is suddenly lost.
Inc./Science Source
THE GRASPING REFLEX
The grasping reflex is elicited by stimulating the infant’s palm. The

infant’s grasp is remarkably strong and facilitates safely holding on
to one’s caregiver.
Denise
Hager/Catchlight
Visual
Services/Alamy Stock
Photo
Interestingly, reflexes also provide important diagnostic information concerning

the infant’s development. If the infant is developing normally, most of the
primary, basic reflexes should disappear by the time the infant is about 6 months
old, as the motor processes involved in these reflexes become integrated into
the child’s developing neurology, in particular, the sensorimotor systems. The
outcome of this integration is a pretty big deal—voluntary control over the body.
Thus, if these reflexes persist longer than about six months, this may indicate
neural issues that may interfere with developing proper motor control (Volpe,
2008).
Over the first 12 to 18 months after birth, infants’ motor abilities progress through
fairly reliable stages—from crawling, to standing, to walking (see Figure
10.4 ). Although the majority of infants develop this way, there is still some
variability; for example, some infants largely bypass the crawling stage,
developing a kind of bum-sliding movement instead, and then proceed directly to
standing and walking. The age at which infants can perform each of these
movements differs from one individual to the next. In contrast to reflexes, the
development of motor skills seems to rely more on practice and deliberate effort,
which in turn is related to environmental influences, such as cultural practices.
For example, Jamaican mothers typically expect their babies to walk earlier than
British or Indian mothers, and sure enough, Jamaican babies do walk earlier,
likely because they are given more encouragement and opportunities to learn
(Hopkins & Westra, 1989; Zelazo et al., 1993).
Figure 10.4 Motor Skills Develop in Stages

This series shows infants in different stages of development: (a) raising the
head, (b) rolling over, (c) propping up, (d) sitting up, (e) crawling, and (f) walking.
Top, left: bendao/Shutterstock; top, right: Bubbles Photolibrary/Alamy Stock Photo; bottom, left: imageBROKER/Glow
Images; bottom, centre left: OLJ Studio/Shutterstock; bottom, centre right: Corbis Bridge/Alamy Stock Photo; bottom, right:
Eric Gevaert/Shutterstock
One area of the body that undergoes astonishing development during infancy is
the brain. Although the major brain structures are all present at birth, they
continue developing right into adulthood. One key change is the myelination of
axons (see Module 3.2 ), which begins prenatally, accelerates through infancy
and childhood, and then continues gradually for many years. Myelination is
centrally important for the proper development of the infant, and occurs in a
reliable sequence, starting with tactile and kinesthetic systems (involving sensory
and motor pathways), then moving to the vestibular, visual, and auditory systems
(Espenschade & Eckert, 1980;Deoni et al., 2011). Myelination of sensorimotor
systems allows for the emergence of voluntary motor control (Espenschade &
Eckert, 1980). By 12 months of age, the myelination of motoric pathways can be
seen in the infant’s newfound abilities to stand and balance, begin walking, and
gain voluntary control over the pincer grasp (pressing the forefinger and thumb
together).
Two other neural processes, synaptogenesis and synaptic pruning, further help
to coordinate the functioning of the developing brain. Synaptogenesis
describes the forming of new synaptic connections, which occurs at blinding
speed through infancy and childhood and continues through the lifespan.
Synaptic pruning , the loss of weak nerve cell connections, accelerates
during brain development through infancy and childhood (Figure 10.5 ), then
tapers off until adolescence (see Module 10.3 ). Synaptogenesis and synaptic
pruning serve to increase neural efficiency by strengthening needed connections
between nerve cells and weeding out unnecessary ones.
Figure 10.5 The Processes of Synaptic Pruning
In summary, the journey from zygote to you begins dramatically, with biological
pathways being formed at a breakneck pace both prenatally and after birth,
giving rise to sensory and motor abilities that allow infants to become competent
perceivers and actors in the external world. Most motor abilities require
substantial time for infants to learn to coordinate the many different muscles
involved, which depends heavily on infants’ interactions with the environment.
From the very beginnings of our lives, nature and nurture are inextricably
intertwined.
Module 10.1c Quiz:
Sensory and Motor Development in Infancy
Know . . .
1. Three processes account for the main ways in which the brain develops
after birth. These three processes are
A. myelination, synaptogenesis, and synaptic pruning.
B. myelination, synaptic reorganization, and increased
neurotransmitter production.
C. synaptogenesis, synaptic pruning, and increased
neurotransmitter production.
D. cell growth, myelination, and synaptic organization.
Understand . . .
2. The development of infant motor skills is best described as
A. a genetic process with no environmental influence.
B. completely due to the effects of encouragement.
C. a mixture of biological maturation and learning.
D. progressing in continuous, rather than stage, fashion.
Module 10.1 Summary

10.1a Know . . . the key terminology related to prenatal and infant physical
development.
cohort effect
cross-sectional design
developmental psychology
embryonic stage
fetal alcohol syndrome
fetal stage
germinal stage
longitudinal design
preterm infant
reflexes
synaptic pruning
synaptogenesis
teratogen
zygote
10.1b Understand . . . the pros and cons to different research designs in

developmental psychology.
Cross-sectional designs, in which a researcher studies a sample of people at

one time, have the advantage of being faster, and generally cheaper, allowing
research to be completed quickly; however, they may suffer from cohort effects
because people of different ages in the sample are also from somewhat different
historical time periods and, thus, any differences between them could reflect a
historical process and not a developmental one. Longitudinal designs, in which a
researcher follows a sample of people over a span of time, have the advantage
of being able to track changes in the same people, thus giving more direct insight
into developmental processes. However, such studies take longer to complete,
thus slowing down the research process, and they can suffer from attrition, in
which people drop out of the study over time.
10.1c Apply . . . your understanding to identify the best ways expectant
parents can ensure the health of their developing fetus.
The key to healthy fetal development is ensuring a chemically ideal environment.

The most important factors are adequate nutrition and avoiding teratogens. Best
nutritional practices include approximately a 20% increase in the mother’s caloric
intake, additional protein, and ensuring sufficient quantities of essential nutrients
(which usually involves taking nutritional supplements). Avoiding teratogens
involves giving up smoking and drinking alcohol, and getting good medical
advice concerning any medications that the expectant mother may be taking.
10.1d Analyze . . . the effects of preterm birth.
Health risks increase considerably with very premature births (e.g., those
occurring at just 25 weeks’ gestation). Use of proper caregiving procedures,
especially personalized care that emphasizes mother–infant contact,
breastfeeding, and minimal sensory stimulation for the underdeveloped brain,
increases the chances that preterm infants will remain healthy.
Module 10.2 Infancy and
Childhood: Cognitive and
Emotional Development
Getty Images
Learning Objectives
10.2a Know . . . the terminology associated with infancy and childhood.
10.2b Understand . . . the cognitive changes that occur during infancy and
childhood.
10.2c Understand . . . the importance of attachment and the different styles of
attachment.
10.2d Apply . . . the concept of scaffolding and the zone of proximal
development to understand how to best promote learning.
10.2e Analyze . . . how to effectively discipline children in order to promote
moral behaviour.
Many parents have turned to Disney’s Baby Einstein line of books, toys,
and DVDs in hopes of entertaining and enriching their children. These
materials certainly are entertaining enough that children watch them. But
do they work? Do these products actually increase cognitive skills? The
advertising pitch is certainly persuasive, arguing that these products were
designed to help babies explore music, art, language, science, poetry,
and nature through engaging images, characters, and music. How could
that be bad? However, the American Academy of Pediatrics recommends
that children younger than two years should not watch television at all,
based on research showing that memory and language skills are slower
to develop in infants who regularly watch television (Christakis, 2009).
Further, research specifically on Baby Einstein videos has shown that
they have no effect on vocabulary development (Richert et al., 2010;
Robb et al., 2009). Instead of watching commercial programs on
electronic screens, reading with caregivers turns out to be related to
greater vocabulary comprehension and production. Thus, using the
“electronic babysitter” might be justifiable in order to give parents a break
or let them get some things done, but caregivers shouldn’t fool
themselves into thinking that it’s actually promoting their children’s
development.
Focus Questions
1. Which types of activities do infants and young children need for

their psychological development?
2. Why are social interactions so important for healthy
development?
The transition from baby to toddler is perhaps the most biologically and
behaviourally dramatic time in people’s lives. It is a mere year or two during
which we grow from highly incapable, drooling babies, to highly coordinated and
capable children. The physical, cognitive, and social transitions that occur
between infancy and childhood are remarkably ordered, yet are also influenced
by individual genetic and sociocultural factors. In this module, we integrate some
important stage perspectives to explain psychological development through
childhood.
One key insight to emerge from several lines of research is that for many
systems, certain periods of development seem to be exceptionally important for
long-term functioning. A sensitive period is a window of time during which
exposure to a specific type of environmental stimulation is needed for normal
development of a specific ability. For example, to become fluent in language,
infants need to be exposed to speech during their first few years of life. Long-
term deficits can emerge if the needed stimulation, such as language, is missing
during a sensitive period. Sensitive periods of development are a widespread
phenomenon. They have been found in humans and other species for abilities
such as depth perception, balance, recognition of parents and, in humans at
least, identifying with a particular culture (Cheung et al., 2011). However,
although sensitive periods can explain the emergence of many perceptual (and
some cognitive) abilities, they are only one of many mechanisms underlying
human development.
Over the past century, many psychologists have attempted to explain how
children’s mental abilities develop and expand. One of the most influential figures
in this search was a Swiss psychologist named Jean Piaget (1896–1980).
Cognitive Changes: Piaget’s Cognitive

Development Theory
Jean Piaget developed many of his theories in an unorthodox manner: he
studied his own family. However, this was not done in a casual manner. Piaget
actively studied, made copious notes of his observations, and even ran specific
tests and measurements on his own children as they were growing up. The
theories that resulted from this extensive personal project laid much of the
groundwork for the modern science of cognitive development —the study of
changes in memory, thought, and reasoning processes that occur throughout the
lifespan. In his own work, Piaget focused on cognitive development from infancy
through early adolescence.
Piaget’s central interest was in explaining how children learn to think and reason.
According to Piaget, learning is all about accumulating and modifying knowledge,
which involves two central processes that he called assimilation and
accommodation. Assimilation is fitting new information into the belief system
one already possesses. For example, young children may think that all girls have
long hair and, as they encounter more examples of this pattern, they will
assimilate them into their current understanding. Of course, eventually they will
to run into girls with short hair or boys with long hair, and their beliefs will be
challenged by this information. They may, at first, misunderstand, assuming a
short-haired girl is actually a boy and a long-haired boy is actually a girl. But over
time they will learn that their rigid categories of long-haired girl and short-haired
boy need to be altered. This is called accommodation , a creative process
whereby people modify their belief structures based on experience. Our belief
systems help us make sense of the world (assimilation), but as we encounter
information that challenges our beliefs, we develop a more complex
understanding of the world (accommodation). Deeply understanding assimilation
and accommodation gets right to the heart of how to help people learn new
things, as well as why people so often resist new information and may vigorously
hold on to their beliefs.
Based on his observations of his children, Piaget concluded that cognitive

development passes through four distinct stages from birth through early
adolescence: the sensorimotor, preoperational, concrete operational, and formal
operational stages. Passing out of one stage and into the next occurs when the
child achieves the important developmental milestone of that stage (see Table
10.3 ).
Table 10.3 Piaget’s Stages of Cognitive Development
Stage Description
Sensorimotor Cognitive experience is based on direct sensory experience with the

(0–2 years) world, as well as motor movements that allow infants to interact with
the world. Object permanence is the significant developmental
milestone of this stage.
Preoperational Thinking moves beyond the immediate appearance of objects. The

(2–7 years) child understands physical conservation and that symbols, language,
and drawings can be used to represent ideas.
Concrete The ability to perform mental transformations on objects that are

operational physically present emerges. Thinking becomes logical and
(7–11 years) organized.
Formal The capacity for abstract and hypothetical thinking develops.

operational Scientific reasoning becomes possible.
(11 years–
adulthood)
The Sensorimotor Stage: Living in The Material

World
The earliest period of cognitive development is known as the sensorimotor
stage ; this stage spans from birth to two years, during which infants’ thinking
about and exploration of the world are based on immediate sensory (e.g.,
seeing, feeling) and motor (e.g., grabbing, mouthing) experiences. During this
time, infants are completely immersed in the present moment, responding
exclusively to direct sensory input. As soon as an object is out of sight and out of
reach, it will cease to exist (at least in the minds of young infants): Out of sight,
out of mind.
This is obviously not how the world works. Thus, the first major milestone of
cognitive development proposed by Piaget is object permanence , the ability
to understand that objects exist even when they cannot be directly perceived. To
test for object permanence, Piaget would allow an infant to reach for a toy, and
then place a screen or a barrier between the infant and the toy so that the toy
was no longer visible to the infant. If the reaching or looking stopped, it would
suggest that the infant did not have a mental representation of the object when it
was not visible. This would indicate that the infant had not yet developed object
permanence.
Object permanence is tested by examining reactions that infants have to objects

when they cannot be seen. Children who have object permanence will attempt to
reach around the barrier or will continue looking in the direction of the desired
object.
Doug Goodman/Photo Researchers, Inc./ Science Source
Notice that this is not a problem for a two-year-old child. He can be very aware
that his favourite toy awaits him in another room while he has to sit at the dinner
table; in fact, he might not be able to get the toy out of his mind, and may take
revenge on the evil tyrants who won’t get it for him by screaming throughout the
meal.
The Preoperational Stage: Quantity and Numbers
According to Piaget, once children have mastered sensorimotor tasks, they have
progressed to the preoperational stage (ages two to seven). This stage is
devoted to language development, the use of symbols, pretend play, and
mastering the concept of conservation (discussed below). During this stage,
children can think about physical objects, although they have not quite attained
abstract thinking abilities. They may count objects and use numbers, yet they
cannot mentally manipulate information or see things from other points of view.
This inability to manipulate abstract information is shown by testing a child’s

understanding of conservation , the knowledge that the quantity or amount of
an object is not the same as the physical arrangement and appearance of that
object. Conservation can be tested in a number of ways (see Figure 10.6 ).
For example, in a conservation of liquid task, a child is shown two identical
glasses, each containing the same amount of liquid. The researcher then pours
the liquid from one glass into a differently shaped container, typically one that is
taller and narrower. Although the amount of liquid is still the same, many children
believe that the tall, thin glass contains more fluid because it looks “bigger” (i.e.,
taller). The conservation of number task produces similar effects. In this task, a
child is presented with two identical rows of seven pennies each (see the bottom
part of Figure 10.6 ). The experimenter then spreads out one of the rows so
that it is longer, but still has the same number of coins. If you ask the child,
“Which row has more?” a three-year-old would likely point to the row that was
spread out because a child in the preoperational stage focuses on the simpler
method of answering based on immediate perception, instead of applying more
sophisticated mental operations (such as counting the pennies).
Figure 10.6 Testing Conservation
A child views two equal amounts of fluid, one of which is then poured into a
taller, narrower container. Children who do not yet understand conservation
believe that there is more fluid in the tall container compared to the shorter one.
A similar version of this task can be tested using equal arrays of separate
objects.
2nd Ed., ©2011. Reprinted and Electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc., New York, NY.
Although tests of conservation provide compelling demonstrations of the limits of

children’s cognitive abilities, Piaget’s conclusions were not universally accepted.
Some researchers have challenged Piaget’s pessimism about the abilities of
young children, arguing that their inability to perform certain tasks was a function
of the child’s interpretation of the task, not their underlying cognitive limitations
(see the Working the Scientific Literacy Model feature). For example, when
three-year-old children are presented with the pennies conservation task
described above, but M&Ms are substituted for the pennies, everything changes.
All of a sudden, children exhibit much more sophisticated thinking. If you put
more M&Ms tightly packed together so they take up less space than a line of
M&Ms that is more spread out, children will pick the more tightly packed but
“smaller” row, understanding that it contains more candy—especially if they get
to eat the candy from the row they choose (Mehler & Bever, 1967).
In fact, even before children start to use and understand numbers, they acquire a
basic understanding of quantity. Very soon after they are born, infants appear to
understand what it means to have less or more of something. This suggests that
the infants who chose the longer row of pennies in the example above may
simply have misunderstood the question, not the underlying rule of conservation.
To them, more could simply have meant longer.
Although Piaget clearly underestimated the cognitive abilities of young children,

researchers have identified common errors that very young children make but
older children typically do not make. The children in Figure 10.7 are
committing scale errors in the sense that they appear to interact with a doll-sized
slide and a toy car as if they were the real thing, rather than miniatures
(DeLoache et al., 2004). By 2 to 2½ years of age, scale errors decline as
children begin to understand properties of objects and how they are related. This
understanding is one of many advances children make as they progress toward
more abstract thinking.
Figure 10.7 Scale Errors and Testing for Scale Model Comprehension
The children in photos (a) and (b) are making scale errors. One child is
attempting to slide down a toy slide and another is attempting to enter a toy car.
Three-year-olds understand that a scale model represents an actual room (c).
The adult pictured is using a scale model to indicate the location of a hidden
object in an actual room of this type. At around 3 years of age, children
understand that the scale model symbolizes an actual room and will go directly
to the hidden object after viewing the scale model.
Courtesy of Judy DeLoache
At around 3 years of age children begin to understand symbolic information. For

example, 3-year-olds understand that a scale model of a room can symbolize an
actual room (Figure 10.7 ). Children who view an experimenter placing a
miniature toy within the scale model will quickly locate the actual toy when
allowed to enter the room symbolized by the scale model (DeLoache, 1995).
Abilities such as this are precursors to more advanced abilities of mental
abstraction.
The Concrete Operational Stage: Using Logical

Thought
Conservation is one of the main skills marking the transition from the
preoperational stage to the concrete operational stage (ages 7 to 11 years),
when children develop skills in logical thinking and manipulating numbers.
Children in the concrete operational stage are able to classify objects according
to properties such as size, value, shape, or some other physical characteristic.
Their thinking becomes increasingly logical and organized. For example, a child
in the concrete operational stage recognizes that if X is more than Y, and Y is
more than Z, then X is more than Z (a property called transitivity). This ability to
think logically about physical objects sets the stage for them to think logically
about abstractions in the fourth and final stage of cognitive development.
The Formal Operational Stage: Abstract and

Hypothetical Thought
The formal operational stage (ages 11 to adulthood) involves the
development of advanced cognitive processes such as abstract reasoning and
hypothetical thinking. Scientific thinking, such as gathering evidence and
systematically testing possibilities, is characteristic of this stage.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Evaluating

Piaget
Piaget was immensely successful in opening our eyes to the

cognitive development of infants and children. Nevertheless,
advances in testing methods have shown that he may have
underestimated some aspects of infant cognitive abilities. In fact,
infants appear to understand some basic principles of their
physical and social worlds very shortly after birth.
What do we know about cognitive abilities in infants?

The core knowledge hypothesis proposes that infants have
inborn abilities for understanding some key aspects of their
environment (Spelke & Kinzler, 2007). It is a bold claim to say
that babies know something about the world before they have
even experienced it, so we should closely examine the evidence
for this hypothesis.
How can we know what infants know or what they perceive? One
frequently used method for answering this question relies on the
habituation–dishabituation response. Habituation refers to a
decrease in responding with repeated exposure to an event. For
example, if an infant is shown the same stimulus over and over,
she will stop looking at it. Conversely, infants are quite
responsive to novelty or changes in their environment. Thus, if
the stimulus suddenly changes, the infant will display
dishabituation , an increase in responsiveness with the
presentation of a new stimulus. In other words, the infant will
return her gaze to the location that she previously found boring.
Research on habituation and dishabituation in infants led to the
development of measurement techniques based on what infants
will look at and for how long. These techniques now allow
researchers to test infants even younger than Piaget was able to.
A popular method for testing infant cognitive abilities is to
measure the amount of time infants look at stimuli. Researchers
measure habituation and dishabituation to infer what infants
understand.
Lawrence Migdale/ Photo Researchers, Inc./Science Source
How can science help explain infant cognitive abilities?

Measurement techniques based on what infants look at have
been used to measure whether infants understand many different
concepts, including abstract numbers—an ability that most
people imagine appears much later in development. For example,
Elizabeth Spelke and colleagues conducted a study in which 16
infants just two days old were shown sets of either 4 or 12
identical small shapes (e.g., yellow triangles, purple circles) on a
video screen. The researchers also made a sound 4 or 12 times
(e.g., tu-tu-tu-tu or ra-ra-ra-ra-ra-ra-ra-ra-ra-ra-ra-ra) at the same
time they showed the shapes (see Figure 10.8 ). Researchers
varied whether the number of shapes the infants saw matched
the number of tones they heard (e.g., 4 yellow triangles and 4 “ra”
tones), or not (e.g., 4 purple circles and 12 “ra” tones). The
infants were most attentive when what they saw and heard
matched. In other words, they looked longer at the shapes when
the number of shapes matched the number of sounds, compared
to when they did not match; this is taken as evidence that even
very young infants have a rudimentary appreciation for abstract
numbers (Izard et al., 2009).
Figure 10.8 Testing Infants’ Understanding of

Quantity
In this study, infants listened to tones that were repeated either 4

or 12 times while they looked at objects that had either 4 or 12
components. Infants spent more time looking at visual arrays
when the number of items they saw matched the number of tones
they heard.
Source: Figure 1 from “Newborn Infants Perceive Abstract Numbers” by V. Izard, C. Spann, E. S.
Spelke, & A. Streri (2009), Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 106, 10382–10385.
Copyright © 2009. Reprinted by permission of PNAS.

Many of the studies of early cognitive development discussed in
this module used the “looking time” procedure, although not all
psychologists agree that it is an ideal way of determining what
infants understand or perceive (Aslin, 2007; Rivera et al., 1999).
We cannot know exactly what infants are thinking, and perhaps
they look longer at events and stimuli simply because these are
more interesting rather than because they understand anything in
particular about them. Inferring mental states that participants
cannot themselves validate certainly leaves room for alternative
explanations.
Also, the sample sizes in these studies are often fairly small, due
to the cost and complexity of researching infants. In the study of
shapes and tones just described, only 16 infants managed to
complete the study. Forty-five others were too fussy or sleepy to
successfully finish the task.

The key insight provided by this research is that cognitive
development in young infants is much more sophisticated than
psychologists previously assumed. With each study that
examines the cognitive capacities of infants, we learn that infants
are not just slobbery blobs that need to be fed and diapered—
though it certainly can feel that way when you are a new parent.
Now we are learning that infants can understand more than we
might expect, and can reason in more complex ways than we had
believed.
One thing that parents and caregivers can learn from this
research is to see their children as complex learners who use
sensation and movement to develop their emerging cognitive
abilities. Caregivers can encourage this process by talking to
them using diverse vocabulary, exploring rhythm and music,
allowing them to feel different objects, and exposing them to
different textures and sensations.
Piaget’s theories have had a lasting impact on modern developmental

psychology. In addition to providing insights into the minds of young children,
Piaget’s work inspired numerous other researchers to study cognitive
development. Many of these new discoveries complement, rather than entirely
contradict, Piaget’s foundational work.
Complementary Approaches to Piaget
In the many decades since Piaget’s work, psychologists have explored how
children’s social contexts affect their cognitive development. For example, in a
learning context, other people can support and facilitate children’s learning, or
can make it more difficult. Children who try to master a skill by themselves may
run into obstacles that would be easier to overcome with a little assistance or
guidance from another person, or they may give up on a task when a little
encouragement could have given them the boost needed to persevere and
succeed. At the opposite extreme, children who have everything done for them
and who are not allowed to work through problems themselves may become
relatively incapable of finding solutions on their own, and may not develop
feelings of competence that support striving for goals and overcoming
challenges. Therefore, it seems reasonable to expect that optimal development
will occur somewhere between the extremes of children doing everything on their
own without any support, versus having others over-involved in their activities.
Russian psychologist Lev Vygotsky (1978) proposed that development is ideal

when children attempt skills and activities that are just beyond what they can do
alone, but they have guidance from adults who are attentive to their progress;
this concept is termed the zone of proximal development (Singer &
Goldin-Meadow, 2005). Teaching in order to keep children in the zone of
proximal development is called scaffolding , a highly attentive approach to
teaching in which the teacher matches guidance to the learner’s needs.
Cross-cultural research on parent–infant interactions shows that scaffolding is

exercised in different ways (Rogoff et al., 1993). For example, in one study, 12-
to 24-month-old children were offered a toy that required pulling a string to make
it move. Parents from Turkey, Guatemala, and the United States were observed
interacting with their infants as they attempted to figure out how the toy worked.
All parents used scaffolding when they spoke and gestured to their children to
encourage them to pull the string, but mother–child pairs from Guatemala were
much more communicative with each other, both verbally and through gestures
such as touching and using the direction of their gaze to encourage the
behaviour. Over time, this kind of sensitive scaffolding should result in children
who are more seamlessly integrated into the daily life of the family and
community, rather than merely relegated to “play” activities in specialized “kid-
friendly” environments. This means that children who are appropriately
scaffolded are able to be useful and self-sufficient at much earlier ages than is
normal in contemporary North American society. This kind of scaffolding
approach to everyday life tasks is one of the foundational practices in many
alternative education systems, such as the Montessori system.
Caregivers who are attentive to the learning and abilities of a developing child
provide scaffolding for cognitive development.
Nolte Lourens/Shutterstock
Module 10.2a Quiz:
Cognitive Changes: Piaget’s Cognitive Development Theory
Know . . .
1. Recognizing that the quantity of an object does not change despite
changes in its physical arrangement or appearance is referred to as
.
A. object permanence
B. scale comprehension
C. conservation
D. number sense
2. Parents who attend to their children’s psychological abilities and guide

them through the learning process are using .
A. scaffolding
B. tutoring
C. core knowledge
D. the zone of proximal development
3. What is the correct order of Piaget’s stages of cognitive development?

A. Preoperational, sensorimotor, concrete operational, formal
operational
B. Sensorimotor, preoperational, formal operational, concrete
operational
C. Sensorimotor, preoperational, concrete operational, formal
operational
D. Preoperational, concrete operational, sensorimotor, formal
operational
Apply . . .
4. A child in the sensorimotor stage may quit looking or reaching for a toy if
you move it out of sight. This behaviour reflects the fact that the child has
not developed .
A. core knowledge
B. object permanence
C. conservation
D. to the preoperational stage
Analyze . . .
5. Research on newborns indicates that they have a sense of number and
quantity. What does this finding suggest about Piaget’s theory of
cognitive development?
A. It confirms what Piaget claimed about infants in the sensorimotor
phase.
B. Some infants are born with superior intelligence.
C. Piaget may have underestimated some cognitive abilities of
infants and children.
D. Culture determines what infants are capable of doing.
Social Development, Attachment, and

Self-Awareness
It seems rather obvious to point out that human infants are profoundly dependent
on their caregivers for pretty much everything, from food and relief from dirty
diapers, to being held and soothed when they are upset. Based on Piaget’s
insight that the infant’s experiential world is largely comprised of physical
sensation and movement, one might expect that physical interactions with
caregivers make up a huge part of an infant’s reality. As a result, the infant’s
emerging feelings of safety and security, or conversely, fear and distress, may
be highly affected by the basic, physical connection with caregivers.
Nowadays, it is perhaps not a stunning insight to realize that being touched and
held, seeing facial expressions that are responsive to one’s own, and hearing
soothing vocalizations, are important for helping infants to feel secure in what is
otherwise a pretty big, unknown and potentially scary world. However, in the mid-
20th century, it was a major insight to realize how sensitively attuned infants are
to their social world, and how deeply they are affected by how they are treated
by those they depend upon. Whether caregivers are loving and responsive, or
perhaps neglectful or cruel, in the first months of life, can affect the developing
child in ways that last for the rest of their lives.
Understanding the intense social bonding that occurs between humans revolves
around the central concept of attachment , the enduring emotional bond
formed between individuals, initially between infants and caregivers. Attachment
motivations are deeply rooted in our psychology, compelling us to seek out
others for physical and psychological comfort, particularly when we feel stressed
or insecure (Bowlby, 1951). Infants draw upon a remarkable repertoire of
behaviours that are geared towards seeking attachment, such as crying, cooing,
gurgling, and smiling, and adults are generally responsive to these rudimentary
but effective communications.
What is Attachment?
In the early decades of modern psychology, dominant theories of motivation
emphasized biological drives, such as hunger and thirst, that motivated people to
satisfy their basic needs. From this perspective, the motivation that drove infants
to connect with caregivers, like their mother, was simple; mom fed them,
reducing their hunger, and thus, they developed a behavioural interdependence
with mom, and through basic conditioning processes (i.e., associating mom with
the pleasure and comfort of food), formed an emotional attachment with mom as
well. Such a description of love is never going to fill a book of poetry, but it
seemed to scientifically and objectively account for the infant–caregiver bond.
However, in the 1950s, a psychologist by the name of Harry Harlow made an

extremely interesting observation, although one so seemingly innocuous that
most of us likely would have overlooked it. Harlow was conducting research on
infant rhesus monkeys, and was raising these monkeys in cages without any
contact with their mothers. In the course of this research, he noticed that the
baby monkeys seemed to cling passionately to the cloth pads that lined their
cages, and they would become very distressed when these pads were removed
for cleaning. This simple observation made Harlow start to wonder what function
the pads served for the monkeys. The monkeys didn’t eat the pads, obviously, so
why should they be so attached to them?
A baby monkey clings to a cloth-covered object—Harlow called this object the
cloth mother—even though in this case the wire “mother” provided food.
Nina Leen/The LIFE Picture Collection/Getty Images
Harlow designed an ingenious set of studies, testing whether it was physical

comfort or primary drive reduction that drove the formation of attachment. He
placed rhesus monkeys in cages, right from birth, and gave them two pseudo-
mothers: one was a cylinder of mesh wire wrapped with soft terry-cloth, loosely
resembling an adult monkey; the other was an identical cylinder but without the
cloth covering. To then test whether reducing the monkeys’ hunger was
important for the formation of attachment, Harlow simply varied which of the
“mothers” was the food source. For some monkeys, the terry-cloth mother had a
bottle affixed to it and thus was the infant’s food source, whereas for other
monkeys, the bottle was affixed to the wire mother. The question was, who
would the monkeys bond with? Did their emotional attachment actually depend
on which of the “mothers” fed them?
The contest between mothers wasn’t even close. No matter who had the bottle,
the baby monkeys spent almost all their time with the cloth mother, pretty much
ignoring the wire mother except for the small amount of time they spent actually
feeding, when she had the bottle (see Figure 10.9 ). Furthermore, the
monkeys seemed emotionally attached to the cloth mother, depending on her to
meet their emotional needs. For example, researchers devised experiments in
which the baby monkeys would be frightened (e.g., surprising them with a
metallic contraption that looked like a vicious monster), and they would watch
which mother the infants would run to for comfort and security. Over and over
again, they ran to the cloth mother (the videos from this experiment are heart-
breaking). The implications were clear—attachment is not about reducing
fundamental biological drives; it’s about feeling secure, which has a strong basis
in feeling physically comforted.
Figure 10.9 Harlow’s Monkeys: Time Spent on Wire and Cloth Mother
Surrogates
Source: Harlow, H. F. (1958). The nature of love. American Psychologist, 13(12), 673–685. From the American Psychological
Association.
Types of Attachment
In order to measure attachment bonds in human infants, obviously it is unethical
to raise babies in cages with fake mothers and then scare them half to death to
see who they crawl to. Instead, psychologists have developed methods of
studying infant attachment that are only mildly stressful and mimic natural
situations. One method capitalizes on stranger anxiety—signs of distress that
infants begin to show toward strangers at about eight months of age. Mary
Ainsworth developed a measurement system, based on the belief that different
characteristic patterns of responding to stranger anxiety indicated different types
of emotional security, or attachment style.
Ainsworth (1978) developed a procedure called the strange situation ,a

way of measuring infant attachment by observing how infants behave when
exposed to different experiences that involve anxiety and comfort. The procedure
involves a sequence of scripted experiences that expose children to some mild
anxiety (e.g., the presence of a stranger, being left alone with the stranger), and
the potential to receive some comfort from their caregiver. For example, the child
and caregiver spend a few minutes in a room with some toys; a stranger enters,
the caregiver leaves, and then the caregiver returns. In each segment of the
procedure, the child’s behaviour is carefully observed. Ainsworth noted three
broad patterns of behaviour that she believed reflected three different attachment
styles (see Figure 10.10 ):
Figure 10.10 The Strange Situation
Studies of attachment by Mary Ainsworth involved a mother leaving her infant
with a stranger. Ainsworth believed that the infants’ attachment styles could be
categorized according to their behavioural responses to the mother leaving and
returning.
2nd Ed., © 2011. Reprinted and Electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc., New York, NY.
1. Secure attachment. The caregiver is a secure base that the child turns
toward occasionally, “checking in” for reassurance as she explores the
room. The child shows some distress when the caregiver leaves, and
avoids the stranger. When the caregiver returns, the child seeks comfort
and her distress is relieved.
2. Insecure attachment. Two subtypes were distinguished:
Anxious/Ambivalent. The caregiver is a base of security, but the
child depends too strongly on the caregiver, exhibiting “clingy”
behaviours rather than being comfortable exploring the room on his
own. The child is very upset when the caregiver leaves, and is quite
fearful toward the stranger. When the caregiver returns, the child
seeks comfort, but then also resists it and pushes the caregiver away,
not allowing his distress to be easily alleviated.
Avoidant. The child behaves as though she does not need the
caregiver at all, and plays in the room as though she is oblivious to
the caregiver. The child is not upset when the caregiver leaves, and
is unconcerned about the stranger. When the caregiver returns, the
child does not seek contact.
3. Subsequent research identified a fourth attachment style, disorganized

(Main & Solomon, 1990), which is best characterized by instability; the
child has learned (typically through inconsistent and often abusive
experiences) that caregivers are sources of both fear and comfort,
leaving the child oscillating between wanting to get away and wanting to
be reassured. The child experiences a strong ambivalence, and
reinforces this through his own inconsistent behaviour, seeking closeness
and then pulling away, or often simply “freezing,” paralyzed with
indecision.
Attachment is important not only in infancy, but throughout one’s life. Even in
adult romantic relationships, attachment styles (gained during infancy!) are still at
work (Hofer, 2006). The specific patterns of behaviour that characterize different
attachment styles can be seen, albeit in somewhat more complex forms, in adult
relationships (Hazan & Shaver, 1987; Mikulincer & Shaver, 2007). Attachment
styles predict many different relationship behaviours, including how we form and
dissolve relationships, specific issues and insecurities that arise in relationships,
and likely patterns of communication and conflict. For example, in one large,
longitudinal study spanning more than 20 years, people who were securely
attached as infants were better able to recover from interpersonal conflict with
their romantic partners (Salvatore et al., 2011). It appears that the father
described at the beginning of Module 10.1 was correct; we really are similar
to “giant babies.”
Development of Attachment
Given that attachment styles are so important, how do they form in the first
place? Research consistently has shown that one’s attachment style largely
reflects one’s early attachment experiences (e.g., whether caregivers tend to be
loving, accepting, and responsive, or critical, rejecting, and unresponsive, or
simply inconsistent and unpredictable). This makes sense; after all, attachment
styles are understood to be learned patterns of behaviour that the developing
child adopts in order to adapt to the key relationships in her life. This is a major
insight for parents to take seriously, because the consequences of one’s own
behaviour as a parent can resonate throughout the rest of the child’s life. Most
important, perhaps, is parental responsiveness. For example, Ainsworth’s
research (Ainsworth, 1978) showed that maternal sensitivity (i.e., being highly
attuned to the infant’s signals and communication, and responding appropriately)
is key to developing a secure attachment style. More contemporary research has
expanded this to included non-maternal caregivers; yes Dads, you’re important
too.
At this point, especially if you feel you have somewhat of a less-than-secure
attachment style, you might be wondering whether you are doomed to remain
this way forever. After all, we have been emphasizing the long-term stability of
attachment styles that are formed early in life. Nevertheless, it is important to
note that attachment styles can change. Insecurely attached people can certainly
find their attachment style becoming more secure through having supportive
relationship experiences, whether they are intimate/romantic relationships or
other sorts of supportive relationships such as one may establish with a therapist
(Bowlby, 1988). The reason that attachment styles tend to be relatively
consistent over time is that they tend to condition the same types of behaviour
patterns and relationship outcomes that led to their formation in the first place.
Just think about how much more difficult it would be for a highly avoidant or
highly insecure and “needy” person to develop the sorts of patterns in
relationships that would help them to feel loved and accepted, compared to
somebody who is already secure. Nevertheless, if a person is able to establish
healthy relationship patterns in adulthood, they can undo the effects of less-than-
ideal early attachment experiences.
While it was initially believed that ideal parenting called for parents to be highly
sensitive to the child, leading to closely coordinated emotional interactions
between them, recent studies have shown that highly sensitive caregivers
actually demonstrate moderate coordination with their children (Hane et al.,
2003). Both under-responsiveness and over-involvement/hypersensitivity to an
infant’s needs and emotions are correlated with the development of insecure
attachment styles (Beebe et al., 2010). The ideal parent does not reflexively
respond to all the child’s needs, but is sensitive to how much responsiveness the
child needs. In the next section we will learn how this type of parental sensitivity
is connected to the development of self-awareness, as well as to the ability to
take other people’s perspectives.
Self Awareness
Between 18–24 months of age, toddlers begin to gain self-awareness , the
ability to recognize one’s individuality. Becoming aware of one’s self goes hand-
in-hand with becoming aware of others as separate beings, and thus, self-
awareness and the development of pro-social and moral motivations are
intricately intertwined, as we discuss below.
The presence of self-awareness is typically tested by observing infants’ reactions

to their reflection in a mirror or on video (Bahrick & Watson, 1985; Bard et al.,
2006). Self-awareness becomes increasingly sophisticated over the course of
development, progressing from the ability to recognize oneself in a mirror to the
ability to reflect on one’s own feelings, decisions, and appearance. By the time
children reach their fifth birthday, they become self-reflective, show concern for
others, and are intensely interested in the causes of other people’s behaviour.
Young children are often described as egocentric , meaning that they only
consider their own perspective (Piaget & Inhelder, 1956). This does not imply
that children are selfish or inconsiderate, but that they merely lack the cognitive
ability to understand the perspective of others. For example, a two-year-old may
attempt to hide by simply covering her own eyes. From her perspective, she is
hidden. Piaget believed that children were predominantly egocentric until the end
of the preoperational phase (ending around age seven). He tested for
egocentrism by sitting a child in front of an object, and then presenting pictures
of that object from four angles. While sitting opposite the child, Piaget would ask
him or her to identify which image represented the object from Piaget’s own
perspective. Children’s egocentricity was demonstrated by selecting the image
corresponding to their own perspective, rather than being able to imagine what
Piaget would be seeing (Figure 10.11 ).
Figure 10.11 Piaget’s Test for Egocentric Perspective in Children
Piaget used the three-mountain task to test whether children can take someone
else’s perspective. The child would view the object from one perspective while
another person viewed it from a different point of view. According to Piaget,
children are no longer exclusively egocentric if they understand that the other
person sees the object differently.
2nd Ed., © 2011. Reprinted and Electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc., New York, NY.
By two years of age, toddlers can recognize themselves in mirrors.
Ruth Jenkinson/Dorling Kindersley Ltd
Modern research indicates that children take the perspective of others long
before the preoperational phase is complete. Perspective taking in young
children has been demonstrated in studies of theory of mind —the ability to
understand that other people have thoughts, beliefs, and perspectives that may
be different from one’s own. Consider the following scenario:
An experimenter offers three-year-old Andrea a box of chocolates. Upon opening the
box, Andrea discovers not candy, but rather pencils. Joseph enters the room and she
watches as Joseph is offered the same box. The researcher asks Andrea, “What does
Joseph expect to find in the box?”
If Andrea answers “pencils,” this indicates that she believes Joseph knows the
same thing she does. However, if Andrea tells the experimenter that Joseph
expects to see chocolates, it demonstrates that she is taking Joseph’s mental
perspective, understanding that he does not possess her knowledge that the
“chocolate box” actually contains pencils (Lillard, 1998; Wimmer & Perner,
1983). Children typically pass this test at ages four to five, although younger
children may pass it if they are told that Joseph is about to be tricked (Figure
10.12 ). Of course, the shift away from egocentric thought does not occur
overnight. Older children may still have difficulty taking the perspective of others;
in fact, even adults aren’t that great at it much of the time. Maintaining a healthy
awareness of the distinction between self and other, and accepting the
uniqueness of the other person’s perspective is a continual process.
Figure 10.12 A Theory-of-Mind Task
There are different methods of testing false beliefs. In this example, Andrea is
asked what she thinks Joseph expects to find in the “chocolate box.” If she has
developed theory-of-mind skills, she will be able to differentiate between her
knowledge of the box’s contents (pencils) and what Joseph would expect to find
(chocolates).
Psychological research now indicates that self-awareness and theory of mind are
in constant development right from birth. Early in children’s lives, emotions are
often experienced as chaotic, overwhelming, and unintegrated combinations of
physical sensations, non-verbal representations, and ideas. As caregivers
respond to children’s emotions, the children learn how to interpret and organize
their emotions; this helps them become more aware of their own feelings
(Fonagy & Target, 1997). As children gain the ability to understand their internal
states with greater clarity, it enhances their ability to represent the mental states
of others.
This process helps to explain why it is important that caregivers not over-identify
with a child’s emotions. If their emotional exchange is completely synchronized
(e.g., the child experiences fear and the adult also experiences fear) then the
child simply gets her fear reinforced, rather than gaining the ability to understand
that she is feeling fear. In a study of how mothers behave after their infants
received an injection, Fonagy et al. (1995) observed that the mothers who most
effectively soothed their child reflected their child’s emotions, but also included
other emotional displays in their mirroring, such as smiling or questioning. The
mother’s complex representation of the child’s experience ensured that the child
recognized it as related to, but not identical to his own emotion. This serves to
alter the child’s negative emotions by helping him to implicitly build coping
responses into the experience (Fonagy & Target, 1997). Therefore, in the early
stages of life, these face-to-face exchanges of emotional signals help the child’s
brain learn how to understand and deal with emotions (Beebe et al., 1997).
Module 10.2b Quiz:
Social Development, Attachment, and Self-Awareness
Know . . .
1. The emotional bond that forms between a caregiver and a child is
referred to as .
A. a love–hate relationship
B. dependence
C. attachment
D. egocentrism
Understand . . .
2. Infants who are insecurely attached may do which of the following when
a parent leaves and then returns during the strange situation procedure?
A. Show anger when the parent leaves but happiness when they
return
B. Show anger when the parent leaves and show little reaction when
they return
C. Refuse to engage with the stranger in the room
D. Show happiness when the parent leaves and anger when they
return
Apply . . .
3. Oliver and his dad read a book several times. In that book, the main
character expects to receive a hockey sweater for his birthday. However,
due to a mix-up at the store, the gift box instead contains a pair of shoes.
Because Oliver had read the book several times, he remembered that the
box contained shoes. If Oliver was seven years old, what do you think he
would say if he was asked, “What does the main character think is in the
box?” What would his two-year-old sister say if asked the same
question?
A. Oliver would say that the character thought the box contained a
hockey sweater; his sister would say that the character would
expect to find shoes.
B. Oliver would say that the character thought the box contained a
shoes; his sister would say that the character would expect to find
a hockey sweater.
C. Both children would say that the main character would expect to
find a hockey sweater in the gift box.
D. Both children would say that the main character would expect to
find a pair of shoes in the gift box.
4. A child who you know seems to behave inconsistently towards his
parents; sometimes, he is quite “clingy” and dependent, but other times is
very independent and rejects the parents’ affection. This is descriptive of
a(n) attachment style.
A. secure
B. anxious/ambivalent
C. avoidant
D. disorganized
Psychosocial Development
In the previous section, we saw the powerful effect that attachment can have on
a child’s behaviour. Importantly, we also saw that attachment-related behaviours
that are observed in infants and young children can sometimes predict how
those individuals will behave as adults. This shows us that our development is
actually a life-long process rather than a series of isolated stages.
A pioneer in the study of development across the lifespan was Erik Erikson, a
German-American psychologist (who married a Canadian dancer). He proposed
a theory of development consisting of overlapping stages that extend from
infancy to old age. In this module, we will examine the stages of development
that relate to infancy and childhood. We will return to Erikson’s work again in
Modules 10.3 (Adolescence) and 10.4 (Adulthood), each time discussing
the parts of his theory that apply to those stages of development. Curious
readers can look ahead to Table 10.5 in Module 10.4 to see a depiction of
Erikson’s model in its entirety.
Table 10.5 Erikson’s Stages of Psychosocial Development

Infancy: trust vs. mistrust: Developing a Adolescence: identity vs. role confusion:
sense of trust and security toward Achieving a sense of self and future
caregivers. direction.
Tracy Whiteside/Shutterstock
ClickPop/Shutterstock
Young adulthood: intimacy vs. isolation:

Developing the ability to initiate and
maintain intimate relationships.
OLJ Studio/Shutterstock
Toddlerhood: autonomy vs. shame and

doubt: Seeking independence and gaining
self-sufficiency.
Picture Partners/Alamy Stock Photo
Preschool/early childhood: initiative vs.
guilt: Active exploration of the environment
and taking personal initiative.
Monkey Business Images/Shutterstock
Adulthood: generativity vs. stagnation:

The focus is on satisfying personal and
family needs, as well as contributing to
society.
Belinda Pretorius/Shutterstock
Childhood: industry vs. inferiority: Striving Aging: ego integrity vs. despair: Coping
to master tasks and challenges of with the prospect of death while looking
childhood, particularly those faced in back on life with a sense of contentment
school. Child begins pursuing unique and integrity for accomplishments.
interests. Digital Vision/Photodisc/ Getty Images
keith morris/Alamy Stock Photo

Development Across The Lifespan
Erikson’s theory of development across the lifespan included elements of both
cognitive and social development. Erikson’s theory centred around the notion
that at different ages, people face particular developmental crises, or challenges,
based on emotional needs that are most relevant to them at that stage of life. If
people are able to successfully rise to the challenge and get their emotional
needs met, then they develop in a healthy way. But, if this process is disrupted
for some reason and people are not able to successfully navigate a stage, the
rest of the person’s personality and development could be impacted by certain
deficits in their psychosocial functioning. For example, people could struggle with
feeling worthless or useless, feeling insecure in relationships, feeling motivated,
and so on. Understanding fully how Erikson’s insights apply to specific problems
people face lies beyond our discussion here, but you can make some reasonable
inferences based on a general understanding of his theory.
The first stage, Infancy, focuses on the issue of trust vs. mistrust. The infant’s
key challenge in life is developing a basic sense of security, of feeling
comfortable (or at least not terrified) in a strange and often indifferent world.
Infants just want to know that everything is okay, and this starts with being held
—being physically connected through touch and affectionate contact. As the
infant develops more complex social relationships, their basic emotional security
(or insecurity) grows out of the trust vs. mistrust that develops out of this stage.
The second stage, Toddlerhood, focuses on the challenge of autonomy vs.

shame. The toddler, able to move herself about increasingly independently, is
poised to discover a whole new world. The toddler discovers that she is a
separate creature from others and from the environment; thus, exploring her
feelings of autonomy—exercising her will as an individual in the world—becomes
very important. (If you’ve ever hung out with a toddler for extended periods of
time, you have probably experienced their stubborn resistance, like emphatically
stating “No!” to whatever you have suggested, for no clear reason.)
By the end of the first two stages, the person is, ideally, secure, and they feel a
basic sense of themselves as having separate needs from others. On the other
hand, if these stages were not successfully navigated, the person may struggle
with feelings of inadequacy or low self-worth, and these will play out in their
subsequent development.
The third stage, Early childhood, is characterized as the challenge of initiative vs.
guilt. Building on the emotional security and sense of self-assurance that comes
from the first two stages, here the growing child learns to take responsibility for
herself while feeling like she has the ability to influence parts of her physical and
social world. These preschool-years involve children pushing their boundaries
and experimenting with what they can do with their rapidly developing bodies,
and then experiencing guilt when they are scolded or otherwise encounter the
disapproval of others, such as their parents. If this stage is navigated
successfully, the child develops increased confidence and a sense of personal
control and responsibility.
The fourth stage, Childhood, is all about industry vs. inferiority. Here the child is
focused on the tasks of life, particularly school and the various skill development
activities that take place for that big chunk of childhood. This is an important part
of the child’s increasing feeling of being in control of her actions, leading her to
be able to regulate herself to achieve long-term goals, develop productive habits,
and gain a sense of herself as actively engaged in her own life.
Taking Erikson’s first four stages together, you can see how childhood ties
together emotional development with the feeling of being a competent individual.
You can also see how the challenges associated with these stages are tied
together with the quality of one’s key relationships and the many complex ways
in which others (e.g., parents) help or hinder the child’s ability to meet their
emotional needs.
Parenting and Prosocial Behaviour

One of the central questions of development that every parent faces when
raising their own children is “How can I help this child become ‘good’?” The
capacity to be a moral person is often considered to begin around the time a
child develops theory of mind (the sense of themselves and others as separate
beings with separate thoughts). Certainly, being aware of one’s emotions, and
understanding the emotions of others, are important parts of prosocial
motivations and behaviours. However, recent research seems to indicate that the
basic capacity for morality is built right into us and manifests long before we
develop the cognitive sophistication to recognize self and others. Children show
a natural predisposition toward prosocial behaviour very early in their
development (Hamlin et al., 2007; Warneken & Tomasello, 2013). Even one-
day-old infants experience distress when they hear other infants cry, exhibiting a
basic sense of empathy.
However, it is important to distinguish exactly what is meant by empathy. Surely,

the one-day-old babies aren’t actually lying there, aware of the perspectives of
the other infants, recognizing that when an infant cries, he is sad, and then
feeling sadness in response to that awareness. One-day-old infants don’t have
that much cognitive processing going on; there’s no way they can engage in very
complex perspective taking. Rather, they simply feel what is going on around
them; they mirror the world around them in their own actual feelings, virtually
without any filter at all.
What this means is that when children are very young, they experience others’
distress directly as their own personal distress or discomfort. This makes them
motivated primarily to reduce their own distress, not necessarily to help the other
person (Eisenberg, 2005). Helping the other person might be one way to
alleviate one’s distress, but there might be easier ways, like ignoring them, or
even shouting at them! For example, watching a parent cry is upsetting to a
young child, and sometimes the child may seek to comfort the parent, such as by
offering his teddy bear; other times, however, children might just close their eyes
and plug their ears, or leave and go to a different room where they don’t have to
see the parent, thereby alleviating their own distress. Many developmental
psychologists believe that in order for explicitly prosocial motives to develop,
children must learn to attribute their negative feelings to the other person’s
distress, thereby becoming motivated to reduce the other person’s suffering, not
just their own reaction to it (Mascolo & Fischer, 2007; Zahn-Waxler & Radke-
Yarrow, 1990).
Recently, researchers at the University of British Columbia and other universities

demonstrated that the roots of moral motivation go back much further than we
once believed, all the way to very early infancy. Studies using puppets engaging
in kind and helpful, or nasty and selfish behaviours show that even very young
infants (as young as three months old!) seem to know the difference between
good and bad, and prefer others who are helpful (Hamlin et al., 2007, 2010). By
eight months of age, infants make complex moral discriminations, preferring
others who are kind to someone who is prosocial, but reversing this and
preferring others who are unkind to someone who is antisocial (Hamlin et al.,
2011). Thus, from the first months of our lives, long before we have been “taught
right from wrong,” we are able to recognize, and prefer, the good.
As children move into the toddler years, prosocial behaviours increase in scope
and complexity. Around their first birthday, children demonstrate instrumental
helping, providing practical assistance such as helping to retrieve an object that
is out of reach (Liszkowski et al., 2006; Warneken & Tomasello, 2007). By
their second birthday, they begin to exhibit empathic helping, providing help in
order to make someone feel better (Zahn-Waxler et al., 1992). In one study,
children younger than two were observed to be happier when giving to others
over receiving treats themselves, even when the giving occurred at a cost to their
own resources (Aknin et al., 2012).
Parenting and Attachment

In humans, the tension between helping others versus being concerned for
oneself reflects a kind of tug-of-war between two psychobiological systems, the
attachment behavioural system , which is focused on meeting our own
needs for security, and the caregiving behavioural system , which is
focused on meeting the needs of others. Each system guides our behaviour
when it is activated; however, the attachment system is primary, and if it is
activated, it tends to shut down the caregiving system. What this means in
everyday experience is that if a person feels insecure herself, it will be hard for
her to take others’ needs into consideration. However, if attachment needs are
fulfilled, then the caregiving system responds to others’ distress, motivating the
person to care for others (Mikulincer & Shaver, 2005). Thus, raising kind, moral
children is about helping them feel loved and secure, not just teaching them right
from wrong.
This changes the emphasis in parenting, a lot! Consider the classic problems
faced by all parents—they need kids to do certain things—get up, eat breakfast,
get dressed, brush teeth, brush hair, pack a backpack for school, get lunch,
leave the house on time, stop interrupting, be nice to siblings. . . . It’s no wonder
many parenting books promise a simple, step-by-step method for getting children
to behave the way parents want.
Faced with the constant challenge of managing their kids’ behaviour, parents
commonly turn to the principles of operant conditioning, using rewards (e.g.,
Smarties, physical affection, loving words) and punishments (e.g., angry tone of
voice, time-outs, criticism) as necessary. Indeed, this is so pervasive that most of
us don’t think twice about it; how could rewarding good behaviour and punishing
bad behaviour be a problem? However, children are not merely stimulus-
response machines, and this pervasive use of conditional approaches (i.e.,
rewards and punishments that are conditionally applied based on the child’s
behaviour) can have significant unintended and even destructive consequences.
One oft-overlooked problem is that even if conditional approaches do
successfully produce the desired behaviours, these behaviours don’t tend to
persist over the long term (Deci at al., 1999). When rewards or punishments are
not available to guide behaviour, children may find it difficult to motivate
themselves to “do the right thing.”
Another downside to the conditional parenting approach is the impact it may

have on children’s self-esteem and emotional security. Because children learn to
associate feeling good about themselves with the experience of receiving
rewards and avoiding punishment, their self-esteem becomes more dependent
upon external sources of validation. Instead of helping to nurture a truly secure
child, parents may unwittingly be encouraging a sense of conditional self-worth,
that is, the feeling that you are a good and valuable person only when you are
behaving the “right” way.
Although these conditional approaches may seem fairly normal when it comes to
raising children, think about it for a moment in a different context, such as your
romantic relationship. Imagine that you and your partner decide to go to a
couple’s counsellor, and you are told that every time your partner behaves in
ways you don’t like, you should respond with negativity, such as withdrawing
affection, speaking sharply and angrily, physically forcing him to sit in a corner
for a certain amount of time, or taking away one of his favourite possessions.
You also should use rewards as a way of getting your partner to do things you
want—promise him pie, or physical intimacy, or buy him something nice. Our
guess is that you would conclude it’s time to get a different counsellor. Yet, this is
often how we raise children.
A mountain of research has revealed the downside of taking this kind of

conditional approach to parenting. Children who experience their parents’ regard
for them as conditional report more negativity and resentment toward their
parents; they also feel greater internal pressure to do well, which is called
introjection , the internalization of the conditional regard of significant others
(Assor et al., 2004). Unfortunately, the more that people motivate themselves
through introjection, the more unstable their self-esteem (Kernis et al., 2000),
and the worse they tend to cope with failure (Grolnick & Ryan, 1989).
So what works better? Research clearly shows that moral development and
healthy attachment is associated with more frequent use of inductive
discipline , which involves explaining the consequences of a child’s actions
on other people, activating empathy for others’ feelings (Hoffman & Saltzsein,
1967). Providing a rationale for a parent’s decisions, showing empathy and
understanding of the child’s emotions, supporting her autonomy, and allowing
her choice whenever possible all promote positive outcomes such as greater
mastery of skills, increased emotional and behavioural self-control, better ability
to persist at difficult tasks, and a deeper internalization of moral values (Deci et
al., 1994; Frodi et al., 1985). When it comes to raising moral children, the
“golden rule” seems to apply just as well—do unto your children as you would
have someone do unto you.
Module 10.2c Quiz:
Psychosocial Development
Know . . .
1. The primary challenge in Eriksen’s “Childhood” stage of development is
.
A. trust vs. mistrust
B. industry vs. inferiority
C. initiative vs. guilt
D. autonomy vs. shame and doubt
Understand . . .
2. Marcus is very careful to teach his daughter about morality, using stories
like Aesop’s Fables, because he wants her to be a good person when
she grows up. However, you notice that he often seems emotionally
unavailable, and frequently criticizes her (presumably in order to improve
her behaviour). Marcus seems to underappreciate the role of
in moral development.
A. Piaget’s theory of cognitive development
B. emotional security
C. behaviourism
D. theory of mind
3. If parents excessively reward and praise their children, particularly based

on the children’s performance, they risk their children developing a high
degree of
A. attachment anxiety.
B. introjection.
C. inductive discipline.
D. extrojection.
Analyze . . .
4. One very common behavioural problem is when a person is too upset or
emotionally triggered to be open to listening to another person’s
perspective. This is the same basic dynamic as the
A. relationship between inductive discipline and introjected
motivation.
B. relationship between the threat object and the terry-cloth mother
(for rhesus monkeys).
C. relationship between the attachment behavioural system and the
caregiving behavioural system.
D. parent–child relationship.
Module 10.2 Summary

10.2a Know . . . the key terminology associated with infancy and
childhood.
accommodation
assimilation
attachment
attachment behavioural system
caregiving behavioural system
cognitive development
concrete operational stage
conservation
core knowledge hypothesis
dishabituation
egocentric
formal operational stage
habituation
inductive discipline
introjection
object permanence
preoperational stage
scaffolding
self-awareness
sensitive period
sensorimotor stage
strange situation
theory of mind
zone of proximal development
10.2b Understand . . . the cognitive changes that occur during infancy and
childhood.
According to Piaget’s theory of cognitive development, infants mature through

childhood via orderly transitions across the sensorimotor, preoperational,
concrete operational, and formal operational stages. This progression reflects a
general transition from engaging in the world through purely concrete, sensory
experiences, to an increasing ability to hold and manipulate abstract
representations in one’s mind.
10.2c Understand . . . the importance of attachment and the different

styles of attachment.
In developmental psychology, attachment refers to the enduring social bond

between child and caregiver. Based on the quality of this bond, which is
dependent upon appropriately responsive parenting, individuals develop an
attachment style, which is their internalized feeling of security and self-worth.
Children are either securely or insecurely attached, and insecure attachments
can be further divided into disorganized, anxious/ambivalent, and avoidant
styles.
10.2d Apply . . . the concept of scaffolding and the zone of proximal

development to understand how to best promote learning.
According to Vygotsky, cognitive development unfolds in a social context. Adults

who are attuned to the child’s experience can help to scaffold the child’s
learning, guiding them such that they focus on challenges that lie on the very
edge of their capabilities. This keeps a child fully engaged in the zone of
proximal development, maximizing their skill development.
10.2e Analyze . . . how to effectively discipline children in order to

promote moral behaviour.
Internalizing prosocial motives comes from children developing a secure

attachment, experiencing empathy and receiving inductive discipline. Children
have an innate sense of morality, but this can be interfered with if their
attachment needs are insufficiently met. Therefore, responsive parenting that
helps the child feel secure lays the foundation for the child to become less self-
focused. As the child cognitively develops and can more explicitly take others’
perspectives, inductive reasoning that emphasizes perspective taking and
empathy builds the habit of “doing good” because the child genuinely cares,
rather than because the child wants to receive approval or to avoid punishment.
Module 10.3 Adolescence
Picture Partners/Alamy Stock Photo
Learning Objectives
10.3a Know . . . the key terminology concerning adolescent development.
10.3b Understand . . . the process of identity formation during adolescence.
10.3c Understand . . . the importance of relationships in adolescence.
10.3d Understand . . . the functions of moral emotions.
10.3e Apply . . . your understanding of the categories of moral reasoning.
10.3f Analyze . . . the relationship between brain development and adolescent
judgment and risk taking.
The Internet can be a healthy part of your social life and a necessary
research tool for your education. Indeed, as the Internet has become
more of a platform for social networking, at least moderate use of the
Internet is associated with greater social involvement (Gross, 2004) and
stronger academic motivation (Willoughby, 2008). However, the Internet
has its dangers. One is that use may become pathological, with people
turning to the Internet as a way of coping with life’s difficulties, much the
same as people turn to drugs, alcohol, sex, or their career. Even
psychologically healthy adolescents can get hooked on the Internet, and
such pathological use can lead to depression (Lam & Peng, 2010). The
Internet may also carry social dangers, such as bullying and public
humiliation, now that one’s indiscretions or mistakes can be posted online
to haunt people for years to come. In 2012, 15-year-old Amanda Todd
from British Columbia was cruelly ostracized and humiliated by her peers
after revealing photos of her were posted online. Although she switched
schools, she couldn’t escape the online bullying, and she tragically
committed suicide.
The Internet has revolutionized society in a single human generation. But

we don’t know how it will affect human development, particularly in the
challenging period of adolescence when people are forming their
identities and often committing some of their biggest mistakes. This will
undoubtedly be a major focus for research, and will raise major questions
for society in the years to come.
Focus Questions
1. What types of changes occur during adolescence?

2. Why do adolescents so often seem to make risky decisions?
“It was the best of times; it was the worst of times.” For many people, this pretty
much sums up adolescence, a time of confusion, pimples, and existential angst,
as well as hanging out with friends, gaining greater independence from parents,
and focusing intensely on intimate relationships. This often tumultuous time
between childhood and adulthood involves many physical changes, increasing
cognitive sophistication, and a great deal of emotional and social volatility.
Amanda Todd: A tragic case of cyber-bullying.

Darryl Dyck/Canadian Press
Physical Changes in Adolescence
The physical transition from childhood to adolescence starts with puberty,

culminating in reproductive maturity. Puberty begins at approximately age 11 in
girls and age 13 in boys, although there is wide variation. The changes that
occur during puberty are primarily caused by hormonal activity. Physical growth
is stimulated by the pituitary gland, under the control of the hypothalamus, which
regulates the release of hormones such as testosterone and estrogen. These
hormones also contribute to the development of primary and secondary sex traits
in boys and girls. Primary sex traits are changes in the body that are part of
reproduction (e.g., enlargement of the genitals, ability to ejaculate, the onset of
menstruation). Secondary sex traits are changes in the body that are not
part of reproduction, such as the growth of pubic hair, increased breast size in
females, and increased muscle mass in males (Figure 10.13 ).
Figure 10.13 Physical Changes That Accompany Puberty in Male and
Female Adolescents
Hormonal changes accelerate the development of physical traits in males and
females. Changes involve maturation of the reproductive system (primary sex
traits) as well as secondary sex traits such as enlargement of breasts in women
and increased muscle mass in males.
Books A La Carte Edition, 2nd Ed., © 2011. Reprinted and Electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson Education,
Inc., New York, NY.
For girls, menarche —the onset of menstruation—typically occurs around age

12. The timing of menarche is influenced by physiological and environmental
factors, such as nutrition, genetics, physical activity levels, illness (Ellis &
Garber, 2000), and family structure, such as the absence of a father (Bogaert,
2008). Boys are considered to reach sexual maturity at spermarche , their
first ejaculation of sperm, at around age 14.
Interestingly, puberty happens much earlier now than it did 100 years ago.
American teens in the 19th century started puberty at 16–17 on average;
nowadays, about one-third of boys show the beginnings of physical maturation at
age 9 (Reiter & Lee, 2001), as do almost 40% of European-American girls, and
almost 80% of African-American girls (Herman-Giddens et al., 1997). This is
probably because of behavioural changes that increase body fat (e.g., poor
nutrition, insufficient exercise), and environmental stresses that increase stress
hormones in the body. As the environment changes, our biology changes along
with it.
Teens’ rapidly-developing bodies bring a host of developmental challenges, from

feelings of self-consciousness and a heightened desire to be attractive and to fit
in, to increasing sexual interest and experimentation, to the negative moods that
accompany hormonal fluctuations (Warren & Brooks-Gunn, 1989). Adolescents
who begin to physically develop earlier than their peers can face additional
challenges. Early-developing females often have to cope with being teased and
having their bodies made into objects of others’ attention. Early-developing boys
tend to have it easier; their masculine traits are often regarded positively by both
themselves and their peers. Nevertheless, early developers of either gender run
a greater risk of drug and alcohol abuse and of unwanted pregnancies.
Recent research has shown that adolescence is a time of major brain changes
as well. In particular, the frontal lobes undergo a massive increase in
myelination, speeding up neural firing by up to 100-fold in those areas (Barnea-
Goraly et al., 2005; Sowell et al., 2003). The frontal lobes also undergo a wave
of synaptic pruning, during which relatively unused synaptic connections are
broken, leaving a more efficiently functioning brain. The net result of these
changes is an increase in teens’ abilities to exert self-control. However, during
adolescence this process is merely under way, not completed, leaving teens
often struggling with volatile emotional experiences.
Module 10.3a Quiz:

Physical Changes Challenges in Adolescence
Know . . .
1. One of the changes that occurs in puberty is the beginning of

menstruation for females. This event is known as .
A. estradiol
B. menarche
C. a primary sex trait
D. spermarche
2. A brain area that shows large changes during adolescence is the

.
A. motor cortex
B. visual cortex
C. frontal lobes
D. brainstem
Understand . . .
3. One of the major differences between primary and secondary sex

characteristics is that
A. primary sex characteristics are directly related to reproductive
function.
B. secondary sex characteristics are directly related to reproductive
function.
C. whether a person is male or female depends on the secondary
sex characteristics.
D. primary sex characteristics are unique to human reproductive
anatomy.
Emotional Challenges in Adolescence
The physical and emotional changes associated with puberty are widely believed
to be connected to each other. For example, mood swings and experimental
high-risk behaviours are attributed to “raging hormones.” But is this
characterization of adolescence accurate? Are most teens hormonally
supercharged animals, constantly desiring to hook up with the first attractive (or
even unattractive) person to cross their path?
The belief that adolescence is tumultuous has held sway in popular culture as
well as in psychology since at least the early 1900s (Hall, 1904); some theorists
even believed that the absence of extreme volatility was an indication of arrested
development (Freud, 1958). However, this belief came under fire from cultural
anthropologists (Benedict, 1938; Mead, 1928), who discovered that in many
non-Western cultures, the transition from childhood to adulthood happened
remarkably smoothly; children simply began to take on more and more
responsibilities, and then moved into their adult roles without such a dramatic
and volatile transition.
In the decades since, research has painted a somewhat mixed picture of

adolescence. On the up side, the majority of teens keep their forays into
debauchery fairly minimal and do not let their larger lives get unduly harmed by
their experimentation. Most teens also grow out of these patterns fairly readily
and move into adulthood relatively unscathed by their teenage experiences
(Bachman et al., 1997). Navigating adolescence successfully leaves teens
feeling they know who they are, having constructed a healthy social identity, and
having learned to identify at least some of their own personal values and goals.
On the down side, however, the emotional road through adolescence also
contains its fair share of bumps. Teens are prone to experiencing particularly
intense and volatile emotions (Dahl, 2001; Rosenblum & Lewis, 2003),
including heightened feelings of anxiety and depression (Van Oort et al., 2009).
Emotional Regulation During Adolescence

Adolescence is a time when teens must learn to control their emotions
(McLaughlin et al., 2011). Research at Queen’s University has shown that one
key to adolescents effectively regulating their emotions is to be able to draw
flexibly upon a diverse set of self-control strategies. Adolescents who rely upon a
limited number of adaptive strategies (e.g., learning to suppress emotions, or
conversely, learning to always reach out and talk to people about their feelings)
and narrowly rely upon their chosen strategies are at greater risk for developing
symptoms of anxiety and depression (Lougheed & Hollenstein, 2012).
One of the most flexible and powerful strategies for dealing with emotions is
cognitive reframing (see Module 16.2 ), where we learn to look at our
experience through a different “frame.” For example, failure can be reframed as
an opportunity to learn, and a threatening experience as a challenge to be
overcome. The ability to effectively choose reframing strategies, especially when
under the grip of strong emotions, relies upon a sophisticated cognitive control
network involving the frontal and parietal lobes (McClure et al., 2004). These are
precisely the brain areas that are undergoing the most development during
adolescence. Thus, helping adolescents learn self-control strategies is critically
important, not only for developing good habits, but for helping them to develop
the cognitive control systems in their brains. Failing to provide this guidance is a
lost opportunity for making a major difference in the lives of today’s youth.
The ability to reframe is critical to one of the most important skills adolescents
need to hone as they move into adulthood—the ability to delay gratification ,
putting off immediate temptations in order to focus on longer-term goals. For
example, should you party with your friends, or study for the test next week?
Adolescents who master this skill are far more likely to be successful in life. An
inability to delay gratification reflects a tendency to discount the future in order to
live in the moment, which lies at the heart of a wide range of dysfunctional
behaviours ranging from addictions and unsafe sex, to racking up credit card
debt and failing to meet deadlines.
Unfortunately, the ability (or inability) to delay gratification tends to be quite

stable throughout childhood and adolescence. A brilliant set of studies begun in
the 1960s looked at what young children would do if given a difficult temptation—
they could have a marshmallow immediately, or they could wait for 15 minutes,
at which point they would be given two marshmallows. It’s a pretty simple choice
right? A mere 15 minutes and the marshmallow feast doubles in size! However,
preschool-aged children find it excruciating to resist this temptation. In one study
(Mischel & Ebbesen, 1970), when the marshmallow was temptingly placed right
in front of the children, they could only wait for, on average, one minute!
The finding that made these studies famous in psychology was that the length of
time kids could delay their marshmallowy gratification predicted how well-
adjusted they would become in adolescence, many years later. The child who
could wait longer for a marshmallow at age 4 was better adjusted both
psychologically and socially at age 15, and had higher SAT scores by the end of
high school (Shoda et al., 1990)! (SATs are standardized tests written by
American students at the end of high school, and are a major part of determining
acceptance to college and university.) Clearly, being able to delay gratification is
an important skill.
Importantly, this is also a skill that people can learn. In fact, the challenge of
delaying gratification is basically the same as the challenge of controlling
emotions, and the same strategies are useful, such as cognitive reframing. Even
preschool-aged children can use them. In the simplest and most literal reframing
study, children were instructed to simply imagine that the marshmallow was a
picture, not a real object, and to do this by mentally drawing a picture frame
around the object. Incredibly, this simple imagination tactic increased the
average wait time to a full 18 minutes (Moore et al., 1976).
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Adolescent

Risk and Decision Making
One of the nightmares of every parent is the smorgasbord of

disasters waiting for adolescents as they explore their increasing
independence—sexually transmitted diseases, drugs, and the
whole host of alluring activities parents wish were never invented
(despite their own fond memories of their younger years . . .).
What do we know about adolescence and risky decision

making?
Parents do have some reason to fear; research shows that
adolescents are particularly prone to behaving impulsively and
making risky decisions (Chambers et al., 2003; Steinberg,
2007). As a result, driving recklessly, unsafe sex (Arnett, 1992),
drug and alcohol abuse, accidents, and violence are more
common during adolescence than during any other stage of life
(Chambers & Potenza, 2003; Steinberg, 2008).
Why do adolescents often make such bad judgment calls?

Adolescence is a perfect storm of risk-inducing factors, including
a teenage culture that glorifies high-risk activities, intense peer
pressure, increased freedom from parents, a growing ability to
critically question the values and traditions of society, and a brain
that is ripe for risk due to still-developing cognitive control
systems (especially the prefrontal cortex) and well-developed
reward systems located in limbic areas (Casey et al., 2008;
Galvan et al., 2006). Indeed, teenage neurophysiology is a
battleground of opposing urges; the reward system acts like the
proverbial devil on one’s shoulder, urging “Do it! Do it!” while the
underdeveloped prefrontal areas play the role of the beleaguered
angel, pleading “Don’t do it! It’s not worth it!”
How can science test the link between brain function and
decision making in adolescents?
Modern technology has enabled researchers to look at the brain
activity of adolescents in the process of making risky decisions. In
one study, adolescents had their brains scanned using functional
magnetic resonance imaging while they played a betting game. In
this experiment, participants had to make a decision between a
high-risk, high-reward choice (placing a $6 bet with a 25%
chance of winning), and a low-risk, low-reward choice (placing a
$1 bet with a 50% chance of winning).
Adolescents who selected the high-risk choice had less brain

activity in their prefrontal cortex than those who selected the low-
risk choice (Figure 10.14 ; Shad et al., 2011). It seems that
choosing the high-risk gamble was, in a sense, easier; those
teens simply focused on how much they wanted the bigger
reward, and ignored the higher likelihood that they would lose. On
the other hand, making the low-risk choice involved some
neurological conflict; those teens wanted the bigger reward, but
restrained themselves by taking into account the probabilities.
This restraint involved the frontal lobes.
Figure 10.14 Extended Brain Development
The prefrontal cortex (circled in blue) continues to develop

through adolescence and into young adulthood.
werbefoto-burger.ch/Fotolia
This study helps to shed light on adolescent decision making in

general. Compared to adults, adolescents have less-developed
frontal lobes, and are therefore more likely to default to their
strong reward impulses, rather than restraining their desires as a
result of more sober and complex calculations of what would be
in their best interest overall.
Can we critically evaluate this explanation for risky decision

making?
This brain-based explanation does not fully explain adolescents’
behaviour, in at least two important ways. First, in this particular
study, it’s not clear whether the prefrontal activation reflects teens
thinking in more complex ways, or whether it shows that they are
consciously restraining themselves from following their reward-
focused desires. Is the key factor here about complex thought or
self-control?
Second, in everyday decisions, other factors likely influence

teens’ preference for risk, such as the size of rewards and costs,
the importance of long-term goals, personality characteristics
such as extraversion (which is related to reward sensitivity), and
the social context in which the decisions occur. For example,
psychologists have found that in some situations, adolescents are
no more likely to engage in risky behaviour than adults. But when
other teens are around, this propensity changes (see Figure
10.15 ). In fact, the presence of other teens can weaken the
activity in the frontal lobes (Segalowitz et al., 2012). Clearly,
realistic strategies for reducing adolescent risk taking should also
consider the important role that situational factors play in
adolescents’ decision making.
Figure 10.15 What Drives Teenagers to Take
Risks?
One key factor in risk taking is simply other teenagers. When

teens play a driving video game with other teens, they crash
more than when playing the same game alone, and more than
adults playing the game (from Steinberg, 2007).
Source: Adapted from figure 2, p. 630 in “Peer Influence on Risk-Taking, Risk Preference, and Risky
Decision-Making in Adolescence and Adulthood: An Experimental Study” by M. Gardner & L. Stein-
berg (2005). Developmental Psychology, 41 (4), 652–635.
Why is this relevant

Research on the developing adolescent brain helps explain
problems with risk and impulse control, which could lead to the
development of programs that could steer adolescents toward
making better decisions. If we could figure out how to enhance
prefrontal functioning in teens, or how to get more of them to
engage in practices like meditation that would do the same thing,
we could potentially reduce their tendency to make unnecessarily
risky decisions.
Module 10.3b Quiz:
Emotional Challenges in Adolescence
Understand . . .
1. Adolescent decision making is often problematic or dangerous because
teens have
A. underdeveloped limbic areas responsible for reward, and well-
developed prefrontal areas.
B. well-developed limbic areas responsible for reward, and
underdeveloped prefrontal areas.
C. only partly moved out of the concrete operational stage of
cognitive development.
D. poorly formed sets of goals.
2. The length of time children can wait in the marshmallow task is an

indicator of
A. the age at which they begin to develop secondary sex
characteristics.
B. intelligence.
C. self-control.
D. emotional security.
Apply . . .
3. After finishing Grade 10, Naomi got a job giving music lessons at a day
camp for kids aged 6–8. She was very excited. However, the first week
was a disaster. The kids misbehaved and some instruments were
broken. That weekend, she thought about what had happened. Rather
than viewing the past week as a failure, she decided to view it as a
learning experience that could help her do a better job when she taught a
new group of kids the next week. Naomi’s thought process is an example
of .
A. goal formation
B. cognitive reframing
C. autonomy
D. concrete operations
Cognitive Development: Moral Reasoning

vs. Emotions
As we have just seen, making wise decisions depends on the prefrontal cortex.
This area is involved in higher cognitive abilities, such as abstract reasoning and
Module
logic (what Piaget referred to as formal operational thinking; see
10.2 ), which also begin to show substantial improvements starting at about
age 12. Since Piaget, psychologists have generally believed that the shift to
formal operational thinking laid the foundation for effective moral reasoning. For
adolescents, this increase in complex cognitive ability allows them to consider
abstract moral principles, to view problems from multiple perspectives, and to
think more flexibly.
Kohlberg’s Moral Development: Learning Right

From Wrong
The most influential theory of the development of moral reasoning was created
by Lawrence Kohlberg, after studying how people reasoned through complex
moral dilemmas. Imagine the following scenario, unlikely as it may be:
A trolley is hurtling down the tracks toward a group of five unsuspecting people. You are
standing next to a lever that, if pulled, would direct the trolley onto another track,
thereby saving the five individuals. However, on the second track stands a single,
unsuspecting person, who would be struck by the diverted trolley.
What would you choose to do? Would you pull the lever, directly causing one
person to die, but saving five others? Or would you be unwilling to directly cause
someone’s death and therefore do nothing? Moral dilemmas provide interesting
tests of reasoning because they place values in conflict with each other.
Obviously, five lives are more than one, yet most people are also unwilling to
take a direct action that would cause a person to be killed.
But even more important than what you would choose is why you would choose
it. Kohlberg (1984) believed that people’s reasons evolved as they grew up and
became better able to think in complex ways. By analyzing people’s reasons for
their decisions in these sorts of dilemmas, he developed a stage theory of moral
development, here organized into three general stages (see Table 10.4 ).
Table 10.4 Kohlberg’s Stages of Moral Reasoning

Stage of Moral Description Application to Trolley Dilemma
Development
Preconventional Characterized by self-interest “I would not flip the trolley track

morality in seeking reward or avoiding switch because I would get in
punishment. Preconventional trouble.”
morality is considered a very
basic and egocentric form of
moral reasoning.
Conventional Regards social conventions “I would not flip the switch. It is

morality and rules as guides for illegal to kill, and if I willfully
appropriate moral behaviour. intervened I would probably
Directives from parents, violate the law.”
teachers, and the law are
used as guidelines for moral
behaviour.
Postconventional Considers rules and laws as “I would flip the switch. The
morality relative. Right and wrong are value of five lives exceeds that
determined by more abstract of one, so saving them is the
principles of justice and right thing to do even if it
rights. means I am killing one person
who would otherwise not have
died.”
At the preconventional level, people reason largely based on self-interest, such

as avoiding punishment. This is what parents predominantly appeal to when they
threaten children with time-outs, spankings, or taking away toys. At the
conventional level, people reason largely based on social conventions (e.g.,
tradition) and the dictates of authority figures; this is what parents are appealing
to with the famously frustrating, “Because I said so!” At the postconventional
level, people reason based on abstract principles such as justice and fairness,
thus enabling them to critically question and examine social conventions, and to
consider complex situations in which different values may conflict.
The shift to postconventional morality is a key development, for without this shift,
it is unlikely that the individual will rebel against authority or work against unjust
practices if they are accepted by society at large. Indeed, social reformers
always encounter resistance from members of society who hold to “traditional”
values and think of change as destructive and destabilizing.
Kohlberg regarded the three stages of moral reasoning as universal to all

humans; however, because he developed his theory mostly through the study of
how males reason about moral dilemmas, other researchers argued that he had
failed to consider that females may reason about moral issues differently. Carol
Gilligan (1982) suggested that females base moral decisions on a standard of
caring for others, rather than the “masculine” focus on standards of justice and
fairness that Kohlberg emphasized. Some support has been found for this;
women are more likely to highlight the importance of maintaining harmony in
their relationships with others (Lyons, 1983). On the other hand, men and
women generally make highly similar judgments about moral dilemmas
(Boldizar et al., 1989), and both genders make use of both caring and justice
principles (Clopton & Sorell, 1993). This has led other researchers to question
the importance of the gender distinction at all (Jaffee & Hyde, 2000).
However, a potentially more devastating critique has been made against the
moral reasoning perspective in general, based on research showing that moral
reasoning doesn’t actually predict behaviour very well (Carpendale, 2000; Haidt,
2001). Knowing that something is right or wrong is very different from feeling that
it is right or wrong. According to Jonathan Haidt’s social intuitionist model of
morality, in our everyday lives our moral decisions are largely based on how we
feel, not what we think. Haidt argues that moral judgments are guided by
intuitive, emotional reactions, like our “gut feelings,” and then afterwards, we
construct arguments to support our judgments. For example, imagine the
following scenario (adapted from Haidt, 2001):
Julie and Steven are brother and sister. They are travelling together in France on
summer vacation from college. One night they are staying alone in a cabin near the
beach. They decide that it would be interesting and fun if they shared a “romantic”
evening together. At the very least it would be a new experience for each of them. They
both enjoy the experience but they decide not to do it again. They keep that night as a
special secret, which makes them feel even closer to each other.
Emotion is a major component of moral thinking and decision making.

Alex Wong/Getty Images
How do you react to this scenario? Was what took place between the two
siblings morally acceptable? If you are like most people, you probably did not
think carefully through this scenario, consider different perspectives, and
examine your reasoning before making a decision. Instead, you probably had a
gut reaction, like “Brother and sister!?!? Gross! No way!” and made your decision
almost instantly.
It is only after making a decision that most people engage in more thoughtful and
reflective reasoning, trying to justify their decision. For some scenarios, it is easy
to come up with justifications, such as “Brothers and sisters should not engage in
romance because it could lead to sexual intercourse, which could produce
genetic problems for the offspring,” or “They shouldn’t do it because if the family
found out, it would be devastating.” However, it’s not hard to construct a scenario
that lies outside of such justifications, such as the brother and sister being
infertile and having no other surviving family members. Faced with such a
scenario, people might be hard pressed to find a justification; often, in such
situations, people become flustered and confused, and resort to emphatically
stating something like “I don’t know—it just isn’t right!” Or simply, “Ewww . . .”
Their intuitive emotional reaction has told them it’s wrong, but their more
cognitive, effortful reasoning process is having a difficult time explaining why it’s
wrong; interestingly, in such situations, people generally do not change their
judgments, instead trusting their intuitive reaction. The feeling of disgust is
stronger than their inability to explain themselves, which is another piece of
evidence that suggests that it’s not moral reasoning that is important, but moral
feelings.
The improvements in emotional regulation that occur during adolescence have

an influence on moral behaviour. Without some control over emotional reactions,
people can become overwhelmed by the personal distress they experience upon
encountering the suffering of others (Eisenberg, 2000), and end up attending to
their own needs rather than others’. Self-control, in turn, involves brain areas that
are rapidly developing in adolescents, particularly the prefrontal cortex.
It is interesting to consider that the development of key moral emotions, such as

empathy, is intimately bound up with the extent to which one’s social
relationships have been healthy right from birth (see Module 10.2 ). People
who are regularly socially included and treated well by others are more likely to
develop trust and security, which results in well-developed areas of the prefrontal
cortex necessary for good decision making and well-developed moral emotional
systems. This shows us that the early roots of moral behaviour reach all the way
back into infancy, when attachment styles are initially formed, and extend into
adolescence and beyond, when complex cognitive and self-control abilities are
strengthened.
Biopsychosocial Perspectives Emotion and
Disgust
The social intuitionist model describes moral judgments as being driven
primarily by emotional reactions. Many psychologists believe that these
reactions draw upon evolutionarily ancient systems that evolved for
functional reasons. For example, the disgust system evolved to keep us
from ingesting substances that were harmful to us, such as feces and
toxic plants. As we developed into more complex social beings, our
judgments of good and bad involved neural circuits that were more
cognitive and conceptual; however, these higher-level cognitive systems
evolved after our more basic physiological responses, and therefore are
intertwined with the functioning of the older systems.
In terms of moral reasoning, what this means is that the cognitive

systems that reason about right and wrong grew out of emotional
systems that in turn grew out of systems of physiological responses of
accepting or rejecting a substance from one’s body. From this
perspective, good and bad are not moral judgments, per se, but rather,
are elaborations of more simple physiological responses of acceptance
or repulsion. One surprising hypothesis one could derive is that the
feeling of actual, physical disgust may strongly influence supposedly
moral judgments.
This has been tested in several different ways. One creative set of
studies first activated physiological symptoms of repulsion, for example,
by getting subjects to sit at a disgustingly dirty work station, or to smell
fart spray (Schnall et al., 2008). These disgust-inducing experiences led
people to make more severe judgments of moral violations. Also,
neuroimaging studies show that certain moral dilemmas trigger emotional
areas in the brain, and this emotional activation determines the decision
that subjects make (Greene & Haidt, 2002; Greene et al., 2001).
Module 10.3c Quiz:
Cognitive Development: Moral Reasoning vs. Emotions
Know . . .
1. A stage of morality that views rules and laws as being related to abstract
principles of right and wrong is the stage.
A. postconventional
B. preconventional
C. preoperational
D. conventional
Understand . . .
2. What is the relationship between physical feelings of disgust and moral
judgments?
A. Both physical and moral disgust activate the same brain areas,
but do not directly influence each other.
B. Physical and moral disgust influence each other, but through
unique neural pathways.
C. Physically disgusting stimuli increase the severity of a person’s
moral judgments.
D. It is impossible to ethically test this relationship.
Apply . . .
3. Rachel believes that it is wrong to steal only because doing so could land
her in jail. Which level of Kohlberg’s moral development scheme is
Rachel applying in this scenario?
A. postconventional
B. preconventional
C. preoperational
D. conventional
Social Development: Identity and

Relationships
The final aspect of adolescence to consider is the role of social relationships. To

teenagers, friends are everything—the people who will support your story to your
parents about why you came home late, who laugh hysterically with you at 3:00
in the morning, and who help you feel that your choice of clothing is actually cool.
Friends are central to two of the most important changes that occur during
adolescence—the formation of a personal identity, and the shift away from family
relationships and toward peer and romantic relationships. These major changes
in teens’ lives are sources of growth and maturation, but are also often sources
of distress and conflict.
Who am I? Identity Formation During Adolescence

A major issue faced by adolescents is forming an identity , which is a clear
sense of what kind of person you are, what types of people you belong with, and
what roles you should play in society. It involves coming to appreciate and
express one’s attitudes and values (Arnett, 2000; Lefkowitz, 2005), which are,
in large part, realized through identifying more closely with peers and being
accepted into valued social groups.
You may recall Erikson’s theory of psychosocial development from Module

10.2 (see Table 10.5 , in Module 10.4 for an overview). Erikson
described the stage of adolescence as involving the struggle of identity vs. role
confusion. Adolescents are seeking to define who they are, in large part through
their attachment to specific social groups; doing this successfully allows them to
enter adulthood with a sense of their own authenticity and self-awareness.
In fact, forming an identity is so important in the teenage years that adolescents

may actually experience numerous identity crises before they reach young
adulthood. An identity crisis involves curiosity, questioning, and exploration of
different identities. It can also involve attaching oneself to different goals and
values, different styles of music and fashion, and different subcultural groups, all
the while wondering where one best fits in, and who one really is.
The process of exploring different identities, and experiencing more

independence from the family, sets the stage for potential conflict, particularly
with parents. Even well-meaning parents may feel somewhat threatened as their
teenage son or daughter starts to establish more distance or starts to experiment
with identities they feel are unwise. They may feel hurt and want to hold onto
their closeness with their child. They may also feel concerned and want to
protect their child from making mistakes they will later regret. So, parents may
simply be trying to help, but their advice, rules, or insistence that the teen
abandon certain goals (“There’s no way you’re giving up math and science to
take drama and music!”) may be interpreted as being restrictive or controlling.
This, not surprisingly, can lead to conflict. And the more conflict teens perceive at
home, the more they may turn to peers.
Peer Groups
Friendships are a major priority for most adolescents. Friendships generally take
place within a broader social context of small groups or cliques, and the
membership and intensity of friendships within a clique constantly change
(Cairns & Cairns, 1994). Adolescent crowds—often identified with specific
labels, such as “jocks,” “geeks,” “Goths,” or “druggies”—are larger than cliques
and are characterized by common social and behavioural conventions.
Adolescents who can’t find their place in social networks have a difficult time;
social exclusion can be a devastating experience. When rejected by peers, some
adolescents turn to virtual social networks for online friendships, or join
distinctive sub-groups in order to gain acceptance. This tendency to seek
acceptance within specific groups is obviously not limited to teenagers, but
adolescence is a time of particular social vulnerability because adolescents are,
in general, so actively working on their “identity project.”
For decades, television shows and movies have offered glimpses into life within
adolescent cliques and crowds. The portrayals may be exaggerated, but they are
often successful because viewers can closely identify with the characters’
experiences.
Photos 12/Alamy Stock Photo
AF archive/Alamy Stock Photo
One of the most troubling outcomes of social rejection is the experience of

shame, which is a feeling that there is something wrong with you. It can be
accompanied by feelings of worthlessness, inferiority, or just a more subtle,
gnawing feeling that there is something wrong with you, that you need to prove
yourself, and that you aren’t quite good enough. Shame-prone individuals have
often experienced substantial social rejection; a key source is within the family,
such as when a child’s attachment needs are consistently unmet.
Many psychologists believe that shame and other negative emotions that are
connected to social rejection, bullying, teasing, and being publicly humiliated can
lead to tragic outbursts of violence, such as the school shootings that have
become disturbingly frequent in the United States in recent years. In almost all
cases of school shootings, social rejection is a key factor that precedes the
violent outburst (Leary et al., 2003; Tangney & Dearing, 2002). Just as the
security from having one’s need to belong satisfied leads to the development of
empathy and moral behaviours (see Module 10.2 ), the insecurity from having
one’s need to belong go unmet can lead to violence.
Romantic Relationships
As children mature into teenagers, their attachment needs shift, not fully but in
important ways, into their intimate or romantic relationships. Here, the dramas of
their interpersonal systems play out on a new stage. In other words, teenagers
are pretty interested in being attracted to each other. This opens up the potential
exploration of new worlds of emotional and physical intimacy and intensity.
Many people, for many different reasons, may feel uncomfortable with
adolescents exploring and engaging in sexual behaviour. Perhaps
unsurprisingly, North American teenagers themselves don’t seem to agree.
Between 40–50% of Canadian teens aged 15–19 report having had sexual
intercourse (Boyce et al., 2006; Rotermann, 2008), and the proportion who
have engaged in other forms of sexual acts such as oral sex is considerably
higher. More than 80% of American adolescents report engaging in non-
intercourse sex acts before the age of 16 (Bauserman & Davis, 1996), and
more than half of Canadian teens in Grade 11 report having experienced oral
sex (Boyce et al., 2006). Some teens turn to oral sex because they see it as
less risky than intercourse, both for one’s health and social reputation (Halpern-
Fisher et al., 2005).
Same-sex sexual encounters are also very common and typically occur by early
adolescence (Savin-Williams & Cohen, 2004), although contrary to
stereotypes, such an experience is not an indication of whether a person
identifies themselves as homosexual, or as having any other sexual orientation.
In fact, the majority (60%) of people who identify themselves as heterosexual
have had at least one same-sex encounter (Remafedi et al., 1992). For many,
this is part of the experimentation that comes with figuring out who you are and
establishing an identity.
The process by which adolescents come to recognize their sexual orientation

depends on many factors, including how they are perceived by their family and
peers. Because of some people’s still-existing prejudices against non-
heterosexual orientations, it is not uncommon for many people who don’t identify
as heterosexual to experience some difficulty accepting their sexuality, and thus,
to struggle with feelings of rejection toward themselves. However, this process is
not always difficult or traumatic; it largely depends on how supportive family and
other relationships can be. Nevertheless, despite these extra identity challenges,
homosexuals have about the same level of psychological well-being as
heterosexuals (Rieger & Savin-Williams, 2011).
Although sexual exploration is a normal part of adolescence, it can unfortunately

be dangerous for many people. Research at the University of New Brunswick
has shown that among Canadian teens in Grade 11, approximately 60% of both
males and females reported having experienced psychological aggression
against them by their romantic relationship partner. About 40% experienced
sexual aggression, generally in the form of being coerced or pressured into
having sex (Sears & Byers, 2010). In addition, each year in North America,
millions of teens face the life upheaval of an unplanned pregnancy, sexually
transmitted diseases, or simply having sex that they will later regret.
Overall, the emotional upheaval of relationships, from the ecstasy of attraction, to

the heartbreak of being rejected or cheated on, to the loneliness one may feel in
the absence of relationships, consumes a great deal of many teenagers’
attention and resources and is a central part of the often tumultuous experience
of adolescence.
Module 10.3d Quiz:
Social Development: Identity and Relationships
Know . . .
1. The kind of person you are, the types of people you belong with, and the
roles that you feel you should play in society are often referred to as your
.
A. crowd
B. peer group
C. autonomy
D. identity
Understand . . .
2. For most teens, the most devastating experience would be
A. failing at an important competition.
B. being rejected by their friends.
C. being rejected on a first date.
D. having a physical injury.
Module 10.3 Summary
10.3a Know . . . the key terminology concerning adolescent development.

conventional morality
delay gratification
identity
menarche
postconventional morality
preconventional morality
primary sex traits
secondary sex traits
spermarche
10.3b Understand . . . the process of identity formation during

adolescence.
A major challenge of adolescence is the formation of a personal identity, which

involves exploring different values and behaviours, and seeking inclusion in
different social groups. The eventual outcome, if navigated successfully, is a
relatively stable and personally satisfying sense of self.
10.3c Understand . . . the importance of relationships in adolescence.
Teenagers undergo a general shift in their social attachments as family becomes

less central and friends and intimate relationships take on increased significance.
The failure to establish a sense of belonging is an important precursor to
dysfunctional behaviours and violence.
10.3d Understand . . . the functions of moral emotions.
Contrary to theories of moral reasoning, recent research on moral emotions,

such as disgust, suggests that these feelings are what lead to moral behaviour,
and reasoning generally follows as a way of justifying the behaviour to oneself.
10.3e Apply . . . your understanding of the categories of moral reasoning.
Apply Activity
Read the following scenarios and identify which category of moral reasoning
(preconventional, conventional, or postconventional) applies to each.
1. Jeff discovers that the security camera at his job is disabled. He decides
it is okay to steal because there’s no way he’s going to get caught.
2. Margaret is aware that a classmate has been sending hostile text
messages to various people at her school. Although she does not receive
these messages, and she does not personally know any of the victims,
Margaret reports the offending individual to school officials.
10.3f Analyze . . . the relationship between brain development and

adolescent judgment and risk taking.
Many problems with judgment and decision making involve a kind of tug-of-war
between emotional reward systems in the limbic areas of the brain, and the
prefrontal cortex, which is involved in planning, reasoning, emotion, and impulse
control. Because the prefrontal cortex is still developing during adolescence,
particularly through myelination and synaptic pruning, it is often not sufficient to
override the allure of immediate temptations, leading to failures to delay
gratification.
Module 10.4 Adulthood and
Aging
reppans/Alamy Stock Photo
Learning Objectives
10.4a Know . . . the key terminology concerning adulthood and aging.
10.4b Know . . . the key areas of growth experienced by emerging adults.
10.4c Understand . . . age-related disorders such as Alzheimer’s disease.
10.4d Understand . . . how cognitive abilities change with age.
10.4e Apply . . . effective communication principles to the challenge of
improving your own relationships.
10.4f Analyze . . . the stereotype that old age is a time of unhappiness.
“Use it or lose it.” This is one of those sayings that you grow up hearing,
and you think, “Yeah, whatever, I’m young and awesome; I’m never going
to lose it.” But time goes by, and like it or not, the day will come when you
may find yourself puffing at the top of a flight of stairs, or standing in the
kitchen wondering why you’re there. You may wonder, what’s happened
to me? Why do I feel so old?
We all know that if you stay physically active, your body will stay stronger
and healthier as you age, maintaining better cardiovascular fitness,
muscle tone, balance, and bone density. Thankfully, recent advances in
neuroscience confirm that the same thing is true for the brain. If you use
it, you’re less likely to lose it. This is important because, unfortunately,
brain connections are exactly what people lose as they age, particularly
from their 60s onward, resulting in less neural connectivity and reductions
in grey and white matter volume. These neurological losses are
accompanied by gradual declines in some types of cognitive functioning.
The fact that exercising your brain slows down the neural signs of aging
—and even reduces the likelihood of developing age-related disorders
such as Alzheimer’s disease—is great news. And even better news is
that exercising your brain is actually fun! It’s not like spending countless
hours on the brain equivalent of a treadmill, memorizing pi to 35 decimal
places. Instead, neurological exercisers are those who regularly stay
actively involved in things they love—games, sports, social activities,
hobbies, and in general remaining lifelong learners. This makes getting
old sound not so bad after all. . . .
Focus Questions
1. What are the key developmental challenges adults face as they

age?
2. How does aging affect cognitive functioning?
Becoming an adult does not entail crossing any specific line. It’s not as clear-cut
as adolescence; after all, puberty is kind of hard to miss. In Canada, you are
considered to be an adult from a legal perspective at 18. Still, it’s questionable
whether 18-year-olds are fully fledged adults; they have essentially the same
lifestyle as 17-year-olds, often at home or in student housing, with relatively few
responsibilities beyond brushing their teeth and dragging themselves to work or
school. As time goes by, people get increasingly integrated into working society,
begin careers, usually establish long-term relationships, pay bills, possibly have
children, and in a variety of ways conform to the expectations and responsibilities
of adulthood. As they move slowly from adolescence toward retirement and
beyond, adults go through a number of changes—physically, socially,
emotionally, cognitively, and neurologically. This module will examine these
changes across the different stages of adult development.
From Adolescence through Middle Age
When we are children and adolescents, we often feel like we can’t wait to grow
up. Many of you can likely remember how large and mature 18-year-olds
seemed when you were younger. Eighteen-year-olds went to university, had
jobs, and seemed so poised. Now that many of you are in this age range, you
can see that this view of emerging adults is a bit naïve. That said, people in this
age group have their entire adult lives in front of them. The adventure is
beginning.
Emerging Adults
The time between adolescence and adulthood is a period of great personal
challenge and potential growth. Emerging adults confront many adaptive
challenges; they may leave home for the first time; start college, university, or
full-time work; become more financially responsible for themselves; commit to
and cohabit with romantic partners; and, of course, deal with the endless crises
of their friends.
Adults inhabit a much more complex world than children, and this becomes
increasingly clear as the demands of life, and the need to be responsible for
yourself, increase. How well individuals navigate these challenges is important
for setting the stage of the next phases of life, and affects feelings of self-worth
and confidence in handling the challenges of adulthood. On the other hand,
adulthood also brings a huge amount of freedom. You make money, you can
travel, eat what you want, and (usually) do what you want. You can settle into
your identity as a human being, and you can become comfortable in your own
skin. Of course, all of this freedom operates within a complex web of social
relationships and responsibilities, and adulthood involves balancing these
various factors over time.
Researchers at the University of Guelph conducted an in-depth study of the

experiences of these emerging adults, identifying three main areas of personal
growth: relationships, new possibilities, and personal strengths (Gottlieb et al.,
2007). Interestingly, these correspond perfectly to the domains of relatedness,
autonomy, and competence that are widely viewed as key pillars of healthy
development throughout the lifespan (these are discussed in depth in Module
11.3 ).
In the relationships domain, most people in this study felt that they had grown in
their abilities to trust others, to recruit support from others, and generally to be
able to establish strong and intimate connections. This increased intimacy is an
outgrowth of people learning to be themselves with others, to know who they are,
and to connect in ways that accept and encourage people’s authenticity. The
domain of new possibilities reflects the greater freedom that emerging adults
enjoy to choose activities that better fit their goals and interests, to broaden their
horizons, and to actively search for what they want to do with their lives. The
domain of personal strength reflects the confidence young adults gain as they
confront more serious life challenges and discover that they can handle them.
The emergence into adulthood is a time, therefore, of immense opportunity. As a

person comes into their own, they can engage with the world that much more
confidently and effectively. And that seems to be the story of adulthood: greater
opportunities, greater challenges.
Early and Middle Adulthood
The first few decades of early adulthood are typically the healthiest and most
vigorous times of life. People in their 20s to 40s are usually stronger, faster, and
healthier than young children or older people. After adolescence, when one has
finished growing, one enters a kind of plateau period of physical development in
which the body changes quite slowly (aside from obvious exceptions, like
pregnancy). For women, this period starts to shift at approximately age 50 with
the onset of menopause , the termination of the menstrual cycle and
reproductive ability. The physical changes associated with menopause,
particularly the reduction in estrogen, can result in symptoms such as hot
flashes, a reduced sex drive, and mood swings. Psychologically, some women
experience a period of adjustment, perhaps feeling like they are no longer
“young” or as potentially worthwhile; these types of adjustment problems are
common to many different major life changes, and as always, the severity of
such symptoms varies widely among individuals. Men, on the other hand, don’t
experience a physical change as substantial as menopause during middle
adulthood, although testosterone production and sexual motivation typically
decline.
Early and middle adulthood are also an important time for relationships,
particularly of the romantic variety. This links back to Erik Erikson’s theory of
development across the lifespan (see Table 10.5 ). As mentioned in earlier
modules, in each of Erikson’s stages, the individual faces a specific
developmental challenge, or crisis of development. If she successfully resolves
this crisis and overcomes this challenge, the person becomes better able to rise
to the challenges of subsequent stages and moves on in life, letting go of specific
issues that characterized the earlier stages. However, if the stage is not
successfully resolved, lingering issues can interfere with the person’s
subsequent development.
According to Erikson’s theory, the first four stages of development are completed
during infancy and childhood (see Module 10.2 ); the fifth stage takes place
during adolescence (see Module 10.3 ). In the sixth stage, Young adulthood,
the individual must cope with the conflict between intimacy and isolation. This
stage places emphasis on establishing and maintaining close relationships. The
following stage of Adulthood involves the tension of generativity vs. stagnation,
during which the person either becomes productively engaged in the world,
playing somehow useful roles in the world, or else the person “stagnates,”
becoming overly absorbed with their own lives, and failing to give back to the
world in a useful way.
Thus, putting these two stages together gives a decent picture of much of the
central foci in an adult’s life. Adulthood is this challenge of balancing one’s own
personal needs with one’s relationships, while also fulfilling family responsibilities
and playing a variety of different roles in society (depending on things like one’s
career, and the roles one may play in the community). A key part of these stages
is marriage (or cohabitation), perhaps the most important relationship(s) of
adulthood.
Love and Marriage

Although not all long-term committed relationships proceed to marriage, it
remains the norm, with 67% of Canadian families involving a married couple
(with or without children). However, in recent years the proportion of married-
couple families has been dropping from 70.5% in 2001. Common-law and lone-
parent families each account for about 16% of families (Statistics Canada,
2012c).
Consistent with Erikson’s theorizing, being able to establish a committed, long-

term relationship seems to be good for people (although not in all cases, such as
abusive relationships). On average, being in such a relationship is associated
with greater health, longer life (Coombs, 1991; Koball et al., 2010), and
increased happiness (Wayment & Peplau, 1995). Numerous factors are
involved in these benefits. For example, married couples encourage each other
to stay active and eat healthier diets, are more satisfied with their sex lives (and
have sex more frequently than those who stay single, “swinging single” myths
notwithstanding), and enjoy greater financial security (Waite & Gallagher, 2000).
But is it really marriage that makes people happier? Or is it due to living together
in a committed relationship? Many people believe that living together before
marriage is harmful to a relationship, whereas others believe it is a wise thing to
do before making the commitment to marry a person. Until a few years ago,
research suggested that despite the beliefs of more progressively minded folks,
cohabiting before marriage appeared to be associated with weaker relationships
in a variety of ways (e.g., Stack & Eshleman, 1998). However, a dramatic
reversal of this opinion occurred after a large international study of relationships
across 27 different countries (Lee & Ono, 2012) showed that the reason people
in common-law relationships seem less happy, on average, is actually because
of cultural intolerance of these types of relationships. In cultures with more
traditional gender roles, cohabiting outside of marriage is frowned upon, and
couples who do so suffer a social cost. This negatively affects women in
particular, whose happiness depends more heavily on family relationships and
interpersonal ties (Aldous & Ganey, 1999). In more egalitarian societies,
common-law relationships are not judged as negatively, and consequently, there
seems to be no cost to living with a partner before marriage. Indeed, many
people would argue that it is a good idea, leading people to make better
decisions when choosing a life partner.
Despite the promise of “until death do us part,” about 40% of Canadian

marriages end in divorce (Statistics Canada, 2004; see Figure 10.16 ). One
of the key factors that determines whether a marriage will end, and the factor
that we have the most control over, is how well partners in a relationship are able
to communicate with each other, particularly when they are having a conflict.
Several decades of behavioural studies by Dr. John Gottman looked at the
communication patterns of couples and led to some key insights about what
makes relationships break down and how relationship partners can prevent
breakdowns from happening.
Figure 10.16 Marriage and Divorce Trends in Canada
Starting in the 1960s, Canadian divorce rates began rising quickly. They have
been fairly steady for the past 20 years.
Source: Statistics Canada, Divorce cases in civil court, 2010/2011, Juristat Article, Catalogue no. 85-002-X, 2012.
Reproduced and distributed on an “as is” basis with the permission of Statistics Canada.
By observing a couple interacting in his wonderfully named “love lab,” Gottman

has been able to predict with up to 94% accuracy whether a relationship will end
in divorce (e.g., Buehlman et al., 1992; Gottman & Levenson, 2002). Across
multiple studies, certain patterns of behaviour are highly predictive of relationship
break-up. He calls them, rather dramatically, the Four Horsemen of the
Apocalypse (Gottman & Levenson, 1992, 2002). They include:
Criticism: picking out flaws, expressing disappointments, correcting each

other, and making negative comments about a spouse’s friends and family
Defensiveness: responding to perceived attacks with counter-attacks
Contempt: dismissive eye rolls, sarcastic comments, and a cutting tone of
voice
Stonewalling: shutting down verbally and emotionally
Studying these four patterns of destructive communication is like studying a

trouble-shooting manual for the relationships of early and middle adulthood.
Avoid these patterns and nurture their opposing tendencies (such as
understanding, empathy, and acceptance), and your relationships will have a
much better chance of being positive and fulfilling.
Parenting
One common (although by no means universal) aspect of intimate relationships
is the raising of children and having something you identify as “a family” together.
This is one of the most powerful routes by which people experience a deepening
in their feelings of being connected to others. Certainly, whether a person is
ready for it or not, parenting basically forces you to become less self-centred. All
of a sudden, there is another being who is utterly dependent on you for its
survival and its healthy development for many years.
The Four Horsemen of the (Relationship) Apocalypse. Learning to recognize and

change these negative communication patterns can make many relationships
better.
Source: Recognizing the Four Horsemen of the (Relationship) Apocalypse. Reprinted with permission of the Gottman
Institute at www.gottman.com
The experience of becoming a parent, as with any other huge shift in one’s life,
causes a person to reorganize their identity to some degree. Life is not just about
them anymore. And indeed, you would be miserable and feel terrible about
yourself if you ignored your child, tending instead to your own completely
independent needs.
Of course, making this transition—with the exhaustion, stress, and massive

changes that accompany it—is not easy. As a result, research tends to show a
rather sad pattern, but one worth examining nonetheless: within a fairly short
period of time (usually around two years) of having children, parents typically
report that their marital satisfaction declines (Belsky & Rovine, 1990). Marital
satisfaction is usually highest before the birth of the first child, then is reduced
until the children enter school (Cowan & Cowan, 1995; Shapiro et al., 2000),
and not uncommonly, remains low until the children actually leave home as
young adults themselves (Glenn, 1990).
A major upside to this pattern of findings, of course, is that older adults are often
poised to enjoy a rekindling of their relationship; their best years are still ahead of
them, and they can settle into enjoying their relatively free time together. In fact,
the notion of parents suffering in their empty nest once their children leave home
is largely a myth. Married older adults are just as likely to report being “very
satisfied” with marriage as newlyweds (Rollins, 1989). Of course, some parents
no doubt take a fresh look at their relationship once it’s just the two of them again
and discover they no longer have anything in common or don’t even like each
other that much. But happily, the general trend is actually the opposite—couples
find their relationships flourishing again. So, there can be a lot of things to look
forward to as one gets older.
Module 10.4a Quiz:
From Adolescence through Middle Age
Know . . .
1. When one person in a relationship tends to withdraw and “shut down”
when discussing difficult issues in the relationship, they are
.
A. being abusive
B. stonewalling
C. guilt-tripping
D. being contemptuous
2. In Erikson’s theory of psychosocial development, what does generativity

refer to?
A. The desire to generate an income
B. The desire to generate knowledge and learning for oneself
C. The desire to have offspring
D. The desire to have a positive impact on the world
3. Research that shows that people are more likely to get divorced if they
cohabit before marriage is probably due to
A. self-reporting biases interfering with people accurately depicting
the health of their relationships.
B. people in some cultures being punished through social and
community sanctions if they live in a cohabiting relationship.
C. biased motivations on the part of the researchers, who asked
specific questions that were designed to show what they wanted
to find.
D. journal editors having a conservative bias and thus being more
likely to publish studies that show “moral” findings, rather than
ones that illustrate unconventional or non-traditional values.
Late Adulthood
The pursuit of happiness is a common theme in contemporary society, and

certainly we can all relate to the desire to be happy. But how do we go about
achieving “happiness” as we age, and are we generally successful?
Happiness and Relationships

This generally positive story about growing older gets even better when adults
begin to transition into the latter decades of life, especially when we consider
perhaps the most personal and immediate part of one’s happiness—one’s own
emotions. One of the biggest benefits to growing older is that the emotional
turmoil of youth, with its dramatic ups and downs (passions, despair, anger, lust,
and all the rest), often gives way to a smoother, more emotionally stable, and
generally more positive experience. As a result, late adulthood is often a
particularly enjoyable time of life. The Buddhist monk Thich Nnat Hanh has
described youth as being like the chaotic mountain stream tumbling down the
mountainside, whereas old age is when the stream has broadened into a serene
river making the final leg of its journey to the ocean.
Developmental psychologists describe a similar type of personal development

through the lens of socioemotional selectivity theory , which describes how
older people have learned to select for themselves more positive and nourishing
experiences. Older people seem better able to pay more attention to positive
experiences, and to tend to take part in activities that emphasize positive
emotions and sharing meaningful connections with others (Carstensen et al.,
1999). The net result of this wiser approach to life is that negative emotions often
decline with age, while positive emotions actually increase in frequency (Figure
10.17 ). Simply put, older people are (often) happier (Charles & Carstensen,
2009)! This definitely gives us something to look forward to.
Figure 10.17 Emotion, Memory, and Aging

Younger people have superior memory for whether they have seen positive,
negative, or neutral pictures compared with older people. However, notice that
younger people remember positive and negative pictures equally, whereas older
people are more likely to remember positive pictures (Charles et al., 2003).
Source: Data from “At the Intersection of Emotion and Cognition: Aging and the Positivity Effect” by L. L. Carsten-sen & J. A.
Mikels, (2005). Current Directions in Psychological Science, 14 (3).
Erikson’s theory of psychosocial development describes the final stage,

spanning approximately 65 years and onward, as Aging, the challenge of ego
integrity versus despair. During this time the older adult contemplates whether
she lived a full life and fulfilled major accomplishments, and now can enjoy the
support of one’s lifetime of relationships and social roles. In contrast, if one only
looks back on disappointments and failures, this will be a time of great personal
struggle against feelings of despair and regret.
The full story of aging has a downside to it as well; it’s not all sunshine and
rainbows. Older people experience great challenges: the deaths of their spouse
and family members, the loss of close friends and acquaintances, the fading of
their physical capabilities, the loss of personal freedoms such as driving or living
without assistance, and inevitable health challenges as the body ages.
Existentially speaking, older adults also must, sooner or later, face the growing
awareness that their time on this earth is drawing to a close. It doesn’t take a lot
of imagination to understand why younger people often assume that the elderly
are unhappy and depressed as they face the imminent “dying of the light.”
Certainly, depression and even suicide are not unknown to the elderly, although
contrary to the stereotype of the unhappy, lonely old person, healthy older adults
are no more likely to become depressed than are younger people. The reality is
that as long as basic emotional and social needs are met, old age is often a very
joyous time, again reflecting the greater wisdom with which older adults
approach the challenges of their lives, making the best of things, focusing on
what they can be grateful for, and letting things go that are negative, as much as
possible (Charles & Carstensen, 2009).
Older adults have had enough experience dealing with the slings and arrows of
life that they’ve learned how to emotionally cope, how to see the glass as half-full
rather than half-empty, and how to focus on the positives even as they face the
negatives. The active cultivation of positive emotions has been shown to be a
key resource that helps people cope with life’s challenges (Cohn et al., 2009;
Garland et al., 2010). For example, research at Kwantlen University has shown
that many older people respond even to the loss of their beloved spouse by
focusing on positive emotions (Tweed & Tweed, 2011); this enhanced positive
focus leads to better coping overall, such as less depressed mood, the
experience of greater social support, and even the ability to provide more
support to others in the community. This flies in the face of earlier theorists who
argued that grief needed to be “fully processed” in order for people to recover
(Bonanno, 2004), and experiencing frequent positive emotions while grieving
was actually a sign of pathology (Bowlby, 1980)!
In fact, one of the key lessons that life teaches a person is that many of the
challenges one faces carry their own rewards and hidden benefits. As people
age, their suffering and loss ends up getting used as fertilizer for their own
personal growth. In struggling to deal with the difficulties of life, people often find
that they grow in many ways, such as shifting their priorities after realizing what
really matters to them, feeling deeply grateful for their close relationships, and
feeling deeply motivated to live authentically according to one’s own personal
values and sense of what is right (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 2004). Older people
therefore have ample opportunities for personal growth, and it is important to
respect how much of the later years of life can be a supremely rich time for
people to invest in their own growth, learning, and practice. Even as death
approaches, the benefits to the elderly can be a deep enriching of the gratitude
they feel for being alive (Frias et al., 2011).
The Eventual Decline of Aging

Of course, every story has its ending, and as much as we might like to avoid this
topic, we also have to acknowledge that the later years of adulthood are
accompanied by a certain amount of decline. The body declines and the mind
eventually is not as sharp as it once was. Researchers have examined this in
great detail and found that the brain, just like other physical systems, shows
structural changes and some functional decline with age. These changes include
reduced volume of white and grey matter of the cerebral cortex, as well as of the
memory-processing hippocampus (Allen et al., 2005). The prefrontal cortex and
its connections to subcortical regions are also hit hard by aging (Raz, 2000). The
reduced frontal lobe volume may explain why older adults sometimes lose their
train of thought and why they sometimes say things that they wouldn’t have in
the past (e.g., blunt comments, vulgarity). Because it is now common for people
to live well into their 80s and beyond, these declines are ever more important to
understand because they have many implications for how well older adults will
be able to function in their everyday lives.
If one lives well and/or is lucky, one can get pretty much to the end of a natural
lifespan with very little cognitive decline. However, there is a lot of variability in
how well people will age, neurologically speaking. The negative end of the
spectrum is anchored by various neurodegenerative conditions. These are
medical conditions of aging characterized by the loss of nerve cells and nervous
system functioning, which generally worsen over time. Many older adults
struggle with attending to the tasks of everyday life, which may indicate the onset
of dementia , a mild to severe disruption of mental functioning, memory loss,
disorientation, and poor judgment and decision making. Approximately 14% of
people older than 71 years of age have dementia.
Psych @ The Driver’s Seat

Thanks to technology, the current generation of elderly adults faces
issues that previous generations never did. Take driving, for example.
Many older adults depend on their cars to shop, maintain a social life,
and keep appointments. Research, however, has shown that the
cognitive and physical changes in old age may take a toll on driving skill.
This decline presents a dilemma for many seniors and their families: How
can individuals maintain the independence afforded by driving without
endangering themselves and other drivers?
To address this problem, psychologist Karlene Ball developed an

intervention called Useful Field of View (UFOV) Speed of Processing
training (Ball & Owsley, 1993). UFOV uses computer-based training
exercises to increase the portion of the visual field that adults can quickly
process and respond to. Laboratory studies show that UFOV actually
increases the speed of cognitive processing for older adults (Ball &
Owsley, 2000). Records from several U.S. states that have studied the
UFOV show that drivers who completed the training were half as likely to
have had an accident during the study period.
Nearly 10% of cases of dementia involve the more severe Alzheimer’s

disease —a degenerative and terminal condition resulting in severe damage
to the entire brain. Alzheimer’s disease rarely appears before age 60, and it
usually lasts 7 to 10 years from onset to death (although some people with
Alzheimer’s live much longer). Early symptoms include forgetfulness for recent
events, poor judgment, and some mood and personality changes. As the disease
progresses, people experience severe confusion and memory loss, eventually
struggling to recognize even their closest family members. In the most advanced
stages of Alzheimer’s disease, affected individuals may fail to recognize
themselves and may lose control of basic bodily processes such as bowel and
bladder control.
What accounts for such extensive deterioration of cognitive abilities? Alzheimer’s

disease involves a buildup of proteins that clump together in the spaces between
neurons, interrupting their normal activity. These are often referred to as
plaques. Another type of protein tangles within nerve cells, which severely
disrupts their structural integrity and functioning (Figure 10.18 ). These are
often referred to as neurofibrillary tangles (or simply as tangles). Many different
research groups are currently searching for specific genes that are associated
with Alzheimer’s disease. The genetic risk (i.e., the heritability of the disease) is
very high for people who develop an early-onset form (age 30–60) of Alzheimer’s
disease (Bertram et al., 2010). In those individuals with later-onset (age 60+)
disease, the genetic link is not as consistent.
Figure 10.18 How Alzheimer’s Disease Affects the Brain
Advanced Alzheimer’s disease is marked by significant loss of both grey and
white matter throughout the brain. The brain of a person with Alzheimer’s
disease typically has a large buildup of a protein called beta-amyloid, which kills
nerve cells. Also, tau proteins, which maintain the structure of nerve cells, are
often found to be defective in the Alzheimer’s brain, resulting in neurofibrillary
tangles.
Source: Based on information from National Institute of Aging. (2008). Part 2: What happens to the brain in AD. In
Alzheimer’s Disease: Unraveling the mystery. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. NIH Publication No. 08-3782.
Retrieved from https://www.nia.nih.gov/sites/default/files/alzheimers_disease_unraveling_the_mystery_2.pdf
Alzheimer’s disease illustrates a worst-case scenario of the aging brain.

However, even in normal brains, structural changes occur which also cause a
variety of cognitive challenges that increase as the person gets older.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Aging and

Cognitive Change
How does the normal aging process affect cognitive abilities such
as intelligence, learning, and memory? People commonly believe
that a loss of cognitive abilities is an inevitable part of aging, even
for those who do not develop dementia or Alzheimer’s disease.
However, the reality of aging and cognition is not so simple.
What do we know about different cognitive abilities?
There are many different cognitive abilities, including different
memory and attentional abilities. One useful distinction is made
between cognitive tasks that involve processes such as problem
solving, reasoning, processing speed, and mental flexibility; these
tasks are said to involve fluid intelligence. Other tasks tap into
crystallized intelligence, which is based on accumulated
knowledge and skills (Module 9.2 ), such as recognizing
famous people like David Suzuki or Justin Bieber. Although fluid
intelligence reaches a peak during young adulthood and then
slowly declines, crystallized intelligence remains largely intact into
old age.
How can science explain age-related differences in cognitive

abilities?
Researchers have not yet fully solved the riddle of why some
cognitive abilities decline with age. There are many different
potential explanations. Neurological studies of brain function
suggest two leading possibilities.
The first is that older adults sometimes use ineffective cognitive

strategies, leading to lower levels of activation of relevant brain
areas. This has been repeatedly found in various studies (e.g.,
Logan et al., 2002; Madden et al., 1996). Interestingly, it may be
possible to enhance neural function in older people simply by
reminding them to use effective strategies. For example, Logan
and her colleagues (2002) found that, compared to subjects in
their 20s, older subjects (in their 70s and 80s) performed worse
on a memory task and showed less activity in key frontal lobe
areas. However, by giving older adults strategies to help them
more deeply encode the information, older adults were able to
activate these brain areas to a greater extent, thus improving
their memories for the information. This work suggests that a key
to helping older adults resist the decline of their cognitive abilities
is to help them learn effective strategies for making better use of
their cognitive resources.
A second possible explanation for reduced cognitive abilities in

older people is that older brains show more general, non-specific
brain activation for a given task (Cabeza, 2002). They may do so
either because they are compensating for deficits in one area by
recruiting other areas, or possibly because they are less capable
of limiting activation to the appropriate, specialized neural areas.
Involving more widely distributed brain areas in a given task
would generally result in slower processing speed, which could
help to explain some of the cognitive deficits (e.g., fluid
intelligence) seen in older adults.
Can we critically evaluate our assumptions about age-related

cognitive changes?
Although older people show declines on laboratory tests of some
cognitive functions, we should guard against the stereotypic
assumption that the elderly are somehow less intellectually
capable than the rest of us. In most cultures and for most of
history, older people have been widely respected and honoured
as wisdom keepers for their communities; respect for one’s elders
is, in fact, the historical norm, whereas modern Western society’s
tendency to disregard the perspectives of the elderly, assuming
that they are out of touch and their opinions are no longer
relevant, is the aberration.
The wisdom of elderly people is evident in their approach not only

to emotional well-being, as we discussed earlier in this module,
but also in how they deal with their own cognitive abilities. In
everyday life, as opposed to most laboratory tests, the decline in
cognitive abilities does not necessarily translate into decline in
practical skills, for at least two important reasons. The first is that
while the episodic and working memory systems may not work as
well, the procedural and semantic memory systems show a much
slower rate of decline with age (see Figure 10.19 ). Thus, older
people’s retention of practical skills and general knowledge about
the world remains largely intact for most of their lives.
Figure 10.19 Memory and Aging
Several types of memory systems exist, not all of which are

equally affected by age. An older person’s ability to remember
events, such as words that appeared on a list (episodic memory),
is more likely to decline than his or her memory for facts and
concepts (semantic memory).
The second reason the elderly fare better than might be expected
from laboratory tests is that they learn to compensate for their
reduced raw cognitive power by using their abilities more
skillfully. For example, in a chess game, older players play as
well as young players, despite the fact that they cannot
remember chess positions as well as their young opponents.
They compensate for this reduction in working memory during a
game by more efficiently searching the chessboard for patterns
(Charness, 1981). Having more experience to draw upon in
many domains of life gives older people an advantage because
they will be better able to develop strategies that allow them to
process information more efficiently (Salthouse, 1987).

In a society that increasingly relegates its elderly to seniors’
residences, largely removing them from their families and the
larger community, it is important to remember that older people
actually retain their faculties much better than might be expected.
This is especially true for older adults who practice specific
cognition-enhancing behaviours. What keeps the aging brain
sharp? It’s pretty simple really, as researchers at the University of
Alberta and others have shown—staying physically active,
practising cognitively challenging activities (and they don’t have
to be crosswords and brain teaser puzzles; intrinsically enjoyable
hobbies work just fine), and remaining socially connected and
active (Small et al., 2012; Stine-Morrow, 2007). In addition,
diets low in saturated fats and rich in antioxidants, omega-3 fatty
acids, and B vitamins help to maintain cognitive functioning and
neural plasticity (Mattson, 2000;Molteni et al., 2002). As a
society, providing opportunities and resources for seniors to
remain active, socially engaged, and well-nourished will allow
them to enjoy high-quality lives well into old age.
Module 10.4b Quiz:
Late Adulthood
Understand . . .
1. Socioemotional selectivity theory describes how older adults
A. are better at socializing in general, because they have a lifetime
of practice; thus, they tend to make friends very easily, and this
keeps them functioning well.
B. are better at selecting emotions that are socially acceptable
based on the current circumstance. This causes them much less
stress and is why they are generally happier.
C. have usually invested so much of their lives in a few close
relationships that now they have a network of support in those
friends who were selected based on their tendency to be socially
and emotionally supportive.
D. are better at paying attention to positive things, rather than
excessively dwelling on the negatives.
2. Once someone is diagnosed with Alzheimer’s disease, they are likely to

A. experience escalating pain and a reduction of their physical
capabilities.
B. exhibit emotional volatility and a tendency towards irrational,
violent behaviour.
C. exhibit confused, forgetful behaviour and a general decline in
cognitive abilities.
D. experience intense hallucinations, especially involving people
who have died.
Apply . . .
3. Which of the following best describes the effects of aging on intelligence?
A. Fluid intelligence tends to decrease, but working memory tends to
increase.
B. Fluid intelligence tends to decrease, but crystallized intelligence
tends to increase.
C. Crystallized intelligence tends to increase, but the ability to
skillfully use one’s abilities decreases.
D. Aging is unrelated to intelligence, except in the case of brain
disorders and diseases such as dementia or Alzheimer’s disease.
Module 10.4 Summary
10.4a Know . . . the key terminology concerning adulthood and aging.
Alzheimer’s disease
dementia
menopause
socioemotional selectivity theory
10.4b Know . . . the key areas of growth experienced by emerging adults.
People making the transition from adolescence to adulthood face substantial life
challenges that contribute to personal growth in three main areas: relationships
(i.e., cultivating true intimacy and trust); new possibilities (i.e., exploring what
they really want to do with their lives and choosing a compatible path that reflects
their interests); and personal strengths (i.e., the skills and competencies that
come from successfully facing challenges).
10.4c Understand . . . age-related disorders such as Alzheimer’s disease.
Alzheimer’s disease is a form of dementia that is characterized by significant

decline in memory, cognition, and, eventually, basic bodily functioning. It seems
to be caused by two different brain abnormalities—the buildup of proteins that
clump together in the spaces between neurons, plus degeneration of a structural
protein that forms tangles within nerve cells.
10.4d Understand . . . how cognitive abilities change with age.
Aging adults typically experience a general decline in cognitive abilities,

especially those related to fluid intelligence, such as working memory. However,
older adults also develop compensatory strategies that enable them to remain
highly functional in their daily lives, despite their slow decline in processing
capability.
10.4e Apply . . . effective communication principles to the challenge of

improving your own relationships.
Apply Activity
In this module, you read about John Gottman’s research into the Four Horsemen
of the (Relationship) Apocalypse. Identify which of the four relationship-harming
behaviours are most apparent in each of the three descriptions below.
1. Molly and David are arguing—David feels that Molly spends too much of
her time talking on the phone with her friends rather than spending time
with him. Molly rolls her eyes and says “I didn’t realize you needed to be
entertained 24 hours a day.”
2. Nicole is upset that her husband Greg isn’t putting in enough hours at his
job to make a good income. When she talks to Greg about this, he
becomes distant and ends the discussion.
3. Juan and Maria are having marital problems. When frustrated, Juan often
complains about Maria’s mother and about how Maria’s friends are
immature. This upsets Maria.
10.4f Analyze . . . the stereotype that old age is a time of unhappiness.
Research shows that older adults do face issues that might lead to unhappiness
—for example, health problems, loss of loved ones, and reductions in personal
freedom. However, such challenges often lead to growth and a deepened
appreciation for life and other people. The result is that many older people
become skilled at focusing on the positives of life and pay less attention to the
negatives, leading to an increase in life satisfaction, rather than a decrease.
Chapter 11 Motivation and
Emotion
11.1 Hunger and Eating

Physiological Aspects of Hunger 442
Psychological Aspects of Hunger 445
Disorders of Eating 448
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: The Effect of Media Depictions of

Beauty on Body Image 450
11.2 Sex
Human Sexual Behaviour: Psychological Influences 453
Human Sexual Behaviour: Physiological Influences 455
Human Sexual Behaviour: Cultural Influences 460
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Does Sex Sell? 462

11.3 Social and Achievement Motivation

Belonging and Love Needs 466
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Terror Management Theory and

the Need to Belong 468
Achievement Motivation 470
11.4 Emotion
Physiology of Emotion 477
Experiencing Emotions 479
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: The Two-Factor Theory of

Emotion 481
Expressing Emotions 484

Module 11.1 Hunger and Eating
Satchan/Corbis/Bridge/Glow Images
Learning Objectives
11.1a Know . . . the key terminology of motivation and hunger.
11.1b Understand . . . the biological, cognitive, and social processes that shape
eating patterns.
11.1c Understand . . . the causes of common eating disorders.
11.1d Apply . . . your knowledge of hunger regulation to better understand and
evaluate your own eating patterns.
11.1e Analyze . . . the role of the media on people’s body image.
It was Janice’s first year of university. She’d made it through the first
three months of the semester with impressive grades, but was now
dealing with her first ever set of final exams. After a long afternoon of
studying History, Janice felt like she was starving. She walked over to the
cafeteria and was overwhelmed by the number of options. She saw a
friend eating a greasy pizza and immediately ordered one for herself (but
with a salad, which of course made the meal healthy). She finished the
enormous plate of food and felt like she couldn’t eat another bite. She
crawled back to the library and began studying for her Chemistry exam
that was scheduled for the next morning. But, despite having just eaten a
large meal, Janice found herself munching on candy that she’d snuck into
the library (a guilty habit that was now as much a part of studying as her
textbooks). The more anxious she got about this exam, the more she
mindlessly moved the sugary snacks from their bag into her mouth.
Janice’s experience shows us that eating isn’t just a simple behaviour we
use for survival. Hunger is a biological drive that influences what we pay
attention to and interacts with our past experiences and current mental
states such as excitement and anxiety. Hunger is a psychological
behaviour.
Focus Questions
1. What are some ways that our physical and social environments
affect eating?
2. What makes us feel hungry or full?
Although this module focuses on behaviours related to eating and hunger, it also
serves as an introduction to the concept of motivation. Motivation concerns
the physiological and psychological processes underlying the initiation of
behaviours that direct organisms toward specific goals. These initiating factors,
or motives, can take many forms. They can involve satisfying bodily needs such
as drinking when you are thirsty, but they can also include social behaviours
such as seeking out other people when you are lonely. The fact that you are
reading Chapter 11 of a university textbook shows you the breadth of this
concept—you are likely motivated to achieve academic success. In all of these
cases, a behaviour is being initiated in order to complete some sort of goal-
directed behaviour.
At its most basic level, motivation is essential to an individual’s survival because

it contributes to homeostasis , the body’s physiological processes that allow it
to maintain consistent internal states in response to the outer environment (see
Figure 11.1 ). For example, when the body’s water levels fall below normal,
cells release chemical compounds that maintain the structure and fluid levels of
cells. Receptors in the body respond to the increased concentrations of these
compounds, as well as to the lower water volume, and send messages to the
brain. The result is the sudden awareness that you are thirsty, which motivates
you to drink water. This process is known as a drive , a biological trigger that
tells us we may be deprived of something and causes us to seek out what is
needed, such as food or water (Figure 11.2 ). The stimuli we seek out in order
to reduce drives are known as incentives . In this example, the incentive
would be water; however, in other modules, incentives will range from sex (see
Module 11.2 ) to feeling like you belong, or even to a more abstract feeling of
reaching your potential as a human (see Module 11.3 ).
Figure 11.1 Maintaining Balance
Homeostasis is the process of maintaining relatively stable internal states. For
example, this diagram illustrates how homeostasis regulates thirst and the
body’s fluid levels. The body detects that fluid levels are low and sends signals to
the brain that motivate us to drink; once fluid levels are normal, this motivation
decreases. A pack of psychology professors are, of course, just out of view in
this photo, battling a group of Kenyans for third place.
Mark Wilson/The Boston Globe/Getty Images
Figure 11.2 Drives and Incentives

Our motivation to reduce a drive, or in response to an incentive, can lead to the
same behaviour.
There are times, however, when our behaviours cannot be explained by a desire
to reach a state of homeostasis. Instead, our motivations are influenced by an
internal or external source of stress. Stress often leads us to use more resources
than we normally would. Stress is particularly challenging to our homeostasis
because it is difficult to predict how long you will be in that energy-consuming
state—you don’t schedule stress into your day planner. As a result, our
motivational systems have to make a prediction about the resources that our
bodies will require, and then initiate motivational behaviours that will drive us to
acquire those resources. This process is known as allostasis , motivation that
is not only influenced by current needs, but also by the anticipation of future
needs caused by stress (Sterling, 2011).
To make the relationship between homeostasis and allostasis more concrete,
let’s think back to the example of Janice eating candy while stressing out about
her exams. The experience of anxiety used a lot of Janice’s energy, as did the
effort required to control her emotions. If Janice didn’t increase her food
consumption to meet these new energy demands, her energy level would quickly
dip below optimal levels. As a result, her physical and mental well-being would
then suffer. So, if Janice were not stressed out, homeostasis would drive her
toward consuming a particular number of calories; however, allostasis—which
involves the influence of stress on homeostasis—would drive her to consume a
greater number of calories (and would be one reason why she was snacking). Of
course, our ability to predict our future needs is not perfect, which explains why
psychological variables (e.g., stress, desire to appear attractive, the need to feel
“in control”) can have such a strong influence on behaviours like eating and
drinking, which don’t seem “psychological” at all.
In this module, we will examine how these physical and psychological factors
influence our motivation to eat. We will also examine how social factors can alter
our eating habits in negative and self-destructive ways.
Physiological Aspects of Hunger
Hunger is not simply a homeostatic mechanism. The need to consume enough

nutrients so that you have enough energy to function involves physiological
responses as well as more complex cognitive and emotional factors (Dagher,
2012). The brain areas involved with these factors interact with the brain areas
that control our appetites.
The “on” and “off” switches involved in hunger can be found in a few regions of
the hypothalamus , a set of nuclei found on the bottom surface of the brain.
Researchers have found that electrically stimulating the lateral hypothalamus
causes rats to begin to eat; thus, this structure may serve as an “on” switch
(Delgado & Anand, 1952). In contrast, stimulating the ventromedial region of the
hypothalamus causes rats to stop eating. Damaging the ventromedial region
removes the “off switch” in the brain; in lab animals, this damage leads to obesity
because the animals don’t stop eating (Figure 11.3 ). A related area, the
paraventricular nucleus of the hypothalamus, also signals that it is time to stop
eating by inhibiting the lateral hypothalamus.
Figure 11.3 The Hypothalamus and Hunger

The hypothalamus acts as an on/off switch for hunger. The lateral region of the
hypothalamus signals when it is time to eat, while the ventromedial and
paraventricular regions signal when it is time to stop eating.
Source: From Weiten. Psychology, 9E. © 2013 South-Western, a part of Cengage Learning, Inc. Reproduced by permission.
www.cengage.com/permissions.
The activity of the hypothalamus is influenced by hormones that are released in

response to the energy needs of your body. So, your brain influences your body
and your body influences your brain! A key function of the hypothalamus is to
monitor blood chemistry for indicators of the levels of sugars and hormones
necessary for you to have enough energy to function. For example, the
hypothalamus detects changes in the level of glucose , a sugar that serves as
a primary energy source for the brain and the rest of the body. Highly specialized
neurons called glucostats can detect glucose levels in the fluid outside of the
cell. If these levels are too low, glucostats signal the hypothalamus that energy
supplies are low, leading to increased hunger (Langhans, 1996a, 1996b). After
food reaches the stomach and intestines, sugars are absorbed into the
bloodstream and transported throughout the body. Insulin, a hormone secreted
by the pancreas, helps cells store this circulating glucose for future use. As
insulin levels rise in response to consumption of a meal, hunger decreases—but
so do glucose levels, which, after a few hours, leads to hunger again.
The rat on the left has swollen to enormous proportions after researchers
created lesions to its ventromedial hypothalamus. Compare it to the more typical
rat on the right.
Voisin/Phanie/Photo Researchers, Inc./Science Source
Of course, if our motivation to eat was based entirely on the relationship between
glucose and the hypothalamus, then our eating behaviours would be quite
simple: we’d consume whatever food was available until our need for glucose
was satisfied. We all know that is not the case. Eating is influenced by a number
of other factors including the characteristics of the available food and how much
of it we have already eaten.
Food and Reward

In the example that started this module, poor stressed-out Janice ate pizza,
salad, and candy. But, humans evolved in environments in which food was not
this plentiful or rich in variety. Sometimes, after a successful hunting expedition,
food was abundant; however, at other times, food was quite scarce. Humans
quickly learned that the best strategy was to “eat while you can” because there
was no guarantee that another meal would be forthcoming any time soon. And,
given that we need a great deal of energy to keep our bodies functioning
properly, it would make sense to consume fatty foods, a very rich source of
energy. Over the course of evolution, our bodies responded to this need with a
number of systems that made the consumption of high-energy foods
pleasurable. In other words, we developed bodies that were hard-wired to like
some foods more than others.
Imagine eating poutine, Québec’s cardiovascular equivalent of Russian roulette.

It’s clearly bad for you (there is no diet poutine), yet people still enthusiastically
eat it. Indeed, some of the most popular foods in Canada are loaded with fats,
including red meat, cheese, ice cream, and anything deep-fried. Psychologists
and neuroscientists are discovering why people can be so driven to consume
these and other fattening foods. Scientists suggest that we crave fats because
we have specialized receptors on the tongue that are sensitive to the fat content
of food. Research with animals shows that these receptors send messages to
the brain that stimulate the release of endorphins and dopamine, both of which
are responsible for the subjective sense of pleasure and reward (Mizushige et
al., 2007). Similar results were found in brain imaging studies with human
participants (Rolls, 2010). In one study, participants had their brains scanned
while they tasted various substances. At different times, the participants tasted
either a fatty solution (vegetable oil), sucrose (a sweet taste), or a tasteless
control substance. Brain activity was recorded while these different taste stimuli
were delivered in liquefied form into the mouths of the participants through a
small plastic tube. The participants were also asked to rate the pleasantness of
each stimulus. Overall, the participants rated the fatty substance favourably, and
the brain scans showed activity in regions of the brain associated with pleasure
sensations when they tasted fat (de Araujo & Rolls, 2004; see Figure 11.4 ).
Figure 11.4 The Pleasure of Taste

When fat receptors of the tongue are stimulated, the cingulate cortex—a region
of the brain involved in emotional processing—is activated. The orbitofrontal
cortex is involved in linking food taste and texture with reward. Interestingly,
activity in this region, along with reward centres in the basal ganglia, decreases
when we are no longer motivated to eat.
In some situations, high-energy food can be a more powerful reinforcer than

highly addictive drugs (Christensen et al., 2008). Some people even report
cravings for a sugar fix—a term that seems to imply that addiction to candy and
chocolate bars is comparable to an addiction to a drug like heroin. The phrase
“sugar fix” may seem an exaggeration, but is it possible that sugar actually does
act like a drug? Sugar and some addictive drugs share an interesting similarity.
Ordinary sucrose—plain white granulated sugar—can stimulate release of the
neurotransmitter dopamine in the nucleus accumbens, a brain region associated
with the reinforcing effects of substances such as amphetamines and cocaine
(Rada et al., 2005; see Module 5.3 ).
These studies may help to explain why Janice, our long-suffering student, craved
fatty and sugary foods while cramming for exams. Her motivation to eat was also
influenced by her stress level. Stress affects a person’s level of ghrelin, a
hormone secreted in the stomach that stimulates stomach contractions and
appetite (Kristensson et al., 2006). Additionally, feeling stressed means that
you are viewing a particular situation as being threatening in some way, even if
you are not in physical danger. Based on the principle of allostasis discussed
above, if you predict that an upcoming event will be threatening, you will react by
stocking up on energy reserves so that you are better able to deal with this
threat. So, even though homeostasis would indicate that Janice should stop
eating, her psychological interpretation of her situation will lead her to continue
munching away.
Cells in the orbitofrontal cortex respond to perceptual qualities of food texture,

such as the difference between a runny spaghetti sauce and a thick one.
Michele Cozzolino/Shutterstock
Of course, the reward value of food is also influenced by how much of it we have
consumed—even the most stressed-out student will stop eating eventually.
Indeed, we have all experienced the feeling of being “full.” A full stomach is one
cue for satiation —the point in a meal when we are no longer motivated to
eat. That feeling is caused, in part, by cholecystokinin (mercifully abbreviated to
CCK) (Badman & Flier, 2005). Neurons release CCK when the intestines
expand. The ventromedial hypothalamus receives this information and
decreases appetite. Scientists at the Montreal Neurological Institute used
neuroimaging to investigate how satiation and the reward value of food might be
linked. These researchers scanned people’s brains while feeding them pieces of
chocolate. At first, the participants rated the chocolate as being quite tasty and
pleasurable; this led to activity in reward centres in the orbitofrontal cortex (the
part of the frontal lobes just above your eyes) and basal ganglia (Small et al.,
2001). Activity was also found in the insula, which receives information about
taste. But, after participants had consumed several pieces of chocolate, this
formerly pleasurable food became less appealing (i.e., they became “sick of it”).
Interestingly, as participants’ ratings of the chocolate became more negative, the
activity in reward centres decreased. This study shows us that our physiological
and psychological motivations to eat influence each other.
Module 11.1a Quiz:
Physiological Aspects of Hunger
Know . . .
1. The region of the hypothalamus is associated with the onset
of eating, while the region is associated with the offset.
A. lateral; ventromedial
B. ventromedial; lateral
C. anterior; posterior
D. anterior; ventromedial
2. is a sugar that serves as a vital energy source for the

human body; its levels are monitored by the nervous system.
A. Ghrelin
B. CCK
C. Glucose
D. Insulin
Understand . . .
3. Why do psychologists believe the lateral hypothalamus generates hunger
signals that contribute to people’s motivation to eat?
A. This brain structure responds to glucose levels.
B. When the lateral hypothalamus is stimulated, laboratory animals
eat more.
C. Skinny people have smaller nuclei in this area.
D. The lateral hypothalamus releases CCK, which reduces hunger.
Analyze . . .
4. How do evolutionary psychologists explain our desire to eat particular
foods?
A. We eat fatty foods because they are most accessible.
B. The foods we now find pleasurable are often high-energy foods
that would have enhanced our chances for survival in the past.
C. People who consume sugar-free food have less energy and are
less likely to reproduce, thus making them less evolutionarily fit.
D. People have adapted our food intake to match our current North
American lifestyle.
Psychological Aspects of Hunger
The previous section of this module described a number of biological influences

on our motivation to eat. In this section of the module, we highlight cognitive and
social factors that affect this important behaviour.
Attention and Eating

The quantity of food that we eat is not entirely controlled by the brain or by
evolutionary mechanisms. Instead, something as simple as attention can have a
huge effect on how much we consume. Imagine sitting down to your favourite
meal. Many of us would eat a lot, but then watching each helping disappear
would probably serve as a reminder that it is approaching time to stop. But what
if someone (or some drug) interfered with your ability to keep track of how much
you had eaten? This scenario is not what we would expect in normal situations,
but it would allow for an ideal test of how food availability affects how much you
will eat.
Psychologists have created such a situation in the laboratory through a

technique known as the bottomless bowl of soup. Volunteers were asked to eat
soup until they had had enough. In the experimental condition, a tube continued
to fill the soup bowl from the bottom so that it could not be detected by the
volunteers. These individuals stopped eating after consuming, on average, over
70% more than those participants who knowingly refilled their bowls. Even more
interesting is what happened—or did not happen—in terms of feelings and
thoughts: The individuals eating from bottomless bowls did not feel any more
satiated, nor did they believe they had eaten any more than the individuals in the
control group. It turns out we are not so good at putting on the brakes when we
cannot keep track of how much we have consumed (Wansink et al., 2005).
The results of the bottomless soup bowl study can be explained by unit bias ,
the tendency to assume that the unit of sale or portioning is an appropriate
amount to consume. In some cases, this assumption works well. A single
banana comes individually wrapped and makes for a healthy portion; it is an
ideal unit (Geier et al., 2006). In contrast, packaged foods often come in sizes
that are too large to be healthy. A bottle of pop today is likely to be 600 mL, but a
few decades ago the same brand of soda came in a 177 mL bottle. Despite the
huge difference in volume, each is seen as constituting one unit of pop. As a
consequence, you are now likely to consume more than three times as much
pop in one sitting as your grandparents would have. Surprisingly, the unit bias
affects our consumption almost as much as the taste of the food! In one study,
participants were given fresh or stale (14-day-old) popcorn in either a small (120
g) or large (240 g) container. When the container was large, participants ate
more popcorn . . . even if it was incredibly stale and tasted like styrofoam
(Wansink & Kim, 2005). A similar effect was found for people at a Super Bowl
party. The larger bowls implied that it was “normal” for people to eat more
(Wansink & Cheney, 2005). Researchers have concluded that increasing the
size of the dishes increases consumption by 18–25% for meals and 30–45% for
snack foods (Wansink, 1996).

Compare a modern soft drink serving (top) to the historical serving size (bottom).
Despite the massive increase in volume, modern consumers still consider the
unit of packaging as a normal-sized serving.
Top: Image Source/Corbis; bottom: Akg-images/Newscom
This expansion of portion sizes—and waistlines—is being felt worldwide. As

North-American-style fast-food chains expand into Asia, the prevalence of
diabetes has increased (Pan et al., 2012). This is likely why some countries limit
portion sizes and others, such as France, require all fast-food chains and snack
products to have warning labels. But, before we beat ourselves up about how
greedy our culture is, we should get some perspective: This upward trend in the
size of our meals has been going on for a long time. This was demonstrated in a
clever study examining the portion sizes of food in paintings depicting the same
scene from the Bible (the last supper of Jesus). The study examined portion
sizes in paintings over the last millennium (1000–2000 C.E.). Sure enough, the
plate sizes and portion sizes increased over the years (Wansink & Wansink,
2010).
Given this information about the role of attention, container sizes, and culture,
what changes do you think should be made in the food industry to make Canada
a healthier place?
Eating and Semantic Networks

Although attention and the unit bias play powerful roles in our motivation to eat,
they are not the only cognitive factors that influence this behaviour. Imagine you
are in a university cafeteria. As you push your tray along the counter, you have
the option of selecting a number of different foods. What motivates you to select
healthy options such as carrots as opposed to unhealthy options such as
cookies?
It turns out that our food selections can be influenced by the presence of certain
other foods. These items, known as trigger foods , affect the selection of
healthy and unhealthy foods simply by being present among possible food
alternatives. In fact, trigger foods don’t need to be selected to affect eating
behaviour. In a study of high school cafeterias, researchers found that the
presence of containers of applesauce or fruit cocktail increased the likelihood
that students would take cookies, ice cream bars, and other unhealthy snacks. In
contrast, the presence of green beans or bananas decreased the likelihood that
students would take unhealthy snacks (Hanks et al., 2012). What could be
causing these effects?
One factor that could explain these results is priming, a concept discussed in
earlier modules of this book (see Modules 4.1 and 8.1 ). In priming,
previous exposure to a stimulus will affect later responses, either to that stimulus
or to something related to it. The related items are typically part of that stimulus’
semantic network, a group of interconnected concepts (see Module 8.1 ).
When you see a banana, you often think of its colour and shape, of the fact that
it is a fruit, and possibly of animals that eat them. But, when you think of fruit
cocktail, your semantic network likely includes characteristics such as syrup and
sweet-tasting (see Figure 11.5 ). Researchers suggest that activating the
concepts of sweet or sugary in your mind makes other foods that are also sweet
or sugary more appealing, thus leading to an unhealthy food selection (Hanks et
al., 2012). In other words, how we link together concepts in our minds can also
affect the food we put in our bodies.
Figure 11.5 Trigger Foods and Semantic Networks

Unhealthy foods are often part of semantic networks that include terms such as
“sweet” and “sugar.” Activation of these nodes in a network increases the
likelihood that we will select other foods that are also related to “sweet” and
“sugary.”
Eating and the Social Context
In addition to physical and cognitive influences, food intake is affected by social
motives as well. Have you ever gone to a party feeling not a hint of hunger, yet
spent the first hour sampling each of the snacks laid out on the dining room table
because you were nervous and didn’t know what else to do with yourself?
Whether the presence of other people increases or decreases our motivation to
eat is influenced by the social situation (Herman et al., 2003). Here are a few
examples:
Social facilitation: Eating more. Dinner hosts (and grandmothers) may

encourage guests to take second and even third helpings, and individuals
with a reputation for big appetites will be prodded to eat the most. Perhaps
the strongest element of social facilitation is just the time spent at the table:
The longer a person sits socializing, the more likely he or she is to continue
nibbling (Berry et al., 1985).
Impression management: Eating less. Sometimes people self-consciously
control their behaviour so that others will see them in a certain way—a
phenomenon known as impression management. For example, you probably
know that it is polite to chew with your mouth closed. Similarly, the minimal
eating norm suggests that another aspect of good manners—at least in some
social and cultural settings—is to eat small amounts to avoid seeming rude
(Herman et al., 2003).
Modelling: Eating whatever they eat. At first exposure to a situation, such
as a business dinner, a new employee may notice that no one eats much
and everyone takes their time. The newcomer will see the others as models,
and so he too will restrain his eating. Later, he may drop by his friend’s family
reunion where everyone is having a second or third helping and undoing their
belts so their stomachs can expand more. In this case, he will be likely to eat
more, even if he is already feeling full (Herman et al., 2003).
Clearly, eating is not just a matter of maintaining homeostasis. It is best

described as a behaviour motivated by biological, social, and individual
psychological factors.
Module 11.1b Quiz:
Psychological Aspects of Hunger
Know . . .
1. The minimal eating social norm is the observation that people tend to
A. eat as little as possible in just about every social situation
imaginable.
B. view eating reasonably sized portions as the polite thing to do.
C. encourage one another to eat too much.
D. eat as much as possible to flatter the cook.
Understand . . .
2. Being around others
A. can lead you to eat more than you normally would.
B. can lead you to eat less than you normally would.
C. can lead you to eat more or less than normal, depending on what
others are doing.
D. does not influence our eating.
Apply . . .
3. In Europe, the typical container of fruit and yogurt is roughly 177 mL. In
North America, the same food item is usually packaged in 237 mL
containers. The unit bias suggests that
A. a German person visiting Canada would be likely to eat the entire
container, even though it contains 25% more than the typical
German serving.
B. a Canadian visiting Germany would almost certainly miss the
extra 50 mL of yogurt.
C. a German person visiting Canada would carefully evaluate the
differences in packaging to ensure that he or she does not
consume more than usual.
D. all people would be unsatisfied with the 177 mL serving in
Germany.
4. Teachers at a Fredericton high school have become concerned about the

eating habits of their students. Unfortunately, their school has a contract
with a snack food company stating that a number of sugary treats must
be available for students to potentially purchase. How can these teachers
use psychological research to decrease the consumption of sugary snack
foods?
A. They can place slightly less sugary treats such as applesauce at
the beginning of the food line so that students select those
instead of the company’s snack foods.
B. They can place healthy options like green beans at the beginning
of the food line.
C. They can tell the high school students that sugar is bad for them,
as students always listen to wise teachers.
D. They can place the unhealthy foods at the end of the food line
near the cashier so that there is no room left on the students’
lunch trays.
Disorders of Eating
Our dietary habits are influenced by biological dispositions, our beliefs and
perceptions about eating and our bodies, as well as sociocultural factors.
Unfortunately, these motivational systems do not always lead us to good health.
The past few decades have seen a dramatic rise in the rates of obesity ,a
disorder of positive energy balance, in which energy intake exceeds energy
expenditure. Indeed, over the last 15 years, surveys have consistently shown
that approximately 60% of males and 45% of females are overweight or obese
(extremely overweight; Statistics Canada, 2016). However, in some individuals,
hunger-related motivations move in the opposite direction—leading them to
under-eat. While skipping dessert at Dairy Queen might not be a bad idea,
avoiding or restricting the consumption of healthy food is obviously problematic.
In the next section, we discuss some of the motivations underlying disorders
affecting the motivation to eat.
Anorexia and Bulimia

The two most common forms of eating disorders are anorexia nervosa and
bulimia (see Table 11.1 ). Anorexia nervosa is an eating disorder that
involves (1) self-starvation, (2) intense fear of weight gain and dissatisfaction
with one’s body, and (3) denial of the serious consequences of severely low
weight. In contrast, bulimia nervosa is an eating disorder that is
characterized by periods of food deprivation, binge-eating, and purging. The
periods of binging involve short bursts of intense calorie consumption. These are
followed by purging (generally self-induced vomiting), fasting, laxative or diuretic
use, and/or intense exercise. Both disorders usually occur during mid-to-late
adolescence and have been on the rise during the 20th century (Hudson et al.,
2007).
Table 11.1 Statistical Characteristics of Eating Disorders

The incidence of eating disorders in Canadians is similar to that of other Western
nations. To put these numbers into a global perspective, a 2004 study found that
the incidence rate of anorexia varied from 0.1% to 5.3% in females in Western
countries (no male data were available). Bulimia rates ranged from 0.3% to 7.3%
(Norway) in females in Western countries and from 0.46% to 3.2% in non-
Western countries (Makino et al., 2004). Thanks to researchers working with
government agencies, prevention programs are now in place in all Western and
most non-Western countries.
Source: Data from Hudson, J., Hiripi, E., Pope, H., & Kessler, R. (2007). The prevalence and correlates of eating disorders in
the National Comorbidity Survey replication. Biological Psychiatry, 61, 348–358.
Lifetime prevalence of anorexia Women: 0.9% Men:

0.3%
Lifetime prevalence of bulimia Women: 1.5% Men:

0.5%
Women and Men Combined

Percentage of people with anorexia who are receiving 34%
treatment
Percentage of people with bulimia who are receiving 43%

treatment
Average duration of anorexia 1.7 years
Average duration of bulimia 8 years
Studies of these disorders have found that bulimia is marked by a tendency to be

impulsive, whereas anorexia is not (Matsunaga et al., 2000). Bulimics are also
much more likely to enter treatment programs because they find the binge–purge
cycle disturbing. Anorexics, on the other hand, often appear indifferent to the
negative effects of food deprivation on their health (Polivy & Herman, 2002).
Although there are clear differences between anorexia and bulimia, both involve
changes in the motivation to eat and both are dangerous. A critical question,
then, is: Why do eating disorders develop in some people but not others?
One factor is stress. Patients with eating disorders report greater levels of
premorbid (before the disorder began) life stress than do age- and gender-
matched individuals without eating disorders (Schmidt et al., 1997). These life
stresses tend to make people feel as though they have no control over their
lives. However, stress alone isn’t enough to create an eating disorder. Instead,
the perceived loss of control interacts with psychological variables such as
depression, guilt, anxiety, and perfectionism (Vohs et al., 1999); low self-esteem
(Button et al., 1996); and/or suppressed anger (Geller et al., 2000). This
combination of stress and psychological vulnerability dramatically increases the
chances of developing an eating disorder (Ball & Lee, 2002; Raffi et al., 2000).
There are also a number of social factors that can lead to eating disorders. Peer
influence is often viewed as the number-one cause of these conditions (Stice,
1998). Adolescents, particularly females, learn attitudes and behaviours from
their friends. This learning comes in the form of examples and encouragement,
as well as from teasing and nasty remarks when an individual doesn’t live up to
the idealized (thin) standards depicted in the media (Levine et al., 1994). In fact,
numerous pro-anorexia websites have emerged over the past decade, offering
“thinspiration” for people engaging in extreme dieting; similar messages now
appear on social media sites such as Pinterest. By posting photographs and
messages on these sites, individuals with eating disorders create a much larger
peer group than before, making dangerous eating disorders seem normal. This is
a worrisome trend.
Families are also a major influence on individuals with eating disorders. They
often compliment anorexic girls for being slim and praise their self-control. This
serves as a source of reinforcement for the eating disorder (Branch & Eurman,
1980). Bulimic patients reported that their families were competitive, prone to
jealousy, and tended to intrude in each other’s lives (Rorty et al., 2000).
Importantly, adolescent girls whose families allow them to have some autonomy
(i.e., control over their own lives) tend to have lower rates of eating disorders,
suggesting that control is a major factor in these conditions (Polivy & Herman,
2002).
So, how do stress, peer pressure, and family issues lead to eating disorders?
Researchers suggest that some people use eating disorders as a coping
mechanism to deal with their difficult-to-control lives (Troop, 1998). By making
weight and eating the primary focus of one’s life, individuals gain some feelings
of security (both physical and emotional) as well as a feeling of being in control
of some aspect of their life. Indeed, after binging in the laboratory, individuals
with bulimia reported feeling less anxiety, tension, and guilt, although feelings of
depression remained the same (Kaye et al., 1986). In contrast, when these
feelings of control are reduced, studies have shown that individuals with eating
disorders become more pessimistic and report feeling fatter than before (Waller
& Hodgson, 1996). Evolutionary psychologists have suggested that this need for
control extends to the woman’s reproductive system as well. The reproduction
suppression hypothesis states that females who believe they have low levels of
social support from romantic partners and family members are more likely to
engage in dieting behaviour (Juda et al., 2004). This change in food intake can
influence ovulation (Frisch & Barbieri, 2002) and lead to a loss of menstrual
periods (amenorrhea), making it less likely that the woman will become pregnant.
Such data again suggest that eating disorders are an attempt to gain control over
complex and stressful lives (Wasser & Barash, 1983).
People with anorexia experience severely distorted views of their body. Although
dangerously underweight, they continue to both feel fat and fear being fat. Both
males and females may become anorexic.
TIFFANY BROWN/WPN/Photoshot
Males, although less prone to these problems than females, also develop eating
disorders. Adolescents and young men may starve themselves during periods of
high exercise to lose weight and achieve muscle mass (Ricciardelli & McCabe,
2004). Ironically, although they have positive views of their own bodies, these
men with “reverse anorexia” are just as obsessive and perfectionistic about their
bodies as people with anorexia (Davis & Scott-Robertson, 2000). And, both
groups are particularly sensitive to media depictions of “perfect bodies” that, for
almost everybody, are unattainable.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model The Effect

of Media Depictions of Beauty on Body Image
One concern regarding eating disorders is the role that culture

and the media play in their onset. Specifically, people with regular
exposure to Western culture are more likely to develop bulimia
than members of cultures without such exposure (Keel & Klump,
2003).
What do we know about the effect of media depictions of

beauty on body image?
We often don’t critically analyze the effects that media depictions
of beauty can have on people, particularly on sensitive teenagers.
In the 1950s, Marilyn Monroe—who was busty and had big hips
—was considered gorgeous. Today, A-list actresses are
pressured to have body shapes that are virtually impossible to
achieve: a very thin body and large breasts. Failure to meet this
standard will lead to mockery in magazines and on gossip
websites. For example, in People magazine’s “Worst Dressed”
section, the writers freely use weight-related words when
discussing why an article of clothing is a fashion “fail”
(Crumpton, 1997). The result is that people who are not
unnaturally thin may view their bodies as being ugly. But, do
these media depictions of “perfection” influence how girls and
women view themselves?
How can science explain the effect of the media on people’s

body image?
The average North American woman is 163 cm (5940) and
weighs 64 kg (140 lbs); the average model is 180 cm (59110) and
weighs 53 kg (117 lbs) (National [U.S.] Eating Disorders
Association, 2002). Studies have shown that increased
exposure to media (TV, magazines, Internet) is related to
decreased satisfaction with one’s body (Hofschire & Greenberg,
2002), particularly in people whose self-esteem is based on
meeting socially defined standards (Williams et al., 2014); it is
also related to a greater internalization of the slender ideal for
female body shape (Stice & Shaw, 1994). Researchers at Wilfrid
Laurier University found that females were more likely to compare
themselves to unrealistic popular culture figures than were men
when they were describing their own bodies; they did not do so
when describing their social skills (Strahan et al., 2006). When
the prominence of cultural norms was increased, all participants
(female and male) were more likely to compare themselves with a
model and felt worse after doing so. These results suggest that
women are more consistently exposed to media depictions of
“perfect bodies,” but that men are also sensitive to these
pressures. In a follow-up study, female participants were exposed
either to commercials containing attractive and thin women or to
neutral stimuli. The results indicated that viewing media
depictions of beauty decreased women’s satisfaction with their
own bodies and made them more concerned with what other
people thought of them (Strahan et al., 2008).

It is easy to say that participants in psychology studies are simply
answering the way they think the experimenter wants them to.
However, the studies described above are consistent with recent
brain-imaging data as well. Individuals with anorexia showed
increased activity in the amygdala, a brain area related to fear
and emotional arousal, when they were shown negative words
related to body image; neutral words did not have this effect
(Miyake et al., 2010). Women with bulimia had greater levels of
activity in medial frontal lobe regions related to emotional
processing during the viewing of overweight as opposed to thin
bodies; non-bulimic women did not show this activity. Finally,
when women with eating disorders were shown images
comparing themselves to idealized (model) bodies, the insula—a
brain region related to disgust—fired (Friederich et al., 2010).
Together, these studies corroborate the questionnaire-based
results that idealized media depictions of beauty have negative
emotional consequences on vulnerable individuals.

Understanding the relationship between the media and disorders
of body image allows teachers, parents, and health-care
practitioners to design programs to help image-conscious
individuals. In Canada, several programs are now in place that
aim to teach people to deal with social pressures and to have a
realistic body image (McVey et al., 2009; Yuile & McVey, 2009).
Importantly, knowledge about media influences can reduce its
effects. When public school students completed activities that
contested the idea that women needed to be thin and beautiful
and men needed to be tall and muscular in order to succeed, the
influence of media depictions decreased substantially (Strahan
et al., 2008). Not everyone needs to keep up with the
Kardashians.
Module 11.1c Quiz:
Disorders of Eating
Know . . .
1. What is one difference between anorexia and bulimia?
A. Anorexia involves periods of self-starvation, whereas bulimia
does not.
B. Bulimia involves purging (such as self-induced vomiting),
whereas this is less characteristic in anorexia.
C. Anorexia occurs in females only, whereas bulimia occurs in both
females and males.
D. Anorexia and bulimia are actually two terms for the same
disorder.
Apply . . .
2. Which of the following is the most likely predictor of someone’s chances
of developing an eating disorder?
A. Activity of the parietal somatosensory cortex
B. Decreased sensitivity to the reward value of food
C. Exposure to idealized versions of body type and thinness
D. Fat receptors on the tongue
Module 11.1 Summary
11.1a Know . . . the key terminology of motivation and hunger.
allostasis
anorexia nervosa
bulimia nervosa
drive
glucose
homeostasis
hypothalamus
incentives
motivation
obesity
satiation
trigger foods
unit bias
11.1b Understand . . . the biological, cognitive, and social processes that

shape eating patterns.
Energy is delivered through the bloodstream in the form of glucose found in food;
the hormone insulin helps the cells throughout the body store this fuel. CCK
signals fullness (satiety). These substances are monitored by the hypothalamus,
which signals hunger when not enough glucose is available to the cells. You
should also have an understanding of the effects of psychological cues, such as
the unit bias, trigger foods, and the variety of available foods; as well as social
cues, such as the minimal eating norm.
11.1c Understand . . . the causes of common eating disorders.
This module discussed issues related to anorexia and bulimia, both of which
involve periods of self-starvation and a fear of gaining weight. Bulimia also
includes purging, such as through vomiting or the use of laxatives. Stress, peer
pressure, and idealized depictions of beauty all influence the prevalence of
eating disorders. It is likely that many people with eating disorders are attempting
to establish a feeling of control over some aspect(s) of their lives.
11.1d Apply . . . your knowledge of hunger regulation to better understand

and evaluate your own eating patterns.
Do you finish an entire package of a food item, as the minimal eating norm would
suggest? Or do you check to ensure you are getting an appropriate serving size?
Try this activity to find out exactly how you eat.
Apply Activity
Starting first thing tomorrow, keep a food diary for the next three days. Record
everything you eat over this period, including when you ate, what you ate, and
what made you feel like eating. It is important to be honest with yourself and to
be reflective: Did you eat because your stomach rumbled, because you were
craving something, or perhaps because the food was just there? It is okay to list
more than one reason for each entry in your food diary. At the end of the three-
day period, tally how often each reason for eating appeared in your diary. Make
note of what proportion of the time you ate for each reason. Ask yourself: Are the
results surprising? Do they make you want to think more about the reasons you
eat? (Note: You can also try to work from memory and recreate a food diary from
the past three or four days, but the results might not be as accurate.)
11.1e Analyze . . . the role of the media on people’s body image.
A number of studies using different methodologies—questionnaires and brain

scanning—have shown that the media’s idealized depictions of beauty have a
negative influence on people’s body image (and happiness). With this
knowledge, you should be able to identify these misrepresentations of what a
normal body should look like, to recognize that the motivation to eat is important,
and to see that beauty is not necessarily Size 2.
Module 11.2 Sex
Somos Images/Alamy Stock Photo
Learning Objectives
11.2a Know . . . the key terminology associated with sexual motivation.
11.2b Understand . . . similarities and differences in sexual responses in men
and women.
11.2c Apply . . . research on sex and advertising to the commercials and
Internet ads you see each day.
11.2d Analyze . . . different explanations for what determines sexual orientation.
Why do humans have sex? Psychologists Cindy Meston and David Buss
have asked just this question in their research on human sexual
motivation. Specifically, they asked American college students why they
have sex and tabulated the many different responses offered by both
males and females (Meston & Buss, 2007). There are so many possible
answers to this very open-ended question—how many do you think they
came up with? Certainly more than if we asked the same about why
birds, bees, or meerkats have sex. Here are some of the reasons the
students came up with:
“I wanted to get back at my partner for cheating on me.”

“Because of a bet.”
“I wanted to end the relationship.”
“It feels good.”
“I wanted to show my affection toward the other person.”
“I wanted to feel closer to God.”
Although we will never know for sure, birds, bees, and meerkats likely
have sex to reproduce (a reason that was far down the list for college
students). The motivation to have sex naturally has its complex,
underlying physiology. As we will see in this module, however, human
sexual motivation is expressed and experienced in diverse ways—at
least 237 different ways, according to Meston and Buss’s research.
Focus Questions
1. How do psychologists explain the diverse sexual motivations of

humans?
2. How do psychologists explain variations in sexual orientation?
Imagine seeing an attractive person walking along the beach, a toned body
glistening in the hot summer sun. Then you and the object of your desire make
eye contact and it is clear that the interest is mutual. Your initial response might
seem like a white-hot biological drive. This is your libido —the motivation for
sexual activity and pleasure. But, whether you immediately act on this motivation
is dependent upon a number of factors, not just “hotness.” As researchers delve
into the complex topic of sexual behaviour, it is becoming increasingly clear that
our motivations are shaped by physiological, psychological, and social factors,
and that these factors interact with each other differently in different people.
Human Sexual Behaviour: Psychological

Influences
Although its main evolutionary purpose is reproduction, sexual motivation is

actually expressed in many different ways. Sexual themes are common in
television, movies, video games, humour, advertising, and other media, and
discussions of sex and sexuality influence social life, school, and the workplace.
It is even part of politics, with heated debates occurring about the public school
sex education program in Ontario, about whether government officials should
attend Pride parades, and, bizarrely, about the size of U.S. presidential nominee
Donald Trump’s genitals. Obviously, sex is a very important and relevant topic
for psychology. But it is also one of the most challenging topics to study. Sex
generally happens in private, and many people prefer to keep it that way.
Nonetheless, psychologists use a variety of methods to understand the
complexities of human sexual behaviour, including interviews, questionnaires,
physiological measures, and even direct observations of behaviour. Interviews
and questionnaires are (obviously) the least intrusive techniques and, therefore,
the most commonly used.
Psychological Measures of Sexual Motivation

One of the first scientists to tackle the topic of human sexual behaviour was
zoology professor Alfred Kinsey. Kinsey began his research on human sexuality
by interviewing his students about their sexual histories. Between 1938 and
1952, Kinsey and his colleagues at Indiana University interviewed thousands of
people and published their results in a pair of books known informally as the
Kinsey Reports (1948, 1953). By modern standards, Kinsey’s methods were
quite flawed and rather controversial. Kinsey tended to make sweeping
generalizations about his findings that were based on very limited samples.
Despite these practices, Kinsey’s work on sexuality continues to influence
discussion on sexual behaviour and motivation.
The fact that Kinsey dared to apply science to sexuality was offensive to many
people at the time. During an era when the phrase “sexual orientation” did not
even exist, Kinsey reported that 37% of the males whom he interviewed had at
least one homosexual experience resulting in orgasm; this was absolutely
shocking at the time. (The corresponding figure for females in his studies was
13%.) Contrary to the conventional thinking of his time, Kinsey believed that
heterosexuality and homosexuality fell on a continuous scale, an idea that
remains with us today.
It is important to note that the methods for studying sexual behaviour have
changed since Kinsey conducted his groundbreaking investigations. Extensive
interviews have been largely replaced with anonymously completed
questionnaires that encourage participants to provide more candid responses.
Studies also include larger and more representative samples. For example, at
the beginning of this module, we introduced a study conducted by psychologists
Cindy Meston and David Buss, who asked more than 1500 U.S. college students
to identify their reasons for having sex. We listed a few reasons provided by the
students—some conventional (to express affection) and others perhaps more
surprising (to feel closer to God). We return to this study to discuss some general
themes that emerged—notably, the four shown in Figure 11.6 .
Figure 11.6 Why Have Sex?
Self-reported reasons for having sex by undergraduate students (Meston &
Buss, 2007).
Anna Khomulo/Fotolia
Alfred Kinsey’s research into sexual behaviours paved the way for future
generations of scientists to study sexual motivation. Can you think of some
modern research tools that weren’t available during Kinsey’s time?
Keystone-France/Gamma-Keystone/Getty Images
As you can see in Figure 11.6 , physical, personal, and social factors underlie
sexual motivation. For the respondents in Meston and Buss’s study, physical
reasons were related to the pleasure of the sex itself. Many respondents used
sex for what might be described as instrumental reasons—sex was a means of
accomplishing a goal such as financial or personal gain, or revenge. Students
were also motivated by emotional reasons and because of feelings of insecurity
(although there is little evidence to suggest that sex leads to any long-term
improvements in this regard). Reproduction ranked very far down the list. Sexual
motivation is also tied to relationship context. A study conducted at the University
of Ottawa found that females are more motivated by physical pleasure when
seeking out short-term relationships, but are motivated by emotional factors
when seeking out long-term relationships (Armstrong & Reissing, 2015). This
pattern occurred for women across the continuum of sexual orientation. You can
evaluate your own attitudes about sex and compare them with others by
completing the activity in Table 11.2 .
Table 11.2 Attitudes Toward Sex Survey
How do you feel about sexuality? You can apply what we have learned from research to
understand if you take a generally permissive attitude (people have the right to do what
they want) or a more conservative one. Respond to each of the items below by
assigning a score on a scale from 1 (strongly agree) to 5 (strongly disagree). Note that it
is not necessary to be sexually active to complete this scale—simply respond to the
general principle of each item.
1. I do not need to be committed to a person to have sex with him or her.
2. Casual sex is acceptable.
3. I would like to have sex with many partners.
4. One-night stands are sometimes enjoyable.
5. It is okay to have ongoing sexual relationships with more than one person at a time.
6. Sex as a simple exchange of favours is okay if both people agree to it.
7. The best sex is with no strings attached.
8. Life would have fewer problems if people could have sex more freely.
9. It is possible to enjoy sex with a person and not like that person very much.
10. It is okay for sex to be just a good physical release.

Once you have assigned a number to each item, average your responses to get your
overall score. In one study of more than 200 college students, men averaged a score of
3.63 and women averaged a score of 4.47 on this scale (Hendrick et al., 2006). How
do you compare? Given what you have learned about the biological and cultural factors
that influence sexuality, are you surprised by the gender difference? Which other factors
might influence the norms?
Age is also a factor in sexual motivation. Although young people don’t typically
associate older individuals with sex (Thompson et al., 2014), survey studies
show that almost three-fourths of the 57- to 64-year-old respondents reported
sexual contact with a partner in the past year, as did half of the 64- to 75-year-
olds and one-fourth of the 75- to 85-year-old respondents (Lindau et al., 2007).
While these numbers aren’t at the level of sexual activity of average university
students, they do show that the motivation to have sex continues throughout the
lifetime. It is also worth noting that surveys indicate that the sexual motives of
middle-aged women are the same as women aged 18 to 22 years: pleasure,
love, and commitment (Meston et al., 2009).
The survey and interview methods discussed to this point have provided a rich
set of data about human sexuality. Other researchers have approached this topic
from a biological standpoint by looking at the physiological and brain basis of
sexual motivation (Pfaus et al., 2012), a topic we will consider in the next section
of this module.
Module 11.2a Quiz:
Human Sexual Behaviour: Psychological Influences
Know . . .
1. refers to one’s motivation for sexual behaviour and
pleasure.
A. Libido
B. Excitement
C. Orgasm
D. Cybersex
2. According to research on sexual motivation in college students, which of

the following is not a primary reason students offer for having sex?
A. Emotional reasons
B. Physical reasons
C. Social reasons
D. Reproduction
Human Sexual Behaviour: Physiological

Influences
Physiological Measures of Sex

Our physiological and psychological motives for having sex are not separate.
Sexual arousal (a biological state) can influence what we pay attention to and
how we respond to it; in other words, it can influence our feelings of desire
(Pfaus & Scepkowski, 2005). Although several decades of research have
helped identify many of the biological processes associated with sexual
motivation, it is important to remember that all of these biological processes are
influenced by a person’s psychological state.
William Masters and Virginia Johnson performed some of the earliest studies of
sexual behaviour in the 1950s. These researchers described the human sexual
response cycle based on their observations of 27 male and 118 female
prostitutes who agreed to masturbate or to have intercourse while under
observation (Masters & Johnson, 1966). Participants were monitored with heart
rate and blood pressure equipment, as well as with more peculiar devices such
as the penile plethysmograph or vaginal photoplethysmograph, which are
designed to measure blood flow to the genitalia in men and women, respectively.
Masters and Johnson’s initial study allowed them to develop their methods and
work with participants who, according to the researchers, were less likely to be
sexually inhibited than non-prostitutes. Masters and Johnson followed up this
study with observations of hundreds of men and women to characterize the
physiological changes that occur during sex.
Figure 11.7 summarizes Masters and Johnson’s (1966) observations of

human sexual responding in males and females. The sexual response cycle
describes the phases of physiological change during sexual activity, which
comprises four primary stages: excitement, plateau, orgasm, and resolution.
Dividing the sexual response cycle into phases allowed the researchers to
describe the cascade of physiological changes that occur during sexual
behaviour. The cycle applies to both male and female sexual responses,
although there are differences between sexes in how these stages are
experienced and their duration. The work of Masters and Johnson and those
who have followed in their footsteps reveals a complex picture of male and
female sexual responses.
Figure 11.7 Sexual Response Cycles

(a) Masters and Johnson’s studies showed that males typically experience a
single orgasm followed by a refractory period—a time during which orgasm
cannot be physically achieved again. Then they experience resolution, unless
they continue sexual activity. (b) Women typically have a more varied sexual
response profile than men. Here are a few examples. Line A indicates a woman
who has multiple orgasms, Line B a woman who does not experience orgasm,
and Line C a woman who has a single orgasm.
One topic of particular interest is how males and females differ in their patterns
of orgasm. In one study, 21% to 32% of women reported that they did not
experience orgasm during masturbation or sexual intercourse (Dunn et al.,
2005), whereas only 2% of men did not experience orgasm. Men usually
experience a single orgasm followed by a refractory period , a time period
during which erection and orgasm are not physically possible. In contrast, some
women experience multiple orgasms without a refractory period.
Recent brain-imaging studies have shown that much of the sexual response
cycle is influenced by the hypothalamus. In one stimulating study, researchers
examined the brain activity of women when they experienced an orgasm while
being monitored by functional MRIs (Komisaruk, 2005). Physical stimulation led
to activity in the hypothalamus which, in turn, stimulated the pituitary gland to
release a hormone called oxytocin. Oxytocin plays a role in orgasms as well as
in the feeling of trust (Zak, 2008). Blood levels of oxytocin surge just after
orgasm and may remain elevated for at least five minutes in both females and
males (Carmichael et al., 1994; Murphy et al., 1990). This hormonal response
may promote bonding between sexual partners, as one of our fundamental
motivations as humans is to feel connected to others (see Module 11.3 ).
Sexual Orientation: Biology and Environment

Although the research discussed thus far has shed light on many aspects of
sexual behaviour, there are still questions that have not been answered. A topic
that has garnered considerable interest is sexual orientation , the consistent
preference for sexual relations with members of the opposite sex
(heterosexuality), same sex (homosexuality), or either sex (bisexuality). Current
definitions of sexual orientation focus on the psychological aspects of sexuality
(e.g., desire, emotion, identification) rather than strictly behavioural criteria
(Bailey et al., 2000). For example, a person can have a sexual orientation but
never have sexual contact throughout his or her life.
There is a popular misconception that homosexual behaviour is “unnatural” and
that it is only a human behaviour. However, as you will see in this section, there
is a great deal of evidence showing that homosexuality is common in a number
of species (Roselli et al., 2004), and, like most behaviours, is influenced by
biological, cognitive, and social factors.
Homosexuality has not always been as widely accepted as it is today, however.

Indeed, psychologists have long struggled to find a satisfactory explanation for
variations in sexual orientation. Sigmund Freud (1905) advanced the theory that
male homosexuality could be traced to the presence of a domineering mother
and a weak father figure. As recently as 1987, Ellis and Ames argued that
homosexuality could be caused by experiencing seduction from an older sibling
or playmate. Both theories lack scientific evidence to confirm their validity.
Modern researchers have begun to examine the degree to which sexual
orientation is based on choices people make and on biologically related factors
such as genetics or differences in brain anatomy.
In the early 1990s, neuroscientist Simon LeVay compared the brains of

deceased gay and heterosexual males. In his work, he found that an area of the
hypothalamus was, on average, smaller in gay men compared to heterosexual
men (Figure 11.8 ; LeVay, 1991). LeVay’s results created a storm of
controversy among both scientists and the public. Many people incorrectly
interpreted his findings as proof that homosexuality was biologically, and
therefore genetically, determined. In fact, the differences in the hypothalamus
could have been due to environmental factors—LeVay’s study was not designed
to test either conclusion.
Figure 11.8 Sexual Orientation and the Brain
An early study of the brain basis of sexual orientation found that homosexual
males had a smaller subregion (INAH3) of the hypothalamus within the medial
pre-optic area (LeVay, 1991).
Sexual orientation is not exclusively determined by patterns of sexual behaviour.
It also includes aspects of identity and emotional connection. Scientists are
discovering that sexual orientation is an outcome of complex gene and
environmental interactions.
BananaStock/Getty Images
Scientists have been skeptical of LeVay’s results, in part because they have
proved difficult to replicate (Lasco et al., 2002). The region of the hypothalamus
he identified was only smaller on average in gay men versus heterosexual men,
and the ranges in size were overlapping, with some gay men having a larger
hypothalamic region than some heterosexual men. In addition, the purportedly
homosexual men whom LeVay studied died of complications associated with
HIV, which could have accounted for the differences in their brains. Although its
results are not considered definitive, LeVay’s study stimulated considerable
scientific curiosity and debate about links between the brain and sexual
orientation. Subsequent research has shown that differences in sexual
orientation are associated with the size of the amygdalae (structures related to
emotional responses; Savic & Lindström, 2008) and also the thickness of
several regions of the cortex (Abé et al., 2014).
In addition to differences in brain structure, the brain’s functioning may also differ
according to one’s sexual orientation. Brain-imaging studies have shown that
sexual stimuli elicit different patterns of activity in heterosexual and homosexual
individuals. In one study, homosexual men and heterosexual women showed
greater activation in the medial preoptic area of the hypothalamus while smelling
a male derivative of testosterone found in sweat. This brain region, which is
involved in sexual behaviour in many different species, including humans, did not
become activated when heterosexual men smelled male sweat (Savic et al.,
2005). Homosexual males and heterosexual females also showed greater
activity in the brain’s reward centres when viewing pictures of aroused male
genitalia. The same brain regions were active when homosexual women and
heterosexual men viewed pictures of female genitalia (Ponseti et al., 2006).
These findings might not provide the final answer about the neural basis of
sexual orientation, but they do indicate that differences in sexual motivation are
related to differences in patterns of brain activity.
Other research suggests that sexual orientation may be influenced by a

combination of genes. Evidence for this comes from twin studies that have
identified higher genetic correlations between identical twins compared with
fraternal twin pairs. Several twin studies examining the genetic basis of sexual
orientation have been conducted. Genetic correlations between .30 and .60 for
homosexuality have been reported for both men and women, suggesting that
approximately half of the individual differences found in sexual orientation are
due to genetic factors (Figure 11.9 ; Bailey & Pillard, 1995; Bailey et al.,
1993; Kirk et al., 2000). This result tends to hold true for gay men across
multiple studies. In contrast, studies have failed to confirm a genetic relationship
between genes and homosexuality in women (Bailey et al., 2000; Långström et
al., 2010). Thus, genes appear to play at least some role in sexual orientation,
particularly for men. However, this statement does not mean that sexual
orientation is determined by genetics. The brain and endocrine system are
remarkably sensitive to the environment, and they interact with a variety of
sociocultural factors (Meston & Ahrold, 2010). More research investigating
these interactions is clearly necessary.
Figure 11.9 Genetics and Sexual Orientation

Twin studies tend to show consistently higher genetic correlations for sexual
orientation between male identical twins compared to fraternal twins. This finding
indicates that male homosexuality has a genetic basis. Results of studies
comparing female identical and fraternal twins are not as consistent.
Sources: Based on data from Bailey & Pillard (1995), Bailey et al. (1993), and Bailey et al. (2000).

Homosexual behaviour has been reported in many different nonhuman species

such as bonobo chimpanzees, koala bears, bottlenose dolphins, and sheep. In
fact, researchers have found that 8% to 10% of rams show preferences for
mounting other rams, and the most obvious difference researchers have found
between male-preferring and female-preferring rams is a smaller region of the
hypothalamus in the former (Roselli et al., 2004).
Julian W/Shutterstock
Natureguy/Fotolia
Elena Larina/Shutterstock
Sergey Uryadnikov/Shutterstock
Transgender and Transsexual Individuals
Most Canadian universities have an office or organization dedicated to
supporting Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) individuals, doing
their utmost to provide them with emotional, social, and sometimes legal
assistance. Thus far, we have discussed many issues related to sexual
orientation, the “LGB” in the above acronym. Until recently, relatively little was
known about transgender individuals. However, the recent decision of Bruce
Jenner, a former Olympic gold medalist and one of the Kardashian clan, to go
public with the fact that he identifies as a female (Caitlyn Jenner) has brought
this topic to the forefront of popular culture and has brought Jenner a great deal
of attention—some positive, some negative.
The term transgender refers to individuals who experience a mismatch

between the gender that they identify with and their biological sex (Oliven,
1965). It does not refer to an individual’s sexual orientation. Transsexual , on
the other hand, refers to the subset of transgender individuals who wish to
permanently transition from their birth sex to the gender with which they identify
(Bevan, 2014). Many transsexual individuals seek medical assistance in the
form of sexual reassignment surgery.
In the past ten years, researchers have begun to investigate whether there are
brain-based differences between transgender individuals and the rest of the
population (Kreukels & Guillamon, 2016). They suggest that sex hormones
such as testosterone influence the sex differentiation of the genitals in the first 6–
12 weeks of prenatal development; sexual differentiation of brain structures (i.e.,
the differences that exist between male and female brains) begin to occur in the
second half of prenatal development. In transgender individuals, it is possible
that sex hormones caused the genitals and body to develop in the direction of
one sex (e.g., male), while the brain and gender developed in the opposite
direction (e.g., female; Swaab & Garcia-Falgueras, 2009). Consistent with this
view, researchers have found that volume of some nuclei in the hypothalamus of
male-to-female (MtF) transsexuals resembled female rather than male brains
(Garcia-Falgueras & Swaab, 2008). Researchers have also found that the
brains of females transitioning to males (FtM) and males transitioning to females
(MtF) differ from each other, with MtF individuals having more white-matter
connections between subcortical areas (lower in the brain) than FtM individuals
(Hahn et al., 2015). Of course, as this line of research is still in its early stages,
we must be cautious when drawing conclusions.
Caitlyn Jenner’s public transition from male to female has put a spotlight on
issues related to transgender individuals. Time will tell whether this attention will
lead to increased respect and improved healthcare for transgender individuals.
Frederick M. Brown/Getty Images
PSYCH@ Sex Ed
In 2015, the Government of Ontario introduced a new sexual education
curriculum that attracted national attention. In addition to learning the
names and functions of different parts of the male and female
reproductive systems, students would learn about sexting, consent,
contraception, sexual orientation, and gender identity. As noted earlier in
this module, some of these topics—particularly gender identity and
sexual orientation—have been associated with ill-informed explanations;
the goal of the sexual education program was to provide students with
scientifically accurate information. Although the majority of parents
supported the updating of the curriculum, a very vocal minority opposed
the teaching of topics related to homosexuality, abortion, and
contraception. This conflict leads to some very important questions about
sexual education. What topics should be included? Who should teach
them? And, do students benefit from this information?
A 2010 survey of over 1000 Ontario parents found strong support for the
teaching of sexual health information in schools (McKay et al., 2014).
Parents agreed that students should learn the proper names for body
parts, issues related to physical and emotional development, and
information about contraception. Although sexual orientation and media
literacy received lower ratings, the average rating was still above three
on a 4-point scale. Parents were most comfortable with their children
learning sexual health information from their family, their doctor, or their
teachers (as opposed to social media or peers).
Of course, not all teachers are equally capable of providing this

information. In a different survey study conducted by researchers at the
University of New Brunswick, middle-school students (grades 6–8)
indicated that it was essential to provide students with accurate
information in an interesting, engaging manner. It was also essential that
this information be taught by an instructor comfortable discussing sexual
issues (Byers et al., 2013). Teachers themselves had similar views—
individuals who were younger, had experience and training teaching
sexual health information, and felt comfortable talking about these issues
were more willing to teach “sex ed” (Cohen et al., 2012). Hopefully,
these teachers will be able to effectively deliver Ontario’s new curriculum
so that students will leave middle school with a decent understanding of
sex; this will help teens make informed decisions about the very adult
issues they will soon face.
It is important to note that this research was not making any moral judgments
about anyone—it was simply an investigation into differences between groups of
people. That said, transgender and transsexual individuals do face many
struggles in our society, and experience stress and discrimination that can affect
healthcare and their general well-being (Dargie et al., 2014; Hughto et al.,
2015). In an effort to counter these negative effects, organizations such as the
Canadian Psychological Association (CPA) have produced literature aimed at
helping transgender individuals deal with their negative emotions (CPA, 2016).
This information is also useful for educators, as it will allow them to help
adolescents who are experiencing gender uncertainty, and to provide accurate
information to other students receiving education about sex (“sex ed”).
Module 11.2b Quiz:
Human Sexual Behaviour: Physiological Influences
Know . . .
1. In what order do the phases of the sexual response cycle occur?
A. Plateau, orgasm, resolution, excitement
B. Excitement, plateau, orgasm, resolution
C. Orgasm, resolution, excitement, plateau
D. Excitement, orgasm, resolution, plateau
Understand . . .
2. The male sexual response cycle includes a(n) during which
erection and orgasm are not physically possible, whereas the female
sexual response cycle often does not.
A. plateau
B. refractory period
C. oxytocin release
D. sensitive period
3. What is one biological explanation for the mismatch between the gender
that transgender individuals identify with and their biological sex?
A. Oxytocin levels are abnormally low in transgender individuals,
which influences how the frontal lobes of the brain will develop
early in life.
B. The levels of sex hormones such as testosterone are abnormally
high in transgender individuals.
C. Sex hormones cause sex differences in the genitals at an early
stage of prenatal development and sex differences in the brain at
a later stage of prenatal development.
D. Sex hormones cause sex differences in the brain at an early
stage of prenatal development and sex differences in the genitals
at a later stage of prenatal development.
Analyze . . .
4. Brain differences between homosexual and heterosexual adults should
be interpreted as
A. a result of both genetic and environmental factors.
B. due solely to inherited, genetic differences.
C. proof that the brain structure between homosexual men and
heterosexual women is identical.
D. due solely to environmental factors.
Human Sexual Behaviour: Cultural

Influences
How is an 18-year-old woman “supposed to” act when she is interesting in

having sex? How about an 18-year-old guy? Although we’d all love to say that
people should act any way they want, gender roles , the accepted attitudes
and behaviours of males and females in a given society, exist. These gender
roles are flexible over time, however. Your great-grandmothers were unlikely to
wear revealing clothing or have “hook ups” or “friends with benefits”; this norm
changed across generations. Indeed, across generations, there have been
sexual scripts
significant changes in male and female , the set of rules and
assumptions about the sexual behaviours of males and females. For most of
human history, male sexual behaviour was based on competition. Men would
value sexual conquests and the physical attractiveness of females. Females, on
the other hand, would be taught to be less promiscuous and to focus on
developing a stable relationship before engaging in sexual intercourse. There are
a number of reasons for this difference. First, females have a limited supply of
eggs that can be fertilized. They therefore have to be careful about which male
does the fertilizing (Trivers, 1972). Because children require resources (food,
clothing, shelter, money, etc.), and females were not traditionally in the
workforce, it was important to be certain that a potential mate would be a good
provider. Males, on the other hand, have a seemingly unlimited supply of sperm
that can be replenished quickly. If their evolutionary goal is to pass on their
genetic information to as many people as possible, males are able to do this by
impregnating as many women as possible (whereas women would have to give
birth a large number of times, which is much more difficult). Although this might
not be the stated goal of most men, the sexual motivation to have sex with large
numbers of women still exists. Additionally, males have higher levels of
testosterone , a hormone that is involved in the development of sex
characteristics and the motivation of sexual behaviour. Thus, there are social,
evolutionary, and hormonal reasons for the sexual scripts in our culture.
But, this evolutionary explanation is only part of the explanation for gender roles
and sexual scripts. For a large part of human history, societies were set up in a
way that gave men greater power than women. Indeed, in many cultures, women
were viewed as possessions—first of their fathers and then of their husbands.
Limiting the sexual expressiveness of women limited their ability to feel
empowered, and allowed the “status quo” of the patriarchy (male-dominated
society) to continue.
But, as we noted, these scripts are changing. Why do you think that is? Although
there are dozens of potential explanations, there are three that are particularly
important. The first is the emergence of the Women’s Rights Movement over the
last 130 years. This movement challenged the core values of the patriarchal
society and put pressure on lawmakers to allow women to have equal economic
and political rights such as voting. The result was that women were perceived as
people rather than possessions. A second, related, cause was the increasing
presence of women in the workforce. This economic independence meant that
females could take care of themselves if they became pregnant. Therefore, they
didn’t need to be as careful about who they had sex with. The third reason for
changing sexual scripts was “the pill.” The U.S. Federal Drug Administration
approved the drug Enovid for use as a contraceptive on June 23, 1960 (Marks,
2001); the pill was legalized in Canada in 1969. This allowed women to have
control over when they were going to become pregnant, thus giving them much
more control over their sexual behaviours. The importance of contraceptives
cannot be overstated. Imagine how people’s lives would be changed if
pregnancy was a strong possibility every time someone had sex.
Of course, it is important to note that not all females or males follow the same
sexual scripts. Different ethnicities and religious groups have their own scripts as
well. For instance, researchers at the University of British Columbia found that
Chinese women (born in China or Taiwan, but living in Canada) reported more
conservative sexual attitudes (Woo et al., 2010) and lower levels of sexual
desire than Euro-Canadian women (Woo et al., 2012). Why would this occur?
Researchers have found that sex guilt , negative emotional feelings for having
violated culturally accepted standards of appropriate sexual behaviour, is a major
factor in these differences. Interestingly, these differences decrease for
individuals who become more involved with mainstream Western culture,
suggesting that a number of social and cultural factors influence sexual
motivations (Brotto et al., 2005).
The development of birth control pills allowed women greater control over
whether they would become pregnant, and dramatically changed our society.
Everett Collection Historical/Alamy Stock Photo
Sexual scripts also exist in homosexual relationships. Indeed, researchers in this

field have highlighted the butch (traditionally masculine) and femme (traditionally
feminine) gender roles of some lesbians (Blair & Hoskin, 2016; Munt, 1998).
However, research suggests that these sexual scripts are more flexible than in
heterosexual relationships, possibly due to the fact that many homosexual
individuals do not follow gender roles to the same degree as do heterosexual
individuals (Kurdek, 2005).
Sex and Technology

What type of sexual scripts would develop if people could engage in sexual
behaviour anonymously without having to physically interact with another
person? Although your grandparents may have considered that question to be
science fiction pornography, in the past two decades electronic media such as
the Internet, text messaging, instant messaging, and social networking sites
have become common outlets for sexual expression. Electronic media are often
used for viewing pornography, having online sexual encounters, and meeting
others for sex offline (i.e., in the real world). Adolescents, as well as both single
and married adults, may engage in cybersex—that is, the use of the Internet and
computer equipment for sending sexually explicit images and messages to a
partner. An estimated one in three adults today has engaged in cybersex
(Daneback et al., 2005). These experiences tend to occur with a person’s
primary sexual partner, although interactions do occur with known non-partners
and with strangers (Shaughnessy et al., 2014).
Unplanned pregnancy and STDs are obviously not an immediate risk of

cybersex. However, people tend to communicate with less inhibition via digital
media compared to face-to-face encounters. This opens up the possibility for
impulsive behaviour such as sending sexually explicit pictures and messages
(“sexting”). Many teens have suffered rather harsh legal consequences for
sexting. Some U.S. states consider sexting to be a form of underage
pornography and those convicted could be required to register as sex offenders.
The Supreme Court of Canada has indicated that under-aged teens can possess
sexual images of each other assuming it is consensual; however, the distribution
of such images is illegal (R. v. Sharpe; Supreme Court of Canada, 2001).
Regardless of your opinions of, or experience with, cybersex, it is impossible to

ignore the fact that sexual imagery is becoming increasingly common in our
society. What is less clear is how this sexuality will affect our day-to-day
behaviours.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Does Sex

Sell?
The American Apparel advertisement showed a topless model

with her back to the camera, her nylon-clad buttocks thrust
provocatively toward the viewer. Needless to say, this ad got
noticed, as did several other (equally subtle) ads by the same
company. But American Apparel isn’t alone in using sex to sell its
products. H&M has featured giant billboards displaying David
Beckham in his underwear. Soft drink companies have young and
attractive people drink their products in commercials. And, in a
sure sign of the Apocalypse, Paris Hilton wore a skimpy swimsuit,
soaped herself up, and writhed on a car in order to sell Carl’s Jr.
hamburgers. The ad’s caption was, “She tells you size doesn’t
matter. She’s lying.” Although there is no doubt that such ads
attract attention, are they effective in changing consumers’ brand
preferences? Does sex really sell?
What do we know about sex and advertising?

There are a number of examples of companies being saved by
sexual advertising. Woodbury’s Facial Soap was near bankruptcy
in 1910; however, when a new ad campaign depicted romantic
couples and promised that using the product would lead to
greater intimacy, sales skyrocketed (Reichert, 2003, 2012).
Jovan Musk Oil, a fragrance for men, had advertisements that
suggested that it would increase a user’s sexual attractiveness;
revenue from Jovan’s Musk increased from $1.5 million in 1971
to $77 million in 1978. Based on these, and many more, success
stories, the frequency of sexual imagery in ads has increased
substantially in the past three decades. A study of 3343 full-page
ads that were published in 1983, 1993, and 2003 in popular
magazines such as Esquire, Playboy, Newsweek, Time,
Cosmopolitan, and Redbook found that the proportion of sexual
ads increased from 15% in 1983 to 27% in 2003 (Reichert et al.,
2012). Sexual imagery was most often used to sell health and
hygiene products (38%), beauty products (36%), medicine (29%),
and clothing (27%). This trend leads to the obvious question:
How is sex being used to influence our buying behaviour?
Gregory Holmgren/Alamy Stock Photo
How can scientists explain the effect of sexual imagery on

advertising success?
Some advertisements use sexual imagery to attract attention to a
product. For example, an attractive model standing next to a car
or eating a bowl of cereal will make us pay more attention to that
image than we otherwise would. However, such image–product
pairings are not always effective. First, researchers at the
University of Manitoba found that the blatant use of idealized (i.e.,
impossibly attractive) models tended to lower people’s
evaluations of that product (Wan et al., 2013). A second issue
relates to memory: Although the consumer might remember the
ad, they are less likely to remember the brand that is being
advertised (Reichert & Alvaro, 2001). After Paris Hilton’s
hamburger ad, Carl’s Jr. experienced a 1.7% increase in sales . .
. but archrival Hardees had a similar increase! However, if
sexuality is an integral part of the brand’s identity or if the
sexuality in the ad is related to the product’s function (e.g.,
condoms), then sexual imagery will enhance our memory for that
product (Richmond & Hartman, 1982). This effect is likely due to
the sexual imagery being a memory retrieval cue for that product.
Sex has another interesting effect on how we perceive
advertisements: It interferes with our ability to think rationally
about persuasive material (Reichert et al., 2001). A recent brain-
imaging study compared neural responses to advertisements
containing sexual or emotional images with responses to
advertisements in which an image of the product was presented
alongside factual information about the product. The researchers
found that sexual ads generated smaller neural responses in
several areas of the frontal lobes (Cook et al., 2011). These
results suggest that sexual images may lead to less analysis of
an ad’s contents than a purely fact-based appeal, making us
more vulnerable to persuasive material. (This research could
certainly make election ads more interesting. . . .)

Although the psychology research investigating whether sex sells
is interesting, we do have to be cautious in interpreting it because
the stimuli used in the research would be used differently in the
real world. Most television or radio ads are seen or heard
numerous times; in an experiment, they are often presented only
once. Additionally, most ads are targeted at specific demographic
groups (e.g., females aged 18–25). Therefore, we, as consumers
of research, need to be sure that the experimenters paid attention
to the same variables as the marketers. Otherwise, their data
don’t buy us much.
We also have to remember that not all participants in a study are

alike in their sexual views, a fact that was overlooked in many
early studies on this topic. Overall, women are less accepting of
sexual ads than men, likely due to the fact that most sexual ads
are targeted toward heterosexual males (Monk-Turner et al.,
2008). Women with more liberal views toward sexuality respond
similarly to men—they are much more likely to accept
unnecessary sexual imagery than more conservative women
(Sengupta & Dahl, 2008). Additionally, women are more likely to
accept a sexual advertisement if sex is depicted in a way that is
respectful, focusing on devotion rather than on primitive biological
urges (Dahl et al., 2009).

The results of numerous studies show that sex can sell, in certain
situations. But, if psychologists and marketers wish to use sex to
sell a product, they have to be extremely careful about when and
where these ads are displayed, and how sex is depicted. If they
fail to do so, their sexy ad campaign might end up being a bust.
Module 11.2c Quiz:
Human Sexual Behaviour: Cultural Influences
Know . . .
1. The accepted attitudes and behaviours of males and females in a given
society are known as
A. sexual orientation.
B. sex guilt.
C. gender roles.
D. sexual scripts.
Understand . . .
2. Sexual content in advertisements can be effective in all of the following
cases EXCEPT
A. when the viewers are liberal-minded males.
B. when the sexual content is related to the purpose or function of
the product being advertised.
C. when paired with a logical argument for buying the product.
D. when the viewers are conservative-minded females.
Analyze . . .
3. Future computers will likely include face-recognition software that keeps
the computer screen lit up when you’re looking at it (this technology is
already found in some smart phones). This technology may also make it
more difficult for users to remain anonymous in social networking sites or
chat rooms. Based on what you’ve read in this module, what effect will
this have?
A. The loss of anonymity will make people more inhibited because
the sexual scripts will become similar to those found in face-to-
face encounters.
B. The loss of anonymity will change the gender roles for males and
females, making them more similar.
C. Social networking sites will become even more popular and
sexualized once everyone can see everyone else.
D. From an evolutionary perspective, the loss of anonymity will
influence male sexual behaviour, as it will be possible for them to
identify a larger number of potential mates.
Module 11.2 Summary
11.2a Know . . . the key terminology associated with sexual motivation.
gender roles
libido
refractory period
sex guilt
sexual orientation
sexual response cycle
sexual scripts
testosterone
transgender
transsexual
11.2b Understand . . . similarities and differences in sexual responses in

men and women.
The similarities in sexual response cycles found in men and women can be
explained by a common reproductive physiology in both sexes. However, males
experience a distinct phase called the refractory period, during which erection or
orgasm is not physiologically possible. Both males’ and females’ sexual
behaviours are also influenced by gender scripts and sexual roles, factors that
are affected by the culture in which the sexual behaviours are taking place.
11.2c Apply . . . research on sex and advertising to the commercials and

Internet ads you see each day.
The research reviewed in the Working the Scientific Literacy Model section of
this module suggests that sexual imagery has a small effect on our consumer
behaviour. In fact, these types of ads are only effective if the use of sexuality is
related to the product and is subtle.
Apply Activity
Try to apply this research to the commercials that you are subjected to when you
watch television (or to ads that appear on Internet sites, if you don’t watch TV).
For each ad, ask yourself:
1. How is sexuality being used (blatantly or subtly)?

2. Is the sexuality related to the product?
3. Who is the target audience?
4. Based on what I’ve read, will this ad be effective increasing sales for this
product?
Try this analysis when watching two different types of programs (e.g., one “reality
TV” show and one drama or comedy). Do your results differ? Why or why not?
11.2d Analyze . . . different explanations for what determines sexual
orientation.
Several lines of evidence point to biological factors contributing to

homosexuality. For example, small differences in brain anatomy—particularly in
the hypothalamus—have been observed between homosexual and heterosexual
males. Also, twin studies indicate that homosexuality has a significant genetic
component, particularly in males. However, biological factors cannot perfectly
predict sexual orientation. There is clearly an interaction between biological and
environmental factors.
Module 11.3 Social and
Achievement Motivation
Inti St Clair/DigitalVision/Getty Images
Learning Objectives
11.3a Know . . . the key terminology of social and achievement motivation.
11.3b Understand . . . how people experience a need to belong.
11.3c Understand . . . the different forms of love.
11.3d Apply . . . theories of motivation to understand your personal motivation
to achieve in school or your career.
11.3e Analyze . . . claims that a sense of belonging is something people need
versus something they want.
Michelle sat at the end of the gymnasium, watching the varsity girls’
basketball team warming up for their game. She was younger than most
of the women on the team, but still desperately wanted to be a part of it.
She loved playing basketball with her friends, a couple of whom made the
team, and decided that if she was going to be a part of it next year, she
would have to practise every day. She would also have to work on the
skills that were currently weaknesses so that she could become a better
player.
This story is very familiar—all of us know someone who vowed to work

hard in order to make a team or to improve their position in an
organization. The over-arching question of this module is, “Why do we try
to achieve these goals?” What is motivating Michelle to work hard to be
on the high-profile basketball team with her friends? And, what factors will
make it more or less likely for Michelle to succeed?
Focus Questions
1. How critical are external rewards in motivating us to achieve?

2. How is achievement motivation influenced by the amount of
control we have over our actions?
Everyone acknowledges that humans need to satisfy needs for food, water,
clothing, and shelter in order to survive. Each of these needs is associated with a
motivation, some sort of psychological process that will cause us to perform a
particular behaviour. The need for food would lead to the behaviour of eating; the
need for water would lead to the behaviour of drinking. But, humans have many
different types of needs, some of which are less straightforward than the need to
eat. These involve social processes, as well as our need for meaning and a
purpose in life. In this module, we discuss some of these social and achievement
needs, and try to understand the psychological processes that accompany them.
Belonging and Love Needs
When we think about our different needs, it seems like common sense that some
things are more important than others. Eating would obviously be more important
than having high self-esteem, for example. In an early attempt to understand the
different motivations that drive human behaviour, Abraham Maslow (1943, 1954)
described a “hierarchy of needs,” with needs associated with our basic
physiological survival being more important than social or achievement needs
(see Figure 11.10 ). According to Maslow, once survival needs are met, then
we can move to higher-level needs such as belonging or the need for self-
esteem. At the highest point of this model lies self-actualization, the point at
which a person reaches his or her full potential as a creative, deep-thinking, and
accepting human being.
Figure 11.10 Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs
According to Abraham Maslow, human needs are organized as a hierarchy with
basic needs at the bottom and personal fulfillment and other uniquely human
characteristics at the top.
Although Maslow’s depiction of human needs and motivations seems logical,

numerous researchers have criticized this model. First, the idea that we must
fulfill one need before moving on to the next (in a way that is similar to levels of a
video game) is simplistic (Wahba & Bridwell, 1974). You know from your own life
that it is possible to have multiple motivations simultaneously—you can be
striving to self-actualize while also experiencing the need to achieve at school. A
second criticism was that the hierarchy appeared to be biased toward an
individualistic (Western) culture (Hofstede, 1984). Self-actualization, the peak
state of Maslow’s model, consists of a number of characteristics that put the
individual’s needs or goals first, sometimes at the expense of humanity as a
whole. In collectivistic (primarily Eastern) cultures, such needs would be much
less important than acting to ensure that everyone was getting along and that the
community, not just the individual, was successful.
However, although the hierarchy element of Maslow’s model may be inaccurate,

his work has highlighted the fact that human motivation extends to a number of
different areas rather than being simply a matter of eating, sleeping, and
reproducing. Later researchers have noted that we have a number of needs that
can, at times, feel as pressing as a grumbling stomach. For example, research
suggests that humans have a fundamental need to belong (Baumeister &
Leary, 1995), which motivates us to affiliate with other people and to seek
meaningful, long-term bonds.
Belonging is a Need, Not a Want

The need to belong (sometimes known as affiliation motivation) is the
motivation to maintain relationships that involve pleasant feelings such as
warmth, affection, appreciation, and mutual concern for each person’s well-
being. In addition, an individual must have the sense that these feelings are part
of a permanent relationship, such as a friendship, kinship, or shared group
membership (Baumeister & Leary, 1995). A strong sense of belonging brings
more than warmth and happiness; it appears to be fundamental in the same way
that food and shelter are needs—these are all things that humans cannot survive
without.
Although we all probably want to have pleasant interactions, it is the second part
of the definition—a sense of permanence—that is most important for our well-
being. Specifically, an individual who has many positive social interactions with a
series of different individuals does not enjoy the same satisfaction and other
benefits as an individual who interacts with only a few people, but regularly and
for a long period of time. For example, an executive who flies all over the
continent may have fascinating conversations with fellow passengers every
week, yet feel extremely lonely. Meanwhile, imagine a couple living on a rural
farm who see only a few neighbours during the week, but see the same people
frequently and know them very well. The permanence of their family and
community is significant, and they will probably be much more satisfied with their
sense of belonging over the long run than will the high-flying executive. Indeed, a
substantial number of studies have shown that lonely people like the executive
are more likely to feel depressed than are socially connected individuals like the
rural farmers (Cacioppo et al., 2006); this leads to significantly lower ratings of
happiness and life satisfaction (Cacioppo et al., 2011).
In addition to its effects on mental health, psychologists have found that social
connectedness has a dramatic effect on physical health. Research has
demonstrated that loneliness is a risk factor for illnesses such as heart disease
and cancer (Cacioppo et al., 2003). It also elevates a person’s risk for having
hypertension, a weaker immune system, and high levels of stress hormones.
This relationship holds true even when lonely and non-lonely individuals have the
same amount of social interaction—it is the sense of belonging that counts
(Hawkley et al., 2003). Even very simple indicators such as living alone or an
individual’s rating of the statement “I feel lonely” predict chances of survival after
heart attacks and bypass surgeries (Herlitz et al., 1998; Rozanski et al., 1999).
Given that belonging is important for health and happiness, it makes sense that
so much of one’s life is focused on friends, family, and romantic partners.
Love
In some cases, the feeling of belonging that accompanies your friendship and
family bonds becomes a form of love. You’d be willing to make great sacrifices
for these lucky people and you know they would do the same for you. You trust
them, look forward to spending time with them, and genuinely cheer for them as
they go through life. Of course, this isn’t the only type of love that we experience.
As you stumble through your teenage years and enter early adulthood, many of
you will desire and experience romantic relationships. Some of these will
produce an intense feeling that we think of as romantic love.
What is romantic love? This is a question that has permeated our culture for
thousands of years. Armies of anemic English poets have worked furiously,
desperately trying to find the perfect words to describe this wonderful feeling. For
most of our history, love has not been seriously discussed in scientific circles.
However, this has changed in the last 40 years. In 1974, Berscheid and Walter
proposed the first scientific model of love, one that is still widely accepted today
(Fehr, 2003). These psychologists suggested that love is composed of two main
components: passionate love and companionate love. Passionate love is
associated with a physical and emotional longing for the other person. We feel
passionate love at the beginning of a relationship, when we are just getting to
know the other person and everything is new. Recent brain-imaging research
has shown that feelings of passionate love are associated with activity in areas
of the brain related to physical rewards as well as the insula, a region that is
sensitive to internal bodily feelings such as having “butterflies in the stomach”
(Bartels & Zeki, 2004; Beauregard et al., 2009).
Companionate love , on the other hand, is related to tenderness, and to the

affection we feel when our lives are intertwined with another person (Hatfield &
Rapson, 1993). Although passionate love is certainly more exciting,
companionate love appears to have a greater influence on the long-term stability
of a relationship. Undergraduate research participants viewed increases in
companionate features of love to be more indicative of a loving relationship than
passionate features of love. Decreases in companionate love suggested that the
relationship was in trouble (Fehr, 1988), and may suggest that the people do not
feel as committed to each other as they once did.
Love, therefore, seems to be a very pleasant state. But, what motivates people
to seek it out? Arthur Aron and his colleagues (2005) have suggested that “love
is a mammalian drive to pursue preferred mates” (p. 327). In other words, love
may be a goal-oriented state in a way that is similar (but obviously not identical)
to hunger and sex drives. To test this hypothesis, these researchers performed
fMRI scans on 17 people who were in love. While in the scanner, these
participants viewed images of their special someone, as well as photographs of a
familiar person. The brain responses to images of the loved one were stronger in
dopamine-rich areas that are part of the reward system. Even better, activity in
some parts of this system correlated with the participants’ responses on a
passionate love questionnaire (see Figure 11.11 ). Activity in other parts of the
reward system correlated with the intensity of their reported love and with ratings
of facial attractiveness. Importantly, many of these brain areas contain receptors
for oxytocin, a hormone related to feelings of trust and the desire to be close to
someone (Aron et al., 2005).
Figure 11.11 Love as a Motivational System

(Left) Neuroimaging data show that viewing images of your beloved (as opposed
to another familiar person) activates the caudate nucleus (the green structures in
the brain images), an area in the brain related to experiencing rewards. (Right)
People who felt greater levels of passionate love showed larger reward
responses.
Source: Adapted from Aron, A., Fisher, H., Mashek, D. J., Strong, G., Li, H., & Brown, L. L., “Reward, motivation, and
emotion systems associated with early–stage intense romantic love,” Journal of Neurophysiology, 94, 327–337 (Fig 3).
It’s important to note that this motivational view of love is still consistent with the
passionate–companionate theory of love. In fact, it adds a mechanism that can
explain why we seek out passionate love in the first place: a reward state similar
to many other types of motivations.
Belonging, Self-Esteem, and Our Worldview

Belonging to a group provides us with a number of benefits ranging from physical
security (the safety of a group) to the possibility of love (and, in some cases,
mating). Belonging also provides an individual with a culture, a group of people
who share her view of the world. Feeling as though you are part of a larger,
connected group has a number of benefits ranging from improved health (see
Module 14.1 ) to a greater ability to cope with stress (see Module 14.3 ). It
also helps us deal with more philosophical fears, such as our fear of dying.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Terror

Management Theory and the Need to Belong
As far as scientists can tell, humankind is the only species on

earth that is aware of its own mortality. This realization creates
some uniquely human problems. How do we cope with the
knowledge that we will one day die? And, if we all must die, what
makes us think we are more important than other forms of life?
For most of us, some combination of our personal identities,
family and friends, religious beliefs, and connection with our
community distinguish us from other animals. So in some ways,
our need to belong may be linked with our fear of dying.
Observations such as this led to the development of terror
management theory (TMT) , a psychological perspective
asserting that the human fear of mortality motivates behaviour,
particularly those that preserve self-esteem and our sense of
belonging.
What do we know about terror management theory?

The knowledge of death has the potential to be terrifying;
however, very few of us experience this anxiety on a daily basis.
Instead, we tend to use anxiety buffers—concepts and beliefs
that prevent death-related anxiety from entering our conscious
mind (Becker, 1971, 1973; Solomon et al., 1991). One anxiety
buffer is known as the cultural worldview, a belief system about
how our world should work. This system provides us with a sense
of order and stability in life, feelings that makes it seem as though
death were not an immediate possibility. Cultural worldviews can
also consist of religious beliefs that influence how we think about
the world around us and that provide us with a belief in an
afterlife. For people who are not religious, the worldview still
provides comfort—the culture that we are a part of will continue
even after we are gone (Hayes et al., 2010). An added benefit of
a cultural worldview is that it gives people a set of standards that
they can live up to. Doing so helps us feel significant and valued,
feelings that make up the anxiety buffer that is self-esteem.
According to TMT, our cultural worldview and self-esteem protect
us from the fear of our own mortality. Not surprisingly, most of us
are quite protective of them.
How can scientists study terror management theory and the

need to belong?
Psychologists typically study TMT by manipulating how aware
participants are of death, something they refer to as mortality
salience. For example, participants might be asked to write a
paragraph or two about what happens to our bodies when we die;
a control group would write about something that is unpleasant
but that does not make mortality more salient (e.g., the discomfort
of a root canal). After a brief delay, participants are then
presented with stimuli such as a short essay that either criticizes
(experimental group) or does not criticize (control group) the
participant’s cultural worldview; examples might include written
passages that were critical of the person’s country or university.
In most studies, simply writing about death is enough to motivate
people to defend their worldview more strongly than participants
in the control group, even though individuals were randomly
assigned to different conditions.
Importantly, psychologists have also identified ways to reduce the

impact of mortality salience. For example, when psychologists
followed the mortality-salient stimuli with an exercise in which
participants generated positive thoughts about their parents, the
effects of mortality salience disappeared (Cox et al., 2008). This
and similar experimental procedures suggest that belonging to
something more permanent—a family or a community—really
does help manage death-related anxiety.

When TMT research began three decades ago, many critics
questioned whether it was really thoughts of death that created
these experimental effects, or whether the effects simply
represented a reaction to the unpleasantness of the study
materials. Terror management theorists quickly pointed out that
the same effects did not arise among members of control groups
who were exposed to unpleasant stimuli ranging from dental pain
to the anxiety of public speaking (Greenberg et al., 2008).
Indeed, a recent review of 277 experiments confirmed that
responses to mortality salience can be reliably produced in the
laboratory (Burke et al., 2010).
Additional support for TMT was provided by Jeff Schimel and his
colleagues at the University of Alberta. Rather than showing that
worldview protects us from thoughts of mortality, these
researchers examined whether death-related thoughts would
increase if our worldview was somehow compromised (Schimel
et al., 2007). In their study, participants read a brief essay
criticizing either the Canadian healthcare system or the
government of another country. Participants who read the essay
that played down the benefits of Canada’s healthcare (i.e., an
attack on our worldview) were more likely than the control group
to complete word fragments with death-related words (e.g.,
completing COFF- - to make COFFIN rather than COFFEE).
These results provide additional evidence that our worldview and
our awareness of death and mortality are linked.

TMT has a strong link to politics. Numerous researchers have
noted that mortality salience makes people more extreme in their
beliefs (Burke et al., 2013), often leading them to become more
politically conservative in their statements and attitudes (Jost et
al., 2003). This is likely because conservative ideologies and
political parties provide unambiguous solutions for death-related
problems (e.g., a War on Terror) whereas liberal ideologies and
political parties are more likely to promote change, which is by its
very definition uncertain. An example of this conservative shift
came in the 2004 American election. TMT researchers found that
when potential voters were exposed to mortality salient
information, they became more likely to support Republican
(conservative) President George “Dubya” Bush rather than
Democratic (somewhat liberal) candidate John Kerry (Cohen et
al., 2005; Landau et al., 2004). The anti-Muslim and anti-
immigrant statements from multiple Republican presidential
candidates in 2016 suggest that this effect did not go unnoticed.
Mortality salience is also used in Canadian elections.

Conservative politicians tend to discuss the need for tougher
sentences for criminals (mortality salience) more than other
parties. And, quite recently, then–Prime Minister Stephen Harper
suggested during the 2015 election campaign that Muslims taking
the Canadian citizenship oath shouldn’t be allowed to wear head
coverings; his government was also providing frequent reminders
that Canada could suffer a terrorist attack (mortality salience). It
is important to note that we are not telling you who to vote for!
But, it is also important that you vote for a party based on its
ideas, not because of your fear of death and your need to belong.
Psychologists have found that people respond to mortality salience by becoming

more protective of their cultural worldview. Politicians sometimes use this
tendency to try to influence voting behaviour. Thankfully, the public is becoming
more aware of this form of manipulation.
Seyit Aydogan/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images
Module 11.3a Quiz:

Belonging and Love Needs
Know . . .
1. Affiliation motivation is
A. the drive to have as many friends as possible.
B. the desire to be around other people as often as possible.
C. the need to have at least a few permanent, meaningful
relationships.
D. the desire to be isolated from others.
2. Which of the following factors increases an individual’s risk for illness,

heart disease, and even cancer?
A. Self-actualization
B. Loneliness
C. Happiness
D. Low self-esteem
Understand . . .
3. How is terror management theory related to our need to belong?
A. Mortality salient thoughts help us prepare for death, thus leading
to less anxiety.
B. The fear of death is an anxiety buffer that helps us form groups.
C. The fear of death makes us more protective of our cultural
worldview, including our family, community, and country.
D. Terror management theory is not related to the need to belong,
but is instead related to earlier stages of the hierarchy of needs.
Analyze . . .
4. What point did Maslow intend to communicate when he placed belonging
in the middle of his hierarchy of needs?
A. Individuals generally must take care of physiological needs first,
but must satisfy belonging needs before developing healthy self-
esteem.
B. Belonging is not an essential human need.
C. Individuals generally must first have a healthy self-esteem before
one can satisfy the need to belong.
D. Belonging is more important than physiological needs.
At the beginning of this module, you read about Michelle, a student who
desperately wanted to be on the varsity basketball team. Part of that desire was
likely related to the need to belong, to be part of a team with her friends. But, that
can’t explain why she vowed to practise every day so that she would make the
team next year. It would be much easier to join a team in a lower-level basketball
league, or to have her friends put together a team in a different sport. But, these
solutions weren’t part of Michelle’s story. Instead, she wanted to improve her
basketball skills so that she could be part of the competitive and prestigious
league. In other words, she wanted to achieve a specific goal.
Achievement motivation is a very strong force in human behaviour, and

refers to the drive to perform at high levels and to accomplish significant goals.
But, this motivation isn’t as simple as it sounds. There are a number of reasons
why Michelle could be motivated to achieve. For example, Michelle might want to
make the team in order to receive more respect and attention from her fellow
students; she might also really enjoy the game and could have a desire to play it
as much as possible. In both cases, Michelle would be attempting to achieve an
approach goal , an enjoyable and pleasant incentive that a person is drawn
toward, such as praise, financial reward, or a feeling of satisfaction. But, what if
Michelle were motivated to make the team in order to avoid the embarrassment
of being “cut” from the team this year? That’s a very different mindset than an
approach goal. Instead, her behaviour would be motivated by an avoidance
goal , an attempt to avoid an unpleasant outcome such as shame,
embarrassment, losing money, or feeling emotional pain.
If achievement motivation were this simple, we could explain most of our

behaviour in terms of seeking a reward and/or avoiding suffering. Although both
are elements of our behaviour, our motivation to achieve is also influenced by
numerous other factors. In the rest of this module, we will discuss how these
different factors can influence our motivation to achieve our goals.
Self-Determination Theory
When we think about achieving our goals, we can’t help but think about making
up to-do lists or pro-and-con lists that will help us organize our lives. But, while
these techniques provide us with a practical way of examining the choices we
face, they don’t really tap into the deeper motivation for why we are, or are not,
performing a behaviour. Recent psychological research has attempted to fill this
void by examining what researchers refer to as universal needs—needs that
(almost) all humans experience. Researchers have identified three universal
needs (Deci & Vansteenkiste, 2004):
Relatedness: Feeling connected with others, a need satisfied by forming

meaningful bonds with other people such as family members, teammates, or
colleagues at school and work
Autonomy: The need to feel in control of your own life
Competence: The ability to perform a task at a skill level that is satisfying to
the individual
But, our motivation isn’t necessarily influenced by how competent we are.

Instead, it is influenced by how competent we think we are. If a very skilled
basketball player didn’t think she was good enough, she wouldn’t practise as
hard as she would if she believed in her abilities. (In contrast, watch some of the
awful singers making the judges’ ears bleed on American Idol-type shows; they
believe they are good, so they continue to sing . . . sometimes even while
security drags them away.) The effect that your perception of your own ability
has on motivation is known as self-efficacy , an individual’s confidence that
he or she can plan and execute a course of action in order to solve a problem
(Bandura, 1997). When people experience high levels of self-efficacy, their
performance improves and they are motivated to choose more challenging tasks
to perform (Eccles & Wigfield, 2002). So, if you believe that you can
competently do something, you will be more motivated to attempt to do so.
During the mountain stages of competitive cycling races such as the Tour de
France, many riders will suddenly lose speed and fall behind the other riders
trying to climb the steep mountain roads. This occurs even when the rider is in
amazing physical condition. Television commentators say that the cyclist has
“popped.” Psychologists would say that the rider lost his feeling of self-efficacy.
Rupert Rivett/Alamy Stock Photo
A theme running through all three of our universal human needs—relatedness,

autonomy, and competence—is the need to feel in control of your life and your
decisions. We want to be able to choose who we associate with and the form
those relationships are going to take (relatedness), control the decisions that
affect our lives (autonomy), and be in control of the actions necessary to carry
out those decisions (competence). These themes are part of self-determination
theory , a theory that states that an individual’s ability to achieve their goals
and attain psychological well-being is influenced by the degree to which he or
she is in control of the behaviours necessary to achieve those goals (Ryan &
Deci, 2000). So, if we are able to achieve this control, or at least feel like we
have control, then we will be more motivated to perform the actions necessary to
achieve that goal. We will also be happier. Self-determination theory has been
used to explain a number of behaviours ranging from the likelihood of
successfully learning a second language (Noels et al., 2000), the motivation to
exercise (P. M. Wilson et al., 2008), the establishment of healthy identities (La
Guardia, 2009), and the ability to adapt to life as an international student
studying in Canada (Chirkov et al., 2007, 2008). In each case, increasing
feelings of competence, autonomy, and relatedness increased motivation.
But, at this point in our discussion, our explanation for why we are motivated to
achieve goals only explains very general, deep-seated needs. To more
thoroughly explain our behaviours, we need to look more closely at specific
factors that could influence motivation.
Extrinsic and Intrinsic Motivation

One way to examine the question of “Why do we try to achieve a goal?” is to
determine whether our motivation is externally or internally generated. If you
wanted to be on a basketball team in order to be popular, you would be
experiencing extrinsic motivation (or a performance motive ),
motivation geared toward gaining rewards or public recognition, or avoiding
embarrassment (Deci, 1971; Vansteenkiste et al., 2006). This form of
motivation is not always the most effective, as it requires a person to give up
some autonomy. If you play basketball to seem cool, then you must rely on other
people’s reactions to determine if you succeeded in your goal (i.e., other people
control if you are viewed as “cool”). Taken to its most extreme, people can
become amotivational , a feeling of having little or no motivation to perform a
behaviour. If your parents forced you to play basketball against your will, you
might stop putting forth any effort. In this case, neither the feelings of autonomy
nor competence would be met.
Luckily, not all of our motivation is controlled by outside forces; sometimes we do

things simply because we enjoy doing them. For example, what if you wanted to
become a better basketball player simply for the joy of playing and improving
yourself? In this case, the motivation to improve came from within yourself rather
than from some external source. This would be an example of intrinsic
motivation (or mastery motive ), the process of being internally motivated
to perform behaviours and overcome challenges (e.g., a genuine desire to
master a task rather than being motivated by a reward).
A study of Grade 5 students showed the profound effect that intrinsic and
extrinsic motivation can have on how we respond to challenges and to failures.
Children were given sets of puzzle problems and were asked to complete them
independently. After successfully solving the first set of puzzles, some of the
students were praised for their intelligence (e.g., “You must be smart to do these
problems”) while others were praised for their work ethic (e.g., “You must have
worked hard at these problems”). The psychologists then gave the children
another, more difficult, set of problems to complete. This time, the researchers
told the children that they had scored lower on these questions. Finally, the
children were asked to select the goals that they tended to work toward. This list
included performance/extrinsic goals such as choosing easy questions to avoid
getting many wrong, as well as mastery/intrinsic goals such as selecting
problems that one could learn from.
The results of the experiment were remarkable. The children praised for being
smart tended to feel less pleasure during learning and instead tended to worry
about how well they were doing. They gave up more easily and performed more
poorly. Just under 70% of these students selected performance/extrinsic goals
when given a list of options. In contrast, only 10% of the students who were
praised for their effort chose performance/extrinsic goals when asked what
motivated them. Instead, they focused on working hard, overcoming challenges,
and learning from their mistakes. Even more stunning was the fact that the
students praised for being smart were three times more likely to lie about their
results to other people. Almost 40% of the “smart” students lied about their
results, compared with only 13% of the “effort” students. In summary, the
students praised for intelligence felt incredible pressure to live up to that label
and went to great extents to preserve that image, including selecting easier
questions and lying about their results. Based on this study, what parenting
techniques do you think would help kids become well-adjusted?
A Continuum of Motivation
It is important to note that intrinsic and extrinsic motivation are not completely
separate. Rather, intrinsic motivation, extrinsic motivation, and amotivation can
be placed on a continuum that depicts how much self-determination an individual
might feel for those behaviours (see Figure 11.12 ). Critically, where a given
behaviour lies on this continuum can change over time or across situations. For
instance, if you give someone a reward (other than verbal praise) for an
intrinsically motivated behaviour, the intrinsic motivation decreases, as does the
frequency of the behaviour. This change in motivation is known as the over-
justification effect (Lepper et al., 1973). This decrease in motivation is likely due
to the change from being internally motivated (high autonomy) to being
dependent upon a reward (low autonomy). So, if you loved basketball, but then
started receiving money from your parents for each basket, you would actually
feel less motivated to play than you did before! This effect has profound
implications for parenting, education, and the business world. For example, if a
good student were given rewards for getting good grades, it might reduce how
much she identified herself with learning. Businesspeople who work in the hopes
of getting a bonus monetary reward will be less likely to identify with the projects
or products they are working on. In both cases, the rewards have moved their
motivation along the continuum from intrinsic toward extrinsic. This isn’t to say
that rewards should never be given; sometimes this is the only option to motivate
someone. However, as we learn more about the over-justification effect, it is
becoming increasingly clear that we need to more carefully consider the effects
of rewards on behaviours that were already intrinsically motivated.
Figure 11.12 The Continuum of Self-Determination Theory

On this continuum, amotivation would reflect very low levels of self-
determination. Intrinsic motivation, on the other hand, would reflect a high degree
of self-determination.
Source: Copyright 2000 From The “What” and “Why” of Goal Pursuits: Human Needs and the Self-Determination of Behavior.
Psychological Inquiry, 11, 227–268 by Edward L. Deci and Richard M. Ryan. Reproduced by permission of Taylor & Francis
LLC, (http://www.tandfonline.com).
A different, but potentially more powerful, change along the continuum can occur
for behaviours that were initially extrinsically (externally) motivated. Generally,
these behaviours are not associated with much passion, as some outside
motivation (e.g., money or another person) is stimulating this behaviour. But,
over time, it is possible that some of these behaviours will become internalized
so that they are part of a person’s identity. A basketball player might begin
working out because it will increase the odds that she will be recruited to play for
a team and will become popular. Over time, however, she might become
enthusiastic about exercising for its own sake, and could make that part of her
identity long after her basketball career ended. By making exercising part of her
identity, the basketball player gains autonomy over this behaviour, because she
is the one motivating it, not some external source like a coach. Internalized
behaviours are more likely to be performed—and performed well—than
extrinsically motivated behaviours that are not internalized.
Of course, there is one important limitation to our discussion of intrinsic and

extrinsic motivation: most of the studies used data from university students in
Western countries. Recently, psychologists have begun examine whether
motivational processes differ across cultures.
Cultural Differences in Motivation

The fact that there are cultural differences in motivation should surprise no one.
Western culture tends to promote autonomy and the individual, whereas Eastern
cultures put more emphasis on meeting the needs of the community. In other
words, the actions of North Americans are often controlled by the individual,
whereas the actions of people in Eastern cultures (e.g., East Asians) are often
jointly controlled by the individual and her family and community (Markus &
Kitayama, 2003). As a result, while intrinsically motivated behaviours should
lead to positive performance and emotions across cultures, the responses to
extrinsically motivated behaviours might differ. Specifically, people in
individualistic cultures like Canada and the U.S. will be less motivated to perform
these behaviours than people from “collectivistic” Eastern culture; this latter
group will view extrinsically motivated actions as being performed to help their
family or community. In fact, if these individuals feel like they are making the
decision to act collectively, they will experience an improvement in subjective
well-being similar to that found when they engage in intrinsically motivated
behaviour (Chirkov et al., 2003).
Cultural differences have also been observed in the motivation to improve one’s
self. Researchers at the University of British Columbia, in collaboration with
colleagues in Kyoto, Japan, examined how Canadian (of European ancestry)
and Japanese students responded to failure (Heine et al., 2001). Participants
were asked to complete a Remote Associates Task in which they were to identify
a word that linked together three other words (e.g., dust, struck, and ship could
be linked by the word star). The participants were told that this test measured
emotional intelligence and creativity. The researchers found that Japanese
participants were more motivated to work on the task after failing than after
performing well; European-Canadian participants showed the opposite pattern.
Follow-up studies found that these differences were likely due (in part) to cultural
differences in the importance of effort in success. Failure decreased motivation
to work in Canadian students but increased motivation in Japanese students
(Heine et al., 2001).
Culture may play a slightly more complicated role for some Canadians, however.
Many people in our country are first- or second-generation immigrants from
another culture; they can therefore identify with their family’s ancestral culture
(e.g., China) or with their current culture (Canada, a “Western” society). How are
these bicultural individuals influenced by intrinsic and extrinsic motivation? It
turns out that the answer depends upon which culture the individual identifies
with at any given moment. Using a diary study in which participants were
prompted to submit electronic entries at different points in the day for ten days,
Elaine Perunovic and her colleagues found that when bicultural Asian Canadians
identified with Western culture, extrinsic motivation was linked with negative
emotions, likely due to a loss of a feeling of autonomy (see Figure 11.13 ). In
contrast, when these participants identified with their Asian culture, their levels of
negative emotions were unaffected by extrinsic motivation. There were no
cultural differences in intrinsic motivation (Perunovic et al., 2011).
Figure 11.13 Cultural Differences in Extrinsic Motivation
Extrinsic motivation was linked with negative emotions when Asian Canadians
identified with their Western culture. It did not affect negative emotions when
participants identified with their Asian heritage. Intrinsic motivation showed no
cultural differences.
Source: Perunovic, W.Q.E, Heller, D., Ross, M., & Komar, S. (2010). The within-person dynamics of intrinsic and extrinsic
motivation, affective states, and cultural identification: A diary study of bicultural individuals. Social Psychological and
Personality Science, 2(6), 635-641. Figure 1, p. 639.
Taken together, these results show that motivation can be influenced by culture.
It also shows the power of the need to belong—the Eastern focus on the
community rather than the individual made extrinsically motivated behaviour
seem less like a burden and more like a group decision.
Module 11.3b Quiz:
Know . . .
1. If a student is a pre-med major because he is curious about how the body
works and how it recovers from disease, psychologists would say that he
has motives. If the student is studying pre-med only because
he thinks this major will impress people, then psychologists would say
that he has motives.
A. mastery; performance
B. performance; mastery
C. performance; avoidance
D. avoidance; mastery
2. An individual’s belief that he or she will be able to complete a task is

known as
A. implicit motivation.
B. self-efficacy.
C. approach motivation.
D. avoidance motivation.
Apply . . .
3. A recent immigrant from Korea is working on a group project with two
Canadian colleagues whose families immigrated to Canada several
generations ago. The assignment is quite boring and was assigned by
the regional manager of the company they work for. Based on what
you’ve read in this module, how will the Korean-Canadian differ from the
“single culture” Canadians?
A. Both groups will experience a large increase in negative
emotions.
B. The Korean-Canadian’s negative emotions will not be affected
when he is thinking about his new Western culture.
C. The Korean-Canadian’s negative emotions will not be affected
when he is thinking about his Korean culture.
D. The Korean-Canadian will show a larger emotional response to
the situation than his colleagues.
Module 11.3 Summary

11.3a Know . . . the key terminology of social and achievement motivation.
achievement motivation
amotivation
approach goal
avoidance goal
companionate love
extrinsic motivation
intrinsic motivation
mastery motive
need to belong (affiliation motivation)
passionate love
performance motive
self-determination theory
self-efficacy
terror management theory (TMT)
11.3b Understand . . . how people experience a need to belong.
Psychologists have discovered a number of ways in which people are motivated

to enter into personal relationships. People seek out friendships, romantic
relationships, and group membership to satisfy this need.
11.3c Understand . . . the different forms of love.
Passionate love involves a physical and emotional longing for the other person. It
typically occurs at the beginning of a relationship. Companionate love involves
the tenderness and affection felt when one’s life is intertwined with another
person’s. Companionate love has a greater influence on the long-term stability of
relationships.
11.3d Apply . . . theories of motivation to understand your personal

motivation to achieve in school or your career.
How would you describe your motivation for school? Are you just trying to earn
good grades, or do you find yourself motivated because you are interested in
learning?
Apply Activity
Complete the four brief questionnaires included in Table 11.3 to see how your
motives stack up relative to other students.
Table 11.3 Application Activity

Thinking about your Psychology course, respond to each statement by assigning
a score on a scale of 1 (“Not at all true of me”) to 7 (“Very true of me”). Then find
your average response for each set of three questions. Compare your scores to
the averages for each score.
Source: Based on Elliot, AJ & McGregor, HA (2001). A 2 × 2 achievement goal framework. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology, 80,501-519. URL: https://selfdeterminationtheory.org/SDT/documents/2001_ElliotMcGregor.pdf.
Mastery Performance
APPROACH 1. I want to learn as much as possible 1. It is important for me to do

from this class. better than other students.
2. It is important for me to understand 2. It is important for me to do

the content of this course as well compared to others in
thoroughly as possible. this class.
3. I desire to completely master the 3. My goal in this class is to

material presented in this class. get a better grade than most
of the other students.
Average score: 5.52 Average score: 4.82

AVOIDANCE 1. I worry that I may not learn all that I 1. I just want to avoid doing
possibly could in this class. poorly in this class.
2. Sometimes I'm afraid that I may 2. My goal in this class is to

not understand the content of this avoid performing poorly.
class as thoroughly as possible.
3. I am often concerned that I may 3. My fear of performing

not learn all that there is to learn in poorly in this class is often
this class. what motivates me.
Average score: 3.89 Average score: 4.49
11.3e Analyze . . . claims that a sense of belonging is something people

need versus something they want.
Although belonging may not be the most basic type of need on the hierarchy of
needs—those positions are usually assigned to food, water, and shelter—it is a
significant need nonetheless. Research has shown that living without a feeling of
belonging has some drastic consequences. Not only is loneliness related to
depression, but it is also associated with a reduced lifespan. The fact that
belonging is essential to good health and longevity provides strong support for
classifying it as a need, not just something people want.
Module 11.4 Emotion
Matteo photos/Shutterstock
Learning Objectives
11.4a Know . . . the key terminology associated with emotion.
11.4b Understand . . . how the nervous system responds to emotions.
11.4c Understand . . . cultural similarities and differences in emotional
expressions.
11.4d Apply . . . your knowledge of theories of emotion to new examples.
11.4e Analyze . . . what purpose(s) do facial expressions serve?
Imagine the following scenario: You are sitting in your bedroom watching
television. Suddenly, you notice something moving beside one of your
textbooks. Your heart rate increases slightly and your palms begin to
sweat as you move closer to the moving object.
At this point—before we know how this story resolves itself—it is

important to examine some details about your emotional response. First,
the “you” in this story was very quick to locate and pay attention to a
potentially threatening stimulus; nothing else in your environment seemed
to matter for that instant. The moving object could have been a leaf or
clump of dust that was being moved by the air conditioning in your house.
Or, it could have been a spider or, worse yet, a spider with a knife in its
mouth and death in its heart. What is important to note is that before you
were even able to consciously identify what the object was, your body
was preparing itself to act. You were afraid, and your body responded
with an increase in heart rate, sweating, and muscle tension. Once you
determine whether the moving object is dangerous or not, you can either
increase or decrease your emotional reaction. If it is just a “dust bunny,”
you don’t need to feel fear. However, if it is a well-armed spider, then
your initial emotional response may be appropriate.
This example illustrates the key parts of an emotional experience: We

detect an emotional item, we have an initial emotional reaction preparing
us to respond, and then, after we analyze the situation, we increase or
decrease that response. In this module, we will take a closer look at
these different parts of our emotional responses in an effort to better
understand the emotions that we experience every day.
Focus Questions
1. What role does the brain play in our emotional experiences?

2. How do the labels we give our emotions, such as fear, happiness,
and sadness, relate to their corresponding physical sensations?
Like most concepts in psychology, the term emotion can mean a number of
different things. Common convention in psychology is to define an emotion
as being a behaviour with the following three components: (a) a subjective
thought and/or experience with (b) accompanying patterns of neural activity and
physical arousal and (c) an observable behavioural expression (e.g., an
emotional facial expression or changes in muscle tension). Although this
definition still includes thoughts and feelings, it also shows that our current
understanding of emotion encompasses other elements as well. In particular, it
shows us that the emotions we experience include a biological response.
Children who are born both deaf and blind show the same facial expressions and
emotions as people who see and hear. This is one of many pieces of evidence
that our emotions have a strong biological basis.
Darren Greenwood/Design Pics Inc / Alamy Stock Photo
Physiology of Emotion
In the example at the beginning of this module, we noted that emotional

behaviours are actually quite complex and involve a number of different
components. Although we often think of emotional responses occurring in a
number of separate stages, recent research suggests that this view might be a
bit too simple (Pessoa & Adolphs, 2010). Instead, our neural responses to
emotions are best thought of as a series of networks or loops. Each network
involves a group of neural structures that work together to produce different parts
of your emotional response (e.g., increased heart rate); however, these networks
can also provide feedback to each other. These interactions allow you to modify
your emotional responses as you learn more about your situation. In this section,
we will discuss the different areas of the nervous system that are involved in
emotions and will show how different areas work together to produce the
emotional behaviours that have allowed our species to survive in a dangerous
world.
The Initial Response

The human brain shows emotion-dependent responses within approximately 150
ms of seeing or hearing a potential threat (Pizzagalli et al., 2002). The goal of
this early activity isn’t to consciously identify an emotional stimulus. Instead, the
purpose of this initial brain activity is to tag or highlight that stimulus so that it
receives extra processing by brain structures at later stages of perception. For
an example of this phenomenon, look at Figure 11.14 . There are many
different objects in this scene, yet you likely paid more attention to the snake
than to anything else. Why does this happen? How does your brain make some
stimuli more important than others, and what consequences follow from that?
Figure 11.14 How Emotional Elements of a Scene Attract Our Attention

Most of us are very quick to notice threatening stimuli such as snakes and
spiders (left panel). This ability is due, in part, to interactions between the
amygdala and our sensory cortices. Sensory cortices (e.g., the visual cortex)
send signals to the amygdala that influence its activity. Feedback from the
amygdala causes an increase in activity in sensory regions such as the visual
cortex (right panel), leading to more attention being paid to the parts of our visual
world that contain the threatening stimulus. These areas continue to influence
each other through these pathways.
Source: Republished with permission of Elsevier Science, Inc., from How brains beware: neural mechanisms of emotional
attention. TRENDS in Cognitive Sciences by Vuilleumier, P. Vol. 9 (12), 585-594. Figure 1a, p. 588. Permission conveyed
through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc.
Roy Toft/ National Geographic/Getty Images
A critical brain area involved in this process is the amygdala , a group of

nuclei in the medial portion (near the middle) of the temporal lobes in each
hemisphere of the brain. The amygdala receives sensory input from the cortex,
the outer part of your brain, approximately 200 ms after an emotional stimulus
appears (Krolak-Salmon et al., 2004). The amygdala fires when we perceive
stimuli that are emotionally arousing, and is especially sensitive to fear-relevant
images and sounds. However, the firing of the amygdala on its own does very
little—it is the amygdala’s projections to other brain structures that lead to the
observable behaviours that we think of as being emotional responses. When the
amygdala receives input about a stimulus that might be emotionally meaningful
or threatening, it sends feedback to sensory areas so that they fire more than
they would for a non-emotional stimulus. So, when you see a spider or hear a
dog growling, your amygdala will help to increase the activity in your visual and
auditory cortices, respectively. The result is that we end up paying more attention
to these potentially emotional stimuli. Sensory cortices and the amygdala
continue to influence each other through these “feedback loops” throughout the
emotional experience (Vuilleumier, 2005).
The Autonomic Response: Fight or Flight?

An emotional response obviously involves more than simply perceiving a threat
—we need to prepare our body to physically respond to the emotional stimulus, if
necessary. Importantly, this preparation needs to occur instinctively and as
rapidly as possible. The autonomic nervous system (ANS) specializes in such
responses. As you read in Module 3.3 , the ANS consists of two systems: (1)
the sympathetic nervous system, which helps recruit energy to prepare you for a
response (e.g., to fight or flee from a potential threat), and (2) the
parasympathetic nervous system, which helps preserve energy and calms you
down if no response is necessary (Figure 11.15 ). Think back to the example
at the beginning of this module. If the moving object were a large and angry
spider, the sympathetic nervous system would mobilize resources so that you
had enough energy either to do battle with this threatening creature or to run
away from it. If you discovered that you weren’t in immediate danger (e.g., a
moving object is a leaf, not a spider), the parasympathetic nervous system would
become active in an attempt to return you to a normal level of emotional arousal.
Figure 11.15 The Autonomic Nervous System and Emotional Responding
The ANS is involved in emotional responding. The sympathetic division prepares
the body to respond to stress, and the parasympathetic division restores the
body to normal conditions.
The Emotional Response: Movement

If your body is going to mobilize its energy resources during an emotional
response, it also needs to plan for what it is going to do with them. In other
words, the nervous system needs to prepare your body to make a movement in
response to the emotion you are experiencing (e.g., squishing the spider). The
problem for us is that even the simplest of movements requires the coordination
of a number of different parts of your nervous system so that the muscles move
in the appropriate order. Research in the last couple of years has found that
emotional stimuli—particularly threatening emotional stimuli—trigger an increase
in activity in brain areas related to planning movements (Pereira et al., 2010)
and in several regions of the spinal cord (Smith & Kornelsen, 2011). This
activity suggests that our nervous system is becoming prepared to make a
movement if one is necessary—this preparation likely increases the speed and
efficiency of our emotional responses.
Emotional Regulation
As we saw in the example at the beginning of this module, it makes sense from a
survival standpoint to have rapid emotional responses and then to decide if the
responses are correct or not. However, this evaluative stage of emotional
responses is the most complex and involves a number of areas within our frontal
lobes. The frontal lobes receive information directly from the amygdala and from
sensory areas whose activity is influenced by the amygdala. As a result, the
frontal lobes have access to highly detailed information about a stimulus or
situation as well as information about the initial responses of other brain
networks. The frontal lobes must determine whether the instinctive emotional
responses produced by earlier stages of processing are the best ones for that
given situation. In some cases, the frontal lobes will analyze the situation and
agree that an emotional response is necessary. It will then generate a behaviour
that is appropriate for that situation (e.g., you should continue to run away from
the spider). In other cases, the frontal lobes will analyze the situation and decide
that a stimulus is not emotional (e.g., the moving object was just dust or a leaf,
not a spider). In this case, it is necessary to decrease the emotional responses
so that the ANS is not depleting the body’s resources. So, in the first situation
(running away from the spider), the amygdala and ANS influence the frontal
lobes; in the second situation, the frontal lobes send feedback that reduces the
intensity of the initial emotional response. This constant communication between
brain regions is an important characteristic of our emotional system (Mayberg et
al., 1999), and explains why we can sometimes feel emotionally out of control
and at other times feel “cool, calm, and collected.”
Module 11.4a Quiz:
Physiology of Emotion
Know . . .
1. Feedback from the can influence the firing of your visual and
auditory cortex.
A. hippocampus
B. hindbrain
C. amygdala
D. hypothalamus
Understand . . .
2. A few minutes after narrowly avoiding a car accident, your arousal
returns to a baseline state because of activity in the .
A. sympathetic nervous system
B. parasympathetic nervous system
C. hypothalamus
D. amygdala
Apply . . .
3. Elizabeth has a form of epilepsy that cannot be controlled by
medications. In an effort to stop her seizures, doctors removed the
amygdala from both sides of her brain. How will this likely affect her
experience of fear?
A. She will have difficulties with emotional regulation.
B. Her parasympathetic nervous system will no longer function
properly.
C. She will have a smaller initial reaction to emotional images.
D. She will be unaffected by this surgical procedure.
Experiencing Emotions
Try this: hold a pencil or straw in your mouth sideways without letting your lips
touch it—just your teeth. Wait for a few seconds. How do you feel? Happy? Sad?
Afraid? Why do you think you feel this way?
When we think of the term emotion, we rarely think about complex

interconnected responses in our brains. Instead, we think of the subjective,
personalized feelings that we experience such as happiness or fear. For
example, we’ve already discussed how seeing an unidentified moving object in
your bedroom can trigger activity in a number of physiological systems leading to
the firing of millions of neurons in your brain and in the autonomic nervous
system throughout your body. But, you would think of that experience as a
feeling of fear. How are the physiological response and the psychological feeling
related? Which comes first and, importantly, how would one test this question?
The earliest scientific theory of emotions was independently developed by

William James, one of the founders of psychology in North America, and a
Danish researcher named Carl Lange. Now known as the James-Lange theory
of emotion , this view suggested that our physiological reactions to stimuli
(e.g., a racing heart) precede the emotional experience (e.g., the fear). In other
words, your subjective feelings such as happiness or fear follow your
physiological responses. But, the James-Lange theory goes one step further,
claiming that your feeling of fear is determined by how your body responds.
According to this theory, emotion would be experienced in the following way: (1)
based on your initial perception of a stimulus, your heart starts to race, (2) your
brain receives feedback about that response, and then (3) the brain decides that
based on the feedback it has received, you should feel fear. This sequence of
events may contradict your own common-sense experience of emotion. If so,
you are not alone. Some prominent researchers from the same era disagreed
with James and Lange.
Walter Cannon and Philip Bard developed an alternative to the James-Lange

theory (see Figure 11.16 ). They noted that some of the internal organs
involved in emotional feelings could not respond quickly enough to be the first
step in an emotional response. They also suggested that the feedback from the
body was not specific enough to create the different emotions that we
experience. Instead, the Cannon-Bard theory of emotion suggested that the
brain interprets a situation and generates subjective emotional feelings, and that
these representations in the brain trigger responses in the body. This theory
suggests that these emotional processes occur very quickly, so that the steps
occur almost simultaneously.
Figure 11.16 Competing Theories of Emotion

What is the correct order of events when it comes to emotional experiences?
The James-Lange and Cannon-Bard theories differ in their predictions.
Source: Adapted from Dr. Silvia Helena Cardosa, http://www.cerebromente.org.br/m05/mente/tub6.gif.
For several decades, the Cannon-Bard theory was the most widely accepted
view of our emotional behaviours. However, as clever researchers examined
emotions in more detail, this “common-sense” theory began to show its
limitations (another example of scientific knowledge evolving). In fact, there is
more empirical support for the James-Lange theory than for the Cannon-Bard
theory. This is likely due to the fact that some of the bodily feedback involved in
emotional responses is caused by facial responses that have direct connections
to the brain rather than by slow responses from internal organs. Indeed, the
facial feedback hypothesis is a key feature in modern interpretations of the
James-Lange theory (see Figure 11.17 ). This hypothesis suggests that our
emotional expressions can influence our subjective emotional states. So, if your
lips are smiling, you will feel happier. Did you feel happier when you held your
pencil or straw in your teeth a few minutes ago? Research participants who
performed this action were essentially smiling whether they meant to or not. As
the facial feedback hypothesis predicted, the participants reported elevated
levels of happiness (Strack et al., 1988).
Figure 11.17 The Facial Feedback Hypothesis

Psychologists have found that inducing a facial expression, such as a frown or a
smile, can have mild effects on how people feel. This lends support to the facial
feedback hypothesis.
What is a potential alternative explanation for this result? If you tried this
example in front of other people, the answer would become readily apparent:
You look and feel silly. In order to rule out the possibility that making any artificial
face would improve your mood, researchers had participants make a different
facial expression. Hold the pencil sideways in your mouth using only your lips—
don’t let your teeth come into contact with the pencil. The result is a slight pout.
This is an experimental method of producing a sad face and, sure enough, it
leads to a less positive mood (Larsen et al., 1992).
Research support for the facial feedback hypothesis has been mixed. In support
of this hypothesis is a study by researchers who tested the effect of Botox
injections on emotions (Havas et al., 2010). Botox interferes with the movement
of muscles by inhibiting the release of the neurotransmitter acetylcholine, which
is found at the junctions between muscles and nerves. Less movement of the
skin leads to fewer wrinkles. Although Botox injections can make some people
look younger, they also reduce the person’s ability to move his or her face.
Research has shown that this impairment in facial movement can slightly
dampen emotional experiences. However, the facial feedback hypothesis is not
supported by all studies. Researchers have shown that surprise is not as
affected by facial feedback as other emotions (Reisenzen & Studtman, 2007).
Therefore, we need to be cautious about over-generalizing this hypothesis to all
emotions and all situations.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model The Two-

Factor Theory of Emotion
To this point, our discussion of emotions has focused on physical

reactions. However, our emotional feelings also involve thoughts,
memories, beliefs, and interpretations of different stimuli and
situations. How do these different factors interact to produce our
emotional experiences? In the 1960s, two researchers developed
a theory of emotion that addressed this question.
What do we know about the two-factor theory of
emotions?
Researchers Stanley Schachter and Jerome Singer (1962)
agreed with James and Lange that our physical reactions give
rise to our emotional experiences. However, they also pointed out
that many different emotions can elicit physiological arousal. How
do we choose which emotion goes with this arousal? Schachter
and Singer suggested that it is our interpretation of why we are
aroused that creates the emotional experience. Their theory, the
two-factor theory , holds that patterns of physical arousal and
the cognitive labels we attach to them form the basis of our
emotional experiences. Physical arousal is the first factor to come
into play (as James and Lange predicted) and along with this
comes a cognitive label for the experience, such as “I am sad.”
Combining the two factors, the physical and cognitive, gives rise
to the emotional experience of sadness (see Figure 11.18 ).
Figure 11.18 Two-Factor Theory of Emotion
According to Schachter and Singer, emotions are experiences

composed of physiological responses and the cognitive labels we
give them.
How can science explain the two-factor theory?

To test this theory, Schachter and Singer performed a study in
which participants were given different cognitive labels for the
same physical feeling. These researchers injected three groups
of volunteers with adrenaline (epinephrine), a stimulant that
increases a person’s heart rate, causes sweating, and makes a
person’s face feel warm and flushed. So, all participants
experienced the same physical symptoms. However, the
cognitive explanation for those symptoms was manipulated by
the experimenters. One group of participants was correctly
informed about the symptoms (the Informed Group). Another
group was provided no information at all; they were (politely)
called the Ignorant Group. The third group of participants was
given incorrect information about the injection; these people were
told that adrenaline leads to numbing, itchiness, and a slight
headache (the Misinformed Group). Thus, only the Informed
Group had a correct cognitive explanation for their physical
feelings. A final group of participants was injected with a saline
solution; this was the control condition. The experimenters then
had each participant sit in a room with another participant who, in
reality, was an actor paid to create an emotional scene. In one
version of the study, the experimenters told the participants that
they would have to wait for 20 minutes before receiving a vision
test, and that they could doodle on the papers left in the room.
After the experimenter left the room, the actor began to behave in
an excited fashion, playing basketball with crumpled up paper
and playing with props that had been left in the room (e.g., hula-
hoops). In other words, the actor was behaving euphorically
(extremely happily). In another version of the study, participants
were asked to fill out questionnaires during the 20-minute delay
period. The questions were quite personal in nature, and
oftentimes mildly offensive (e.g., “With how many men [other than
your father] has your mother had extramarital relationships? 4
and under , 5–9 , 10 and over ”). After reading
these questions, the actor became quite angry and tore up the
sheet of paper while swearing.
The question the experimenters wanted to answer was whether

the participant’s response to the actor was affected by the
cognitive explanation they had been given for the effects of
adrenaline. Presumably, if you knew that you were going to have
your heart rate increase due to a drug, then you would attribute
any changes in your heart rate to the drug, not to the actor. In
contrast, if you didn’t know about the effects of adrenaline, then
you would assume that your heart was racing because you were
having an emotional response to the actor. As predicted, in both
the euphoria and the anger conditions, the participants’ emotional
responses were influenced by their ability to explain their physical
symptoms. When people understood the adrenaline was going to
make their heart race, they reported smaller emotional reactions
to the actor than when they were ignorant of the drug’s effects
(see Figure 11.19 ). This classic study provided the first
evidence that our cognitive interpretation of an emotional event
can have a dramatic effect on how we experience that situation.
In the process, it showed a limitation of the James-Lange theory.
That theory would assume that the emotional experience (anger
or euphoria) would be due to different physiological causes.
Instead, the same physiological stimulus—adrenaline—led to
different emotional responses in the two experimental conditions.
Figure 11.19 Results from Schachter and
Singer’s Study
If participants knew that their racing heart was due to a drug

injected by the experimenter, their emotional responses to the
actor in the study were smaller. This graph depicts the number of
angry statements and acts performed by participants in the angry
condition of the experiment.
Source: Graph based on Schachter, S., & Singer, J. (1962). Cognitive, social, and physiological
determinants of emotional state. Psychological Review, 69, 379–399. Table 5, p. 392.

An example of the Thematic Apperception Test stimuli used in

the Capilano bridge experiment. Males in the high-arousal
condition produced stories that included more sexual imagery
than did participants in the control condition.
Bill Aron/PhotoEdit, Inc.
Bill Aron/PhotoEdit, Inc.

Can we critically evaluate these findings?
One criticism of Schachter and Sutton’s experiment is that it
might not apply to the real world. Very few of us are given
injections of adrenaline and made to watch someone acting in an
emotionally extreme manner. In order to test the generalizability
of these results, Donald Dutton and Arthur Aron (1974) from
the University of British Columbia performed an innovative
experiment that provided strong support for the two-factor theory.
In this study, a female experimenter told male participants that
she was investigating the effects of scenic attractions on creative
expression. Participants were asked to cross a bridge before
completing the Thematic Apperception Test, an open-ended test
in which participants create stories to go along with a set of
pictures. The independent variable of this study was the bridge
the participants crossed. In the control condition, individuals
crossed a solid wooden bridge that was approximately 3 metres
above a small, shallow stream. In the experimental condition,
individuals crossed the Capilano Canyon Suspension Bridge,
which, as the name would suggest, crosses the Capilano Canyon
near Vancouver. This bridge is 120 metres long, hangs 75 metres
above rocks and rapids, and has a tendency to sway, which can
create the impression that one is about to fall over the edge.
Needless to say, the experimental condition would produce
greater levels of emotional arousal. Interestingly, participants who
were in the experimental condition included significantly more
sexual imagery in their stories than did participants in the control
condition. The explanation for this result is that the participants
experienced stronger emotions when crossing the suspension
bridge, but misattributed the arousal to the pictures. Stronger
support for this explanation came from an interesting addition to
the study. After the participants had completed the Thematic
Apperception Test, the female experimenter tore off a sheet of
paper and wrote down “her number” (a fake phone number set up
by the experimenters). Only 12.5% of the control participants
phoned the woman’s number; 50% of the experimental
participants phoned the same woman. When participants
experienced emotional arousal, they interpreted it as attraction to
the experimenter. Keep this result in mind the next time someone
wants to take you to a scary movie for a first date.

Studies of the two-factor theory of emotions show us that
although we do have rapid physiological responses to emotional
situations, it is our interpretation of those events that leads to our
emotional experiences. This obviously doesn’t mean that you will
never be upset. But, knowing that you can control how you
interpret some of the emotional (or even the aggravating day-to-
day) events of your life means that you can try to reduce the
negative effects that emotional situations can have on you. So,
ironically, a study involving an injection of adrenaline and the
induction of angry emotions may teach you how to become
happier. It’s up to you.
Module 11.4b Quiz:

Experiencing Emotions
Understand . . .
1. Which of the following is a weakness of the James-Lange theory of

emotion?
A. Cognitive appraisal is not a component.
B. The theory does not address the subjective feeling of emotion.
C. The theory ignores the role of physiological reactions.
D. Awareness always precedes physiological reactions during
emotions.
Apply . . .
2. Raj’s mother tells him to smile more if he wants to feel better. Her
statement is consistent with the
A. emotional transfer hypothesis.
B. two-factor theory of emotion.
C. facial feedback hypothesis.
D. cortical theory of emotion.
3. Nguyen is paralyzed from the neck down and does not experience the
autonomic responses that usually accompany fear. Despite this injury, he
continues to experience fear. Which theory of emotion is contradicted by
this observation?
A. Cannon-Bard
B. Two-factor theory
C. James-Lange theory
D. Physiological theory
Expressing Emotions
Are you a good liar? Can you tell when someone else is lying to you? How
confident are you in your lie detection abilities? Although most of us believe we
are quite good at spotting someone else’s deception, the truth is that our
accuracy is quite poor. In order to fix this problem, researchers attempted to
create a lie detector test that measured the responses of our autonomic nervous
system. This machine, a polygraph, measures whether heart rate and sweating
increase when a person responds to different events or questions. Sudden
changes in these levels suggest that the person is experiencing stress and may
be hiding something. However, after extensive testing, the polygraph was shown
to be an inaccurate measure of lie detection; evidence gathered using this
technique is not admissible in Canadian courts.
Fortunately, psychologist Paul Ekman and his colleagues (Ekman et al., 1999)
have developed a new technique for lie detection. Using videotapes of several
research participants, Ekman and colleagues found that our faces give us away
when we try to lie. Although we can fake an emotional expression within a
fraction of a second, our real emotional response can be seen on our faces
before this mask is in place. Ekman called these brief expressions of our true
feelings microexpressions, and is training police officers to detect them in order
to catch criminals. But, use your critical thinking skills for a moment: What do
microexpressions really tell you? Yes, the face is expressing someone’s inner
state, and yes, it appears that a person is concealing how they are feeling. But,
microexpressions cannot tell you why they are doing so. Instead, police officers
have to make assumptions about the person’s motives based on the
microexpressions on his or her face.
This all sounds very dramatic, but we make assumptions about other people’s
feelings and motives all the time. It is quite rare for someone to tell you exactly
how he or she feels. Instead, you observe other people’s faces and body
movements in order to make an educated guess about what thoughts and
feelings are going on inside their heads. They, in turn, do the same with you. In
this section of the module, we will examine these processes, as well as how
culture can influence how emotions are expressed and interpreted.
Emotional Faces and Bodies

Our primary method of communicating our emotional feelings is through our
facial expressions. Each of these expressions has its own unique combination of
muscle movements, such as the crinkling of muscles near the eye (orbicularis
oculi) and the movement of the mouth (zygomatic major) during smiling. But why
are certain combinations of muscle movements associated with particular
feelings? Although researchers are still trying to solve parts of this puzzle,
researchers at the University of Toronto have highlighted some important
characteristics of expressions of fear and disgust. Imagine changing a really
stinky diaper—something even dung beetles would walk away from. The
powerful odour feels like it’s crawling up your nostrils. Your natural reaction is to
make a disgusted face, which involves scrunching up your nose. This expression
isn’t just for show, however. It also reduces airflow into your nostrils, thus limiting
the amount of the disgusting substance(s) that can enter your body (Chapman
et al., 2009; Susskind & Anderson, 2008). This makes evolutionary sense, as
some disgusting substances could threaten a person’s health. In contrast, when
we experience fear, our eyes open wide and we tend to inhale deeply (see
Figure 11.20 ). This is likely due to the fact that when we’re afraid, we are
being threatened and therefore need to be able to take in as much information as
possible in order to develop the best plan of action to keep ourselves safe.
These results show that the strange facial geometry that makes up our emotional
expressions is not random—our expressions have a purpose that will enhance
our ability to survive (Shariff & Tracy, 2011).
Figure 11.20 Nostril Airflow Associated with Disgust and Fear

The images depict the opening of nasal passageways during the experience of
disgust (left), a neutral emotion (centre), and fear (right). Note that the
passageways are constricted during disgust, but opened wider during fear. This
difference is reflected in the volume of airflow breathed in during each facial
expression.
Source: Susskind, J. M., Lee, D. H., Cusi, A., Feiman, R., Grabski, W., & Anderson, A. K. (2008). Expressing fear enhances
sensory acquisition. Nature Neuroscience, 11(7), 843–850. Top image is Figure 6c, p. 846; bottom-left image is Figure 5b, p.
846; bottom-right image is Figure 2a-b, p. 844.
Importantly, these expressions appear all over the world, suggesting that they
are an innate part of being human. Charles Darwin (1872) was the first person to
recognize that facial expressions of emotion were universal. During his extensive
travels, he noted that people from different cultures formed similar facial
expressions and were able to understand the emotions of others. In the late
1960s, Paul Ekman performed cross-cultural studies that supported Darwin’s
hypothesis. Ekman and his colleagues photographed North Americans
expressing six basic emotions—fear, happiness, disgust, anger, surprise, and
sadness. They then travelled to an isolated region of Papua New Guinea (an
island country north of Australia) to see if individuals who were unfamiliar with
Caucasian faces could still recognize the emotions they displayed. Sure enough,
tribesmen from the Fore ethnic group were able to accurately identify the
emotions of the actors (Ekman & Friesen, 1969). The researchers then asked
the tribesmen to make their own facial expressions for each emotion. As would
be expected, research participants in the U.S. were able to recognize these
emotions as well.
The meaning behind facial expressions changes with subtle modifications. For
example, one version of smiling is genuine, while another is reserved for social
graces. Genuine smiles, known as Duchenne’s smiles, involve a crinkling of
muscles at the corner of the eye. Fake smiles tend not to have this crinkling
(unless you practise, which is mildly creepy). However, even if you learn to fake
your emotions, your face can give you away. Psychologist Paul Ekman (pictured
above) has shown that our real emotional responses appear on our faces for a
fraction of a second before being covered up with our social mask.
Paul Ekman, Ph.D./Paul Ekman Group, LLC
But, facial expressions aren’t our only way of communicating our emotional
states. Imagine that you are sitting across a table from someone that you find
attractive. Or, what if you found the person annoying and really wished your
friend would return from the washroom so that you could leave? Even if you
didn’t express any emotion with your face, your body would likely give away what
you were feeling in both situations. Body language provides almost as much
emotional information as facial expressions; it also activates a number of similar
brain areas (de Gelder & Hadjikhani, 2006). Researchers at Queen’s University
have created a novel method of examining body language and biological motion.
Experimental stimuli are created by attaching motion capture sensors to different
parts of people’s bodies and having them make different movements such as
walking. By averaging the types of movements across a number of individuals, it
is possible to see the different body movement patterns of men and women,
happy and sad people, and nervous or relaxed people (Troje 2002a, 2002b,
2008). Importantly, like the recognition of faces, detecting characteristics of body
language and body motion appears to be universal, as many of the effects were
observed in Mundurucu indigenous people in Amazonian regions of Brazil (Pica
et al., 2011).
Individuals in isolated areas of the world were able to identify the emotions
expressed by these faces, suggesting that these expressions are universal.
Paul Ekman Group, LLC
Point-of-light technology can be used to infer a number of characteristics from a

person’s biological motion, including his or her emotional state. See http://
www.biomotionlab.ca/Demos/BMLwalker.html.
Troje, N. F. (2002) Decomposing biological motion: A framework for analysis and synthesis of human gait patterns. Journal of
Vision, 2, 371-387. URL: https://www.biomotionlab.ca/Demos/BMLwalker.html. Prof. Dr. Nikolaus Troj/Biomotion
Lab/Queen’s University
Culture, Emotion, and Display Rules

Despite the universality of many aspects of emotion, people raised within a
specific culture show characteristics that are specific to their region (Elfenbein &
Ambady, 2003). Put simply, cultural groups have unique emotional dialects ,
or variations across cultures in how common emotions are expressed. For
example, people from North America and from Gabon (a country in West Africa)
both experience contempt. However, North Americans are more likely to lower
their brow, and Gabonese people are more likely to raise their upper lip when
expressing this emotion.
The situation or context is a major factor in determining when members of

different cultures express specific emotions. Display rules refer to the
unwritten expectations we have regarding when it is appropriate to show a
certain emotion. Think about embarrassing situations. In North America, we tend
to blush and look away when embarrassed. In Japan, on the other hand, people
tend to smile. They aren’t happy, but do their best not to show embarrassment.
Indeed, numerous studies have documented differences in display rules between
North American and Japanese individuals, often highlighting interesting and
subtle differences. For instance, imagine seeing someone displaying a highly
intense emotion such as a very happy face. You would probably assume that
their internal state was just as joyous as their face. Now, imagine that you see
someone expressing a low-intensity expression (e.g., a smile that is only 50% as
powerful as normal). How do you think that person is feeling? David Matsumoto
and his colleagues (2002) noticed that while American and Japanese
participants agreed about the person’s emotional state when viewing high-
intensity emotions, they differed when the emotions were less intense. American
participants assumed that the person was feeling the emotion less strongly.
Japanese participants, on the other hand, assumed that the person felt the
emotion strongly, but wasn’t in a position to outwardly express that intensity. In
other words, the Japanese participants were assuming that the person being
photographed was obeying particular display rules that limited his or her
expressiveness (Matsumoto et al., 2002).
Culture-specific display rules such as these can be found the world over and
show us that we need to be cautious about over-generalizing the meaning of
different displays of emotions (Elfenbein et al., 2007). It remains to be seen
whether the worldwide use of programs like Facebook, Snapchat, and Instagram
will reduce cultural differences in display rules.
Although it may seem like cultural display rules are fairly stable, they can vary
over time. A recent examination of American high school yearbook photos shows
how cultural expectations can influence how we express ourselves (Ginosar et
al., 2015). Researchers collected over 37 000 high school photographs and used
computers to create “average photos” for males and females in each decade
since 1900. As you can see in Figure 11.21 , students at the turn of the
twentieth century were expected to remain quite serious, whereas students from
the current decade (i.e., most of the readers of this book) were encouraged to
smile happily (or to fake it convincingly). In fact, if you take a trip to the portrait
gallery of any art museum, you’ll see that smiling when being photographed or
painted has only become commonplace in the last 50 years. This shows us that
our point in history, as well as our location on a map, can have a large effect on
our emotional display rules.
Figure 11.21 Averaged Photographs of Male and Female High School
Students from 1900 to the Present Decade
Why do you think people are more emotionally expressive now than they were
100 years ago? There are a number of possibilities ranging from world events, to
financial stability, to how familiar (and comfortable) people were with being
photographed.
Source: Ginosar, S., Rakelly, K., Sachs, S., Yin, B., & Efros, A.A. (2015). A century of portraits: A visual historical record of
American high school yearbooks. Figure 1 from Extreme Imaging Workshop, International Conference on Computer Vision,
ICCV.
Culture, Context, and Emotion

Understanding another person’s emotional state can also be influenced by the
context in which that emotion is being displayed. Importantly, the role that
context plays in the interpretation of others’ emotions varies across cultures.
Some cultures (e.g., Western countries) focus on the person expressing the
emotion; people in other cultures (e.g., Asian countries) tend to also pay
attention to those around the person expressing that emotion. So, do these
different ways of looking at a situation translate into differences in how people of
various cultures interpret emotions? To answer this question, psychologists
asked students from both Western and Asian universities to judge the emotion of
the central figure in the scenes depicted in Figure 11.22 . Western students
tended to focus on the facial expression of the central figure. Thus, if the
individual was smiling, they would report he was happy, and they did not
interpret his happiness with respect to how the surrounding people appeared to
feel. In contrast, Asian students interpreted the central figure’s emotion in
reference to what people in the background might be feeling (Masuda et al.,
2008). So, in the right panel of Figure 11.22 , a Westerner might report that
the central figure was happy, while an Asian person might assume that the
central figure was happy at the expense of the other people.
Figure 11.22 How is the Man in the Middle of These Pictures Feeling?
Source: Based on Masuda, T., Ellsworth, P. C., Mesquita, B., Leu, J., Tanida, S., & van de Veerdonk, E. (2008). “Placing the
face in context: Cultural differences in the perception of facial emotion.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 94,
365–381. URL: https://sites.ualberta.ca/~tmasuda/index.files/MasudaEllsworthMesquitaLeuTanidavandeVeerdonk2008.pdf.
The tendency for Asian students to focus on people in the background was
further confirmed in two different ways. First, Asian students were more accurate
than Western students in remembering whether they saw specific individuals in
the background. Also, using a device that tracks the eye movements of the
participants, the researchers discovered that Asian students spent more time
actually looking at the entire picture, rather than just the central character
(Figure 11.23 ; Masuda et al., 2008). Interestingly, a subsequent study found
that Canadian-born students with Asian ancestry acted more like North American
participants than Japanese participants (Masuda et al., 2012). Together, these
experiments show us that although the perception of emotional expressions is
universal, the interpretation of why those expressions are being displayed is very
culture-dependent.
Figure 11.23 East–West Differences in Interpreting Emotion
In comparison to Asian people, Westerners spend more time looking at the focal
individual in a scene and interpret his or her emotions without reference to
surrounding individuals (Masuda et al., 2008).
Source: Based on Masuda, T., Ellsworth, P. C., Mesquita, B., Leu, J., Tanida, S., & van de Veerdonk, E. (2008). “Placing the
face in context: Cultural differences in the perception of facial emotion.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 94,
365–381. URL: https://sites.ualberta.ca/~tmasuda/index.files/MasudaEllsworthMesquitaLeuTanidavandeVeerdonk2008.pdf.
Module 11.4c Quiz:
Expressing Emotions
Know . . .
1. A(n) refers to when it is appropriate to show a specific
emotion.
A. emotional dialect
B. display rule
C. context rule
D. display dialect
Understand . . .
2. Which of the following is an example of an emotional dialect?
A. Experiencing anger
B. Avoiding laughter in church
C. Raising one’s chin in contempt
D. Smiling as a sign of happiness
3. Which of the following is an example of a display rule?

A. Biting one’s lip in embarrassment
B. Dropping one’s jaw in surprise
C. Suppressing anger during a debate
D. Expressing happiness to a loved one
Module 11.4 Summary
11.4a Know . . . the key terminology associated with emotion.
amygdala
Cannon-Bard theory of emotion
display rules
emotion
emotional dialects
facial feedback hypothesis
James-Lange theory of emotion
two-factor theory
11.4b Understand . . . how the nervous system responds to emotions.
Our biological responses to emotions occur in many different parts of our

nervous system. Our brain has a rapid-response system involving the amygdala,
which can fire within a few hundred milliseconds. This system triggers activity in
other brain areas and influences how much attention a stimulus will receive. Our
sympathetic nervous system also responds quickly. Soon after, brain and spinal
cord areas related to movement become active in order to prepare us for a
response. Finally, frontal lobe regions examine the situation to determine
whether we should continue the emotional response or change our behaviour to
conserve energy.
11.4c Understand . . . cultural similarities and differences in emotional

expressions.
Emotions such as fear, anger, happiness, sadness, surprise, and disgust appear
to be human universals—all people experience them regardless of culture. At the
same time, we cannot completely explain human emotions without references to
cultural variation in the form of dialects and display rules.
11.4d Apply . . . your knowledge of theories of emotion to new examples.
Apply Activity
Try this exercise. Spend 10 seconds looking at the Sanskrit figure on the left in
Figure 11.24 while slowly nodding your head. Now, spend about 10 seconds
looking at the figure on the right while slowly moving your head from side to side.
Figure 11.24 Application Activity
Now, imagine that you had to choose one image to display on the wall of your
home. Which one would you choose—the one on the left or the one on the right?
What is important about this exercise is not which figure you chose; rather, it is
the application of emotion theories to the problem. Consider the facial feedback
study, and try to explain how the head movements could potentially influence
one’s preference for a symbol. This module provided examples of what
researchers have found using similar techniques.
11.4e Analyze . . . what purpose(s) do facial expressions serve?
Facial expressions allow us to show the outside world what we are feeling. But,
they serve other functions as well. For instance, facial expressions of disgust
actually restrict the amount of air entering the body, possibly to protect us from
contaminants. Expressions of fear serve to increase the amount of sensory
information available to us, thus helping us to select the more appropriate
response to that stimulus or situation.
Chapter 12 Personality
12.1 Contemporary Approaches to Personality

The Trait Perspective 492
Beyond the Big Five: The Personality of Evil? 496
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Right-Wing Authoritarianism at

the Group Level 497
Personality Traits over the Lifespan 499
Behaviourist and Social-Cognitive Perspectives 501
12.2 Cultural and Biological Approaches to Personality

Culture and Personality 506
How Genes Affect Personality 508
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: From Molecules to Personality

510
The Role of Evolution in Personality 511
The Brain and Personality 514
12.3 Psychodynamic and Humanistic Approaches to Personality

The Psychodynamic Perspective 519
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Perceiving Others as a Projective

Test 526
Alternatives to the Psychodynamic Approach 527

Module 12.1 Contemporary
Approaches to Personality
Pearson Education
Learning Objectives
12.1a Know . . . the key terminology associated with contemporary approaches
to personality.
12.1b Understand . . . the behaviourist and social-cognitive views of personality.
12.1c Apply . . . the Big Five personality traits to understand your own
personality.
12.1d Analyze . . . the personality roots of violence and prejudice.
12.1e Analyze . . . the relative roles of personality traits and psychological and
physical states in determining behaviour.
What does your living space say about you? That alphabetized bookshelf
and bathroom full of grooming products suggest conscientiousness. The
photos of Mount Everest and major European cities reveal an openness
to experiencing new and exciting things. The three pet cats and extensive
DVD collection? Possibly signs of an introverted homebody.
It might sound like we are just making assumptions here, but scientific
research backs up the notion that personality can be measured by
examining the details of our dwellings. Psychologist Sam Gosling and his
students have, with permission, closely scrutinized people’s offices and
bedrooms for clues about their personality (Gosling, 2008; Gosling et
al., 2002). Teams of seven or eight observers entered people’s bedrooms
and offices and rated the personality types of the occupants with a
standardized personality test. Not only did the observers reach close
consensus on many measures of personality, but their ratings also
matched up with how the occupants rated their own personality.
If you look around your own room, some parts of it may symbolize the
“core” of who you are, whereas others reflect less “deep,” more
superficial details about yourself. For example, your book collection and
most treasured belongings may be very revealing, but what about the
clothing strewn all over the floor? Does it mean that you are a lazy slob?
Or that you are ambitious and live a busy life? Or simply that you are
enjoying the freedom of not living with your parents? Which is more
appropriate as an explanation: the dispositional (i.e., rooted in the kind of
person you are) or the situational (i.e., external, circumstantial factors)? A
key challenge for personality psychologists is figuring out how our
personalities and circumstances work together in shaping our behaviour.
This raises many important questions, to be addressed later in this
module.
Focus Questions
1. What are the basic traits that make up human personality?
2. To what extent are our preferences, thoughts, and behaviours
determined by situational factors in- the-moment, versus more
stable personality traits?
When you say to your friend, “Yeah, our date was pretty good. They were okay,
but you know, they weren’t my kind of person,” we understand that “my kind of
person” means something. We accept that the person being described is some
“kind of person”—that they have regular patterns and ways of being. This is the
person’s personality ; their characteristic pattern of thinking, feeling, and
behaving that is unique to each individual, and remains relatively consistent over
time and situations. Psychologists have long searched for a theory of personality
that can describe and explain how people develop these patterns, because we
all want to find out what “kind of person” we are.
The Trait Perspective
If there are semi-stable patterns that differ from person to person, how can we
measure those patterns? This quest, to shine the light of science on the very
nature of our own selves, has resulted in two broad approaches to personality
measurement: the idiographic approach and the nomothetic approach.
When you try to figure out the people you know very well, you probably intuitively
adopt an idiographic approach , focusing on creating detailed descriptions of
a specific person’s unique personality characteristics. So, when you are trying to
figure out just what IS the problem with one of your friends or family members,
you build a theory of the way that they are, the way your friendship or family
history has affected them, and the weird idiosyncrasies that make them do the
things they do. In doing so, you are taking an idiographic approach.
Idiographic approaches are helpful not only for understanding yourself and your
social world, but also for examining the full range of human experience, from the
most disturbed to the healthiest and most highly functioning individuals. For
example, criminal profilers may focus on a detailed study of a serial killer in order
to help police in their investigation. At the other extreme, Abraham Maslow
wanted to understand the people who had lived up to their fullest potential, who
were in Maslow’s terms, “self- actualized.” Accordingly, Maslow performed
detailed analyses of the biographies of famous people who were widely regarded
as being wise and fully functioning (Maslow, 1970). Maslow’s findings launched
decades of work trying to uncover what makes human beings thrive and develop
to their maximum potential.
In contrast, psychologists who take a nomothetic approach examine

personality in large groups of people, with the aim of making generalizations
about personality structure. Rather than trying to understand a specific person,
psychologists taking a nomothetic approach may want to understand what
personality factors, or traits, are relevant to understanding people. For example,
wanting to know whether a certain “type” of person is more likely to exhibit a
certain behaviour pattern (e.g., are people who are extraverted more likely to
develop attentional disorders?), is a nomothetic question. Answering a question
like this requires measuring some specific variable (e.g., extraversion) and
examining whether it correlates with specific outcomes (e.g., attentional
disorders). The key to nomothetic research is to identify the important personality
traits that are related to whatever it is that you are interested in understanding.
There are many examples of nomothetic research in Canadian universities. Dr.

Gordon Flett at York University has examined personality predictors of alcohol,
drug use, and depression in university students (e.g., Flett et al., 2009;
Goldstein et al., 2009; Goldstein & Flett, 2009). Dr. Lawrence Walker at the
University of British Columbia has sought to identify the “moral personality,”
seeking the personality factors that predict courage and heroism (Walker &
Frimer, 2007; Walker et al., 2010). Dr. Jacob Hirsh at the Rotman School of
Management in Toronto has examined the personality predictors of pro-
environmental motivations (Hirsh, 2010; Hirsh & Dolderman, 2007). Taking a
nomothetic approach allows psychologists to examine what types of people are
more or less likely to engage in certain behaviours, which is an important step
toward being able to reduce undesired behaviours or more effectively promote
desired ones.
Early Trait Research

So, who are you anyway? What kind of person are you? Try to answer these
questions. Seriously—stop reading right now, take out a piece of paper, and try
to describe the kind of person you are. Write down “I am . . .” and complete the
sentence 10 times.
Now take a look at your list. If you’re like most people, your list probably has
quite a few personality traits—words like extraverted or introverted, funny,
ambitious, lazy, anxious, or easy-going. A personality trait describes a
specific psychological characteristic that makes up part of a person’s personality;
how that person is “most of the time.” Trait descriptors are useful as shortcuts to
understanding people. Traits summarize a great deal of information about a
person and help to predict how that person will behave across a range of
situations. For example, an “extraverted” person is more likely to be comfortable
in social situations, go to parties, and have a large number of friends than
someone who is “introverted.”
As you can imagine, many different traits could be used to describe people, such
as “shy,” “cheerful,” “outgoing,” and “adventurous.” The first systematic attempt
to identify all possible traits (in the English language) was made in the 1930s by
Gordon Allport, who tallied nearly 18 000 English words that could be used to
describe an individual’s physical and psychological attributes (Allport & Odbert,
1936). (Perhaps Allport himself would be described as “patient,” “methodical,”
and “weird to talk to at a party.”) Allport then developed a theory of personality
structure by organizing these words into traits, launching a strong trend in
personality psychology that continues to this day—attempting to identify and
measure the key personality traits.
To accomplish this, trait researchers have devised many different types of

personality “scales.” Some, like the ones used in psychology research and
described later in this chapter, are rigorously evaluated. Others, like the ones
you find in popular magazines, are of questionable value. For example,
Cosmopolitan regularly includes personality scales in which you can discover all
sorts of things about yourself; while it is possible that Cosmo has a team of
highly qualified psychologists rigorously designing these scales, we do not
recommend that you base your life decisions on your results to the “Are You
Enough of a Bad Girl?” quiz.
It is clear that people love to know what “kind” of person they are. However, it is
often easier to make people believe that you are measuring their personality than
it is to actually measure it. In fact, it is remarkably easy for people to be
convinced that a personality profile describes them well. This can occur even
when the profile is patently false and was not generated to describe them at all.
This is popularly known as “the Barnum effect,” after the circus showman P. T.
Barnum, due to his apparent statement “there’s a sucker born every minute.”
(Ironically, P. T. Barnum never actually said this quote, which is widely attributed
to him [Saxon, 1989].) The Barnum effect hearkens back to the late 1940s, when
psychologist Bertram Forer gave research participants a personality test and
then generated a personality description that subjects believed was based on
their test responses. Even though all participants were given exactly the same
personality description, they found the profile to be highly convincing and
descriptive of them as an individual. When asked to rate how well the profile
described them, on a scale ranging from 0 (very poor) to 5 (excellent), the
average rating was an impressive 4.26 (Forer, 1949)!
As you can see from the profile Forer used (see Table 12.1 ), the statements
were fairly general and most of them could apply to most people, at least some
of the time. It is easy for people to see themselves in statements such as “While
you have some personality weaknesses, you are generally able to compensate
for them,” and of course, just about everybody tends to be extraverted
sometimes and introverted other times, or to have unrealistic goals. The Barnum
effect may be a key reason why personality tests of questionable validity (as well
as horoscopes, astrologers, psychics, and the like) are so widely believed.
Table 12.1 Bertram Forer’s Personality Profile

Source: Forer, B. R. (1949). The fallacy of personal validation: A classroom demonstration of gullibility. Journal of Abnormal
and Social Psychology, 44, 118–123.

Forer provided the following profile to all of the participants in his study, regardless of
their answers on a personality test.
You have a great need for other people to like and admire you. You have a tendency to
be critical of yourself. You have a great deal of unused capacity that you have not
turned to your advantage. While you have some personality weaknesses, you are
generally able to compensate for them. Your sexual adjustment has presented
problems for you. Disciplined and self-controlled outside, you tend to be worried and
insecure inside. At times you have serious doubts as to whether you have made the
right decision or done the right thing. You prefer a certain amount of change and variety
and become dissatisfied when hemmed in by restrictions and limitations. You pride
yourself as an independent thinker and do not accept others’ statements without
satisfactory proof. You have found it unwise to be too frank in revealing yourself to
others. At times you are extraverted, affable, sociable, while at other times you are
introverted, wary, and reserved. Some of your aspirations tend to be pretty unrealistic.
Security is one of your major goals in life.
In contrast, rigorous empirical research over the past several decades has
narrowed the many potential personality traits into a small number of factors. The
statistical technique called factor analysis is used to group items that people
respond to similarly; for instance, the terms friendly, warm, and kind have similar
meanings, and can be grouped in a cluster, referred to as a factor.
The Five Factor Model

Using factor analysis, psychologist Raymond Cattell (1946) narrowed the list of
key personality traits to 16, thereby simplifying and standardizing the number of
dimensions psychologists needed to describe the composition of personality.
Forty years later, McCrae and Costa (1987) created the Five Factor Model
(FFM) , a trait-based theory of personality based on the finding that personality
can be described using five major dimensions; this model has become the most
popular trait-based approach for academic personality researchers, and has
been cited in hundreds of research articles.
To understand the Big Five traits, consider what characteristics are associated
with people high and low on that trait. These are the “kinds of people” described
by each trait (see Figure 12.1 ).
Figure 12.1 The Big Five Personality Dimensions

A widely used measure of personality is the NEO-PI-R. Individuals rate
themselves on multiple questions that reflect the traits of openness,
conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, and neuroticism. (To help you
remember the Big Five, note that the first letters of the traits spell out OCEAN.)
Source: Based on McCrae, R. R., & Costa, P. (1987). Validation of the Five-Factor Model of personality across instruments
and observers. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 52 (1), 81–90.
Openness
Individuals high in openness (high Os) are the dreamers and creative types; they
tend to be more “open” to new things—ideas, opinions, and perspectives that
differ from theirs, and new ways of seeing a problem that they had not
considered. They are more open to new experiences, tending to be curious and
appreciative of art and unusual ideas. As a result, they often hold beliefs that
would be considered “unconventional.” High Os are also likely to think more
abstractly and to be more sensitively aware of their emotions.
Individuals low in openness (low Os) are the defenders of the system, preferring
the conventional, the tried and true. They avoid the unknown and find security in
the known. They prefer things that are tangible rather than symbolic, priding
themselves on being “practical.” Low Os prefer things to be straightforward and
generally dislike subtlety and complexity. They approach new information
somewhat defensively—preferring to learn about things they already believe in,
and paying less attention to information that challenges their perspective. Low
Os tend to be resistant to change and suspicious of their emotions, placing more
emphasis on the attempt to be rational and logical.
Conscientiousness
Highly conscientious people (high Cs) are the organizers—efficient, self-

disciplined, and dependable. They are the ones who meet deadlines, plan ahead
to achieve their goals, and are comfortable with schedules and lists, although at
the expense of being flexible and spontaneous at times. High Cs are great
employees and students, tending to achieve more in their careers due to their
achievement orientation and tendency to get things done on time. They also live
longer, perhaps because they are more likely to engage in the positive health
behaviours (e.g., eating well and exercising regularly) that the less conscientious
among us never quite get around to doing. . . .
Low Cs are the easy-going ones, fun to hang out with, but not so great as
collaborators on a project. Low Cs tend to be disorganized, careless with details,
and have difficulty meeting deadlines. Although they may want to perform well at
a task, they have difficulty disciplining themselves enough to actually get things
done. Low Cs feel uncomfortable with schedules and detailed plans, preferring to
“be in the moment.” Although low Cs suffer somewhat in life due to their lack of
self-discipline, they benefit by not being as stressed about details and being able
to still enjoy themselves when things don’t go according to plan.
Extraversion
Extraverts (high Es) are the socializers and sensation seekers. They are
comfortable in more stimulating environments, and thus love the company of
others, being seen as outgoing and energetic. Extraverts tend to be more
assertive, talkative, and enthusiastic, preferring high levels of stimulation and
excitement much of the time. They are fun to be around, but sometimes take
things too far, as their love of stimulation puts them at higher risk for dangerous
activities such as substance abuse.
Introverts (low Es) are the quiet ones. Although they like social contact, introverts
also need time for solitary activities and “recharging their batteries.” They can be
overwhelmed by the high levels of stimulation preferred by extraverts, so while
the extraverts party it up and compete for all the attention, the introverts sit on
the couch in the corner having great conversations with a friend or two. Introverts
tend to be more cautious and reserved, and they are great when you need
someone to really talk to.
Agreeableness
Highly agreeable people (high As) are warm and friendly people who are easy to
like, easy to be friends with, and easy to have as part of your group. They are
kind, compassionate, and empathetic, and tend to be helpful and altruistic. They
place strong value on getting along with people and are generally willing to put
their own interests aside in order to please others or avoid conflict. Agreeable
people are the ones who make it really hard to choose what movie to watch,
because they always want to know what movie you want to watch. . . . As you
might expect, they make great team members, but their leadership skills often
suffer because they are unwilling to assert their opinion.
Low As are the type who “put themselves first.” They value being authentic more
than pandering to other people’s needs, making them more likely to assert their
opinions and engage in conflict if necessary. Low As suffer socially somewhat,
as they tend to be seen as cold, unfriendly, uncooperative, and unkind. They are
often skeptical of other people’s motives, and tend to be less trusting of human
nature in general. As you might expect, low As don’t experience much empathy,
and tend to be self-interested rather than altruistic.
Neuroticism
To be called “neurotic” is not generally considered a compliment. Indeed, people

high in neuroticism (high Ns) are often difficult to deal with, as their emotional
volatility and general tendency to experience negative emotions makes them not
much fun to be around. High Ns tend to be quite sensitive and experience strong
reactions to stressful situations; as a result, they often interpret situations as
overly threatening and magnify small frustrations into major problems. When
they experience negative emotions, they have difficulty relaxing and “letting go”
of their negative feelings, which makes these feelings persist, and persist, and
persist. As a result of their difficulties regulating negative emotions, high Ns are
the most vulnerable to anxiety and depressive disorders.
Low Ns, on the other hand, are the prototypical mentally healthy people. They
tend to be secure and confident, and let go of negative emotions easily. Rather
than blowing things out of proportion, the low Ns take the good with the bad, and
deal with problems as they arise, but feel no need to create problems where
there aren’t any, or to obsessively look for problems until they find them. Low Ns
are excellent at managing their emotions, and are regarded by others as “stable.”
Taken together, the Big Five factors are extremely useful for understanding
people’s behaviours, thoughts, and emotions, and predicting why people do the
things that they do. Nevertheless, despite the usefulness of the Big Five,
psychologists often find that there are other personality traits, outside of the Big
Five, that are useful for understanding certain things, such as why people do
things that are “evil.”
Module 12.1a Quiz:

The Trait Perspective
Know . . .
1. Which of the following statements best describes the difference between
the nomothetic and idiographic approaches to personality?
A. The nomothetic approach focuses on traits found across large
groups, whereas the idiographic approach focuses on individuals.
B. The idiographic approach focuses on traits found across large
groups, whereas the nomothetic approach focuses on individuals.
C. The idiographic approach relies on measures such as the Big
Five, whereas the Big Five is of no use to a nomothetic approach.
D. The idiographic approach allows psychologists to ask questions
about the genetic and cultural basis of personality traits.
Understand . . .
2. is the Big Five factor that will likely have the greatest influence
on whether you get along with the people you work with.
A. Agreeableness
B. Extraversion
C. Openness
D. Neuroticism
Apply . . .
3. You are the type of person who tends to go to the same restaurant and
order the same thing, sticking to your daily routine. You have even turned
down opportunities to travel to new destinations. Which of the Big Five
factors best relates to this description of your personality?
A. Agreeableness
B. Conscientiousness
C. Openness
D. Neuroticism
Beyond the Big Five: The Personality of Evil?

Most people struggle when they think about truly destructive human behaviours:
child abuse, wartime atrocities, the Holocaust, 9/11. The more horror we allow
ourselves to contemplate, the more we must ask why? Why do people do such
terrible things?
Following World War II, such questions were a major focus in personality
psychology, as the world wanted to understand the rise of fascism and Hitler’s
ability to mobilize millions of people to carry out his plans of destruction. Early
research by Theodore Adorno suggested that a key personality type, the
authoritarian personality, was a big piece of the puzzle. Authoritarians were
theorized to be rigid and dogmatic in their thinking, to separate their social world
into strict categories of Us and Them, and then to believe strongly in the
superiority of Us and the inferiority of Them. As a result, authoritarians were
more likely to endorse and engage in prejudice and violence, particularly toward
people in the “them” category (Adorno et al., 1950). Although there is some
overlap between this construct and other, related personality factors (e.g.,
openness to experience), over the past several decades, personality researchers
have discovered important personality traits that extend the Five Factor Model
and help to shed light on the problem of human “evil.” Three lines of research are
particularly important.
Honesty–Humility
First, Michael Ashton at Brock University and his colleagues have developed the
HEXACO model of personality , a six-factor theory that generally replicates
the five factors of the FFM and adds one additional factor: Honesty–Humility.
Individuals scoring highly on this factor (high HHs) tend to be sincere, honest,
and modest, whereas those with low scores (low HHs) are deceitful, greedy, and
pompous (Ashton & Lee, 2007). Whereas high HHs are more likely to perform
altruistic, pro-social behaviours, low HHs harbour more selfish, anti-social, and
violent tendencies (Ashton & Lee, 2008; de Vries & van Kampen, 2010), being
more likely to “do whatever it takes” to get what they want, to manipulate others,
and to break the rules (Bourdage et al., 2007). Interestingly, low HHs feel a
strong sense of self-importance and a feeling of entitlement, like they deserve to
have their desires fulfilled. Thus, the HEXACO model seems to describe “evil” as
heavily involving an excessive importance placed on the self, and none placed
on the other (except in terms of how the other can be used to further the goals of
the self).
The Dark Triad

A different set of research studies conducted at the University of British
Columbia has uncovered three traits that are believed to be central to
understanding the personality roots of evil. This Dark Triad —
Machiavellianism, psychopathy, and narcissism—describe a person who is
socially destructive, aggressive, dishonest, and likely to commit harm in general
(Paulhus & Williams, 2002). Taken together, these traits also describe a person
who gives excessive importance to the self, and little to no importance to others.
Machiavellianism is a tendency to use people and to be manipulative and

deceitful, lacking respect for others and focusing predominantly on one’s own
self-interest. Relationships are approached strategically, using other people for
how they might be able to provide some sort of benefit to the self.
Psychopathy is a general tendency toward having shallow emotional responses.

Individuals scoring high in psychopathy veer toward highly stimulating activities
and tend to feel little empathy for others. They often get a thrill out of conflict,
exerting control, or even harming others, and feel little remorse for their actions.
Narcissism reflects an egotistical preoccupation with self-image and an

excessive sense of self-importance. The extreme narcissist is “full of himself” (or
herself). In Greek legend, the hunter Narcissus was filled with excessive pride
and adoration toward himself. This was his fatal flaw, however, as he was so
transfixed by his own gaze reflecting in a pool of water that he died by the
poolside, still staring at his reflection. Narcissists can often be charming, but are
difficult to have as relationship partners because they tend to always put
themselves first rather than considering their partner’s needs.
Considering these traits separately yields some important insights; for example,
people high on different traits may become aggressive for different reasons
(Jones & Paulhus, 2010). But their real power comes when you consider them
all together. The convergence of these three factors, the Dark Triad, strongly
predicts anti-social tendencies. People who score highly on all three of the Dark
Triad traits are substantially more likely to commit harm to others, having little
empathy or other constraints to prevent them from doing so.
Right-Wing Authoritarianism
In a third line of research, Bob Altemeyer at the University of Manitoba has
identified Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) as a problematic set of
personality characteristics that also predisposes people to certain types of violent
or anti-social tendencies. RWA involves three key tendencies:
1. obeying orders and deferring to the established authorities in a society;

2. supporting aggression against those who dissent or differ from the
established social order; and
3. believing strongly in maintaining the existing social order (Altemeyer,
1996).
At the centre of the RWA personality is a strong tendency to think in dogmatic

terms, where, metaphorically speaking, everything is either black or white, with
no shades of grey. RWAs tend to hold strong beliefs and are highly resistant to
changing them (Altemeyer, 1996). They are generally more prejudiced, tending
to negatively judge people who hold different perspectives from them (see
Module 13.2 ). As a result, RWAs are likely to advocate a harsh stance toward
people who deviate from the established social order, such as political activists,
feminists, atheists, and members of ethnic minorities (Goodman & Moradi,
2008; Haddock et al., 1993; Narby et al., 1993). Given their unquestioning
acceptance of authority figures, high RWAs are more likely to agree with
unethical decisions made by leaders (Son Hing et al., 2007), and to have
positive attitudes toward corrupt governments (Altemeyer, 1996).
As a result of these tendencies, high RWA individuals were likely instrumental in

the rise of fascism that led to World War II, and will likely play important roles in
the repressive dictatorships, destructive business practices, and unhealthy family
structures of the future.
The theory of Right-Wing Authoritarianism also shares with the previous two
theories an emphasis on people placing excessive emphasis on their own self-
importance. In the case of RWA, this manifests as excessive certainty and
unwavering conviction in one’s personal opinions, coupled with strong in-group
favouritism and beliefs that are prejudiced and derogatory towards members of
other “out-groups.”
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Right-Wing

Authoritarianism at the Group Level
What do we know about RWA?

As we discussed above, personality researchers have identified
RWA as a cluster of characteristics that make society a less
warm and friendly place, being related to generally harmful
tendencies such as holding prejudiced views against other
groups and an excessive and closed-minded allegiance to
societal conventions. It’s relatively easy to imagine how people
who are high in RWA might end up behaving in social situations.
But it’s another thing entirely to consider what could happen in
situations involving lots of people high in RWA. When a group of
closed-minded, prejudiced, violence-prone individuals get
together, what could possibly go wrong?
How can science determine how RWA affects groups?
In one fascinating and highly disturbing study, Altemeyer (1996)
selected high- and low-RWA participants to play a complex role-
playing simulation of the Earth’s future, called the Global Change
Game. This game is generally played by 50–70 people who are
organized into groups that represent different regions of the
world; these groups then make decisions about how their region
behaves on the international stage. For example, participants
decide how their region will deal with problems such as
environmental degradation, poverty, overpopulation, and military
threats. The simulated conditions of the Earth change depending
on the actions of the players, thus providing a fairly realistic
simulation of the challenges of governance in the international
community.
In order to test how RWAs play the game, Altemeyer ran through
the game two times, once with 67 individuals who scored very
low on the RWA scale, and once with 68 people who scored very
high. Each simulation covered 40 years of time into Earth’s
future. The results were, frankly, astonishing.
In the low-RWA group, there were no wars or military build-up

over the 40-year time period. Instead, regions steadily downsized
their militaries and diverted the money into humanitarian and
environmental projects. They also collectively resolved
challenges through international meetings and cooperation. At
one point, a global crisis occurred due to a threat to the Earth’s
ozone layer; players responded by holding a group meeting, and
agreeing to make large investments in technology development
so that they could collectively solve the problem. By the end of
the game, food, health services, and jobs were provided for
almost all people on Earth, resulting in a peaceful, stable world.
In the high-RWA group, players tended to interpret the actions of

others as aggressive and responded in kind. Militaries quickly
grew and war ensued, leading to a global nuclear war that wiped
out every human being on the planet. At this point, the players
were given a second chance to play, starting at a point prior to
the nuclear war. Despite having the chance to learn from their
earlier mistakes, the players nevertheless were incapable of
getting along with each other. When the ozone crisis occurred, no
international summit was called and only one region took action
to avert the crisis. Instead of cooperation, players remained
suspicious of each other and rapidly developed their militaries.
One major military conflict killed 400 million people, and players
poured so much money into military expenses that devastating
social and environmental problems were never dealt with. At the
end of the 40-year period, the world was again divided into armed
camps on the brink of all-out war.
At the very least, this simulation suggests that we have to

consider not only how factors like RWA operate in isolation, but
how they operate in interaction with other people in real
situations. Studying how personality characteristics operate on
more collective scales is a major new frontier for the personality
field that needs further exploration. It also suggests that we need
to think carefully, as a society, about the personality
characteristics of the people we allow into positions of power.
Because these simulations suggest quite strongly that if several
highly authoritarian leaders ended up in some sort of conflict,
they may be highly prone to escalating conflicts to acts of
extreme violence.

There are several methodological limitations to this study that
should be taken into consideration when evaluating the findings.
First, there are external validity concerns; for example, playing a
game with no real consequences does not necessarily indicate
how people would respond in a real-life situation. It is possible
that in a real situation, people would be more sensitive to the
consequences of their actions and would not be so willing to risk
human lives. Furthermore, the simulations were only performed
on one night with each group; therefore, results could have been
due to chance factors, such as particular individuals having a
strong impact on the outcomes. Also, because only university
students participated in the study, the results may not generalize
to the rest of the population. Obviously, this was not a highly
controlled set of studies, and the findings must therefore be
interpreted very cautiously. However, as a case study of this
particular type of competitive circumstance involving high- and
low-RWAs, the results remain quite alarming and suggestive.

This research illustrates the highly destructive impact that
authoritarian personalities may have in group settings, and it
sounds a clear bell of warning in the 21st century. We are living in
a time in which our world faces unprecedented challenges that
require international cooperation, yet intolerance and intergroup
hostilities are rampant and ideological fundamentalism and
fanaticism heavily influence politics in many countries. Greater
understanding of the potential roots of intergroup hostility in
individuals’ personalities is urgently needed at this time.
Module 12.1b Quiz:
Beyond the Big Five: The Personality of Evil?
Know . . .
1. How does the HEXACO model of personality differ from the Big Five
factors?
A. HEXACO is a nomothetic model whereas the Big Five is an
idiographic model.
B. The Big Five model includes five traits whereas the HEXACO
model explains personality using three traits.
C. HEXACO is the only personality theory to include psychopathy.
D. HEXACO includes a sixth personality trait: honesty–humility.
Understand . . .
2. One reason for going beyond the Big Five, such as the three lines of
research on Honesty–Humility, the Dark Triad, and Right-Wing
Authoritarianism, is
A. they predict anti-social tendencies, such as violence and
prejudice, better than the Big Five traits.
B. they are idiographic approaches, which supplement the
nomothetic approach taken in the Five Factor Model.
C. these three theories account for states and situational factors,
whereas the Big Five does not.
D. these three theories can be used to diagnose personality
disorders that could justify preventative action, such as
incarcerating “dangerous” personalities before they are able to
commit any crimes and cause harm to others.
Apply . . .
3. Lisa and Elaine work at the same place and were both being considered
for a promotion. In order secure the promotion for herself, Lisa told her
bosses lies about Elaine being selfish and difficult to work with. As a
result, Elaine did not receive the promotion. Lisa’s behaviour is an
example of which personality trait?
A. Machiavellianism
B. Psychopathy
C. Neuroticism
D. Humility
Personality Traits over the Lifespan

Have you ever looked back on something you wrote several years ago, perhaps
in a diary or journal, and wondered, “Who was that person who wrote these
things?” Or maybe you have looked back at someone you once dated and
wondered, “Who was I when I chose to date that person? It certainly wasn’t
‘me’!” One of the most fascinating issues in personality psychology is whether we
stay basically the same, or whether our fundamental personalities change as we
age.
Temperaments
A mountain of research from different areas within psychology has revealed
considerable stability in our personalities. In fact, given the large genetic
contribution to personality factors, our personalities start even before we are
born, so could be expected to remain largely stable over time (Plomin & Caspi,
1999; Yamagata et al., 2006).
In child development studies, researchers have found that infants possess

different temperaments right from birth, which also supports the view that the
seeds of our personalities are present right from the start. Infants display their
temperamental differences along dimensions such as activity level, mood,
attention span, and distractibility (Rothbart & Bates, 2006; Thomas & Chess,
1977). As most parents with multiple children can attest, kids come “hard-wired”
to be a certain way. Some infants are generally active and happy, whereas
others are more tranquil, and still others are easily upset. So, if you’re a parent
pulling your hair out with your chronically distressed child who seems impossible
to deal with, don’t judge yourself too harshly. Remind yourself that infants have
different temperaments and your power as a parent is small compared to the
power of their genes.
Thus, temperament seems to represent an innate, biological foundation upon

which personality is built. This, combined with the genetic research, suggests
that personality traits should be stable over time. To some extent, research
confirms that this is the case: Infant temperament predicts the adult personality
traits of neuroticism, extraversion, and conscientiousness (Evans & Rothbart,
2007).
One amazing study that followed the same children from age 3 until adulthood
showed that temperament at 3 years of age was strongly predictive of
behavioural tendencies, personality, and life outcomes many years later (Caspi,
2000). Three main temperaments were identified: well-adjusted (capable of self-
control, confident, not overly upset by new people or situations); under-controlled
(impulsive, restless, distractible, emotionally volatile); and inhibited (socially
uncomfortable, fearful, easily upset by strangers). Just over 10 years later,
children of different temperaments had developed quite different behaviour
patterns. The under-controlled children (relative to the other groups) had become
the most likely to engage in externalizing behaviours (fighting, lying, disobeying),
whereas the inhibited children developed mainly internalizing behaviour patterns
(e.g., worrying, crying easily). By age 18, their emerging adult personalities were
reflections of their temperaments at age 3.
Is Personality Stable Over Time?

There are a number of factors—both behavioural and biological—that make
personality stable over time. Personality processes tend to become self-
perpetuating; personality traits that lead to behaviours that receive positive
reinforcement are more likely to become stable characteristics of that individual
(Heatherton & Weinberger, 1994). As an example, take the personality factor of
conscientiousness. As we discussed earlier, highly conscientious people will
tend to be organized, punctual, and dependable; they are therefore more likely to
succeed, be respected by others, and create professional opportunities for
themselves. As they experience success, this feeds back to reinforce those
qualities.
You can also understand how “personality is destiny” by considering the basic
insight of neuroscience: neurons that fire together wire together. Thus, we know
that the more that people practise a certain skill, the more they train their brains
to be good at that skill. Similarly, the more that people practise being extraverted,
open-minded, conscientious, agreeable, or neurotic, the more they train their
brains to function in that manner. This can also be seen as a positive feedback
system; personality structures influence patterns in the person’s life and build
networks in the person’s brain in ways that reinforce themselves, leading
personality to be quite stable over time. Consistent with this view, researchers
analyzing the results of over 150 studies involving almost 50 000 participants
found that personality stability is lowest for young children and highest for people
over 50 (Roberts & DelVecchio, 2000).
However, research has also shown that personality can change, particularly in
late adolescence and early adulthood. For example, young adults tend to
experience fewer negative emotions than do adolescents, reflecting decreases in
neuroticism. Also, conscientiousness, agreeableness, and social dominance (an
aspect of extraversion) all increase in early adulthood (Roberts et al., 2006; see
Figure 12.2 ). Take a moment and consider why personalities change in these
systematic ways over time. One likely explanation is that, over time, our
environments change and so do the roles we play in those environments. For
example, adults have to be more conscientious than children because they have
so many more responsibilities—like taking care of their unconscientious children!
Over time there are many such changes—in our environments, our social roles,
the amount of choice and power we have, the sophistication of our thinking
processes, the development of our bodies and brains, and many other things—
so there may be many reasons why personalities change over time.
Figure 12.2 Personality Stability and Change over the Lifespan

Average scores of Big Five traits change over the lifespan. Generally, most traits
become more positive through adulthood, although there are anomalies. Social
dominance (an aspect of extraversion) remains stable after age 40.
Conscientiousness does not begin rising until after the college years. Openness
to experience only rises up to the college years, then remains largely stable until
old age, when it declines (Roberts et al., 2006).
Source: Based on Roberts, B., Walton, K., & Viechtbauer, W. (2006). Patterns of mean-level change in personality traits
across the life-course: A meta-analysis of longitudinal studies. Psychological Bulletin, 132 (1), 1–25.
Nevertheless, even these data describe a kind of personality stability, in that

although people’s personality traits may fluctuate over time, their rank ordering in
the population remains very stable. That is, people who are more extraverted
than others at time one also tend to be more extraverted than others at time two,
even though the overall level of extraversion may change over that time period
(McCrae & Costa, 1990).
Personality Traits and States

Trait labels may go a long way toward describing what people are like. However,
many psychologists are quick to point out that no matter how useful traits may
seem, people’s behaviour is also determined by situational factors and context.
You may know someone whom you would describe as very calm and tranquil,
yet one day he curses and screams at other drivers on the road. In contrast to a
personality trait, a state is a temporary physical or psychological engagement
that influences behaviour. Perhaps your normally calm friend lashed out at other
drivers on the road because he was criticized earlier that day or made a mistake
that made him feel foolish, and so he was defensively displacing his bad feelings
onto other people. Even people who seem highly consistent in how they express
their neuroticism, agreeableness, or extraversion will not behave in the same
way across all situations, and this observation has led to some strong criticisms
of trait theories of personality (Mischel, 1968; Mischel & Shoda, 1998).
However, we generally understand now that states and traits work together; traits
describe a person’s general personality tendencies, whereas states describe
what that person is like in specific sets of circumstances.
The specific ways in which states and situational factors interact to influence us
is a challenging topic that research has only begun to scratch the surface of. Try
to think of the number of different situations or states you find yourself in across
any average day. For example, you can be awake, asleep, or half-asleep; happy;
sad; excited; skeptical; embarrassed; confident; or unsure of yourself. You could
be having a crisis or you could be completely relaxed. The list could go on
forever—and as you might have guessed, psychologists have tried to see just
how long it goes. In one study, 77 college students were asked to describe as
many situations as they could that they might encounter. Their total reached
more than 7000. Perhaps you can now see why many psychologists would
rather focus on five personality dimensions. Fortunately, Saucier and
colleagues (2007) took these 7000 situations and reduced them to four general
aspects of situations that are most likely to influence our behaviour:
1. Locations (e.g., being at work, school, or home)

2. Associations (e.g., being with friends, alone, or with family)
3. Activities (e.g., awake, rushed, studying)
4. Subjective states (e.g., mad, sick, drunk, happy)
These situations influence how and when our personality traits are expressed.
Identifying these situations is important because they interact with personality
traits to determine our behaviour.
Module 12.1c Quiz:
Personality Traits over the Lifespan
Know . . .
1. Which of the following is not a situational factor that is likely to influence
your behaviour?
A. The location in which a behaviour is being performed
B. The degree to which you are an extravert
C. Whether you are drunk or sober
D. The people that you are with at the time
Understand . . .
2. In studies of children’s temperament, which label would most likely be
applied to children who tended to be impulsive, restless, and distractible?
A. internalized
B. well-adjusted
C. inhibited
D. under-controlled
Analyze . . .
3. Your friend, who is normally introverted, is outraged at the taxi driver who
is trying to overcharge you. He is cursing at the driver in a verbal
altercation. This event is most likely due to his .
A. temperament
B. subjective state
C. idealized self
D. Big Five personality traits
Behaviourist and Social-Cognitive

Perspectives
You probably didn’t have much trouble understanding the trait perspective to
personality; indeed, using traits to describe people is something we do regularly,
particularly in Western cultures. However, the trait approach does tend to
reinforce certain assumptions that other psychologists have called into question.
Most importantly, the trait approach reinforces the assumption that we carry our
personality characteristics around inside us; we treat traits like they are “things”
that we “have,” which then influence our thoughts, feelings, and behaviours. This
approach does not examine how personalities are influenced by our
experiences.
The Behaviourist Perspective

The behaviourist would note any identifiable patterns of behaviour and seek to
understand how that behaviour was elicited by specific environmental conditions.
Notable psychologist B. F. Skinner, for example, believed that “personality” is
simply a description of the response tendencies that occur in different situations.
For example, when with a group of people, your behavioural responses to that
situation might include dominating the conversation, asking a lot of questions,
laughing along at other people’s jokes, or generally remaining silent.
Presumably, the behaviours you engage in are based on your past experiences;
if you tend to dominate the conversation and laugh at people’s jokes, then you
were likely reinforced for those behaviours in the past. A behaviourist might note
that using the personality dimension of “extraversion” is an unnecessary addition
—it is just a label that does not help us understand the simple relationship
between stimulus and response (Figure 12.3 ).
Figure 12.3 Behavioural and Social-Cognitive Approaches to Personality

(a) Behaviourist Account of Personality. Behaviourists thought that what
psychologists call personality was an expression of relationships between
behaviour, rewards, and punishment. Behaviourists avoided referring to
personality traits and dispositions, instead focusing on how past experiences
predict future behaviours. For example, whether someone tends to be
pessimistic might be based on past experiences of feeling a lost sense of control.
(b) Reciprocal Determinism and the Social-Cognitive Approach. According
to Albert Bandura and colleagues, personality is a product of dynamic
interactions between behaviour and reinforcement, and, importantly, the beliefs,
expectancies, and dispositions of the individual.
Source: Ciccarelli, Saundra K.; White, J. Noland, Psychology: An Exploration (Subscription) 2nd Ed., ©2012. Reprinted and
The Social-Cognitive Perspective

In the mid-20th century, behaviourism gave way to the emerging social-cognitive
perspective; this had a major impact on our understanding of personality.
Specifically, the social-cognitive theorists, like Albert Bandura, placed central
importance on the role of cognition and the person’s inner subjective
interpretation of their circumstances. No longer was the individual simply an
object, affected by environmental circumstances; now the person became an
agent, actively constructing meaning out of her circumstances, and then making
choices to behave in ways that affect those circumstances. From a social-
cognitive perspective, what became clear was the relationship between the
person and the environment, plus how this relationship is bound up with the
person’s thoughts and interpretations.
According to Bandura’s social-cognitive theory, personality develops out of the

person’s interaction with the environment, but where this differs from
behaviourism is that the person ends up forming beliefs about their relationship
to the environment, especially beliefs about their own actions and the likely
consequences that will follow from their choices. For example, Bandura was
keenly interested in the concept of self-efficacy, the belief that ones’ attempts to
accomplish a specific task will be successful. People with a higher degree of self-
efficacy are far more likely to take action, especially difficult actions where the
rewards are not immediately obvious, whereas people with little self-efficacy for a
task will be unlikely to try, and will give up more easily. Thus, Bandura
emphasized how beliefs, such as self-efficacy beliefs, form out of our interactions
with the environment. These beliefs then become their own causal force,
exerting influence over our behaviours and how we interact with the
environment.
If you put all this together, you can see how Bandura saw personality as a kind of
integrated web of many different processes. His central idea was called
reciprocal determinism , based on the idea that the person and the
environment co-create each other; thus personality is what emerges from the
interactions between behaviour, internal (personal) factors, and external
(situational) factors, all of which mutually influence each other (see Figure
12.3 ). The ultimate goal of a social-cognitive perspective is to achieve a fully
holistic understanding of the person as a system of interdependent processes.
Researchers like Bandura appreciated the added insight that was encouraged by
taking a social-cognitive approach to understanding people. Focusing on
thoughts and beliefs opened up whole layers of beliefs, interpretations,
expectations, and biases for consideration. For example, examining a person’s
beliefs may reveal that they think they are worthless, that other people generally
won’t like them, that they tend to mess things up, or have other self-defeating
convictions. These beliefs may be the most important force keeping their
“personality” (i.e., their pattern of interaction with the environment) from
changing. The hope, therefore, is that by learning to change some aspects of the
social-cognitive system, such as self-defeating beliefs, the whole system can
change.
For example, imagine a person who is highly neurotic (from a trait perspective).
Knowing this may make the person want to improve and become less neurotic
and unpleasant to be around. But, this doesn’t really give much guidance as to
how to actually DO this. What is one supposed to change, in order to “be a
different person?”
A social-cognitive theorist like Bandura would take a look at the processes

through which the person seemed to express and reinforce their neuroticism.
Perhaps the person holds certain expectations, like fear-based beliefs that things
will generally turn out poorly, or that other people can’t be trusted to do the right
thing. As a result, the person feels a lot of anxiety and tries to deal with this by
controlling things around them, thus developing a pattern of being controlling,
critical, and unwilling to trust or rely on others. As you start to “unpack” this whole
system of self-reinforcing beliefs and behaviours, you find the specific factors
that could help that person change. For example, perhaps this specific person
could examine the beliefs they hold about trusting other people and identify how
these are connected to other beliefs (e.g., “I will do a better job if I do it myself”),
which in turn are connected to other beliefs (e.g., “If I mess things up, people will
be angry with me”). Through this kind of “analysis” of related beliefs, the person
uncovers specific leverage points—processes that they can change that will then
change their belief system.
Module 12.1d Quiz:
Behaviourist and Social-Cognitive Perspectives
Know . . .
1. Which of the following concepts developed by Bandura refers to
interactions that occur among behaviour, internal factors, and external
factors as an explanation for personality?
A. Reciprocal determinism
B. Positive psychology
C. Intersubjectivity
D. Egocentrism
Understand . . .
2. Kaitlin describes herself as unmotivated. She has not felt rewarded by
her attempts to succeed at school or work and, therefore, has given up
trying. How might a psychologist who adopts a strict behaviourist
approach account for Kaitlin’s behaviour?
A. Kaitlin believes that she cannot succeed and, therefore, avoids
putting herself in situations where she might fail.
B. Kaitlin has a history of not being reinforced for trying to succeed
and, therefore, has stopped trying.
C. Kaitlin focuses too much on negatives and does not have a
positive outlook on life.
D. Kaitlin has low levels of the trait known as extraversion.
Analyze . . .
3. Alternative approaches to personality such as the behaviourist and
cognitive approaches complement trait theories of personality because
A. these alternative approaches help to account for how traits
interact with behaviour and personal experience.
B. trait theories focus on the negatives of personality.
C. it is easier to observe behaviour than to ask someone to fill out a
personality inventory.
D. trait theories focus only on the positive aspects of personality.
Module 12.1 Summary

12.1a Know . . . the key terminology associated with contemporary
approaches to personality.
the Dark Triad
factor analysis
Five Factor Model (FFM)
HEXACO model of personality
idiographic approach
nomothetic approach
personality
personality trait
reciprocal determinism
Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA)
state
12.1b Understand . . . the behaviourist and social-cognitive views of

personality.
A strict behavioural account of personality identifies the stimuli that control a
person’s responses. From a behaviourist perspective, there is little need for trait
terminology, such as neuroticism or conscientiousness, and no reference to
cognitive factors such as beliefs or thoughts. The social-cognitive approach to
personality instead emphasizes that situations, behaviours, and thoughts
reciprocally determine each other.
12.1c Apply . . . the Big Five personality traits to understand your own
personality.
Psychologists usually describe individuals based on their scores on personality

tests involving the Big Five traits, such that someone might rate high, medium, or
low on each trait.
Apply Activity
Use Table 12.2 on page 504 to describe your own personality in terms of the
Big Five, and cite examples of specific behaviours and habits that correspond to
each trait. Before you begin this exercise, review Figure 12.1 , which outlines
some of the major characteristics of high and low scores on each of the five
factors.
Table 12.2 Applying the Five Factor Model

For each trait, try to determine if you would score low, medium, or high if you
were to complete a test based on the Five Factor Model. Cite specific examples
of behaviours and preferences that support your ranking.
Factor Low / Medium / High Specific Examples
Openness
Conscientiousness
Extraversion
Agreeableness
Neuroticism
12.1d Analyze . . . the personality roots of violence and prejudice.
Canadian researchers have identified three sets of factors that predict violence
and prejudice that are not fully captured by the Five Factor Model. The first is the
Honesty–Humility dimension of the HEXACO model of personality. The second
is the Dark Triad of psychopathy, Machiavellianism, and narcissism. The third is
Right-Wing Authoritarianism. Research has found that these traits predict many
dysfunctional patterns of thoughts, emotions, and behaviours. Understanding the
causal underpinnings of these traits and developing strategies to help individuals
with such personality traits would be a key advance in promoting a healthier and
more peaceful society.
12.1e Analyze . . . the relative roles of personality traits and psychological

and physical states in determining behaviour.
The debate over whether personality traits influence behaviour or whether

situational factors play a bigger role in behaviour is ongoing in the field of
personality psychology. In reality, both sets of factors are important. Personality
traits can be remarkably consistent, yet the situations we find ourselves in can
lead to unexpected behaviour.
Module 12.2 Cultural and
Biological Approaches to
Personality
Christopher Futcher/E+/Getty Images
Learning Objectives
12.2a Know . . . the key terminology associated with cultural and biological
approaches to personality.
12.2b Understand . . . how evolutionary theories explain personality.
12.2c Apply . . . your knowledge to understand how arousal is related to
extraversion.
12.2d Analyze . . . claims that males and females have fundamentally different
personalities.
12.2e Analyze . . . the genetic basis of personality.
Apparently, if you’re travelling abroad, it is a good idea to sew a

Canadian flag somewhere onto your backpack. The reason is that people
in most parts of the world, people believe that Canadians are generally
nice, polite, and friendly. So, wearing the maple leaf should elicit positive
responses from other people.
Are these beliefs about Canadians true? Obviously, there are all sorts of
different people living in a country. Nevertheless, there does often seem
to be a kind of “national character,” doesn’t there? Just try this—imagine
the prototypical Swedish person. Now notice what came to your mind.
The manic Swedish chef? Icy blond supermodels drinking vodka in a
snowbank and looking at you with cool disdain? Now imagine a British
person. Japanese? Australian? Iraqi? Jamaican? Did you find that
specific types of people popped into your head for each example?
Whether we endorse specific stereotypes or not, we certainly have
absorbed basic sets of beliefs about people from different cultures, and
they tend to come to our minds. But are these ideas accurate? Is there
such a thing as “national character” that applies to entire populations?
These questions are extremely interesting but unfortunately, we don’t yet

have all the answers. Personality psychologists are extensively studying
cultural differences and similarities in personality and are working to
understand how broad cultural forces interact with other factors to give
rise to our personalities. In this module, we will explore the convergence
of cross-cultural, evolutionary, and biological perspectives. By the end,
we will have a better understanding of how these factors interact.
Focus Questions
1. Does culture influence the types of personality traits we find
across human societies?
2. How do evolutionary and biological approaches add to our
understanding of personality?
Culture and Personality
Would you say Americans are WEIRD? It’s okay, don’t feel uncomfortable; this is
a bit of a trick question. In this particular case, “WEIRD” stands for “Western,
Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic.” So yes, it would be fair to say
that, on average, people from several different cultures are WEIRD—Canadians,
Western Europeans, Australians, and definitely Americans (Henrich et al.,
2010).
So, why does this matter? Consider this: Do you think there are any major
differences between people who are WEIRD and people who are not? Of course
there are. An “average” Torontonian likely would have very little in common with
an “average” rural Mongolian farmer, for example.
Now consider that almost everything you know about psychology is based on
studying people from WEIRD cultures. One study conducted at the University of
British Columbia showed that 96% of psychology studies are conducted on a
mere 12% of the population—the WEIRD ones (Henrich et al., 2010). This
means our whole “scientific” understanding of the human animal is based on
studying one specific, small, subgroup. Doesn’t that seem a little. . .weird?
At the very least, this reminds us to be cautious in applying findings from

psychology studies to the human species at large. It also means that we need to
better understand the similarities and differences between people in different
cultures. For example, in terms of personality, one starting place would be to
examine whether there are any important differences between the WEIRD and
everyone else.
Universals and Differences Across Cultures: The

Big Five
The Five Factor Model of personality centres around five personality dimensions:
neuroticism, extraversion, openness to experience, agreeableness, and
conscientiousness. However, because these factors were discovered by
researchers working in WEIRD places—the United States, Canada, and Europe
—it is possible that the Five Factor Model only accounts for personality in
WEIRD populations and may not apply to the rest of the world.
To find out whether the Big Five traits are truly universal, an enormous team of
psychologists (there were 127 authors on this single article) measured the Big
Five dimensions in more than 17 000 people speaking 28 different languages
and inhabiting 56 countries on 6 continents (they did not visit Antarctica). In all
cultures that were studied, the Big Five factors were reliably found. Despite the
many differences that may exist between cultures, the people in those cultures
do appear to share the same basic personality structures (McCrae et al., 2005;
Schmitt et al., 2007). This is an incredible finding, suggesting that the basic
systems in the human personality are, in a sense, deeper than culture. Although
individual personalities differ enormously, the basic machinery of the human
personality system seems universal.
Personality Structures in Different Cultures

The study described above is groundbreaking in its global scope, but a key
methodological challenge remains. Because the Five Factor Model was originally
created by performing a factor analysis of the personality adjectives in the
English language, the kinds of questions that are asked on Big Five
questionnaires are designed to measure the Big Five factors, and no others.
Thus, when the scale is given to people from other cultures, the scale itself
brings the biases of Western culture and the English language right along with it.
What if other languages used different types of adjectives to describe
personality? What if other cultures had different personality traits than the ones
that emerge in the West? Re-analyzing personality from different linguistic
starting points might reveal new personality factors that lie outside of the Big
Five.
Researchers have begun to address this limitation, analyzing personality

structure using personality descriptors in other languages; this work has already
revealed unique personality factors not captured in the Big Five (Heine &
Buchtel, 2009). For example, Cheung and colleagues (1996) examined
indigenous Chinese personality traits, looking for patterns among the personality
descriptors used in Chinese, rather than English. They found 26 new personality
traits in total, and when they performed a factor-analysis on all the traits including
these 26 new ones, they found a quite different structure from the Big Five.
Instead of five traits, these researchers found four: dependability, social potency,
individualism, and interpersonal relatedness. The first three traits were very
similar to three of the Big Five traits (neuroticism, extraversion, and
agreeableness, respectively), but the fourth, interpersonal relatedness, was
unique. Interpersonal relatedness is a combination of characteristics concerning
social harmony, tradition, and an emphasis on one’s social relationships. This
may reflect a distinct personality dimension in the Chinese psyche, emphasizing
the more socially interdependent nature of the self in this culture.
Other researchers have added to our multicultural understanding of personality,

analyzing the personality traits found in Filipino, Spanish, and Greek languages,
and seeking a more integrated cross-cultural theory of personality (Benet-
Martinez & John, 1998; Church, 2001; Saucier et al., 2005). Each analysis has
revealed new factors that seem to be independent of the Big Five.
Cross-cultural work on personality is still in its infancy, and clearly, many

questions remain. At this point, most psychologists would agree that the Five
Factor Model captures important and perhaps universal dimensions of
personality, but also might miss important cultural- specific qualities that can only
be understood by analyzing personality from that culture’s own perspective.
Comparing Personality Traits Between Nations
Despite the difficulties noted above, one important advantage of personality
scales that have been translated into different languages is that psychologists
can test for personality differences across cultures. Many such differences have
been found. For example, consider the countries with the highest and lowest
averages on each of the Big Five traits in Table 12.3 (Schmitt et al., 2007).
(Interestingly, Canada falls roughly in the middle in each case.)
Table 12.3 Cultural Differences in the Big Five Personality Traits

Source: Based on data from Schmitt, D. P., Allik, J., McCrae, R. R., Benet-Martinez, V., et al. (2007). The geographic
distribution of Big Five personality traits: Patterns and profiles of human self-descriptions across 56 nations. Journal of Cross-
Cultural Psychology, 38, 173–212.
Highest Lowest
Extraversion Serbia, Croatia Bangladesh, France
Openness Chile, Belgium Hong Kong, Japan
Agreeableness Jordan, Democratic Republic Japan, Lithuania

of the Congo
Conscientiousness Ethiopia, Democratic Republic Japan, South Korea

of the Congo
Neuroticism Japan, Argentina Democratic Republic of the

Congo, Slovenia
Biopsychosocial Perspectives How Culture
Shapes Our Development: Cultural
Differences in the Self

During the 2000 Olympics in Sydney, Australia, two gold-medal–winning
athletes were interviewed about their success. In explaining her success
during the race, Misty Hyman, who won the 200-metre butterfly for the
United States, said, “I think I just stayed focused. It was time to show the
world what I could do. I am just glad I was able to do it. I knew I could
beat Suzy O’Neil, deep down in my heart I believed it, and I know this
whole week the doubts kept creeping in, they were with me on the
blocks, but I just said, ‘No, this is my night.’”
In contrast, Naoko Takahashi, after winning the marathon for Japan,

said, “Here is the best coach in the world, the best manager in the world,
and all of the people who support me—all of these things were getting
together and became a gold medal. So I think I didn’t get it alone, not
only by myself” (Markus et al., 2006).
This striking example illustrates how people’s behaviour can be shaped

by broad cultural factors. Misty Hyman, from the individualistic United
States, seems to be more self-promoting, explaining her success as
being due to her own characteristics, her willpower, and belief in herself.
Naoko Takahashi, from collectivistic Japan, takes her moment of Olympic
glory as an opportunity to highlight the ways in which she was assisted
by so many people in her life, de-emphasizing her own contribution in
favour of honouring others.
Whether a culture predominantly emphasizes individualism or

collectivism has many effects on personality, affecting how people see
themselves and how they behave in many situations. Researchers have
found that when describing themselves, predominantly individualistic
people use more personal adjectives (e.g., “I am extraverted”; “I have a
good sense of humour”). Predominantly collectivistic people tend to
describe themselves more relationally, in terms of their connections to
other people (“I am a son”; “I am a sister”), and their affiliations with
specific social groups (“I am Canadian”; “I am a Trekkie”).
This difference in self-definition results in differences in the stability of

personality across different situations. The individualistic person is the
same across most situations, whereas the more collectivistic person feels
that who you are depends on who you’re with; the self that you are
emerges within a social context and is attuned to that context.
Perhaps because they define their self-concepts more rigidly,

individualistic people are more likely to be defensive in specific ways. To
the collectivistic person, the self is fluid and changeable from situation to
situation; thus there is not the same need to defend a single specific self-
concept. But to the individualist, the self is supposed to exist as a
separate “thing,” one that persists from situation to situation, and as a
result, individualists have a stronger need to maintain a positive view of
their self-concepts. Individualists are likely to emphasize their positive
qualities. And, as with Misty Hyman, when things turn out well for them,
they take most of the credit themselves. On the other hand, if the
individualist fails, they are pretty good at finding other circumstantial
factors to blame (Heine, 2003; Markus & Kitayama, 1991).
The influence of culture can even be seen in the brain. In one study
(Chiao et al., 2009), participants were put into fMRI scanners to monitor
their brain activity while they made judgments about different sentences.
In order to manipulate whether subjects were thinking of themselves in a
more individualistic or collectivistic manner, researchers asked subjects
to make different types of judgments about the sentences. For some
sentences, they judged the degree to which it described them in general
(individualistic-self task), whereas for others they judged how well it
described them when they were with their mothers (collectivistic-self
task). Amazingly, their brain scans were able to tell the difference
between individualists and collectivists. In the brain, part of the medial
prefrontal cortex is involved when processing information related to the
self. This area was most active for individualistic participants when they
were making judgments about themselves in general, whereas
collectivists showed the greatest amount of activation in this area when
making judgments about themselves in relation to their mothers. Thus, to
individualists, the individualistic task was processed by their brains as
most self-relevant, whereas for collectivists, it was the collectivistic task
that was most self-relevant.
What do these differences really mean? Do they reflect actual personality
differences between the people in those countries? Or could other things
account for the findings? Many of the personality differences do seem puzzling.
For example, why are Argentinians so neurotic, compared to people from the
Democratic Republic of the Congo? Why are the Japanese so much less
conscientious than Ethiopians? In fact, many of the findings in these large-scale
cross-cultural studies defy cultural stereotypes (Terracciano et al., 2005), and it
is a huge challenge for researchers to understand whether or not these
differences are real.
One striking cultural difference that researchers have struggled to understand is

also illustrated in Table 12.3 . Isn’t it interesting that a single country, Japan,
ranked lowest of all countries on three out of the five traits (openness,
agreeableness, and conscientiousness)? Given the general desirability of these
traits, that is a fairly critical evaluation of the Japanese personality! (The fact that
they are among the most neurotic countries makes it seem even worse.) In fact,
people from the entire South Asian part of the world rated their own personalities
relatively negatively. Are these differences real? Is such a vast swath of
humanity really so different from the rest of the world? It turns out that there may
be a different explanation for at least some of the cultural differences found in
personality studies. It is possible that people from different cultures have different
response styles —characteristic ways of responding to questions; these
response styles can be strongly influenced by cultural norms. For example, in
one culture it may be more socially acceptable to say highly positive things about
yourself, whereas in another culture the same behaviour may be considered
rude or boastful. Indeed, researchers at the University of British Columbia have
shown that there are such norms in South Asian cultures, discouraging people
from emphasizing their strengths and successes, and instead encouraging
people to be modest, humble, even self-critical (Heine, 2003; Markus &
Kitayama, 1991; Mezulis et al., 2004).
An important critique of cross-cultural research is that it may lead to an emphasis

on how cultures differ from each other, and obscure the fact that there is so
much individual diversity within a culture that the average differences between
cultures may not be that important after all. Therefore, it is important not to over-
emphasize small average differences between groups and unduly reinforce
group-based stereotypes.
Consistent with this point, the authors of the huge study discussed earlier finally
concluded that the differences found in average trait ratings in different cultures
are not sufficiently strong to justify beliefs in national character. “No convincing
evidence has demonstrated that beliefs about national character” have any basis
in fact, “despite their wide adoption and resistance to change” (Schmitt et al.,
2007). Thus, the very researchers who are looking for cross-cultural differences
in personality ended up concluding that these differences are so small that it is
misleading to think that people in different cultures are “different types of people.”
Module 12.2a Quiz:
Culture and Personality
Know . . .
1. What does the WEIRD acronym refer to?
A. Psychologists’ preoccupation with abnormal personalities
B. A single, specific group on which major perspectives and theories
of personality are based
C. A database that compiles personality profiles from people of all
walks of life
D. The application of personality to the various cultures from East
Asia
2. Psychologists have primarily relied on to measure personality

traits in other cultures.
A. behavioural observations
B. interviews
C. the Cannon-Bard theory
D. the Big Five trait theory
Analyze . . .
3. Results from applying the Big Five personality traits in other countries
reveal that
A. people all over the world are identical in the patterns of their
personality traits.
B. people all over the world are radically different in the patterns of
their personality traits.
C. there are some cross-cultural differences as well as many
similarities in the patterns of people’s personality traits.
D. the Big Five was not understood in other parts of the world
because of language translation problems.
How Genes Affect Personality
In the first part of this module, we discussed cultural influences on personality.

This topic would clearly fall on the “nurture” side of the nature–nurture
continuum. In this section of the module, we will examine personality from a
different perspective: genetics. We all know that we can inherit physical traits
from our parents. But, can you be born with your mother’s sense of humour or
your father’s agreeableness? And, is it possible to separate the contribution of
your genes from that of your upbringing?
Twin Studies
Researchers attempting to tease apart the contributions made by our genes and
our environments faced a key challenge, which was that families share not only
genes, but also many environmental factors. For example, if you were to observe
a behaviour pattern that runs in families, such as alcoholism or anxiety, you
might be tempted to conclude that because of the strong family inclination toward
this pattern, there must be genetic roots. But family members also often live in
the same home, share many experiences together, and are exposed to many of
the same stresses and other circumstances. How then do you know if the pattern
you observe is due to the shared genes or the shared environments?
The use of twins as research subjects was a brilliant way of overcoming this
challenge (see Module 3.1 ). Comparing twins who were identical
(monozygotic) to twins who were fraternal (dizygotic) allowed researchers to
estimate the influence of genetic factors on personality. Research on the Big
Five personality traits of twins has shown that identical twins show a stronger
correlation for each personality trait than do fraternal twins. The correlations for
identical twin pairs are approximately .50 for all five factors, significantly higher
than the correlations for fraternal twin pairs (who average approximately .20).
This implies that the increased similarity in the personalities of identical twins is
due to their shared genes.
But you might ask, how do researchers know that it’s the increased genetic
similarity of identical twins that is responsible for their similar personalities?
Maybe identical twins also tend to share more similar environments than
fraternal twins, and this is the reason for their personality similarity. Identical
twins are often treated in very similar ways, especially during their younger and
formative years. If this is true, then the strong correlations between identical twin
pairs might be environmentally based.
An impressive line of research directly examines this question. The Minnesota

Study of Twins Reared Apart located over 100 sets of twins and triplets who
were raised in separate households, and compared them to those raised in the
same household. Amazingly, identical twins raised in different households are
about as similar to each other as identical twins raised in the same household! In
fact, fraternal twins who are raised in the same home are actually more different
from each other than identical twins who are raised in completely different
families (Bouchard et al., 1990; Tellegen et al., 1998).
Other studies of adopted children support these findings. On average, the

personalities of adoptive parents have no influence on the personality
characteristics of their adopted children. Although it may be hard to believe,
siblings who are adopted (i.e., not genetically related) and raised in the same
household are no more similar in personality than two people picked randomly
off the street (Plomin & Caspi, 1999). The genetic influences on personality are
strong indeed (see Module 3.1 for further discussion of the genetic
contributions to behaviour).
Paula Bernstein and Elyse Schein are identical twins who were separated at
birth, and upon uniting at age 35 discovered they shared some uncanny
similarities. They were editors for their high-school newspapers, chose to study
film in university, sucked their fingers but not their thumbs as toddlers, have an
odd habit of typing into the air, and share very similar tastes in books, among
other similarities.
Zak Brian/SIPA/Newscom
It is important to note that this does not mean that parents are incapable of
influencing their children’s personality development. Obviously, parents who
abuse their children, or on the positive side, parents who put extraordinary efforts
into cultivating positive personality traits in their children, are likely to have an
impact on their children’s personalities. Knowing that a trait is statistically
associated with genetic factors tells you virtually nothing about the extent to
which a specific person could be affected by a specific set of environmental
conditions. Parents can, of course, have positive or negative influences on their
children’s development, and it is important not to deemphasize this when
examining biological and genetic studies.
One further challenge of this research is to move beyond estimating the overall
heritability of traits, and begin to uncover which specific genes are linked to
personality outcomes. New advances in gene sequencing techniques and
molecular genetics methods are allowing scientists to do just that.
Gerald Levey and Mark Newman are identical twins who were reared apart.
When they eventually met they had many similarities—for example, both chose
the same profession, loved John Wayne movies and The Three Stooges, and
had a fondness for professional wrestling.
AP Images
Working the Scientific Literacy Model From

Molecules to Personality
It’s pretty mind-blowing to know that who you are was determined
to a fair degree before you were even born, by whatever genes
you happened to inherit from your parents. Researchers are just
beginning to piece together which specific genes influence which
traits.
What do we know about specific genes and personality?

Although scientists have not identified a specific gene or genes
involved in the expression of specific personality factors, such as
neuroticism or agreeableness, they have discovered genes that
code for specific brain chemicals that, in turn, are related to
personality. For example, one of the genes that codes for
serotonin activity has been found on human chromosome 17.
Specifically, this gene codes for proteins that transport serotonin
molecules within the tiny spaces (synapses) between nerve cells.
Many of our genes are polymorphic (poly = “multiple”; morph =
“form”), meaning that there are different versions of the same
gene that lead to different physical or behavioural characteristics.
Two possible variations of the “serotonin transporter gene” have
been identified: a short copy and a long copy.
How do scientists study genes and personality?

To study genes and personality, one method is to compare
responses on self-report questionnaires of people who have
inherited different copies of a specific gene. People who inherit
short copies of the serotonin transporter gene from one or both
parents seem predisposed to anxiety, shyness, and experiencing
negative emotional reactions in interpersonal situations
(Battaglia et al., 2005; Lesch et al., 1996). However, other
researchers have suggested that these differences may depend
on which of the many different varieties of self-report
questionnaires are used (Schinka et al., 2004).
Another method for studying genes and personality is to conduct

experiments and compare the responses of people with different
copies of a gene. In one study, participants provided a hair
sample so researchers could extract DNA to determine which
combination of serotonin transporter genes they had inherited.
The participants completed a task that monitored their attentional
focus to pictures of positive (e.g., a smiling infant), negative (a
black widow spider), or neutral (a kitchen table) stimuli. Previous
research has shown that people who have problems with anxiety
focus their attention on threatening stimuli more than non-anxious
people (Bar-Haim et al., 2007). Researchers found that
participants who had inherited two long copies of the gene were
biased toward looking at positive images more frequently and for
longer periods of time. On the other hand, people who inherited
one or two short versions of the gene spent more time looking at
negative images (Figure 12.4 ; Fox et al., 2009). It seems that
inheriting short copies of this gene increases anxiety levels in
general, and seems to steer people toward giving excessive
attention to negative and threatening information.
Figure 12.4 Genes, Serotonin, and Personality
People who inherit two copies of the long version of the serotonin
transporter gene fixate on positive images and avoid looking at
negative images. People who inherit the short version of this
gene are not biased toward attending to positive imagery.

It is important to keep in mind that, in most cases, there is no
single gene causing a single outcome in a person. Most
phenomena are understood to be caused by multiple genes
interacting with the environment. At this point the general
consensus is that a vast number of genes, each of which has
only a very small effect, account for individual differences in
personality (Terracciano et al., 2010). It is also important to note
that these are correlational studies, and inferring causality from
such data is highly problematic.

Knowledge about how genes and personality are related can help
psychologists identify risk factors for developing mental disorders.
As we will see in other parts of this text, genetic studies of
personality help us better understand the biological basis of
psychological disorders such as anxiety and depression. This
work raises some interesting possibilities, such as the potential to
screen individuals to assess their risk of developing a disorder. In
turn, at-risk individuals might be better helped with early detection
and treatment. Also, knowing about the genetic underpinnings of
personality is highly informative to theorists seeking to
understand how our personality traits, and the variability of traits
across cultures, evolved in the first place.
Module 12.2b Quiz:
How Genes Affect Personality
Know . . .
1. Researchers have found that short copies of the transporter
genes make people predisposed to anxiety, shyness, and experiencing
negative emotional reactions in interpersonal situations.
A. serotonin
B. dopamine
C. norepinephrine
D. glutamate
Understand . . .
2. Even when identical twins are reared apart, they still tend to be very
similar in personality. How is this strong evidence that genes contribute to
personality?
A. Identical twins who were reared apart were most likely treated in
very similar ways.
B. The similarities remain, even though there were probably
significant differences in how the siblings were raised.
C. There are fewer similarities when twins are reared together.
D. Actually, identical twins who are raised apart show very little
similarity.
3. Which of the following statements best describes what psychologists now

know about the genetic basis of personality?
A. Hundreds of genes have been identified that are directly linked to
specific personality traits.
B. Technology is not sophisticated enough to link genes and
personality characteristics.
C. Some genes have been identified that are related to certain
aspects of personality function.
D. Genes do not contribute to personality characteristics.
The Role of Evolution in Personality
Evolutionary psychologists emphasize that our personality structures are built

right into our species because they conferred selective advantages to humans
possessing certain traits. But the human species is related to other species as
well, and so one would expect that we may share at least some aspects of our
personalities with other species.
Animal Behaviour: The Evolutionary Roots of

Personality
One compelling argument for the usefulness of the evolutionary perspective on
personality is the presence of personality traits in numerous nonhuman species.
For example, scientists have studied one particular species of bird (Parus major)
that lives in Europe and Asia. These birds display two different patterns of
behaviour when they encounter new environments, corresponding to a “fast-
exploring” or “slow-exploring” personality type. The fast-exploring types are
aggressive and bold in their exploration of new environments, and tend to rely
more on routine ways of responding to the environment rather than being
responsive to external cues. The slow-exploring types are passive, shy when
confronted with new environments, and more responsive to the external
environment, changing their behaviour more readily to suit changes in the
environment. These two personality types are known to have a strong genetic
basis. Which of the two personality types is adaptive depends on what kind of
year the birds are having. If there are limited resources, aggressive, fast-
exploring females, and timid, slow-exploring males have greater reproductive
success. In years where resources are plentiful, it is the opposite—slow-
exploring females and fast-exploring males have greater success. There are
complex reasons why males and females have personality factors that are
oppositely adaptive to the environment, but the important point is that the basic
personality dimension of aggressiveness vs. passivity is represented in these
birds and has been clearly tied to the birds’ adaptive advantage in different
environments (Dingemanse et al., 2004).
The suggestion that animals have personalities may not strike you as all that
surprising. Many people who have had close and extended experience with
animals, from farmers to pet owners, would say that animals have personalities.
For example, dog lovers don’t feel that their pet is a totally incomprehensible
beast; instead, they attribute qualities, emotions, and personality quirks that are
very “human” to the beloved animal. This may merely illustrate our tendency to
anthropomorphize the living world, seeing other species through our own
egocentric lens, but it may also reflect our shared genetic heritage with other
species.
Researchers who wish to study animal personalities face a daunting task,

particularly considering that nonhuman animals are usually not very adept at
filling out personality scales. To overcome this problem, one approach for
measuring the Big Five factors in animals was for individuals who are familiar
with the animals to rate their behaviours according to the five factors. Typically,
observers strongly agree on their ratings of extraversion and neuroticism in
animals (Gosling, 2001). In fact, several of the Big Five personality traits have
been found in a rich diversity of species—such as rhinos, primates, hedgehogs,
and even ants (Gosling, 2001)! In one study of chimpanzees, our closest
primate relatives, a list of adjectives was taken from the Big Five test and people
who were familiar with the chimpanzee subjects rated how well the adjectives
applied to each chimp on a scale of 1 to 7. Of the Big Five traits, extraversion,
conscientiousness, and agreeableness were reliably found in the chimps (Weiss
et al., 2007).
Psychologists are finding that measures of human personality are applicable to

diverse species such as hyenas, octopuses, and chimpanzees, among many
others.
Poeticpenguin/Shutterstock
Rena Schild/Shutterstock
Michael Nichols/National Geographic/ Getty Images
The presence of basic personality dimensions may be extremely widespread in

the living world; some researchers even argue you do not need a backbone to
have a personality. Researchers at the University of Lethbridge, Alberta, have
shown that octopuses show stable individual differences in measures of activity,
reactivity, and avoidance (Mather & Anderson, 1993).
Why There are So Many Different Personalities:

The Evolutionary Explanation
David Zuroff of McGill University argues that evolutionary perspectives can make
a major contribution to our understanding of personality, helping us to
understand why we acquired the specific traits that we did (Zuroff et al., 2010).
This question is left largely unaddressed by most personality theories, which
focus on content (e.g., What personality traits are there?), rather than on process
(e.g., Why do we have these traits in the first place? What functions do they
serve?).
Evolutionary perspectives can help us to understand why humans have evolved

the particular personality traits that we have. To the extent that the Big Five traits
are built right into our biology, these traits must have been selected for by being
adaptive in past evolutionary epochs, helping to promote our survival and
reproductive success.
For example, individuals high in extraversion would be more likely to rise in

social hierarchies, playing leadership and social networking roles in a
community; on the other hand, extraverts tend to be risk takers and sensation
seekers, and it would therefore be desirable to offset these qualities with a
healthy proportion of introverts in a group.
People high in conscientiousness would be reliable and dependable, and others

would learn to count on them to get things done, clearly desirable qualities in a
mate. However, the person low in conscientiousness may be an attractive
partner to mate with for other reasons, such as their spontaneity and willingness
to not always take life too seriously.
People low in neuroticism would be the emotional stalwarts of the community,
the people who didn’t crack under pressure but kept a level head and could be
counted on in crises. However, being high in neuroticism could pay off at times;
for example, groups may benefit from having some highly neurotic people
around, because they would be more attuned to danger and act as a voice of
caution to keep others from making dangerous decisions.
People high in agreeableness would be the friends who are there for you when
you need them, and they would generally help to promote harmony and solidarity
as groups work together on larger projects; whereas those low in agreeableness
may be useful for providing a critical perspective and ensuring that the group
doesn’t make rash decisions.
People high in openness would be imaginative and creative, helping to build

bridges between members of different subgroups in the community, and
challenging ideas so that the community doesn’t rigidify into dogma and closed-
mindedness. On the other hand, those low in openness may be useful for
preserving traditions and helping to identify a coherent sense of identity within
the community.
As you can see, being either high or low in each Big Five trait could be desirable,
depending on the situation. Thus, the complex blends of personality types across
society evolved because different traits were desirable in different
circumstances. Just as there are different niches to which animal species adapt
in an ecosystem, there are different social niches to which people can adapt in
society. The extravert and the introvert, the neurotic and the secure, the
conscientious and the careless gravitate toward the respective niches they best
fill.
Myths in Mind Men Are from Mars, Women
Are from Venus

Much is often made about apparent differences in how men and women
think and behave. This comparison can sometimes get stretched pretty
far, such as the implication inherent in the title of the 1992 self-help book
Men Are from Mars, Women Are from Venus (Gray, 1992). The notion
that men and women may as well be from different planets is strongly
reinforced by the popular media.
To what extent does science back up this hypothesis when it comes to

personality? On the one hand, there is strong evidence that men and
women differ on their Big Five personality ratings. Women generally
report higher levels of extraversion, conscientiousness, agreeableness,
and neuroticism than men. This finding has been noted in comparisons
made across dozens of cultures (Schmitt et al., 2008). On the other
hand, these gender differences are quite small, and are vastly
overwhelmed by the variability within each gender. In other words, there
are a lot of men who seem like they’re from Venus, and a lot of women
who seem like they’re from Mars. So, even though there is a gender
difference in personality, it is so small as to hardly allow the
characterization that men and women are fundamentally different from
each other.
In an interesting twist, however, this research also found that the gender
differences are related to economic factors. Specifically, the countries
showing the largest gender differences in personality also have greater
access to resources such as health care, education, and wealth. Men
and women in countries with fewer social and economic resources tend
to be more similar in their self-reported personality scores. This
phenomenon may occur because a lack of resources tends to constrain
the behaviours and social roles of individuals, thus making people more
similar to each other at the expense of their personal individuation. On
the other hand, abundant prosperity opens up more opportunities for
personal expression and allows individual differences to flourish (Schmitt
et al., 2008).
The conclusion seems to be that men and women do have different

personalities, on average. Nevertheless, the differences are so small that
Mars and Venus must be pretty similar places, so to speak. A good title
might sell a lot of books, but does little to inform the general public about
what scientific studies truly reveal about human behaviour.
Given that specific traits have certain strengths and weaknesses, it seems likely
that the different traits evolved because a mixture of traits with complementary
strengths and weaknesses would be advantageous at the group level, if not
necessarily at the individual level. In other words, to understand why we evolved
the traits that we did, we have to consider traits not operating in isolation but,
instead, operating at a more communal level.
Module 12.2c Quiz:
The Role of Evolution in Personality
Apply . . .
1. What is an important piece of evidence supporting an evolutionary basis
of personality?
A. Changes in personality can be seen over generations.
B. Personality traits are stable in the sense that they are common
among humans and can be found in nonhuman species.
C. Personality traits are not stable and cannot be found in
nonhuman species.
D. No valid evidence supports an evolutionary approach to
personality.
Analyze . . .
2. According to evolutionary psychologists, there is great diversity in human
personality because
A. only five personality traits could be useful for our species’
survival.
B. different traits are most adaptive in different situations.
C. a person with a diverse personality is best able to adapt to
different situations.
D. some personality traits are most adaptive for mating, whereas
others are more adaptive for survival.
3. Which of the following statements best summarizes personality
differences between men and women?
A. Averages of some traits such as extraversion and neuroticism
tend to differ between men and women, but these differences are
very small.
B. Males and females inherit separate sets of genes that cause their
differences in personality.
C. Research shows that men and women really do not differ in
personality.
D. Males are generally agreeable, whereas women are generally
conscientious.
In the final section of this module, we examine biological explanations for our
personality traits. Can differences in the volume of brain structures or the activity
of brain regions explain, at least in part, why personalities vary?
The Brain and Personality
Modern biological approaches for investigating the brain and behaviour build on
many ancient traditions of medicine that connected the mind to the body and
sought to understand the person in terms of bodily processes. For much of the
past 2000 years, Western medicine was guided by the theory of humourism ,
which explained both physical illnesses and disorders of personality as resulting
from imbalances in key fluids in the body—the four “humours.” In the late 1700s
and into the 1800s, early psychologists promoted phrenology —the theory
that personality characteristics could be assessed by carefully measuring the
shape of the skull. However, these early biological approaches have long since
fallen out of fashion, and the field has made major strides in understanding
actual biological systems that are involved in personality processes.
Extraversion and Arousal

A big step forward occurred in the mid-20th century, when researchers began
convincingly linking personality characteristics with specific brain systems. One
of the most influential pioneers in this field, Hans Eysenck (1967), proposed an
arousal theory of extraversion , arguing that extraversion is determined by
people’s threshold for arousal; according to this theory, people high in
extraversion (i.e., extraverts) have a higher threshold for arousal than people low
in extraversion (i.e., introverts). As a result, extraverts generally seek greater
amounts of stimulation, whereas introverts seek to limit the amount of stimulation
they experience so as to not become overwhelmed with excessive arousal. One
brain system, the ascending reticular activating system (ARAS) , plays a
central role in controlling this arousal response. Research on Eysenck’s ideas
has demonstrated that extraverts do have less reactive ARASs compared to
introverts. Put simply, for a given “kick,” introverts have a stronger response,
which is why introverts tend to avoid excessive stimulation, whereas extraverts
tend to seek it out.
Another influential model of the brain–personality relationship was proposed by

Jeffrey Gray, whose approach/inhibition model of motivation (Gray, 1991)
describes two major brain systems for processing rewards and punishments: the
behavioural activation system and the behavioural inhibition system.
The behavioural activation system (BAS) is a “GO” system, arousing the

person to action in the pursuit of desired goals. This system is responsive to
rewards and fairly unresponsive to possible negative consequences; greater
BAS activation therefore is associated with greater positive emotional responses
and approach motivation. The other system, the behavioural inhibition system
(BIS) , is more of a “danger” system, motivating the person to action in order
to avoid punishments or other negative outcomes. The BIS is therefore
associated with greater negative emotional responses and avoidance motivation.
Phrenologists believed that different personality traits were housed in different
regions of the brain.
Classic Image/Alamy Stock Photo
As you might expect, several of the Big Five factors are correlated with activation
of the BIS/BAS systems. The most consistent finding is that extraversion is
especially related to BAS activation, whereas neuroticism is related to BIS
activation (e.g., Gomez et al., 2000). This evidence is beginning to build at
different levels of analysis, but it takes a long time for such complex studies to
accumulate. However, just considering the link between extraversion and BAS
activation, we can see data focused on at least three different levels of analysis:
behavioural, neurochemical, and emotional. For example, extraverts tend to act
impulsively when presented with the possibility of rewards, even ignoring the risk
of punishment (Patterson & Newman, 1993). Extraverts show a stronger
dopamine response to rewarding stimuli (Depue & Collins, 1999). And,
extraverts tend to experience more positive emotions in a range of situations
(Ashby et al., 1999; Lucas et al., 2000). Thus, a trait measure of extraversion
reflects the functioning of many different systems, providing a great example of
the integration of science across many different areas of study.
Contemporary Research: Images of Personality in

the Brain
Modern-day researchers use brain-imaging technology to test for relationships
between personality and the brain. Neuroscientists have tested whether each of
the Big Five personality traits is associated with a different brain region, and
whether these regions correspond to the behaviours associated with these traits.
The general conclusion has been that indeed, there are many relationships
between personality traits and the functioning of specific brain areas, although
this research is in its infancy and we have a long way to go before we can
confidently discuss “personality in the brain.” However, we can discuss some
preliminary findings of this line of inquiry.
Extraversion:
Extraverts have a larger medial orbitofrontal cortex (part of the prefrontal cortex;
DeYoung et al., 2010), and generally show less activation in the amygdala
(Canli et al., 2002). The medial orbitofrontal cortex is involved in processing
reward, which is consistent with extraverts’ greater reward sensitivity (i.e., strong
BAS). The amygdala, on the other hand, is involved in processing novelty,
danger, and fear, which extraverts tend to pay less attention to (i.e., weak BIS),
hence their under-active amygdalae (see Figure 12.5 ).
Figure 12.5 Measuring Personality and Brain Anatomy
People’s self-ratings of the Big Five traits correspond to their brain volume in
specific regions. Here we see two (among several) regions of the brain where
size is positively correlated with ratings of conscientiousness and extraversion
(DeYoung et al., 2010).
Source: Based loosely on DeYoung, C. G., Hirsh, J. B., Shane, M. S., Papademetris, X., Rajeevan, N., & Gray, J. R. (2010).
Testing predictions from personality neuroscience: Brain structure and the big five. Psychological Science, 21 (6), 820–828.
Neuroticism:
Neuroticism is associated with the size of various brain areas, such as a smaller
dorsomedial prefrontal cortex, a smaller hippocampus, and a larger mid-
cingulate gyrus (an area right above the corpus callosum; DeYoung et al.,
2010). Each of these areas is involved in abilities that are central to neuroticism.
The dorsomedial prefrontal cortex is involved in controlling emotions (Ochsner &
Gross, 2005), the hippocampus in controlling obsessive negative thinking (Gray
& McNaughton, 2000), and the mid-cingulate gyrus in detecting errors and
perceiving pain—whether physical or emotional pain (Carter et al., 1998;
Eisenberger & Lieberman, 2004). These are the kinds of processes that define
highly neurotic people. They have difficulty controlling their emotions, often fall
prey to obsessive negative thinking, and are highly sensitive when they make
mistakes or feel pain.
Agreeableness:
People high in agreeableness show less brain volume in an area called the left
superior temporal sulcus (DeYoung et al., 2010), which is activated when one is
interpreting another person’s actions or intentions (Pelphrey & Morris, 2006).
They also show greater volume in an area called the posterior cingulate cortex,
which is involved in empathy and perspective-taking (DeYoung et al., 2010).
These brain areas match the tendency for people high in agreeableness to be
more socially attuned and to have more empathy for others.
Conscientiousness:
People high in this trait have larger brain volume in the middle frontal gyrus in the
left prefrontal cortex (DeYoung et al., 2010), which is involved in working
memory processes and in carrying out actions that you have planned. These
functions are implicated in effective self-control, which is a key strength of the
highly conscientious person.
Openness to Experience:
Individuals high in openness to experience have been shown to have greater

activation in the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex, which is involved in creativity and
intelligence, as well as other brain systems involved in the integration of the self
and the environment (Adelstein et al., 2011). These systems reflect the
tendencies for people high in openness to be creative, integrative thinkers.
Although the ability to link brain regions to personality processes at such a

refined level has only become possible recently, neuroscientists are beginning to
find brain regions that differ reliably between people with different personality
traits. This does not mean that these brain differences cause the personality
differences, but it does suggest that these brain regions are involved in serving
neurological functions that are related to personality processes at some level.
The causal connections might be indirect and highly varied, challenging us with
incredible complexity, both of personality itself but also complexity of the
neurological architecture of the brain. This complexity reminds us that in most
cases, there will be no specific brain area involved uniquely in a personality trait;
for example, there is no “centre of extraversion” in the brain. Any trait plays itself
out through many different thoughts, feelings, and behaviours, each of which
involves many different brain systems. What ends up manifesting as a stable
pattern that we identify as a personality trait therefore represents patterns of
activation across many different brain systems.
So we may never be able to point at a single region (or even a few regions) and
declare it to be the centre of any single personality trait. That said, we have
come a long way from the days when personality was described in terms of the
four humours of blood, phlegm, and black and yellow bile.
Module 12.2d Quiz:

The Brain and Personality
Know . . .
1. An outdated approach claiming that behaviour and personality were
based on the sizes of various regions of the skull surface was called
A. magnetic resonance imaging.
B. alchemy.
C. phrenology.
D. humourism.
2. Hans Eysenck believed that extraversion was tied most closely to the
functioning of the
A. limbic system.
B. parasympathetic nervous system.
C. ascending reticular activating system.
D. amygdala.
Apply . . .
3. You are looking at an fMRI brain scan of a subject in a research study.
The scan shows that the person generally has greater activation in the
dorsolateral prefrontal cortex and less activation in the amygdala. Based
on this information, what guess would you make about the person’s
personality profile?
A. Low on extraversion, high on conscientiousness
B. High on openness to experience, high on extraversion
C. Low in neuroticism, high on extraversion
D. Low in neuroticism, high on conscientiousness
Module 12.2 Summary

12.2a Know . . . the key terminology associated with cultural and
biological approaches to personality.
arousal theory of extraversion
ascending reticular activating system (ARAS)
behavioural activation system (BAS)
behavioural inhibition system (BIS)
humourism
phrenology
response styles
12.2b Understand . . . how evolutionary theories explain personality.
Evolutionary psychologists theorize that personality traits evolved because they

solved environmental and social problems encountered by our distant ancestors.
Although this hypothesis is difficult to test directly, different sources of evidence
lend support to it. The widespread occurrence of these personality traits among
different species indicates that they are adaptive.
12.2c Apply . . . your knowledge to understand how arousal is related to

extraversion.
Although extraversion is commonly interpreted to indicate how sociable and

friendly people are, it is more fundamentally related to how reactive people are to
stimulation. Highly extraverted people have less reactive ascending reticular
activating systems (ARAS), which means that they don’t get as big of a “kick” out
of a given level of stimulation; this causes them to prefer more stimulating
environments, relative to introverts, who have more reactive ARASs, and
therefore prefer lower levels of stimulation so that they do not feel overwhelmed.
12.2d Analyze . . . claims that males and females have fundamentally

different personalities.
Claims of major sex differences in personality are sometimes made to support

popular-book sales. In reality, the general consensus in psychological science is
that males and females are more alike than different when it comes to
personality. Both, of course, share common personality dimensions. Although
females tend to be, on average, more conscientious, agreeable, extraverted, and
neurotic than males, these differences are very small, and there is no evidence
to support claims that men and women are fundamentally different in personality.
12.2e Analyze . . . the genetic basis of personality.
Heritability studies show that personality traits are substantially predicted by

genetic variation. Studies of twins and adopted children also back this up,
showing that identical twins are far more similar in personality than fraternal
twins, and that the home in which people grow up has much less influence over
their personalities than the genes they inherited from their biological parents.
However, despite this evidence for genetic influences on personality, one cannot
conclude that personality is “hard wired” and therefore unchangeable.
Personality emerges through the interaction of genes and the environment; thus,
a given genetic make-up can express itself differently in different environments.
Module 12.3 Psychodynamic
and Humanistic Approaches to
Personality
blas/Fotolia
Learning Objectives
12.3a Know . . . the key terminology related to the psychodynamic and
humanistic approaches to personality.
12.3b Understand . . . how people use defence mechanisms to cope with
conflicting thoughts and feelings.
12.3c Understand . . . the developmental stages Freud used to explain the
origins of personality.
12.3d Apply . . . both psychodynamic and humanistic perspectives to explain
personality.
12.3e Analyze . . . whether projective tests are valid measures of personality.
12.3f Analyze . . . the strengths and weaknesses of psychodynamic
perspectives.
Abraham Maslow, who was introduced in Module 11.3 , was

fascinated by people who actually live up to their potential. Many of us
want to follow today’s pop-culture slogans to “live for the moment,” “be all
that you can be,” and “do one thing every day that scares you”—but
somehow, most of us never quite get around to it. Perhaps you’ve
experienced that nagging feeling that life is passing you by and the epic
adventure you thought your life was going to be is somehow more
mundane than you’d hoped? Apparently, this doesn’t happen to
everybody; some people really do seem to live inspiring and fulfilling
lives, and these were the personalities that Maslow wanted to
understand.
In striking contrast to much of the cynicism of the 20th century, Maslow

believed that although we have the capacity for great evil, at the very
foundation of our being we are inherently good. He argued that the more
we open ourselves to our inherent goodness, the more we will see reality
clearly, rather than through our biases; the more we will be empowered
and able to confront life courageously, rather than shrinking from
challenges because of our insecurities; and the more we can focus on
helping others rather than tending to our own needs and wants. The end
result of pursuing personal growth is to become fully, vibrantly alive.
“Laboring under the effects of deficiency motivation is like looking at the

world through a clouded lens, and removing those effects is like replacing
the clouded lens with a clear one. Self-actualizing persons’ contact with
reality is simply more direct. And along with this unfiltered, unmediated
directness of their contact with reality comes also a vastly heightened
ability to appreciate again and again, freshly and naively, the basic goods
of life, with awe, pleasure, wonder, and even ecstasy, however stale
those experiences may have become for others.” (Maslow, 1968)
Is it possible to live such a life? Maslow thought so, and personality

researchers are still following his call and trying to decipher the magic
ingredients that allow some people to truly thrive in life.
Focus Questions
1. How do the psychodynamic and humanistic approaches give you

insight into your own personality?
2. How do people use psychological defences to protect themselves
from emotionally troubling events?
Maslow hoped that his work would help people learn how to cultivate these
qualities within themselves. His optimistic vision of human nature was a major
break from the personality psychology of the day, which largely grew out of a
Freudian psychodynamic perspective. As we discuss below, to the Freudians,
personality was a battleground between opposing forces in the psyche, as
people struggled to defend themselves against the negativity that loomed in their
unconscious. In contrast, Maslow and the humanists explored a positive, growth-
oriented side to personality that we need to fully appreciate in order to have a
more complete picture of the human personality.
Although neither Freudian psychoanalysis nor Maslow’s humanistic theories

have retained their once-prominent positions in psychology, they remain highly
influential approaches in society at large, and have inspired and guided
generations of people to live their lives more fully.
The Psychodynamic Perspective

As one of the best known and most influential psychologists of all time, Sigmund
Freud often does not get the respect you might think he would deserve. Many of
his theories have not stood the test of time and are now largely ignored. Many of
his theories are difficult or impossible to integrate with more modern approaches,
such as social-cognitive and neuroscience perspectives. Indeed, some of his
theories are even regarded as ridiculous by many people (e.g., the Oedipus
complex, discussed later in this module). Freud was definitely a colourful
character. He was a passionate user and advocate of cocaine before its
addictive and destructive properties were known. He was rumoured to have been
a tyrant towards his followers, allowing people to express little dissent from his
views. Freud has been critiqued as having an obsession with sex, as having
created unfalsifiable and therefore unscientific theories, and as using only a
limited cross-section of humanity (mostly women seeking counselling in
Victorian-era Europe) upon which to base rather grand and sweeping theories
about human nature.
However, despite the criticisms, Freud was a pioneer in the study of personality
and the treatment of psychological disorders. He laid much of the foundation for
our basic understanding of consciousness, which is still with us today, as are
many of his key insights. When a drug addict admits to being “in denial” of his
addiction, an abuse survivor talks about how she “repressed” her memories and
feelings for many years, or someone accuses you of “projecting” your anger onto
other people, they are displaying Freud’s ideas.
Interestingly, Freud was not trained in psychology, but was instead a neurologist.
The launch of his scientific career was anything but glamorous; he spent many
hours peering through microscopes at tissue samples, searching for the elusive
testicles of the male eel, which had not yet been discovered. Freud’s
extraordinary attention to detail, along with the unwitting cooperation of many
hundreds of eels, led him to eventually make the discovery. Which might make
you ask, what kind of person exhaustively searches for eel testicles? No doubt,
Freudian theorists would have an interesting answer to that question.
After leaving his scientific career to be trained as a physician, Freud began to

accept clients who sought his help for psychological difficulties. Initially, Freud
believed that their issues could be resolved through investigating their physiology
and isolating the biological factors that contributed to their problems. However,
after examining some of his patients, he realized that their emotional struggles
often could not be understood at the physiological level; instead, he had to delve
into the mysterious depths of the mind. This led him to begin trying to understand
the personalities of his patients and the psychological dynamics that led to the
problems they were experiencing.
Over time, his observations and ideas coalesced into his psychodynamic theory,
which isn’t really a “theory” at all, but rather an evolving family of different
theories and ideas that share many key features, which we discuss in this
module (also, see Westen, 1998).
Assumptions of Psychodynamic Theories

A universal assumption of psychodynamic theories is that personality and
behaviour are shaped by powerful forces in consciousness, a great deal of which
is hidden from our awareness in the mysterious unconscious. By emphasizing
the unconscious, Freud threw into doubt many of our common feelings and
beliefs. For example, we like to feel like we are in control of ourselves and our
behaviour reflects conscious choices that we make. We believe that we know
why we do the things we do—that our behaviour makes sense to us. We also
like to believe that when we do something embarrassing, immoral, or just plain
stupid, that we were somehow “out of control” or that it was a mistake.
From a psychodynamic perspective, however, there are no mistakes, and we

have very little control over ourselves and remarkably little insight into the
reasons for our own behaviours. Everything we think, feel, and do results from
psychological dynamics that are so deeply buried in our unconscious that we
have no direct access to them; our mind is a “black box,” even to ourselves.
To understand the implications of Freud’s psychodynamic theory, we will explore

its key concepts and how they apply to personality psychology.
Unconscious Processes and Psychodynamics
Freud grounded his theories on a model of consciousness that distinguished
between different levels of mental life, most importantly between the conscious
mind and the unconscious. The conscious mind is your current awareness,
containing everything you are aware of right now. The unconscious mind is
a much more vast and powerful but inaccessible part of your consciousness,
operating without your conscious endorsement or will to influence and guide your
behaviours. The unconscious mind houses your full lifetime of memories and
experiences, including those that you can no longer bring into conscious
awareness, such as emotional patterns that were created in early childhood or
even infancy. It also contains your preferences and desires, which can influence
you in ways that may be obvious, or in ways so subtle that you are not even
aware of them. The relationship between these two levels of consciousness is
often described using an iceberg metaphor of consciousness (Figure 12.6 ).
With icebergs, the part you can see above the surface is a small fraction of the
entire iceberg, while most of its bulk lurks beneath the surface. Similarly, the
conscious mind is a small fraction of the entire psyche, most of which lurks
beneath the surface of our awareness in the depths of the unconscious.
Figure 12.6 The Freudian Structure of Personality
A popular depiction of how Freud viewed personality features an iceberg, with
the unconscious mind residing below the surface and conscious awareness at
only the tip of the iceberg. The id is completely submerged, whereas the ego and
the superego operate at both unconscious and conscious levels.
2nd Ed., ©2011, pp.546. Reprinted and Electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc., New York, NY.
The mysterious, vast, inaccessible unconscious is viewed as the primary driver

of our behaviours, controlling us in countless ways. Even seemingly trivial
behaviours, such as slips of the tongue, were argued to reflect the workings of
the unconscious. In fact, these slips, famously called “Freudian slips,” are very
useful to the observant person, because they offer a glimpse into the
unconscious. When people make a Freudian slip, their conscious mind intends to
say something appropriate to the circumstances, but their unconscious mind
leads them to say what they were “really thinking.” As the classic psychologist
joke goes, “The definition of a Freudian slip: when you mean to say one thing but
you end up saying a-mother.”
Freud believed fervently in the value of these “psychopathologies of everyday

life” and developed several techniques that psychoanalysts could employ to use
such small clues to gain access into the netherworld of the unconscious. (We
revisit this later in this module.) Freud and other psychoanalysts argued that
much of what manifests as personality reflects patterns that emerge as people
attempt to resolve conflicts between their conscious and unconscious minds.
The Structure of Personality

Have you ever done something you knew at the time was wrong? Like eating
that brownie when you knew you shouldn’t? Losing your temper? Hooking up
with that attractive person even though they have a boyfriend or girlfriend (or you
do)? To explain this type of all-too-common conflict, Freud hypothesized that the
human psyche consists of three basic structures, which are often in conflict with
each other: the id, the ego, and the superego (Figure 12.6 ).
The id represents a collection of basic biological drives, including those

directed toward sex and aggression. Freud believed the id was fuelled by an
energy called libido. Although this term is more commonly used in reference to
sexual energy, the libido also controls other biological urges such as hunger. The
id operates according to the pleasure principle, motivating people to seek out
experiences that bring pleasure, with little regard for the appropriateness or
consequences of their realization. Because the id represents our basic animal
desires, it is present right from birth and is the predominant force controlling our
actions in the earliest stages of our lives. The id gets us into trouble though, and
increasingly so as we get older and society frowns on some of the unrestrained
urges of our lusty animal selves. Because society imposes constraints on our
behaviour, the id must be restrained from its animal nature; and that is where the
ego and superego come into play.
The superego is comprised of our values and moral standards. Our superego
tells us what we ought to do, whereas the id tells us what our animal body wants
to do. Freud believed that the superego forms over time as we become
socialized into our family and larger community and we are taught the values and
norms of our society. The superego represents a process of internalization,
through which we adopt the values and standards of others and make them our
own, and consequently, we feel good or bad about ourselves based on whether
we think we are being “good” or “bad.” When we behave immorally, the superego
chastises us, similarly to how our parents may have done, thereby encouraging
us to “do the right thing.”
In between the devilish, indulgent id and the angelic, puritanical superego sits
the beleaguered ego , the decision maker, frequently under tension, trying to
reconcile the opposing urges of the id and superego. The ego has to be plugged
into reality; if it listened to the id all the time, we would be social deviants,
instantly gratifying ourselves at every turn, but if it listened to the superego all the
time, we would cut ourselves off from much of our raw passion and zest for life.
The ego seeks to balance the two forces, operating according to what Freud
called the reality principle. The id, ego, and superego are in constant tension,
and it is this tension that gives rise to personality in two key ways.
First, different people’s personalities may reflect differences in the relative

strengths of their id, ego, and superego. You can easily imagine a person guided
by an extremely strong superego versus a person guided by an extremely strong
id. Indeed, these would likely be two completely different types of people. In this
deep, structural sense, individuals’ personalities are patterned by their own
particular blend of ego, id, and superego. Each person’s unique combination of
biology (id), upbringing and sociocultural circumstances (superego), and their
uniquely personal awareness and will (ego), ends up developing into their
personality.
The second key dynamic that generates much of personality is how one reacts to
anxiety. Anxiety plays a huge role in psychodynamic thought, because anxiety is
the experiential (what we feel) result of the tension between the id, ego, and
superego. When these systems are out of balance, we experience the
deprivation of one system as a kind of basic anxiety. This drives negative
thoughts and feelings, which ideally would serve as messages to us—signals
that “something is wrong; this system is not in harmony.”
Anxiety can be about something huge and overwhelming (e.g., having abuse
occur in one’s family) or about something mundane and seemingly trivial (e.g.,
wearing the wrong thing to a party), but it’s important to note that in either case,
the anxiety itself has a kind of life of its own; for example, we can experience
truly crushing and debilitating anxiety about something that others would think
was silly (e.g., wearing the wrong thing to a party), whereas people can, through
psychological defences (as we discuss shortly), defend themselves against even
profound anxiety (such as being unwilling to face the reality of abuse occurring in
one’s family).
According to Freud, the ego engages in anxiety-defence throughout the day.

From worrying about failing, to how we look, to whether someone likes us, to
how something we did will be perceived by other people, we feel anxiety. We
could wonder whether we made a good decision, feel guilty, wonder if we are
losing our looks or our charm as we age, or deal with basically an infinite variety
of potential things to worry about and feel badly about. Dealing with this constant
drama is the job of the ego. And of course, there is its classic job, which is to
figure out what to do when part of us wants to do the bad thing (whatever that
may be), and part of us is scared or feels ashamed or otherwise knows we
“shouldn’t” do the bad thing.
It’s easy to feel a bit sorry for the ego. Sure, it gets to be in control a lot of the
time, but it also never really gets a break, always having to be on the job to keep
us from becoming overwhelmed by anxiety. From Freud’s perspective,
consciousness is a constant battleground for the ego, negotiating between the id
and superego, while also protecting itself from countless sources of anxiety.
Defence Mechanisms
Oftentimes, the ego is unable to resolve the anxieties that plague it. Instead, it
focuses merely on protecting itself from excessive anxiety, seeking some way of
minimizing or avoiding the negativity it is experiencing. Imagine a young child
caught between Mom and Dad screaming at each other. Having no way to
resolve their conflict, he plugs his ears and hides in the closet. The child can’t
resolve the negativity, so he tries to escape it. This is what the ego does when it
employs its defence mechanisms , unconscious strategies the ego uses to
reduce or avoid anxiety (Freud, 1936; see Table 12.4 ). In fact, the literal acts
of plugging one’s ears and running into the closet are examples of denial, which
is a very common defence mechanism.
Table 12.4 Examples of Some Major Defence Mechanisms
Defence Definition Example

Mechanism
Denial Refusing to People deny all sorts of things—ways in which

acknowledge they are to blame for their relationship problems;
unpleasant bad things that other members of their family
information, may be doing; dangerous behaviours, such as
particularly drinking while pregnant, that they may be
about oneself. engaged in; and truly, just about anything.
Simply blocking distressing things from one’s
mind can be a remarkably effective strategy
(until it eventually comes back to haunt you).
Displacement Transforming After getting criticized by your boss at work, you

an go home and yell at your spouse or criticize your
unacceptable roommate for not doing more housework. One
impulse into a way or another, you “take out your anger” on a
less less dangerous target than your boss.
unacceptable or
neutral
behaviour.
Identification Unconsciously A child acts like their favourite hero-figure or an

assuming the adult copies a trend-setting celebrity. By
characteristics associating with a powerful, successful figure,
of a more one feels more powerful and successful too.
powerful person
in order to
reduce feelings
of anxiety or
negative
feelings about
the self.
Projection Perceiving in The classic insecure, tyrannical parent, who

other people the sees hostility and “attitude” in other people, like
qualities that his kids or his wife, thinking that other people are
you don’t want always seeing themselves as superior and are
to admit to looking down their noses others. Projection also
possessing allows us to see “evil” and aggression in our
yourself. enemies while we invade and bomb them.
Rationalization Attempting to People who are prejudiced against certain types

hide one’s true or groups of other people may not see
motives (even themselves as racist, but may instead believe
from oneself!) that the group they are prejudiced against
by providing actually does possess certain negative qualities.
what seems like By believing that people from the disliked group
a reasonable are violent, or lazy, or unintelligent, the person
explanation for never has to confront their own prejudice.
unacceptable
feelings or
behaviours.
Reaction Altering an People who are judgmental and condemning of

Formation impulse that homosexuality, yet have homosexual impulses
one finds themselves. For example, homophobic men tend
personally to have greater penile arousal, compared to non-
unacceptable homophobic men, when looking at male-on-male
into its opposite. pornography (Adams et al., 1996).
Repression Keeping Many people believe that victims of abuse or

distressing violence are sometimes able to repress their
information out traumatic memories, essentially “forgetting” that
of conscious the trauma occurred. Nevertheless, the trauma
awareness by remains in their unconscious, causing them to
burying it in the react in ways that are driven by this unconscious
unconscious. material.
Sublimation Transforming Someone with a great deal of aggression may

unacceptable become a football player or a boxer. Freud
impulses into believed that sublimation was one of the
socially cornerstones of civilization, the mechanism by
acceptable or which base human desires were harnessed to
even pro-social give rise to great works of art, invention, and
alternatives. scientific advance. Sublimation operates to make
you feel better by finding socially acceptable
outlets for unconscious drives and urges.
Defence mechanisms play key roles in many important social phenomena, such
as prejudice and discrimination. For example, imagine a CEO of a company
choosing not to hire a member of an ethnic minority; the CEO may protect
herself from admitting the possibility that the choice was racially motivated by
engaging in rationalization, reasoning that the applicant didn’t seem as
impressive, professional, or “like she will fit into our team.” You can imagine the
thought, “It had nothing to do with race, of course! I just want to hire the best
person for the job, and I felt that she wasn’t the right fit. After all, I have a lot of
experience in this company, and I trust my sense of who is going to work out and
who isn’t.” You can see how easily a person’s own reasoning process can be
hijacked by the ego in order to protect itself, and the line between what is true
and what merely appears to be true can so easily be blurred.
Unfortunately, although defence mechanisms may keep us from feeling anxiety

in the moment, they are ultimately dysfunctional for a variety of reasons. One is
simply that undesirable tendencies are not confronted and problems are not
dealt with; instead, immense energy is devoted to maintaining the defence
mechanisms and trying to feel okay. For example, alcoholics (and often their
families) sometimes go to great lengths to avoid having to admit that they have a
problem, which only worsens the impact of alcohol on their lives. Freud’s (and
others’) work on defence mechanisms remains influential to this day, particularly
in the mental health field, where defence mechanisms often play important roles
in therapy for psychological disorders.
Personality Development: the Psychosexual

Stages
Freud’s theory of personality also involved a sophisticated understanding of
development. Freud believed that the personality developed as the person
learned to channel the energy of the libido into appropriate forms of self-
expression. Thus, to Freud, development of the infant and child is ruled by the id,
involving the young child struggling to contain and channel sexual urges and
feelings. The child is a bundle of animal impulses, and development is therefore
based on the ego and superego developing properly through appropriate
socialization experiences as the child grows up. Freud highlighted specific
developmental challenges that children faced at different points of their lives,
developing a stage theory of psycho-sexual development that tracked the
progression children went through as they matured through the various stages
(see Table 12.5 ).
Table 12.5 Freud’s Stages of Psychosexual Development
Stage Pleasure Key Dynamics

Focus
Oral (0–18 Actions of This stage is about the foundation of the ego. Fixation at
months) the mouth this stage represents a basic lack of self-confidence and
—sucking, “ego-strength,” leaving the person more dependent on,
chewing, and therefore vulnerable to, external sources of support.
swallowing
Anal (18– Bowel This stage is about the development of a sense of control
36 elimination, and competence. Fixation at this stage leads to an “anal
months) control retentive” or “anal expulsive” personality, manifesting
either as an obsession with cleanliness, order, and
control, or as a disorganized person.
Phallic (3– Genitals The key personality challenge is the Oedipus complex,
6 years) through which a person further develops the superego
due to the internalization of values from the parents.
Fixation at this stage leads to problems with jealousy and
obsessions with power and sex.
Latency (6 External Ideally, this stage is fairly conflict-free. People focus on

years until activities developing themselves, discovering their interests through
puberty) sports, arts, and general activities. Fixation at this stage
was not considered to be a big concern.
Genital Sexual Ideally, this stage is also fairly conflict-free. People focus
(puberty activities on fully and authentically engaging in the world, provided
to with others they are not fixated at earlier stages.
adulthood)
Interestingly, most of Freud’s stages happened in the first five years of life,
reflecting the central importance of the developmental milestones that occur in
the first five years. At each stage, the libido manifests in particular areas of the
body, depending on what areas of the body are most salient and important at
that particular time of life. For example, as babies, sucking for food and comfort
is a central activity, whereas for toddlers, learning to control the bowels and
become toilet-trained is a pretty major focus; these physical challenges were
reflected by Freud as specific stages (in this case the oral and anal stages).
When these bodily areas are relevant to the person, they become a focus for the
id, which attempts to derive as much pleasure as possible from gaining
gratification in those areas. Thus, each of these important regions becomes a
battleground pitting the child’s id against the restrictions of the external world.
If the child was able to release their libidinal energy appropriately through the
part of the body that was relevant at that time, this would help them have a
healthy relationship with themselves and they would be free to focus on the next
stages of development. However, if their need satisfaction was thwarted or
interfered with, they would become fixated at that stage. Fixation involves
becoming preoccupied with obtaining the pleasure associated with a particular
stage as a result of not being able to adequately regulate themselves and satisfy
their needs at that stage. Fixation can occur either because of conflict and
excessive parental interference (e.g., criticizing the child for making mistakes
during toilet training), or because the child is allowed to overindulge in that form
of pleasure-seeking behaviour (e.g., the Simpsons character Maggie is in serious
danger of developing an oral fixation).
The Oral Stage (0–18 months)
For babies, the mouth is where it’s at; all the action that really matters happens
through their mouths: feeding, comfort, teething, and even the early experiences
of aggression. As a result, the mouth is a major focus for both pleasure and
frustration, and the ego has to learn to satisfy the id’s desire for biting and
sucking with the superego’s admonishments about what is appropriate in a
situation. If this goes well, the infant develops a basic sense of security and
empowerment; this is the initial foundation for the ego.
However, if the infant either can’t satisfy its need for security, comfort, or food, or
conversely, if it is over-indulged so that it develops an emotional attachment to
using its mouth, then it will develop an oral fixation. Instead of having a healthy
ability to self-assert, the infant may develop to be dependent, have an addictive
personality, and seek to “consume” the world for its own emotional needs.
Fixating at the oral stage means that the person never fully develops their ego,
and is therefore more vulnerable to anxiety and less capable at adjusting to
social reality.
The Anal Stage (18 months–3 years)
Toddlers begin to become aware of themselves as separate individuals at the

same time that they are gaining control over the bowels. Toilet training thus
becomes the focal activity at this stage. Freud believed that if bathroom skills
were learned successfully and positively with support and encouragement from
caregivers, the result was a sense of competence and confidence that would
lead the toddler to develop into a well-adjusted and productive adult. But if
parents were too strict and critical of toddlers, making them feel bad about
“having accidents” and putting too much pressure on them, they could become
fixated at this stage, struggling with issues like shame and control. Eventually,
they could become “anal retentive” adults, a rather rigid personality excessively
concerned with cleanliness and order with a high need for control and little
emotional openness. Or, if parents were too lenient and provided too little
support for toilet training, this would produce an “anal expulsive” adult who
exhibits opposite qualities of carelessness, disorganization, and general
irresponsibility.
The Phallic Stage (3–6 years)
This early childhood stage is a crucially important stage in Freud’s view, although
this is where people often find Freud’s theories hard to swallow and many reject
his ideas altogether. We believe it is worth considering what insights there may
be in Freud’s thinking, even if some of the specific details seem questionable.
Also, keep in mind that the full development of Freud’s theories is far more
brilliant and detailed than what we are able to capture in a brief overview.
From ages 3 to 6 years, bodily attention shifts to the genitals as children become
aware of the differences between boys and girls and start to heavily identify with
one gender. Boys go through the now-infamous Oedipus complex. Freud
theorized that in boys, the attachment to the mother that was achieved during
infancy (through oral means) now gets expressed in the phallus. He claimed that
a boy in this stage become sexually attracted to his mother. The boy also
realizes that he is in competition with his father for his mother’s affections; this
creates resentment toward the father and, in the wonderful logic of young
children, makes the boy want to kill his father. During this stage, boys struggle
with highly conflicted feelings toward their fathers, feeling both attached to and
hostile toward them. This is a very difficult time emotionally, as boys are torn
between such strong feelings and desires. Freud represents this anguish with
the Greek tragedy of Oedipus Rex (by Sophocles); in this story, the main
character, Oedipus, kills his father without knowing he has done so, and ends up
marrying his mother. When he eventually learns what he has done, he is so
overcome with horror that he stabs his own eyes, blinding himself. (The ancient
Greeks were fairly intense.)
Freud used highly sexual language to describe the phallic stage, although it is
important to remember that the literal descriptions can also be understood to
provide metaphoric insights into personality. According to Freud, little boys are
quite distressed to learn that their mothers do not have penises; they reason that
something must have happened to cut them off. And if that happened to their
mothers, it might happen to them! Furthermore, it stands to reason that it was the
powerful father figure who did the nasty deed, thus causing a great deal of
castration anxiety, the fear of castration by one’s father. (Metaphorically,
castration anxiety is the fear of emasculation.) Boys resolve this fear, and thus
the Oedipus complex, by learning to identify with the father, developing a close
bond with him, while repressing sexual feelings for the mother.
For girls, the logic was considerably more complicated and Freud revised his
theories somewhat over time. Freud believed that girls also want to sexually
possess their mothers and feel competition with their fathers. When girls
discover that they themselves lack a penis, they experience penis envy, which is
pretty much exactly what it sounds like. As a result, girls redirect their sexual
interest to their fathers, and subsequently men in general, because that’s the
way to get a penis. Having a child someday, particularly a boy, is also likely to be
highly desired, because having a boy is (according to Freud) another way of
obtaining a penis.
As mentioned earlier, Freud’s theories are considered to be very deep and often
profound, although it requires a lot of “unpacking” to get to those insights. For
example, with regards to penis envy, you can take the penis as more of a symbol
of power and masculinity, rather than as a literal penis. You can therefore take
the envy of the penis to represent the female child’s desire for empowerment,
which she would gain through association with masculine traits and pursuits.
When you think about it this way, you can see some potential merit to Freud’s
ideas. But for the most part, this part of Freud’s theory has had little influence on
the rest of the field. Also, we assume that the critiques of Freud’s ideas about
women are painfully obvious at this point; indeed, these critiques of the phallic
stage, as well as its general inaccuracy as a description of the psychological
experiences of most people, have been devastating to this part of Freud’s
theories.
The importance of the phallic stage is that, at its resolution, the child has formed
a healthy relationship with the parents, resulting in the internalization of parental
values, which completes the formation of the superego. Successfully
transitioning out of this stage leaves the child well prepared as a moral being. On
the other hand, becoming fixated at this stage has striking negative
consequences. People become plagued with jealousy and preoccupied with sex,
seduction, competitiveness, and power.
Freud believed that girls never entirely resolve their Oedipus complexes (the
term Electra complex was coined by Carl Jung but rejected by Freud), leaving
women with somewhat less well-developed superegos and thus, a less reliable
morality. He theorized that to the extent that Oedipal issues remain, women will
seek to control and dominate men through their sexuality or submissiveness
because, of course, men have the penises that women envy.
The Latency Stage (6–13 years)
After the lurid sexuality and emotional drama of the phallic stage, the latency
stage is downright boring. Between ages 5 and 13, the ego and superego have
achieved a degree of general calm. The sexual nature of the libido is
deemphasized, and it is instead directed into more productive activities than
trying to mate with and murder one’s parents, such as education, hobbies, and
hanging out with friends. This is a period of rich personal development for
children, during which they gain many of their intellectual, social, artistic, and
physical skills. Interestingly, people don’t get fixated at this stage, because
personality is largely formed by the end of the phallic stage, and if people are not
fixated at an earlier stage, they become relatively free to pursue their interests.
The Genital Stage
The onset of puberty marks the beginning of this stage, which continues
throughout adulthood. This is the time during which the person emerges into a
mature adult personality, with a fully developed capacity for productive work and
satisfying and loving relationships. However, those who remain fixated at
previous stages will suffer from underdeveloped personalities, which cause any
number of problems in their subsequent adulthoods.
Modern psychodynamic psychologists generally agree that Freud’s stages of

psychosexual development are not an accurate view of personality development.
However, even this is not entirely clear; clinical psychologists often report
observing patterns that are consistent with Freud’s observations of each stage of
psychosexual development (Westen, 1998). For example, one study reported
that young children are more likely to show affection to the same-sexed parent
and aggression toward the opposite-sexed parent (Watson & Getz, 1990). This
is reminiscent of the Oedipus complex, although the underlying mechanisms are
not necessarily the same (i.e., notice there is no reference to sexual attraction or
murderous intent).
A huge challenge faced (and never surmounted) by Freudian thinkers was how
to empirically measure many of the concepts and processes described in Freud’s
theories. For example, how exactly does one measure the contents of the
unconscious? How can we measure something that, by definition, people are
unaware of?
Exploring the Unconscious with Projective Tests

As discussed earlier in this module, Freud devised a number of techniques for
peering into the inner workings of the unconscious, such as analyzing the
“psychopathologies of everyday life” for evidence of defence mechanisms and
hidden motivations. Freud also refined methods, such as dream analysis and
free association, which were believed to reveal unconscious material by side-
stepping the conscious mind. For example, dream analysis was based on the
belief that the material in the unconscious, although not accessible to the
conscious mind, nevertheless was depicted in our dreams. However, because
much of the unconscious operates without language, dreams would not be literal,
but symbolic representations of the contents of the unconscious. Thus, the
dream analyst had to learn to properly interpret the symbolic meaning of dreams
in order to understand what could be learned from the unconscious.
Since Freud’s time, psychodynamic psychologists have attempted to develop

more standardized techniques for probing the unconscious. One popular
approach is to use projective tests , personality tests in which ambiguous
images are presented to an individual to elicit responses that reflect unconscious
desires or conflicts. They are called “projective” because the image can be
interpreted in different ways, and the particular interpretation a person chooses is
thought to be a projection of her unconscious.
One of the most familiar projective tests is the Rorschach inkblot test , in
which people are asked to describe what they see in an inkblot, and
psychologists interpret this description using a standardized scoring and
interpretation method (Exner, 1991; see Figure 12.7 ). Another projective test
is the Thematic Apperception Test (TAT) , which asks respondents to tell
stories about ambiguous pictures involving various interpersonal situations
(Figure 12.8 ). For example, a picture might show a man and woman looking
at each other with blank expressions. Subjects are asked to tell a story about the
picture. Who are these people? What emotions are they feeling? Why are they
looking at each other that way? The details in the story that a person makes up
are thought to be a projection of their personality functioning, and thus, a way of
illuminating their unconscious.
Figure 12.7 The Rorschach Inkblot Test
Some psychologists attempt to measure personality characteristics by analyzing
the verbal responses clients use to describe what they see in an inkblot such as
this.
Equinox Imagery/Alamy Stock Photo
Figure 12.8 The Thematic Apperception Test

In this projective test, the individual is asked to tell a story about what is
happening in the image. The responses to this task are believed by some to give
important insights into an individual’s personality.
Ken Karp/Pearson Education
Unfortunately for proponents of projective tests, they have not fared well in
empirical research, receiving criticism for low reliability and validity. Low reliability
indicates that the test will not give the same measurement on subsequent
assessments of the same person. Low validity indicates that the test does not
actually measure what it purports to measure. For example, although projective
tests are supposed to measure personality functioning, in some cases, such as
the figure-drawing test shown in Figure 12.9 , they actually measure a
combination of artistic ability and intelligence (see Lilienfeld et al., 2000). Time
and again, research has indicated serious limitations regarding the reliability and
validity of projective tests (Garb et al., 2005; Lilienfeld et al., 2000).
Figure 12.9 Figure Drawing as a Projective Test

Figure drawing is another projective technique used by many psychologists. The
content of the drawings is analyzed and interpreted by the therapist. It turns out
that these drawings are somewhat related to artistic ability and intelligence, but
not personality (Lilienfeld et al., 2000).
Despite criticisms from some researchers, many therapists claim that they have
experienced significant breakthroughs by using projective tests. A survey in the
mid-1990s estimated that 43% of clinical psychologists and psychiatrists made
frequent use of projective tests (Watkins et al., 1995). More recently, a survey of
school psychologists showed that the TAT and Rorschach were used by 30%
and 14% of these professionals, respectively, although their popularity appears
to be declining (Hojnoski et al., 2006).
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Perceiving

Others as a Projective Test
There are clearly problems with the reliability and validity of some
projective tests, but the basic idea of projection remains
compelling to many psychologists. Could there be some way to
measure projection with greater accuracy? One promising
direction is to look at how people make judgments about what
other people are like.
What do we know about the way people perceive others?

People have a seemingly natural inclination to make assumptions
about what others are like, even if only very limited information is
available. We may judge people we hardly know as friendly,
aggressive, selfish, or trustworthy, for example. But with virtually
no information to guide us, how do we make these judgments?
One possibility is that we make guesses as to what other people
are like by using our own self-concepts as a guide. With no other
information to go on, we tend to assume that most people are
kind of like us. The trait of Machiavellianism (see Module
12.1 ) provides a great example. People who exhibit this trait
are generally willing and able to manipulate and deceive others to
get what they want. Interestingly, they are more likely than the
general population to see others as being cynical and selfish
(Christie & Geis, 1970). Thus, psychologists suggest that the
degree to which an individual sees people as selfish and cynical
is, to an extent, a projection of his own Machiavellianism (Wood
et al., 2010).
How can scientists study how projection relates to

personality?
Although projection was initially a psychodynamic idea,
contemporary researchers have begun to apply it to other
approaches, such as the trait approach. In one study, participants
rated both themselves and others in terms of personality traits
such as the Big Five, narcissism (i.e., excessive self-importance),
and symptoms of depression. Researchers found that the way
that participants viewed themselves was related to how they
viewed others. For example, people who viewed themselves
positively (as agreeable, intelligent, and satisfied with life) were
likely to view others the same way (Wood et al., 2010). This
provided evidence that how people perceive others appears to be
a projection of how they perceive themselves.

The results of this study indicate that self-ratings and ratings of
others are correlated. However, the correlations themselves are
not very large, meaning that psychologists cannot make precise
predictions about a rater’s personality based on that individual’s
ratings of others, but rather can make only general statements.
Furthermore, this study does not provide evidence that projection
is actually occurring (i.e., that people are actually using their own
self-concepts to guide their impressions of others). It could be the
case that people are simply positive or negative in general, such
as being optimistic or pessimistic. The positive, optimistic person
would tend to see herself and others positively, and the negative,
pessimistic person would do the opposite. Thus, the correlation
between ratings of self and other simply reflects a general
disposition, not a specific process of projection.

Standard projective tests such as the Rorschach inkblot test and
the Thematic Apperception Test are fraught with problems and
controversy. It would be unheard of for modern medical doctors
to diagnose disorders using procedures that are as unreliable and
of as questionable validity as these tests. Thus it is important to
search for new and better methods that might reveal meaningful
information about the individuals taking them. Psychology need
not necessarily abandon projective tests altogether, as the
benefits of adding rigour and scrutiny to them has shown that
they can be of value (e.g., Schultheiss & Brunstein, 2001).
Module 12.3a Quiz:
The Psychodynamic Perspective
Know . . .
1. According to Freud, the is the personality component that is
responsible for seeking to immediately satisfy basic biological needs.
A. id
B. ego
C. superego
D. libido
2. According to Freud, in which order do the stages of psychosexual

development occur?
A. Oral, anal, phallic, latency, genital
B. Oral, anal, genital, phallic, latency
C. Anal, oral, phallic, latency, genital
D. Latency, oral, anal, genital, phallic
Understand . . .
2. A defence mechanism would be employed
A. by the id to create anxiety.
B. by the superego to reduce or avoid anxiety.
C. by the ego to reduce or avoid anxiety.
D. by the superego to create anxiety.
Apply . . .
4. Dan lied to avoid getting in trouble with his parents, but now he is
experiencing anxiety caused by extreme guilt. According to Freud, these
negative feelings would arise due to the activity of the .
A. Oedipus complex
B. ego
C. superego
D. libido
Analyze . . .
5. Why have some psychologists questioned the reliability of projective
tests?
A. Judges very often agree on how to interpret an individual test.
B. Individuals often score quite differently if tested at two different
times.
C. The tests may not measure what they claim to measure.
D. These tests often provide disturbing details about a person’s
unconscious.
Alternatives to the Psychodynamic

Approach
Freud attracted many followers, but some of his contemporaries took

psychodynamic psychology in different directions. They recognized that sex and
aggression are not the only motives driving personality development; indeed,
other motivational forces, such as the need for belonging, the need for
achievement, and the need for integrity or wholeness, are important aspects of
personality.
Analytical Psychology
Carl Jung (1875–1961) made a dramatic break from Freud over disagreements
about a number of issues, founding the analytical psychology movement.
Analytical psychology focuses on the role of unconscious archetypes in
personality development. The archetypes were believed to be housed in a region
of the unconscious unique to Jung’s theories. In contrast to the Freudian
unconscious, Jung believed that there were two main types of the unconscious,
a personal unconscious , which was basically the same as the Freudian
unconscious, a vast repository of experiences and patterns absorbed during the
person’s life, and a collective unconscious, which is not held within the individual
person. The collective unconscious is a separate, non-personal realm of
the unconscious that holds the collective memories and mythologies of
humankind, stretching deep into our ancestral past. Jung thought of the personal
and collective unconscious as entirely different “levels” of consciousness,
although they are so different from one another as to be basically completely
different things. The personal unconscious is still housed within the person, but
the collective unconscious is more like a larger field of forces, which shape the
individual personality in certain characteristic ways.
Within analytical psychology, archetypes played a central role; archetypes

are images and symbols that reflect common patterns of experience across all
cultures. There are many different archetypes and several particularly important
ones, including the Mother, the Child, the Trickster, the Wise Old Man, the Hero,
and the Shadow, among others. The Shadow archetype represents unwanted
aspects of the self that the person is unwilling to acknowledge; this archetype
has been particularly influential among psychologists who emphasize personal
growth, individual empowerment, and healing from trauma (e.g., Ford, 2002).
These archetypes were thought to represent major narrative patterns in human
experience, part of the universal tapestry of human life. Thus, when archetypal
symbols appeared (for example, in a person’s dreams), it was believed that they
could be interpreted and would give important insights into the person’s personal
growth and well-being. Archetypes are a very popular aspect of Jungian
psychology, but they have not had much of an impact on the rest of the field,
again due to their unscientific nature.
The Power of Social Factors

Alfred Adler (1870–1937) initially differentiated himself from Freud by arguing for
the importance of social dynamics and conscious thoughts (as opposed to
sexual and aggressive drives in the unconscious) as determinants of behaviour.
He rejected the centrality of the pleasure principle, instead emphasizing the
inferiority complex , the struggle many people have with feelings of
inferiority, which stem from experiences of helplessness and powerlessness
during childhood. Adler described how people strive to compensate for their
feelings of inferiority by trying to appear competent and, in many cases,
overcompensate for inferior feelings by trying to be or appear superior to others.
Adler’s theories of the importance of the need for power have had a profound
influence on the field of psychology and continue to inspire contemporary
research (e.g., Watts, 2000).
Karen Horney (1885–1952) also disagreed with Freud’s heavy emphasis on sex,
and especially infantile sexuality. Instead, Horney (disappointingly pronounced
“HORN-eye”) focused on the importance of social and cultural factors, arguing
that to understand personality one should focus on the functioning of a person’s
present self, rather than overwhelmingly focusing on the unconscious, which was
largely formed in early childhood. Horney highlighted the role of interpersonal
conflict between children and their parents as important to personality
development. She also strongly advocated against Freud’s “phallocentrism” (i.e.,
emphasis on the penis). To counter his theory of the Oedipus complex, Horney
argued instead that men suffer from “womb envy,” because men can never
experience the miracle of birth and of carrying another human life as part of
oneself, or the experiences of breastfeeding and other biological acts of
motherhood. She said that men attempted to compensate for their perceived
deficiencies by focusing on work and by devaluing and subjugating women.
While Freud believed that women suffered from penis envy, Horney argued that
any “envy” Freud observed in the female psyche was envy of the patriarchal
power enjoyed by men, not of men’s sexual equipment (Paris, 1994).
As you can see, psychodynamic theorists have separated themselves in a
number of important ways. Contemporary psychodynamic psychologists work
mostly in the field of clinical and counselling psychology. And, despite some
differences, modern psychodynamic psychologists do share many of the core
attributes of psychoanalytic thought: an emphasis on the unconscious, internal
conflicts between opposing forces within personality, and the influence of early
experiences on adult personality (Westen, 1998).
Humanistic Perspectives
Reacting against the pessimism and disempowerment inherent in Freudian
approaches, the humanistic psychologists wanted to explore the potential for
humans to become truly free and deeply fulfilled. Thinking outside the boxes of
behaviourism and psychodynamic theories, the humanistic psychologists
emphasized the individual’s free will to make choices, highlighted positive
motivations for personal growth and development, and explored the upper
ranges of human experience, such as feelings of transcendence, love, and
fulfillment. Proponents of the humanistic approach believed it would become the
“third force” in psychology, after psychoanalysis and behaviourism.
Among the many influential humanistic psychologists, Carl Rogers was perhaps
uniquely responsible for helping to launch the movement and for cementing
certain ideas in the field that remain to this day. Rather than the Freudian
depiction of people plagued by complexes and defences, Rogers championed a
person-centred perspective , founded on the assumption that people are
basically good, and given the right environment their personality will develop fully
and normally. Rogers believed that people possess immense inner resources for
growth and resilience, and a desire for self-actualization , which is the drive
to grow and fulfill one’s potential.
According to Rogers, fully functioning, self-actualized people deeply accept

themselves and are highly self-aware; having moved beyond the need to erect
defences to ward off negative feelings, they become aware of their inherent
goodness. Rogers believed that the more self-actualized a person becomes, the
more his inherently good nature will dominate his personality. Other leading
humanistic psychologists, such as Abraham Maslow, also sought to identify the
characteristics of fully functioning, self-actualizing people. Research on human
strengths and virtues continues to this day, gaining new life in recent years
through the positive psychology movement, with renewed interest in topics like
personal growth, gratitude, authenticity, and meaning.
Module 12.3b Quiz:
Alternatives to the Psychodynamic Approach
Know . . .
1. The aspect of consciousness proposed by Carl Jung that is a store of
archetypes representing symbols and experiences common to all
cultures is called the .
A. preconscious
B. subconscious
C. analytical conscious
D. collective unconscious
2. In contrast to psychodynamic theories, humanistic theories emphasize

A. free will.
B. how personalities are determined by biology.
C. how personality is determined by the environment.
D. how defence mechanisms affect behaviour.
Apply . . .
3. Alexandra’s older sister is praised for being good at math, but Alexandra
struggles with the subject. What would the resulting feelings of being “not
good enough” be called?
A. Negative reinforcement
B. Negative archetype
C. Inferiority complex
D. Oedipus complex
Analyze . . .
4. Which of the following is not a critique of Freud’s psychodynamic
approach to personality?
A. It focuses on situations we cannot control.
B. It does not yield many scientifically testable hypotheses.
C. It was based on a very limited sample of subjects.
D. It has not been found useful or applicable to clinical psychology.
Module 12.3 Summary

12.3a Know . . . the key terminology related to the psychodynamic and
humanistic approaches to personality.
analytical psychology
archetypes
collective unconscious
conscious mind
defence mechanisms
ego
fixation
id
inferiority complex
person-centred perspective
personal unconscious
projective tests
Rorschach inkblot test
self-actualization
superego
Thematic Apperception Test (TAT)

unconscious mind
12.3b Understand . . . how people use defence mechanisms to cope with

conflicting thoughts and feelings.
According to the psychodynamic perspective, defence mechanisms activate

whenever we are threatened by feelings of anxiety due to conflicts between
different systems within consciousness. These mechanisms include denying and
repressing urges, displacing them, or finding more acceptable ways of
expressing them.
12.3c Understand . . . the developmental stages Freud used to explain the

origins of personality.
To explain personality development, Freud began with the concept of libido—the

id’s energy source for the drives that originate at different focal points of the body
from infancy to adolescence. Each of the stages of psychosexual development—
oral, anal, phallic, latent, and genital—is associated with a unique form of conflict
as the ego and superego develop. Failure to resolve the corresponding conflict
can result in a fixation, in which the person is stuck at a certain phase of
development, and this can cause problems later in life.
12.3d Apply . . . both psychodynamic and humanistic perspectives to

explain personality.
Apply Activity
To apply the psychodynamic approach to understand someone’s personality,
you would consider the role that unconscious processes play in determining
behaviour, as well as the conflicts that exist between a person’s impulses and his
need to regulate them. Review Freud’s structure of the mind (illustrated in Figure
12.6 ) and the psychosexual stages of development. What might each of the
following situations mean from Freud’s perspective?
1. A student cannot concentrate on her homework until every little item on

her desk is in its appropriate place.
2. An individual commits violent acts against others without feeling any
remorse.
To apply the humanistic perspective to understand personality, you would look at

the person’s motivations for personal growth and fulfillment and consider
whether they embody the set of traits described by Maslow as characterizing
self-actualized people. In each of the following scenarios, which personality
characteristic could the person work on changing in order to move toward
becoming self-actualized?
1. Dave is a pragmatic guy, preferring the hard, cold facts of reality to

fantasies about how life could be different. He is not afraid to express
what he really thinks, and is not very concerned about whether other
people accept or reject him. Because he is so comfortable with himself,
he has little anxiety and can behave spontaneously and freely in most
situations. He feels strongly patriotic toward his country, and thinks that
government should focus on issues like taxes and the economy, rather
than trying to help people who are disadvantaged due to poverty.
2. Zoe is enthusiastic about life and has a strong spiritual practice, using
meditation and prayer to feel closer to the divine. She feels profound
empathy for people in all parts of the world and is described by her family
as a “bleeding heart,” someone who cares strongly for people who are
worse off than her. She regrets some of the choices she made earlier in
life, and although she tries to learn from them, finds herself often
nostalgically thinking about the past. She has many friends and is very
socially active, in part because she is such a people-pleaser that she is
good at presenting herself in such a way that she makes other people
comfortable.
12.3e Analyze . . . whether projective tests are valid measures of

personality.
In this module you learned about projective tests such as the Rorschach inkblot
test and the Thematic Apperception Test, which some psychologists believe are
useful tools that give them insight into unconscious processes. However,
projective tests do not appear to be valid ways of assessing characteristics of a
person’s personality.
12.3f Analyze . . . the strengths and weaknesses of psychodynamic

perspectives.
Psychodynamic theories can provide some compelling explanations for human

motivation. For example, it is easy to understand how social and moral conflicts
arise when couched in terms of a struggle between the id and the ego. At the
same time, this approach does not have a lot of scientific support. Its key
concepts, such as the id, ego, and superego, are theoretical constructs that
cannot be empirically measured. Also, the psychosexual stages of development
are no longer believed to be accurate descriptions of stages that children go
through while growing up.
Chapter 13 Social Psychology
13.1 The Power of the Situation: Social Influences on Behaviour

The Person and the Situation 533
The Asch Experiments: Conformity 537
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Examining Why People Conform:

Seeing Is Believing 538
The Bystander Effect: Situational Influences on Helping Behaviour 541
Social Roles and Obedience 544
13.2 Social Cognition

Person Perception 552
The Self in the Social World 554
Stereotypes, Prejudice, and Discrimination 557

Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Explicit versus Implicit Measures
of Prejudice 559
13.3 Attitudes, Behaviour, and Effective Communication

Changing People’s Behaviour 565
Using the Central Route Effectively 566
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: The Identifiable Victim Effect 568
Using the Peripheral Route Effectively 572
The Attitude–Behaviour Feedback Loop 574

Module 13.1 The Power of the
Situation: Social Influences on
Behaviour
Ted Pink /Alamy Stock Photo
Learning Objectives
13.1a Know . . . the key terminology associated with social influence.
13.1b Understand . . . why individuals conform to others’ behaviours.
13.1c Understand . . . how individuals and groups can influence behaviours.
13.1d Apply . . . your knowledge of the bystander effect to ensure that you will
be helped if you are in an emergency.
13.1e Analyze . . . whether guards who participate in abuse are inherently bad
people, or whether their behaviour is the product of social influences.
In an interview for the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), Joe Darby

described what it felt like when he started looking at the pictures. They’d
been given to him on a CD by a colleague, Charles Graner. They seemed
innocent at first, scenes of soldiers at different locations around Baghdad,
Iraq. Then he saw a pyramid of naked men, climbing on top of each
other. It made him laugh. However, he soon realized these were not
people joking around; these were pictures of Iraqi prisoners being
tortured and degraded, in the very prison he was working in.
He saw images of his fellow soldier, Charles Graner, physically

assaulting a group of handcuffed prisoners. He saw a photo of naked
male prisoners with bags over their heads positioned in sexually
suggestive poses. And he saw many images of another fellow soldier,
Lynndie England, leading prisoners around on a leash, standing behind a
pile of naked prisoners while giving a thumbs-up sign, and posing with an
Iraqi prisoner who had died.
Then, Joe Darby made the critical decision: He decided to turn the
pictures over to the Army’s criminal investigation unit, blowing the whistle
on an appalling situation of torture and corruption that implicated the US
military and some high-ranking government officials. You may have seen
some of these photos yourself, as they were splashed across
newspapers and websites around the world. They are chilling, to the
extreme, depicting tortures committed by U.S. soldiers against Iraqi
citizens in, of all places, Abu Ghraib. Ironically, this prison was renowned
for its use of brutal torture under the dictatorship of Saddam Hussein,
who was the leader that the U.S. soldiers were “liberating” the Iraqi
people from.
When he decided to hand over the pictures, Darby feared that he would
be putting himself at serious risk for retaliation from his fellow soldiers. It
would be all too easy for any of his fellow soldiers to quietly kill him in his
sleep. However, because he had made his reports anonymously, none of
the other soldiers knew that he was the whistle-blower. Astonishingly, it
was none other than Donald Rumsfeld, the Secretary of Defense at the
time, who blew Darby’s cover. Rumsfeld appeared on TV and personally
thanked Joe Darby, by name, for turning in the photos; this unbelievable
mistake left Darby unprotected and completely vulnerable to any who
would seek revenge.
When his fellow soldiers found out, he was widely congratulated, but
back in his home town, Darby was regarded as a traitor. In his words,
“You have some people who don’t view it as right and wrong. They view it
as: I put American soldiers in prison over Iraqis.” For their own security,
Darby, his wife, and children were placed in protective custody. Today,
they remain in an undisclosed location, accompanied by a military escort
whenever they go out—even for something as simple as a trip to the
grocery store.
When we learn about atrocities like Abu Ghraib, we want to understand

how people could ever do such things. The hope is that by understanding
the social and psychological dynamics that lead to these tragedies, we
may be able to prevent more of them in the future, and make it easier for
heroes such as Joe Darby to come forward and do the right thing. One
thing is certain, people can resist social pressures in any circumstance.
And when they do, it pays off in a deep sense of inner conviction and a
clear conscience. Joe Darby says that after all he and his family have
been through, “I’ve never regretted for one second what I did when I was
in Iraq, to turn those pictures in.”
Focus Questions
1. What leads people to engage in horrific acts against others?

2. How much are our behaviours influenced by others?
The Person and the Situation
Most of us grew up with a clear distinction between right and wrong and the
belief that the world is comprised of good guys and bad guys. Then we assume
that we’re the good guys, and so are people who are “like us.” After all, we don’t
go around murdering, torturing, or committing crimes, right? So when terrible
things happen, we assume that it’s “other” people who do these things:
fundamentally different types of people—bad guys. Although this may be a
comforting way to experience the world, it has at least one big downside. When
terrible things do occur, we generally look for which bad people to blame, and as
a result, we fail to question or challenge the larger system.
Dr. Philip Zimbardo, a highly influential social psychologist of the last half
century, is a champion of this alternative view. He says it’s not the bad apples,
but the bad barrels. After carefully studying over a thousand pictures of abusive
acts occurring in Abu Ghraib, Zimbardo concluded that the tragedy should be
seen as an outgrowth of the whole system, and that the blame likely goes very
high up the chain of military/political leadership, because a situation was
intentionally created that systematically promoted or endorsed the use of
violence against Iraqi prison detainees.
REUTERS/Alamy Stock Photo
For example, there was a general lack of supervision over guards’ treatment of
detainees, a pervasive and constant fear of terrorism, the presence of many non-
military personnel hired from private security companies who didn’t have the
same public accountability as military officers, the general danger and stress of
living in the area, physical and mental exhaustion, language and cultural barriers
that would make it easier to fall into Us vs. Them ways of thinking (see Module
13.2 ), frequent changes made to the official rules on what were considered
acceptable methods for interrogation, the prevalence of social norms condoning
prejudice towards outgroups (e.g., Iraqis, Muslims, prisoners) and favouritism
towards in-group members (e.g.,. Americans, soldiers, prison guards). Finally,
there were contributing factors high up the chain of military and political
command. For example, at the prison itself the soldiers who interrogated
detainees experienced immense pressure from higher up the chain of command
to “get results” when interrogating detainees; they were also frequently, and
conveniently, left unsupervised when with detainees, so that when they “worked
them over” their superiors would be officially unaware. At the highest level of
government, President Bush changed the U.S.’s official policy on torture, even
stepping outside of the Geneva Convention prohibiting torture, all in the name of
“fighting terrorism.” One could argue that this created powerful cultural pressures
towards, and provided legitimacy to the use of, torture and violence. Zimbardo
believes that all of these situational factors worked together, not strictly to cause
a specific act to occur, but to make it more likely that soldiers in those conditions
would commit violent acts (Zimbardo, 2004, 2007).
Courtesy Wikipedia/ZUMA Press/Newscom
It’s disturbing to fully consider the situational explanation for “evil.” Most of us
would rather believe in the dispositional, bad apples explanation. Otherwise we
have to face the possibility that we also have the capacity to do terrible things if
we fall into the wrong circumstances. On the other hand, if we fail to appreciate
the power of the situation, how can we prevent history from repeating itself? How
can we learn the lessons taught by Abu Ghraib, or by the Holocaust, if we
assume that these things occurred as aberrations, rather than recognizing that
certain predictable, situational factors make these types of tragedies more likely
to occur?
We must also remember that the situational analysis is never enough to fully
explain a behaviour pattern. Individuals retain free will (or so we assume).
People are still, in the final analysis, responsible for their behaviour. For
example, in Abu Ghraib, most of the soldiers did not behave abusively; they
seemed to be able to resist the power of the situation. Joe Darby even had the
courage to step forward and report the abuses so that the rest of the world found
out what was going on.
To try to fully understand social reality, social psychologists study the interaction
between the person and the situation. Kurt Lewin (1936), a key founder (often
regarded as the grandfather) of social psychology, expressed this insight as B =
f(P,E): Behaviour is a function of the Person and the Environment. This insight
challenged the Freudian theories of the early 20th century, which explained a
person’s behaviour as being guided by unconscious forces that were rooted in
that person’s distant personal past. It also challenged behaviourism, with its
emphasis on the person’s history of conditioning. Social psychologists, in
contrast, emphasized the role of the individual in choosing how to interpret a
situation, and ultimately, how to respond. They also focused on the person’s
experience in the present moment. Lewin brought a metaphor from physics into
psychology, arguing that a person’s behaviour was the consequence of sets of
forces operating on the person, and once an analyst sufficiently understood the
forces, then the person’s behaviour could be predicted, just as one could analyze
the trajectory of an object by understanding the physical forces (gravity, friction,
etc.) operating on the object. This general approach was extremely influential in
social psychology and has been widely applied in the business world. Theories
of how to create change in organizations often incorporate Lewin’s logic,
analyzing the forces operating in the situation and determining which forces to
change.
The past 80 years or so of research in social psychology that has flowed from
this insight has pieced together a deep understanding of the situational forces
and individual characteristics that determine human behaviour.
Mimicry and Social Norms

Our analysis begins by considering the powerful, and often overlooked, ways in
which we are influenced by the people who are immediately around us. For
example, although we are often unaware of it, we tend to engage in mimicry ,
taking on for ourselves the behaviours, emotional displays, and facial
expressions of others.
For example, the chameleon effect (Chartrand & Bargh, 1999) describes
how people mimic others non-consciously, automatically copying others’
behaviours even without realizing it. You tend to laugh and smile when others
are laughing and smiling. More generally, you make the same emotional
expressions on your face as those you see on the faces around you, and then
pick up their moods as well. And if someone else is whispering, you will likely
whisper, even if it is to ask, “Why are we whispering?” The examples are literally
endless; practically every moment of social interaction between people involves
mimicry.
This kind of subtly attuned mimicry is highly functional (Lakin et al., 2003), much
of the time serving as a “social glue,” helping to coordinate behaviours in social
settings, helping people to feel reassured and validated by each other, sending
the unconsciously processed message to others that you are kind of like them,
and more so, that you are paying attention to them in that moment.
Humans are a social species, and coordinating our behaviour with others is a
key part of learning to function in the social world. It is often a good idea to see
what other people are doing and “go with the flow.” Learning through observation
is one of our key activities in life (see Module 6.3 ), and probably has been for
a long part of our evolutionary past. It’s what we humans do.
The vast bulk of this social processing occurs through implicit, unconscious
processes that we can examine at multiple levels of analysis. For example, there
are implicit processes of attention, perception, emotions, and behaviour that are
described in social psychology (see also Module 13.2 ). There is emotional
synchrony and influence that flows between people and through groups and
social networks, and there is even physiological synchrony that ties people
together, such as how people’s hormone levels synchronize when they live with
each other. The point is, a lot goes on that links us together with other people
and we are consciously aware of very little of it.
The social benefits of mimicry can be seen by how they affect social interactions.
For example, people mimic others more when they are trying to make a good
impression (Lakin & Chartrand, 2003). It does seem to work: when someone
adopts similar bodily movements and gestures to your own (even quite subtly),
you tend to like them more (Chartrand & Bargh, 1999). However, it’s a different
story if you try to intentionally mimic people’s behaviour in order to manipulate
them. Consciously trying to “steer” this process could lead you into trouble, just
like focusing too much on a well-practised movement can cause you to mess it
up. Indeed, if someone notices that a person is mimicking them, they like that
person less as a result (Maddux et al., 2008); so, if you are using this power for
your own nefarious purposes, at the very least, be subtle about it!
Given that mimicry is so implicit and deeply ingrained, it would make sense to
expect that we humans would find it awfully difficult to resist being influenced by
each other. In many different situations, we tend to conform to the social
norms that are evident. Social norms are the (usually unwritten) guidelines
for how to behave in social contexts. Norms influence everything from our
manners (e.g., you probably make different jokes when out with your friends than
when you meet your boy/girlfriend’s parents for the first time), to the amount of
alcohol we drink, food we eat, clothes we wear, and even the beliefs and
attitudes we express. Social norms govern much of our behaviour, even though
people often fail to realize this and instead believe that their behaviour is freely
chosen (Nolan et al., 2008). Much social psychological research has shown that
people have relatively poor insight into the actual causal factors that influence
their behaviour much of the time; we aren’t in control of ourselves as much as we
would like to believe (Nisbett & Wilson, 1977).
Mimicry and social norms reflect the fact that much of our lives are spent in
groups; whether it’s hanging out with friends, doing a work or school project,
performing artistically, and so on, small groups are hard to avoid. A key question
in social psychology is whether people behave differently in groups than they do
as individuals, and how behaviour changes as a result of being in a group.
Group Dynamics: Social Loafing and Social

Facilitation
Let’s start with a question about your own experiences in groups—how do you
feel about group assignments? Do you like them because they’re an opportunity
to get to know people, or maybe because the group can accomplish something
more impressive together than they could alone? Or do you hate group projects
because other people waste so much time, or because people don’t have very
good ideas, or because some people are slackers whose work doesn’t meet your
standards and you end up having to do everything? You probably have some
kind of opinion on group projects. But here’s the thing—regardless of your
feelings, you are almost certainly going to be working in groups in your future.
Whether it’s your job, family and community groups, or the group project your
charming professor assigns to your class, it’s pretty tough to avoid working with
other people.
Often one of the main purposes of a group is to produce better work than an
individual could by working alone. But does this really happen? Do groups
produce better work, making the most out of individuals’ ideas and encouraging
their best efforts? Or do they produce poorer outcomes, limiting people’s
creativity and enabling them to slack off? Oddly enough, the answer to both
questions is “yes, sometimes.”
Groups sometimes produce poorer outcomes due to social loafing , which

occurs when an individual puts less effort into working on a task with others.
There are various phrases for describing this—coasting, slacking, free-riding.
Social loafing can occur in all sorts of tasks, including physical activities (e.g.,
swimming, rope-pulling), cognitive activities (e.g., problem solving, perceptual
tests), and creativity (e.g., song writing), and across all types of groups,
regardless of age, gender, or nationality (Karau & Williams, 2001; Latané et al.,
2006). One reason why people loaf is because they think others in the group are
also not doing their best, setting up an apparent social norm that “people in this
group don’t work very hard.” There are two likely outcomes of social loafing.
Either the group performs quite poorly (i.e., crashes and burns), or a small
number of people end up saving the group by doing everything themselves.
Given the importance and inescapability of group work, it is important to

understand what factors encourage loafing, so we can avoid them.
Low efficacy beliefs. This occurs if tasks are too difficult or complex, so
people don’t know where to start. Structure tasks so people know exactly
what to do, provide clear deadlines, and give people feedback so they know
how well they are doing and how they can improve.
Believing that one’s contributions are not important to the group. This
occurs if people can’t see how their own input matters to the group.
Overcome this by helping people understand how group members rely on
and affect each other, and assigning tasks to people that they feel are
significant or they’ve had some say in choosing (if possible).
Not caring about the group’s outcome. This occurs when a person is not
personally identified with the group, perhaps feeling socially rejected from the
group or perceiving the group as unsuccessful or unimportant. Overcome this
by making the group’s goals and values clear and explicit, encouraging
friendships to form and group activities to be fun and socially rewarding.
Feeling like others are not trying very hard. As discussed earlier, people
loaf if they feel others are loafing (Karau & Williams, 2001). Overcome this
by providing feedback about the progress of group members on their
individual tasks; strong groups often have regular meetings where people’s
progress is discussed and, ideally, celebrated!
In contrast to social loafing, social facilitation occurs when one’s

performance is affected by the presence of others. For example, in probably the
first social psychology experiment ever published, Norman Triplett (1898) found
that cyclists ride faster when racing against each other than when trying to beat
the clock. Many other researchers have found similar effects, even in animals.
For example, ants are able to dig more when other ants are working alongside
them (Chen, 1937) and even cockroaches run down a runway more quickly
when other cockroaches are around (Zajonc et al., 1969).
The presence of others doesn’t always improve performance, however. We’re all
familiar with the athlete who “choked” at the big moment. The presence of others
is likely to interfere with our performance when our skills are poor or the task is
difficult. Even the cockroaches mentioned earlier did more poorly when other
cockroaches watched them try to navigate a more complex maze (Zajonc et al.,
1969).
There are many different mechanisms that explain the social facilitation effect
(Uziel, 2007). One of the most important is that the presence of others is
(emotionally) arousing, and arousal tends to strengthen our dominant responses.
When the task is simple (e.g., run in a straight line), our dominant responses are
the right ones, but when the task is very complex (e.g., juggle three axes), we
need to be able to control our responses more carefully, and then arousal
decreases performance. Thus, the effects of arousal due to social facilitation
depend on one’s skills and the difficulty of the task; the greater the skills and the
simpler the tasks, the more likely the presence of others will enhance
performance. For true masters of a skill, audiences and competitors generally
enhance performance, but novices tend to perform best in practice sessions
when nobody’s watching (Bell & Yee, 1989; MacCracken & Stadulis, 1985).
Groupthink
In the same way that feeling evaluated tends to limit one’s full abilities, the
pressures that build within groups also often limit creativity, leading people to
hold back their ideas. Groupthink refers to this stifling of diversity that
occurs when individuals are not able to express their true perspectives, instead
having to focus more on maintaining harmony in the group and on not being
evaluated negatively.
In contrast with our optimistic visions of group “brainstorming” sessions that are
wildly creative and inventive, the reality of group performance is quite a bit less
impressive. Group members can feel evaluative or competitive pressures within
the group, and as a result, the group norm is not as safe or supportive; this
makes it feel more risky to put yourself out there and say something really radical
and crazy. So, instead of a frenzy of creativity in which group members gleefully
pile idea upon idea, group brainstorming often ends up being a kind of polite and
restrained process, where a few ideas are aired and then the group quickly
moves towards implementing something. In short, group brainstorming often
fails.
When group members are more concerned with avoiding disagreements than
with generating ideas, three main problems occur. First, group members may
minimize or ignore potential problems and risks in the ideas they are considering.
The lack of ability to critically question or disagree with ideas means that people
will emphasize potential rewards and successes and overlook potentially
disastrous things that might go wrong. Second, groups will likely settle too
quickly on ideas, because social pressures will make people uncomfortable with
prolonging a decision-making process. Instead, they will simply agree with one of
the existing ideas. As a result, many potential ideas are never brought to the
table for consideration. Third, groups often become overconfident and therefore
less likely to carefully examine the consequences of their decisions, leading
them to be less likely to learn from their mistakes (Ahlfinger & Esser, 2001;
Janis, 1972). All things considered, groupthink seems like a pretty bad outcome!
(Interestingly, the main thing that groupthink is good for is implementing ideas—
getting things done. It’s choosing the right things to do that groupthink interferes
with.)
Historically, groupthink has been identified in some truly terrible decisions,

including the 1986 decision to go ahead with the launch of the space shuttle
Challenger despite safety concerns (the shuttle broke apart 73 seconds into its
flight, killing seven astronauts); the escalation of the Vietnam War; and the 1961
Bay of Pigs invasion, when a U.S.-sponsored military invasion attempted to
orchestrate an overthrow of Cuban leader Fidel Castro and was soundly
defeated, to the immense embarrassment of the U.S. In each case, leaders
committed themselves to a course of action without taking into consideration all
the different perspectives and opinions that were available. An example of
groupthink in your lifetime was the U.S. war in Iraq. The original official
justification for the invasion was that former Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein was
manufacturing weapons of massive destruction (WMDs). However, the Bush
administration was widely criticized for not giving equal consideration to different
types of information before making its decisions. Specifically, information that
supported the assertion that Saddam Hussein was manufacturing WMDs was
considered valid and given serious weight, whereas information that countered
this assertion tended to be rejected as invalid or based on uninformed testimony.
In the end, the military action that resulted from this decision involved the deaths
of hundreds of thousands of Iraqi citizens and thousands of U.S. soldiers. Now,
more than a decade later, no WMDs have been found, and that region remains
in turmoil.
Some groups are more susceptible to groupthink than others. Laboratory

research revealed that when groupthink occurs, there is often a strong or
“directive” leader—specifically, an individual who suppresses dissenters and
encourages the group to consider fewer alternative ideas (Ahlfinger & Esser,
2001). Also, groups in which members are more similar to each other, especially
in terms of shared sociopolitical perspectives, are more likely to fall into
groupthink (e.g., Schulz-Hardt et al., 2000).
Module 13.1a Quiz:
The Person and the Situation
Know . . .
1. According to Kurt Lewin, human behaviour is governed by the formula B
= f (P, E). In this formula, E refers to
A. environment.
B. education.
C. ego.
D. extraversion.
Understand . . .
2. The chameleon effect occurs when
A. individuals withdraw from social interactions.
B. individuals try to use subtle means of persuasion.
C. individuals turn their backs on a group member.
D. individuals unintentionally mimic another’s behaviour.
3. Groupthink is least likely to occur when

A. group members have very different sociopolitical values.
B. group members become excited about their progress.
C. a leader emerges who suppresses dissent.
D. the group refuses to consider alternatives.
Analyze . . .
4. Which of the following does not explain why social loafing may occur?
A. The individual believes that even if the group succeeds, there will
be very little reward in it for each individual group member.
B. The individual believes that the group will fail no matter what his
or her contribution is.
C. The individual believes that he or she has little to contribute to a
group.
D. The group is engaged in a particularly complicated project.
The Asch Experiments: Conformity
Groupthink can occur easily without a strong leader simply because of

conformity pressures that arise spontaneously in groups. Classic experiments on
conformity were performed in the 1950s by Solomon Asch. In his now-famous
studies, participants were seated at a table along with several other people who
seemed like other participants but who were, in fact, “confederates,” people who
were secretly working with the experimenter. Participants and confederates were
asked to look at an image of three lines, and choose which line was the same
length as a “standard line.” The task was designed to be so easy (see Figure
13.1 ) that when people were allowed to give their answers privately, they
were correct almost 100% of the time. However, things changed when answers
were spoken aloud in front of a group. For the first couple of trials, everybody
gave the correct answer, making the participant’s job easy. But then, something
weird happened; each of the confederates started giving the same wrong
answer, one after another. Then it was the participant’s turn. What would he do?
Would he go along with the rest of the group and give the clearly wrong answer?
Or would he say what he knew to be the right answer?
Figure 13.1 Perceptual Judgment Task in Asch’s Conformity Studies

Which of the comparison lines is the same length as the standard line? In Asch’s
experiments, many people conformed to the confederates and gave the wrong
answer.
Top: Reproduced with permission. Copyright 2015 Scientific American, Inc. All rights reserved.
This is a situation in which unconscious mimicking doesn’t apply, because the

behaviour is very consciously chosen. And, it is not an ambiguous situation at all.
However, conformity pressures were strong enough that 75% of people gave the
wrong answer on at least one of the 12 trials in which the confederates gave the
wrong answer. Each time confederates gave the wrong answer, about one third
of the participants conformed (Asch, 1951, 1955, 1956).
Why would people choose an answer they knew to be wrong? There are two
main types of social influence. Normative influence is the result of social
pressure to adopt a group’s perspective in order to be accepted, rather than
rejected, by the group. In contrast, informational influence occurs when
people feel the group is giving them useful information. Although both types of
influence can certainly affect behaviour, there is a big difference between them:
informational influence tends to lead to actual belief change (i.e., the person
comes to adopt the beliefs of the group), whereas normative influence does not
necessarily lead people to privately accept the information that they may,
publicly, be demonstrating their agreement with.
In the Asch study, both types of influence seemed to be occurring. For example,
some of the conforming participants said afterwards that they thought they had
misunderstood something, or that there was some sort of “trick” the others
picked up on that they didn’t, because surely the others couldn’t all be wrong if
they were all saying the same thing. Other people reported that they didn’t want
to stand out or make a scene by being the disagreeable person, so they just
went along with the group. In everyday contexts, both types of influence are
often at work, making us easily swayed by other people. We will be especially
vulnerable to social influence when we are uncertain about the situation,
although as Asch showed us, social influence is powerful enough to make us
doubt ourselves even when the situation is pretty clear and unambiguous. Many
factors work together to determine, in a given situation, the strength of social
influence pressures and whether or not a person ends up conforming (see Table
13.1 ).
Table 13.1 Personal and Situational Factors Contribute to Conformity
People Tend to Be Less Likely to People Tend to Be More Likely to Conform

Conform When . . . When . . .
Only one other person is in the vicinity There is a larger group in the vicinity
There are only male group members There is a high proportion of female group
members
There are only strangers in the room There are friends, family, or acquaintances
in the vicinity
There are extremely clear and simple The task is unclear or ambiguous
tasks
There is one other nonconformist in the Others conform first

room
Responses are made anonymously Responses are made publicly
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Examining

Why People Conform: Seeing Is Believing
For more than half a century, social psychologists have wondered

why subjects in the Asch experiment conformed to the group. Did
they consciously choose to conform solely because they didn’t
want to incur a social cost by seeming different from everyone
else (normative influence), or did the group’s collective opinion
actually change the subjects’ own perceptions of the lines
(informational influence)? More generally, is it possible that if
enough people insist that reality is different from how it appears,
then you will actually perceive a different reality?
What do we know about measuring choosing vs.
perceiving?
The simplest way of assessing why people conform is, of course,
to ask them, which Asch did in some of his original studies.
However, other research has shown that people often don’t have
accurate insight into their own reasons for doing things (Nisbett
& Wilson, 1977). Relying on self-reports only gives insight into
the theories people have about their own behaviour, not
necessarily the actual reasons why they did what they did.
Recent advances in neuroscience have given researchers the

ability to see which areas of the brain are associated with
perceptual processes, such as seeing, and processes that more
directly involve the self, such as making a choice. If one is
consciously making a choice that one knows to be wrong, this
should activate parts of the prefrontal cortex that involve
executive function abilities, whereas the act of perceiving visual
stimuli has its own patterns of activation spread through the
frontal, occipital, and parietal cortices. So, in the Asch study, a
neurological measurement technique like this might help us to
see directly which types of social influence are occurring. One
hypothesis could be that informational influence might involve
greater activation of visual perception areas of the brain, because
subjects are “seeing” the stimulus differently and therefore may
be paying special attention to the act of seeing. Conversely, if
normative influence is occurring, subjects may activate the
executive function areas of the prefrontal cortex, reflecting that
they are making intentional choices to override their own
knowledge of the right answer, in order to give the socially
desirable response. Thus, different patterns of brain activation
might shed light on people’s reasons for conforming.
How can science study people’s reasons for

conforming, when they may be unaware of the
reasons themselves?
In an ingenious study, subjects went through an Asch-like
procedure while their brains were being scanned in an fMRI
machine (Berns et al., 2005). Subjects were asked to make
judgments about a perceptual task, while also being given
information about the perceptions of other people in the
experiment, many of which were wrong. The task required
subjects to mentally rotate figures in order to determine whether a
shape was the same or different from a comparison shape (i.e.,
like the Asch study, but with shapes instead of lines).
Researchers then compared subjects’ brain activation when they
conformed to the incorrect judgments of the group vs. when they
did not conform but instead stuck to their own independent
perceptions.
When subjects conformed, reporting the same judgment as the

group, activation occurred in regions of the brain associated with
visual perception (i.e., parts of the visual cortex and parietal
lobes). This was interpreted to mean that when conforming, these
subjects were, in fact, perceiving these stimuli in a different way
—that the difference was in their perceptions. On the other hand,
when subjects refused to conform to the group’s incorrect
judgments, they activated areas of the amygdala that are
associated with negative emotion (LeDoux, 2000) and with
processing social information (Amaral et al., 2003; Singer et al.,
2004). This suggests that going against the group’s judgments
was an emotionally taxing thing for people to do, involving
negative emotion and a heightened social awareness. This may
be the brain indicator of the heavy emotional load of standing up
for what you believe in.

This fascinating study may give us insight into what can happen
when people conform to groups, but it leaves wide open the
question of what happens in different situations, including the
Asch study. In this study, people were mentally rotating shapes,
which is a more challenging task than the line judgments in
Asch’s study. Although people’s perceptions on the mental
rotation task could be swayed by the group’s judgment, this does
not necessarily imply that people’s perceptions on Asch’s much
simpler task could also be swayed in the same way. It is
important to keep in mind that the different operational details of
the experiments, indeed of any experiment, have important
implications for how the results should be interpreted.
There are also multiple ways of interpreting the brain-imaging

data. For example, in general, people pay more attention to
stimuli that are related to emotional responses; so, some of the
activity might be related to attention rather than to the emotions
associated with conformity (or refusing to conform). In short, it’s
not clear from a single study exactly what the activation of
specific brain areas means; as with all research, it’s necessary for
studies to accumulate and the evidence to converge.

This study suggests that when people conform to a group, it can
potentially change their basic perceptions about the world at a
deep level. This suggests that if enough people say something is
true, not only may we go along with the group, we may start to
experience the world in the same way. This study also suggests
that going against the group, standing up for what you believe,
can be a threatening experience, requiring us to experience
difficult emotions like fear.
Empowering people to resist the influence of destructive groups

or authority figures is a huge puzzle science is still trying to solve.
Many forces operate together, some seemingly positive and
some seemingly negative, all influencing how empowered a
person feels to go against a group. For example, resisting social
influence is likely related to one’s own confidence and self-
esteem, expertise, social status, authority, moral conviction,
prejudice against the group, the status or desirability of the group,
and undoubtedly many other factors that influence how the
person feels in that particular moment. Although social
psychologists now have a pretty good understanding of how
these factors operate, we obviously have a long way to go in our
society before we can apply this knowledge fully and effectively.
Follow-up experiments to the Asch study illuminated two additional, very

important aspects of conformity situations. First, there is a fascinating
relationship between conformity rates and the size of the group. Asch found very
low conformity if only one or two people gave a wrong answer. But once there
are three or more people, conformity rates shoot up to their maximum level
(Asch, 1951); it only takes a few people to exert “group pressure.”
This finding has deep implications for our understanding of how group norms
operate in our everyday lives. Group norms are not just abstract, overarching
cultural forces that affect all of us in every situation. Instead, group norms are
created spontaneously in each situation. Whenever a few people get together,
they establish implicit norms that govern the behaviour of the people in the
group. For example, think of the norms that are transmitted as people laugh at a
demeaning joke; as co-workers pass along malicious gossip; as a boy is cheered
on for eating his seventh slice of pizza while a girl is looked at askance when she
loads up her plate a buffet; as kids turn away from a child in the schoolyard who
is being bullied or laughed at; as friends laugh at someone’s story about how
much alcohol they drank before “somehow” managing to drive home.
Now, think about how these situations can be different when people speak up
and say they are offended by racist jokes; when co-workers create cultures of
support instead of gossip; when both boys and girls are encouraged to eat
healthily and love their bodies; when people stand up together against a bully;
and when people make sure their friends are sober before they let them get
behind the wheel. The norms that operate in our everyday lives can make such a
big difference.
The second important finding to come out of the Asch studies was that even
though groups are powerful, individuals can also be very powerful. In some
variations of Asch’s studies, one of the confederates would also give the right
answer, going against the rest of the group. This single dissenting voice was
enough to shatter the group’s power, reducing the rate of conformity to one
quarter of its original level (Asch, 1955). This shows that groups are most
powerful when they are unanimous, but a single person’s courage can burst that
bubble and liberate the voices of others who may privately disagree with the
group. This is a key reason why it is so important to speak out about what you
believe in.
It’s important for people to realize how much power they wield as individuals,
because when you are caught in a situation of group pressure, the pressures can
indeed feel enormously powerful. For example, with regards to the Abu Ghraib
abuses discussed earlier, it is important to understand the normative pressures
that were in operation. For example, there is a strong culture in the military of not
questioning orders and maintaining solidarity in the ranks; these sorts of
pressures create a culture of conformity, maximizing the likelihood of outcomes
like groupthink. In such an environment, it can seem awfully hard to go against
the group, and as we discussed, Joe Darby was afraid of what would happen if
others knew he was the whistleblower. However, once his identity was revealed,
his fellow soldiers expressed widespread support and appreciation for his
courage. They had also been harbouring their own private disapproval of what
was happening, but they were unwilling to be “the only one” to come forward.
Module 13.1b Quiz:

The Asch Experiments: Conformity
Know . . .
1. Social pressure to adopt a group’s perspective in order to be accepted,

rather than rejected, by the group is known as .
A. normative influence
B. social cognitive influence
C. informational influence
D. sociocultural influence
Apply . . .
2. Which of the following is a reasonable conclusion to draw from the Asch

studies?
A. Conformity pressures are so powerful that it is almost impossible
to help people stand up against a group’s majority opinion.
B. Conformity always happens because people simply choose to
agree with the group just to fit in; conformity can never, however,
lead people to privately accept a group’s perspective.
C. People will conform in most situations that involve a great deal of
uncertainty; but when people are certain of what is “right,” most
will disagree with the group if the group holds a different opinion
from them.
D. Even a single individual has a great deal of power in group
settings, because by being willing to publicly disagree with the
group, conformity pressures are significantly reduced for others.
3. Diane was a member of her university’s student union. The members of

the union were debating whether to continue funding the university’s
daycare, which was losing money. Diane wanted to continue providing
money to the daycare, yet found that other members of the council
wanted to close it. If Diane behaved similarly to the participants in Asch’s
conformity experiments, which response will she most likely make?
A. Diane will vote to continue funding the daycare, even if she is the
only person voting that way.
B. Diane will lose her motivation to be a part of the students’ union.
C. If another member of the students’ council also objects to closing
the daycare, Diane will vote to keep it open.
D. Diane will side with the President of the student union in order to
ensure that she is on the same side as the most powerful
member of the group.
The Bystander Effect: Situational

Influences on Helping Behaviour
One of the most powerful examinations of the ways that social situations
influence us has been the study of helping behaviour. Although all of us would
like to live in a society in which people will help us when we need it, the truth is
often, sadly, quite different.
One tragic example of this, which has become famous in our culture, unfolded in
the middle of a cold night, on March 13, 1964. A young woman, Kitty Genovese,
was physically assaulted outside an apartment complex in New York City. She
screamed and made enough noise that many people (38, it was later revealed)
came to their windows to try to see what was going on. One person shouted
through his window, which scared the attacker off, and Kitty stumbled around the
corner of the building, out of sight of most of the residents. The attacker then
returned and attacked her again, stabbing and sexually assaulting her. In total,
her ordeal lasted more than half an hour. When the police were finally called, it
was too late to save Kitty’s life.
A couple of weeks later, The New York Times published a front-page article, with
the headline, “37 Who Saw Murder Didn’t Call the Police. Apathy at Stabbing of
Queens Woman Shocks Inspector.” People were shocked and outraged that so
many could have allowed a young woman to be assaulted without lifting a finger
to help her. How is it possible that not one person intervened? Have we become
so selfish and disconnected from each other that we don’t get involved even
when someone’s life is on the line?
Kitty Genovese: Her tragic murder in 1964 led to groundbreaking studies on the
bystander effect.
New York Daily News/Getty Images
Before continuing, we should mention that several decades later, it has been
revealed that the murder did not really occur the way it was reported, and the
way that most psychology textbooks have repeated ever since. It seemed that
only a few of the residents had been able to see anything in the parking lot, and
only for a few moments. It was not clear to the residents exactly what was going
on, so their inability to act could have, in many cases, been due to simple
uncertainty, not realizing for sure that a crime was occurring. After all, when you
live in a highly populated urban area, it is not uncommon to hear noises,
including shouting, in the middle of the night, and you can’t be calling the police
every time someone shouts and yells on the street for a minute. So, some of the
apparent apathy could have been due to confusion and uncertainty, rather than a
lack of caring. Also, it was reported later that some of the residents apparently
did try to phone the police, so it may have been a mistake to conclude that
“nobody” tried to help (Manning et al., 2007).
Nevertheless, the horrifying belief that so many people could have stood by
doing nothing while a woman was murdered launched an important line of
research that found similar effects in many different situations. The bystander
effect describes the counterintuitive finding that the presence of other people
actually reduces the likelihood of helping behaviour. This is counterintuitive
because, usually, one would assume that if there is a certain chance of one
person doing something, like helping, then the more people that are around, the
greater the cumulative chance should be that someone will help. However, it
seems in many cases that as the number of people in a situation increases,
helping rates actually decrease!
There are different explanations for the bystander effect in different situations.
The first was offered by social psychologists Bibb Latané and John Darley
(1968) after the Genovese murder. They suggested a rather surprising theory
that ran counter to common intuitions. What if the thing that everybody found so
surprising was actually the explanation? Instead of being surprised that nobody
intervened despite the large number of people at their windows, what if nobody
intervened in the situation because there were so many people involved?
Consider the perspective of each person, standing by their window that night in
New York in 1964, looking out at a dark parking lot where they heard shouting.
They likely wondered, “What’s going on? Is it serious? Is it two people having a
relationship argument? Is it a drunken argument between friends? Or merely
people having fun and yelling as some sort of prank? Should I do something, like
call the police? Is that maybe a bit excessive? Or does the situation warrant it?
I’m not exactly sure what’s happening . . . maybe I’ll wait a minute and see if I get
a better sense of what’s happening. . . . Hey, look at all the other people standing
at their windows.” And then, the critical moment happens—they conclude,
“Someone else has probably called the police,” or “Someone else probably has a
better sense of what’s happening,” or they may even (somewhat selfishly) think,
“I don’t really want to get involved . . . but look, someone else will do it.”
The problem is, of course, that if everybody thinks someone else will take on the
responsibility of helping, nobody will do anything. Latané and Darley called this
diffusion of responsibility , the reduced personal responsibility that a person
feels when more people are present in a situation (Figure 13.2 ).
Figure 13.2 Diffusion of Responsibility

If one person witnesses an emergency, it is as if 100% of the responsibility for
helping falls on that person. If 10 people witness an emergency, that
responsibility is diffused, so it is as if each person feels only 10% of the
responsibility—which may not be enough to motivate a person to act.
Other studies have explored this effect by simulating emergencies. For example,
in one study, subjects believed they were interacting with other people who were
in different rooms in the experiment, talking over an intercom system. One of the
other voices on the intercom started to clearly have a seizure and require some
help (this was, of course, not real, but subjects didn’t know that). In one condition
of the experiment, participants interacted with the other person alone and
nobody else was available to help. In other conditions, participants believed
there were other participants sitting at other intercom terminals, who were all
available to help. Consistent with diffusion of responsibility, people took longer to
react to the calls for help, the more people they believed were available to
respond (Latané & Darley, 1968). The take-home message is that the more
people there are in a situation, the more likely it is that any one person will
assume “someone else will do it.”
The second explanation offered for the bystander effect is that there is often a
mismatch between the public behaviour that people display and the private
beliefs or thoughts the people may be having. As a result, the social norms
operating in the situation (i.e., the expressions of people’s public behaviour), may
be quite different from the actual beliefs held by the people themselves; this is
called pluralistic ignorance .
Pluralistic ignorance is one of the most powerful factors invisibly shaping our
lives, and indeed our society. It operates in many different situations: racist jokes
and comments that people don’t react to; political decisions or corporate policies
that others don’t express their disapproval of; a child being bullied and taunted
on the playground that nobody stands up for; unjust social practices that the
general public passively accepts and allows to continue.
In fact, pluralistic ignorance could potentially be so powerful that it becomes a

group norm, which then governs the behaviour of individual people within the
group, even though nobody in the group actually agrees with the group norm.
Think of how messed up that is! A group could pressure people to do things that
each group member, privately, disagrees with. Of course, what likely happens in
most real-world situations is that pluralistic ignorance and social influence (e.g.,
power, authority, etc.) work together so that a few people in a group can impose
their values or perspectives onto the group, and then pluralistic ignorance works
to keep everyone else from expressing their true thoughts and feelings. As a
result, it only takes a few people to “steer” the behaviour of most others, and
once those few people have power, it can be hard for the other group members
to make change happen.
The bystander effect, diffusion of responsibility, and pluralistic ignorance can

often work together to ensure that people who need help don’t get it.
A key reason why pluralistic ignorance happens is simply that when we are out in
the public sphere, the normative adult behaviour is to “play it cool.” Most adults
adopt expressions of general neutrality, most of the time, and you only have to
walk down the street for two minutes to test this out. Obviously, there are many
exceptions, but few adults are as constantly goofy, emotionally volatile, and
expressive as, say, your average 3-year-old (which, to be honest, is probably a
good thing). As a result, the immediate impression that people give, most of the
time, is “I’m cool, and everything is fine,” or as the common meme goes, keep
calm and carry on.
One classic study of pluralistic ignorance demonstrated the power of this

tendency for people to remain expressively restrained, even to the point that they
would put their lives in potential peril. Imagine being a subject in this study: You
are sitting in a room, filling out questionnaires; suddenly you notice a little bit of
smoke, wafting into the room from a vent. What do you do?
Your intuition probably tells you that you would get up and check it out,
especially if the smoke didn’t stop. You would go over and smell it, perhaps look
outside the room, or maybe find the experimenter to report it. Especially if the
smoke continued to build, minute after minute, you would take some action. We
all learned when we were kids how to get out of burning buildings, right?
If you are sitting in this room all by yourself, then your intuition is probably right.
But what if you are sitting in the room with other people? This changes things,
doesn’t it? You might not want to embarrass yourself by jumping up right away.
After all, maybe the smoke is just mist from a broken air conditioner or something
equally benign.
So, in this situation, you pause, considering what to do, looking out of the corner
of your eyes at the others in the room. But everyone else isn’t responding either;
they are just filling out their questionnaires, perhaps occasionally looking around
as well, but “playing it cool.” It’s possible that every single person is privately
thinking, “There might be a fire!” but publicly, each person is displaying no
evidence of their private concerns, so they all sit there while smoke continues to
fill up the room.
Exactly this pattern of behaviour was observed in the rather incredible “smoke-
filled room study” (Latané & Darley, 1968), which had subjects go through the
experience just described. Most subjects (75%) who sat in the smoky room by
themselves got up to investigate within six minutes, but if the subjects were in a
room with two other people who gave no indication of being concerned about the
smoke, only 10% of the subjects took action to investigate. In a specific crisis
situation in which people would normally help or take action, the mere presence
of other people sets up various social forces that can prevent people from doing
so, including embarrassment (Karakashian et al., 2006), pluralistic ignorance
(Prentice & Miller, 1993), and diffusion of responsibility (Darley & Latané,
1968).
So if YOU are ever in an emergency situation and need someone’s help, it is

important to cut through any confusion, pluralistic ignorance, or diffusion of
responsibility (Schroeder et al., 1995). If possible, clearly ask for help, from a
specific person, with a specific command: “Hey you! In the red shirt! I need help!
Call 911!” (Or whatever specific behaviour you need.)
Module 13.1c Quiz:

The Bystander Effect
Know . . .
1. The reduced personal responsibility that a person feels in a situation

when more people are present is known as .
A. diffusion of responsibility
B. conformity
C. the bystander effect
D. pluralistic ignorance
Understand . . .
2. Which of the following is the most plausible explanation for the bystander
effect?
A. There are more people who simply do not care enough to help
others than originally thought.
B. People fear embarrassment that could come from helping another
person.
C. The person in need is likely to be unrelated, and nonrelatives are
not worth helping.
D. Bystanders refuse to help because of their own experiences;
when they were in need, nobody helped them.
Apply . . .
3. Darcey made a racist joke to a group of people at a party. Although
Megan was a member of an anti-racism committee at her school, she
didn’t raise any objection to the joke. This is an example of .
A. bystander apathy
B. pluralistic ignorance
C. the chameleon effect
D. groupthink
Social Roles and Obedience
In contrast to social norms, which are general rules that apply to members of a
group, social roles are more specific sets of expectations for how someone
in a specific position should behave. The key word here is “specific.” Roles
emerge within a specific position in society—such as professor, student, parent,
and prison guard—because the rest of society expects the person to behave in
accordance with the role. In a sense, the person’s individuality gets subsumed by
the role, and what they might freely choose to do takes a back seat to what
society expects of someone in that role. Roles can be incredibly powerful,
leading people to do things they would never believe themselves capable of.
World War II had a major influence on the field of social psychology, particularly
in bringing the concept of social roles to the forefront of study. The Holocaust
was extremely troubling; how could seemingly ordinary people condone, and in
many cases take part in, the state-sanctioned killing of millions of Jewish people,
gypsies, homosexuals, and political dissidents? It seemed like only truly
disturbed individuals would be willing to engage in such atrocities. The work of
two psychologists changed this view, however, and showed us that social roles
can have a powerful effect on our behaviour.
The Stanford Prison Study

In 1971, Philip Zimbardo, a social psychologist at Stanford University, wanted to
study the impact that situations could have on people. Would otherwise “good”
people do “bad” things if placed in a bad situation? He placed an ad in the paper
asking for volunteers for a prison simulation experiment. After giving the
respondents a battery of psychological tests, Zimbardo selected the most
psychologically stable people to be participants. He then randomly assigned nine
to take on the role of prison guards, and nine to become prisoners.
The study began dramatically, as the police arrested the new “prisoners” outside
of their homes, in full view of their neighbours. (Zimbardo enlisted the help of the
local police department to help maximize the realism of this part of his study.)
These newly arrested men were taken to the police station, where they were
fingerprinted and held in a cell, then blindfolded and transferred to the basement
of Stanford University’s Psychology Department. Zimbardo had transformed the
basement into a simulated prison, complete with cells with barred doors and cots
for sleeping. The prisoners were strip-searched and sprayed with de-lousing
spray, then given a smock to wear (with no underwear), a nylon stocking for their
heads, a chain around their ankles, and an ID number, which was to be their only
personal identification while in the study (i.e., they couldn’t use their names
anymore). The guards were given uniforms, and were given authority to oversee
the daily lives of the prisoners. And thus the study began.
What happened next took everybody by surprise. By the morning of the second
day, the situation had started to deteriorate to the point that the prisoners staged
a rebellion and refused to cooperate with the guards. The guards responded with
force, blasting the prisoners with spray from a fire extinguisher, and physically
subduing them. The stress was so intense that within the first 36 hours of the
experiment, one of the prisoners completely broke down, exhibiting such severe
signs of emotional distress that he was taken out of the study.
The prisoners quickly became absorbed into their roles, following the guards’
orders, trying to avoid punishment, referring to themselves only with ID numbers
instead of their names, and generally trying to adapt as well as they could to their
situation. The guards also fell into their roles, quickly starting to treat the
prisoners with disrespect, engaging in ever-escalating tactics of control and
humiliation. Prisoners were made to do push-ups and their sleep was interrupted
for “counts” during which they had to line up and say their ID numbers, for up to
a few hours at a time. Guards mocked and verbally harassed the prisoners,
forced them to clean toilets with their bare hands, controlled when the prisoners
were allowed to use the toilet, and even played humiliating, sexually degrading
games. For prisoners who were rebellious or difficult, the guards set up a solitary
confinement cell in what had previously been a broom closet.
Volunteers were randomly assigned to play guards or prisoners in the Stanford

Prison Study in 1971. Each group took their roles so seriously, and their
behaviours degraded so quickly, that the researchers called off the experiment
before it was even halfway completed.
Philip G. Zimbardo, Inc.
Zimbardo himself, who had assumed the title of Prison Superintendent, also fell
into his role. As he freely admits, he quickly lost his more objective perspective
as a psychologist running a study, and instead started to view it as “his prison”
containing “prisoners and guards,” not young men from the community who were
research participants.
The situation took a serious toll on the prisoners; many exhibited stress-related
symptoms including screaming, crying, even becoming ill. Amazingly, although at
least 50 outside observers were allowed to see what was going on, nobody
questioned the ethics or expressed significant concern for the prisoners, until
one graduate student, upon seeing the prisoners being marched down the hall
on a “toilet run” with sacks over their heads, confronted Zimbardo with the
unethical nature of the study. At that point, Zimbardo realized things had gotten
out of hand and called off the study, a mere six days into the planned two-week
simulation of prison life.
The Stanford Prison Study could not be repeated today due to the ethical
standards that have since come into force. Nevertheless, it remains a stunning
example of the power of social roles and how they play out in specific situations.
A social role, even one that is randomly assigned, can make otherwise bright,
well-adjusted people do things that they would never dream possible for
themselves. You can likely see the connection between the Stanford experiment
and the tragedies of Abu Ghraib. In both cases, a host of situational factors
encouraged brutal behaviour. This is the power of the situation. However, as we
discussed earlier, situational forces don’t deserve all the blame; in both Abu
Ghraib and Zimbardo’s prison study, not all people were affected equally. In Abu
Ghraib, only relatively few soldiers appear to have committed the majority of the
documented abuses. In Zimbardo’s study, some people took on their role as
guards with far more sadism than others, whereas other guards treated the
prisoners more kindly. Understanding precisely what personal factors lead
people to be better able to resist destructive situations is a key focus in the field
today.
Obedience to Authority: The Milgram Experiment

One additional factor in Abu Ghraib was the military command structure. Prison
guards were often given orders to “soften up” the detainees for questioning;
softening up implied a variety of tactics, including general harassment and rough
treatment, humiliating prisoners by forcing them to be naked and put in
compromising positions, terrorizing prisoners with attack dogs and electrical
cables, and committing outright physical torture, including brutal water-boarding
and other practices too awful to describe here. The fact that such horrendous
things happened is a grim reminder of just how powerful social influence factors
can be.
Most of us, however, believe that we would never do such things, no matter how
powerful the situation. If we were asked to harm somebody against their will, and
we disagreed with it, we would say no. Right? The Milgram obedience
experiments (1963, 1974) thoroughly shattered our ability to legitimately hold this
belief. In his now-famous studies, Stanley Milgram showed the world just how
powerful authority could be, and how easily otherwise good, normal people could
be made to do something horrific, something that probably none of us would
believe ourselves willing to do.
Consider what happened in Milgram’s study:
Participants are told the study is about the effects of punishment on memory.
They, and the other supposed participant (who is actually a confederate), a
friendly middle-aged man, draw slips of paper in order to determine who will
be the “teacher” and who will be the “learner.” The draw is secretly rigged so
that the participants are always the teacher.
The teacher’s job is to read a series of word pairs to the learner, and then to
test him on his memory of the word pairs. The learner will be in a separate
room hooked up to an electric shock machine. Each time the learner gets an
answer wrong, the teacher is to administer a shock by flipping a switch on a
panel in front of him, and increasing the voltage after each wrong answer.
The switches go up by 15 volts until reaching a maximum of 450 volts, which
is labelled “xxx.” This process is watched by “the experimenter,” a man
wearing a lab coat.
As the experiment progresses, the learner starts to make sounds of
discomfort in the other room, grunting audibly as he is shocked. By 150 volts
he is protesting loudly and saying that he no longer wants to continue in the
study. If the subjects continue reading the word pairs and increasing the
shock level, the learner gets to the point of screaming in pain, demanding
and pleading, over and over again, to be let out, pleading that he can’t take it
anymore, even that his heart condition is bothering him and his heart is
acting up. And then, at 330 volts, the learner falls silent and gives no further
responses. At this point, subjects are informed by the experimenter that a
non-response is to be considered “wrong,” and the punishing shock is to be
administered.
If, at any point, subjects express concern for the learner, or say that they
don’t want to continue, the experimenter simply says a few stock responses,
such as “Please continue” or, “The experiment requires that you continue.”
The “shock generator” that the teacher operated, purportedly to punish the
learner.
From the film Obedience © 1968 by Stanley Milgram, © renewed 1993 by Alexandra Milgram, and distributed by Penn State
Media Sales.
The “learner” gets set up to participate in the experiment. He is being hooked up

to the device that the teacher believes will deliver a shock.
From the film Obedience © 1968 by Stanley Milgram, © renewed 1993 by Alexandra Milgram, and distributed by Penn State
Media Sales.
The experimenter explains to the “teacher” what the experimental procedure
entails and how to use the shock generator.
From the film Obedience © 1968 by Stanley Milgram. © renewed 1993 by Alexandra Milgram, distributed by Penn State
Media Sales.
Although most subjects were highly obedient, some, such as this person, refused
to continue complying with the experimenter’s orders.
From the film Obedience © 1968 by Stanley Milgram. © renewed 1993 by Alexandra Milgram, distributed by Penn State
Media Sales.
Now, let’s step back for a moment and put the situation in perspective. As part of
a psychology experiment, people are asked to shock a person in another room
and ignore this person as he expresses increasing discomfort, screams
repeatedly, begs and pleads to be let out of the experiment, angrily refuses to
continue, indicates that he might be having a heart attack, and eventually falls
completely silent. And there is no compelling reason for people to continue,
except a man in a lab coat telling them to do so. This seems absurd, when you
stop and think about it. Surely almost nobody would actually do such a thing!
What would you do? If you are like most people, you probably feel that you
would refuse to continue whenever the “learner” said that he didn’t want to
continue (which happened quite early, 150 volts). The moment the other person
withdraws consent, you would stop, right?
Careful analyses across many replications of the Milgram study concluded that
this moment of decision making is, in fact, the critical point (Packer, 2008). This
is the moment when more subjects disobey the experimenter than any other
moment. This is the point at which the true moral conflict becomes clear,
between the rights and safety of the learner versus the authority of the
experimenter. It is heartening that this is a choice point at which many people
choose to follow their morals and disobey the experimenter.
But overall, the story is actually pretty grim. Even though some people rebelled
at this point, the large majority of subjects actually continued, despite the
protestations of the learner, who would have been, quite literally, a victim of
abuse if this were a real situation. It is worth really stopping and thinking about
this for a moment, because this finding is truly astonishing—most of the subjects,
across all the replications of these experiments, chose to harm another person
who had withdrawn consent, simply because an “authority figure” told them to.
It’s important to point out that subjects were not sadistic torturers, gleefully
putting the learner through misery. Subjects were deeply distressed themselves,
and most of them, many times, over and over, tried to stop the experiment,
telling the experimenter they didn’t want to continue, arguing with him, and so on.
But the experimenter was implacable, refusing to take no for an answer and just
insisting that they continue. The experimenter forced subjects into a situation
where “just saying no” wasn’t enough; they had to insist, even beyond the point
of being polite. It is quite telling that many of the participants in Milgram’s study
found it difficult to resist the experimenter because they didn’t want to seem
rude, and were simply uncomfortable disagreeing with someone so emphatically
and taking action. This embarrassment held people back, astonishingly having
more power than the man in the other room, literally screaming and begging to
be let out of the experiment.
But, surely you wouldn’t go all the way to the end, shocking that poor man,
potentially to death . . . would you? This is one of the most unbelievable findings
in the history of psychology. Milgram found that two out of every three people
(65% to be exact) would do just that—slowly electrocute an innocent,
desperately protesting man into oblivion, simply because a psychology
experimenter insisted that they do so.
Most people would never expect this outcome, believing “the average person” to
be far more ethical and able to do the right thing, when it came to a life or death
situation. Indeed, a group of psychiatrists at Yale University were asked to
predict ahead of time how many people would obey all the way to the end of the
experiment, and they estimated it would be about 1 in 1000—the base rate of
sadistic or psychopathic individuals in the population (Milgram, 1974). Also, the
experimental sessions were observed by numerous people through one-way
mirrors, who were unequivocally surprised and appalled at the subjects’ failure to
effectively rebel.
Subjects in this experiment were clearly distressed by what they were doing to
the learner. They became very tense and frequently turned to the experimenter,
saying that they didn’t want to continue, expressing concern for the learner, even
worrying that they might be killing him. But time and time again, they ended up
following the experimenter’s commands, turned back to the shock machine, and
increased the voltage.
Milgram wrote,
In a large number of cases, the degree of tension reached extremes that are rarely
seen in sociopsychological laboratory studies. Subjects were observed to sweat,
tremble, stutter, bite their lips, groan, and dig their fingernails into their flesh. These
were characteristic rather than exceptional responses. . . . At one point he (one of the
participants) pushed his fist into his forehead and muttered, “Oh God, let’s stop it.” And
yet he continued to respond to every word of the experimenter, and obeyed to the end. .
. . I observed a mature and initially poised businessman enter the laboratory smiling and
confident. Within 20 minutes he was reduced to a twitching, shuddering wreck, who was
rapidly approaching nervous collapse. . . . (1963, p. 371–378)
Clearly, it was not easy for the subjects to commit harm to another person, but it
was even more difficult to break out of the power of the situation and refuse to
obey.
Interestingly, Milgram ran other variants of this experiment, trying to see what
might change obedience rates. Milgram tried to reduce the situational pressure in
several ways, such as having the experimenter deliver his orders from a different
location using the telephone, or reducing the stature and reputation of the
authority figure by holding the experiment in a private company’s downtown
commercial space rather than at prestigious Yale University.
Milgram also tried to increase the personal directness with which subjects would
experience the learner’s distress, such as by having subjects and learners in the
same room so that subjects had to watch the learner shout and writhe in pain. In
one condition, subjects even had to physically force the learner’s hand onto a
shock plate while the learner struggled. Astonishingly, although the rates of
obedience are somewhat lower, they remain disturbingly high. The fact that 30%
of us would physically force a struggling person to receive pain against his will is
disturbing, to say the least.
There were two especially interesting and powerful variations. One experiment
looked at whether it is easier for a group to resist the experimenter, pitting the
power of the group against the power of authority. In this experiment, there were
three teachers making decisions collectively. Two of the teachers were
confederates, pretending to be real subjects; the other teacher was the actual
subject. When the two confederate teachers would make the decision to not
continue with the experiment, 90% of subjects also refused. (We would note that
it seems surprising that only 90% of them refused, leaving a full 10% of people
still obeying the experimenter to the bitter end. Still, 10% obedience is a far cry
from the 65% of the original study.) This particular variation is important because
it illustrates again the power of dissent. As in the Asch study, if even a couple of
people are courageous enough to fight for what is “right,” they make it much
easier for others to do the same.
Then there is one final condition, examining a crucial explanation that has been
given for the Holocaust, known as the Eichmann factor. Adolf Eichmann was one
of the central administrators of the Holocaust of WWII, in charge of overseeing
the transportation of Jewish people who were deported to the concentration
camps to be executed. In his famous trial for war crimes in 1962, Eichmann’s
defence was, essentially, that he was a mere bureaucrat. He didn’t have any real
power, but just performed menial tasks, not understanding or being responsible
for the larger enterprise. In other words, he was a paper pusher, not a war
criminal. He didn’t actually cause harm to people. He merely organized train
schedules and such things; he was “just doing his job.” This led sociologist
Hannah Arendt to coin the term “the banality of evil,” describing the theory that
oftentimes, much of the individual behaviour that allows for great harm to be
perpetrated, often is not carried out by evil monsters out of malice and hatred,
but instead, by rather ordinary people, doing jobs far removed from their ultimate
consequence, who are merely caught up in a much larger system.
This final Milgram experiment quite chillingly examines one part of the “banality
of evil,” the removal of the individual’s actions from the ultimate consequences
(e.g., Eichmann organizing train schedules, not actually marching people into
gas chambers). To simulate this, subjects only had to read the word pairs to the
learner; it was another person who actually threw the switches to deliver the
electric shocks. This allowed subjects to feel even less responsible. By splitting
the process into multiple components, with multiple people involved in different
ways, it was easy for each individual to feel not responsible, and not powerful
enough to do anything about it. The result was that 92.5% (37/40) of subjects
obeyed the experimenter right to the end. Here’s the power of authority
combining with “diffusion of responsibility,” and the results are, frankly, horrific.
Milgram himself believed that these studies provided insight into the horrors of
the Holocaust, particularly how so many millions of people could be “evil” enough
to willingly participate in the Nazi death machine, or to stand passively by while
such a brutal genocide took place.
The simple, yet profound, insight from the Milgram study is that it’s not a
question of people being good or evil; it’s a question of the power of social
situations. It is, in fact, not difficult to construct situations that are powerful
enough to overwhelm even the deep moral convictions and courage of most
people. As Milgram noted, “This is, perhaps, the most fundamental lesson of our
study: Ordinary people, simply doing their jobs, and without any particular
hostility on their part, can become agents in a terrible destructive process.
Moreover, even when the destructive effects of their work become patently clear,
and they are asked to carry out actions incompatible with fundamental standards
of morality, relatively few people have the resources needed to resist authority”
(2009).
In sum, situational forces can exert immense pressure on individuals, making an

analysis of personal responsibility very tricky. However, social psychologists
would generally agree that, in the final analysis, people are responsible for their
behaviours. No matter how powerful the situational forces may be, individuals
can always resist them and make a free choice, and history is full of examples of
such courageous behaviour. In fact, one of Dr. Zimbardo’s most recent projects,
the Heroic Imagination Project (heroicimagination.org), is focused on
understanding the factors that lead people to behave heroically. It is hoped that
by unlocking the secrets of heroism, courage, and compassion, we can help
society evolve in a healthier direction, and potentially avoid future atrocities.
Module 13.1d Quiz:
Social Roles and Obedience
Know . . .
1. is complying with instructions from an individual who has
authority.
A. Obedience
B. Groupthink
C. Conformity
D. Mimicry
Understand . . .
2. How did the Stanford Prison Study researchers come to the conclusion
that roles, and not individual personalities, were the main influence on the
volunteers’ behaviour?
A. The volunteer “prison guards” were specifically instructed to
respond brutally.
B. The “prisoners” were actually actors hired by the researchers.
C. The prisoners and prison guards were psychologically similar
prior to the start of the experience.
D. The researchers actually believed that personality is more
important than social roles.
Apply . . .
3. According to variations of the Milgram experiment,
A. women are much more obedient to authority figures than men
are.
B. most of the power of the situation was the general reputation of
Yale as an institution; people assumed that the consequences of
the shocks couldn’t be too terrible, because it was, after all,
happening at Yale.
C. people are much less obedient now than they were shortly after
World War II; so, Milgram’s findings are historically important, but
are not relevant to modern generations.
D. one of the most effective ways to get people to disobey an
authority figure is to make sure they have some companions who
will do it too.
Module 13.1 Summary
13.1a Know . . . the key terminology associated with social influence.
bystander effect
chameleon effect
diffusion of responsibility
groupthink
informational influence
mimicry
normative influence
pluralistic ignorance
social facilitation
social loafing
social norms
social roles
13.1b Understand . . . why individuals conform to others’ behaviours.
At its most basic level, conforming begins with mimicry, in which people simply
imitate others’ behaviours. Mimicry seems to help form social bonds and
encourages prosocial, helping behaviour. Conformity usually describes the way
an individual’s more complex behaviours evolve to become like the behaviours of
the group. People may conform because they want to be accepted by the group,
or they may conform because the group’s way of perceiving reality actually
influences the person’s own perceptions.
13.1c Understand . . . how individuals and groups can influence

behaviours.
In many different situations, other people can change how we behave. In helping
situations, the presence of others tends to decrease the likelihood that someone
will help another in distress. In other situations, the presence of even a few more
people can set up conformity pressures that influence us to behave like the
others in the group. Interestingly, these conformity pressures can be largely
eliminated in at least some situations if even a single individual is willing to go
against the group and break its unanimity. In many situations we are placed into
social roles and feel like we have to live up to the responsibilities of that role,
even if we would normally behave differently. When authority figures are
involved, these social pressures can become even more powerful—so powerful
that many people cannot resist complying.
13.1d Apply . . . your knowledge of the bystander effect to ensure that you
will be helped if you are in an emergency.
People are least likely to help if they don’t feel personally responsible for taking
action, if they are unsure what to do to help, or if they are unsure whether the
situation is a genuine emergency. Thus, you can best ensure that others will help
you if you make very clear that it’s an emergency and you need help, if you make
a specific person responsible for helping, and if you tell that person exactly what
he or she needs to do.
13.1e Analyze . . . whether guards who participate in abuse are inherently

bad people, or if their behaviour is the product of social influences.
Behaviour is a function of the person and the situation. Therefore it is impossible

to say in general the extent to which guards who participate in abuse are driven
by their own character traits or by situational forces. A full analysis must take
both sets of factors into consideration. Clearly though, in situations in which
people are pressured to abuse prisoners, peer pressure is exerted through the
expectations and behaviours of others, and the authorities in charge condone the
abuse, it becomes far more likely that some guards will become abusive.
Nevertheless, even the strictest social psychological analysis would never
remove the final responsibility from the person; no matter the situation, we can
always choose how to respond.
Module 13.2 Social Cognition
w85/ZUMA Press/Newscom
Learning Objectives
13.2a Know . . . the key terminology associated with social cognition.
13.2b Understand . . . how we form first impressions and how these
impressions influence us.
13.2c Apply . . . your understanding of social cognition to the problem of
overcoming prejudice and discrimination.
13.2d Analyze . . . whether people who commit discriminatory acts are
necessarily prejudiced.
One February night in 1999, four New York City plainclothes police
officers were patrolling a Bronx neighbourhood when they saw a lone
man on the street. The officers thought he was behaving suspiciously, so
they decided to question him. Upon orders from the police to stop, the
man ducked into the vestibule of an apartment building, reaching for the
door with one hand and putting the other into his pocket. Officers feared
he was reaching for a gun. One officer opened fire on the man, and the
other three followed, firing a total of 41 shots, 19 of which hit the man and
killed him on the spot.
Tragically, the victim of the shooting was a peaceful and unarmed 24-
year-old man named Amadou Diallo. By all accounts, Diallo was a
friendly, industrious, and law-abiding man from Guinea, West Africa, who
had come to New York in hopes of attaining a college education. He had
turned away from the police presumably because he didn’t know they
were police (they were not in uniform and were driving an unmarked car);
besides, whenever four guys jump out of a car in the middle of the night
in the Bronx and start yelling and running toward you, running into the
safety of your home is a sensible thing to do. His hand went into his
pocket because he was reaching for his wallet.
Much of New York was in an uproar over the shooting, and the turmoil
was only heightened after the four police officers were found not guilty of
any criminal wrongdoing in court. Half of all New Yorkers disagreed with
the verdict, and that figure reached almost 80% among Africans and
African Americans (Connelly, 2000). People of all backgrounds attributed
the shooting to hostile prejudice. On the other hand, many other people
and most police officers defended the actions of the four officers, blaming
the stressful environment in which they work and the need for them to
make a snap decision in a potentially life-threatening situation.
Was prejudice an issue in Diallo’s death? If he had been a White man,

would the same thing have happened? In recent years, these same
questions have played a major role in North American society, with
notable movements Idle No More and #BlackLivesMatter creating not
only robust and healthy communities, but also a massive increase in
public awareness, boots-on-the-streets activism, and meaningful political
dialogue and change.
Central to issues of race, class, gender, sexual orientation, and all other
forms of discrimination, is understanding how human beings actually do
process information about the social world, and how stereotypes,
prejudice and other social processes influence people’s perceptions and
behaviours. These are the questions we explore in this module.
Focus Questions
1. How do we make judgments and form impressions about other

people?
2. Can stereotypes affect our behaviour in ways that we are
unaware of? Could such processes have played a role in the
killing of Amadou Diallo?
The field of social-cognitive psychology is a fusion of social psychology’s

emphasis on social situations and cognitive psychology’s emphasis on
cognitions (perceptions, thoughts, and beliefs). Social-cognitive researchers
study the cognitions that people have about social situations, and how situations
influence cognitive processes. It is an exciting area to study because it deals
directly with the everyday social experiences we encounter in our lives.
One of the central ideas in this field is that there are two major types of
processes in our consciousness: explicit processes and implicit processes.
Explicit processes , which correspond roughly to “conscious” thought, are
deliberative, effortful, relatively slow, and generally under our intentional control.
This explicit level of consciousness is our subjective inner awareness, our “mind”
as we know it. Implicit processes comprise our “unconscious” thought; they
are intuitive, automatic, effortless, very fast, and operate largely outside of our
intentional control. The implicit level of consciousness is the larger set of patterns
that govern how our mind generally functions—all the “lower-level” processes
that comprise the vast bulk of what our brains actually do (Chaiken & Trope,
1999; Kahneman, 2003; Todorov et al., 2005).
These two sets of processes work together to regulate our bodies, continually
update our perceptions, infuse emotional evaluations and layers of personal
meaning to our experiences, and affect how we think, make decisions, and self-
reflect. But not only do these two sets of processes carry out their independent
functions, they also can influence each other. For example, explicit processes
influence implicit processes when our beliefs (e.g., my friend Bob is a kind
person!) influence how we process information (e.g., how much attention we pay
to Bob’s positive and negative behaviours). On the other hand, implicit processes
can influence explicit processes, such as when our automatic tendency to
categorize a person into a stereotyped group influences the judgments we make
about that person. Explicit and implicit processes are intertwined, each
influencing the other as we navigate the social world. In social-cognitive
psychology, models of behaviour that account for both implicit and explicit
processes are called dual-process models (Chaiken & Trope, 1999).
One of the major contributions that this understanding has given us is how our
conscious acts are conditioned or influenced by a huge amount of unconscious
processing. For example, when a person makes a specific choice to do
something, that decision occurs after a whole slew of processes have already
occurred—the person paying attention in the first place (choosing some parts of
reality to focus on and ignoring many others), interpreting information into an
overall understanding, evaluating different pieces of information and forming
judgments and beliefs. So, who really made this decision then? And how can you
say that it was a conscious act, if the vast bulk of the processing was actually
unconscious? The critical insight is that because implicit processes happen so
quickly and subtly, our presumably conscious and intentional acts are constantly
being influenced and guided by our implicit processes, and we are not generally
aware of this at all.
Consider the police officers in the Amadou Diallo shooting. As soon as they saw
a Black man on the street late at night in the Bronx, a “Black male stereotype”
may have become implicitly activated (Bargh, 1999); this stereotype then would
have guided their explicit thinking, resulting in disaster. Indeed, the Black
stereotype may have influenced their very first moment of interpretation, which
was that Diallo was “acting suspiciously.” It would have continued to influence
the officers’ interpretations of the rest of Amadou’s behaviours, until the critical
moment, forming the perception that he was reaching for a gun.
That’s the double-edged sword of implicit processes; they help us process

information efficiently, but they do so through creating biases. And when these
biases lead to bad judgments or decisions, it is very difficult to recognize this or
fix it, because we are not consciously aware of these implicit processes at work.
Person Perception
The effects of implicit processes are dramatically illustrated by research on

person perception , the processes by which individuals categorize and form
judgments about other people (Kenny, 2004). Person perception begins the
instant we encounter another person, guided by our past experiences with
people and the interpersonal knowledge we have absorbed from our culture.
When we make a first impression of someone, we rely heavily on implicit
processes, using whatever schemas we may have available. Schemas are
organized clusters of knowledge, beliefs, and expectations about individuals and
groups, which influence our attention and perceptual processes in many ways
(see Module 7.3 ). For example, a person’s visible characteristics (e.g.,
gender, race, age, style of dress) all activate schemas, and these schemas can
bring certain traits to mind automatically.
Thin Slices of Behaviour

One amazing aspect of these implicit processes is just how accurate and
practically instantaneous they can be. For example, within the first minute of
seeing your professor at the front of the room, you have already evaluated her
and made some basic judgments; if you were to fill out your course evaluations
after, say, one minute of the first class (which would seem highly unfair!), your
ratings would likely be very similar to your course evaluations after an entire
semester’s worth of exposure to that person (Ambady & Rosenthal, 1993; Tom
et al., 2010). What happens in these situations is that we make very rapid,
implicit judgments based on thin slices of behaviour , very small samples of
a person’s behaviour. In even a few seconds, our implicit processes, guiding our
perceptions holistically and using well-practised heuristics, are able to perceive
very small cues and subtle patterns. This gives us instantaneous, intuitive
accuracy, at least in part.
Surprisingly, many of our social judgments are made in this way—

instantaneously, based on very little information. Whether it’s judging people
based on tiny snippets of conversations we happen to overhear (Holleran et al.,
2009; Mehl et al., 2006), or catching a mere glimpse of their face (e.g., we judge
trustworthiness, competence, likability, and aggressiveness after seeing a
photograph for less than one second; Willis & Todorov, 2006). Research by
Nicholas Rule from the University of Toronto has shown that we can tell
surprising things about people given incredibly little information. For example,
people can guess a male’s sexual orientation at rates greater than chance after
viewing his photograph for a mere 1/20th of a second (Rule & Ambady, 2008),
and Americans can accurately guess whether other people tend to vote
Republican or Democrat merely by looking at a photograph of their face (Rule &
Ambady, 2010). Republicans are viewed as having more powerful faces, but
Democrats’ are seen as warmer.
Thin-slice research demonstrates just how quickly impressions are formed, and
how surprisingly accurate they often can be. Of course, they are not perfectly
accurate, and therein lies the problem.
Self-Fulfilling Prophecies and Other

Consequences of First Impressions
First impressions have a big impact on many of our social behaviours. Even very
simple cues, such as facial appearance, guide a wide range of behaviours, from
how a jury treats a defendant to how people vote. For example, one study asked
participants to act as jurors and evaluate evidence against a defendant. If shown
a photograph of a defendant who simply “looked more trustworthy,” participants
were less likely to come to a guilty verdict (Porter et al., 2010). In another study,
the outcome of U.S. elections of congressional candidates could be predicted
70% of the time simply using participants’ judgments of how competent the
candidates appeared in photographs (Todorov et al., 2005).
The fact that our implicit judgments can influence our perceptions and
behaviours has countless implications for our social lives, particularly in terms of
self-fulfilling prophecies , which occur when a first impression (or an
expectation) affects one’s behaviour, and then that affects other people’s
behaviour, leading one to “confirm” the initial impression or expectation. For
example, if you expect someone you meet to be warm and friendly, you will
probably be more at ease with them and will treat them in a warm and friendly
manner yourself. This friendly behaviour will make them comfortable and will
lead them to behave warm and friendly in return, leaving you with the conclusion
that they are—surprise!—warm and friendly. You can easily imagine the opposite
process, if your initial expectation is that the person will be cold and unfriendly.
Thin slices of behaviour research shows that, in mere seconds, people form
impressions that are surprisingly accurate. For example, you could get students
to fill out course evaluations in university, evaluating the teaching capability of
their professor, in the first minute of the first class, and they would be about the
same as ratings taken after an entire semester of being taught by that professor.
Monkey Business Images/Shutterstock
Glow Asia RF/Alamy Stock Photo

Self-fulfilling prophecies affect our lives in many different ways. For example, if a
person is confident, they are going to behave different than if they assume they
are going to fail, nobody is going to like them, and they will continue to be a
loser. You already know this; you’ve seen it countless times. It’s the difference
between the socially confident person who goes to a party where he doesn’t
know anybody and ends up having the best time and talking to all sorts of great
people; versus the person who goes to the party and expects that it will be
awkward and nobody will like him, so he hangs back, keeps to himself, doesn’t
initiate many conversations, and is stiff and uncomfortable, so that he ends up
not having a very good time after all. “See, I knew it all along . . . I shouldn’t have
gone in the first place. . .” is a self-fulfilling prophecy.
This idea has truly caught fire in North America society because it fits in so well
with the “positive thinking” paradigm that so many people believe. And indeed,
there is some sense to this. Every coach, athlete, parent, teacher, and anyone
who has been a child at some point knows that, in the moment, if a person has
no confidence and assumes, “I can’t do it”, then they’re right; they can’t. This is
one of the basic lessons of growing up that we all learn at some point; you have
to believe in yourself. Because if you don’t, your lack of belief becomes a self-
fulfilling prophecy. This is one way that our implicit processes shape our social
realities.
Module 13.2a Quiz:
Person Perception
Know . . .
1. are very quick, effortless, and automatic, whereas are
slower, more careful, and effortful.
A. Explicit processes; implicit processes
B. Implicit processes; explicit processes
C. Internal attributions; external attributions
D. External attributions; internal attributions
Understand . . .
2. Which of the following statements about thin slices of behaviour is most
accurate?
A. Thin slices of behaviour lead to inaccurate impressions of others.
B. In many instances, lasting and often accurate impressions of
others form in just a few moments.
C. Thin-slice impressions are 100% accurate.
D. Thin slices work only when rating the attractiveness of others.
Apply . . .
3. Shania feels sure that her boss doesn’t like her. As a result, every time
her boss is around, Shania acts more restrained and less warm and
friendly. This causes her boss to, in fact, find her unfriendly and start to
not like her. This is an illustration of
A. a self-fulfilling prophecy.
B. thin slices of behaviour.
C. implicit processes being stronger than explicit processes.
D. explicit processes being stronger than implicit processes.
The Self in the Social World
How do we decide what information to use when we’re trying to understand other
people or form impressions of them? What schemas do we activate to guide our
judgments? As discussed above, we may use subtle cues in people’s faces or
non-verbal behaviours, but what else guides our judgments? Certainly, if the
person falls into a group about which there are specific stereotypes, such as
categories based on race, class, and gender, then these stereotypes often are
automatically activated and can colour our judgments (Bargh, 1999). But one
additional schema that is highly accessible, contains a vast amount of
information, and is therefore often used in guiding our social judgments—is
ourselves! Much of the time, we look out at the social world through the lens of
our own self-concepts.
This has two very important consequences. The first is that we tend to think that
the way we are is the way people should be, and therefore, people who are
substantially different from us have something wrong with them. The second is
that we have a strong tendency to split the world into Us and Them, and we are
motivated to see Us more positively than how we see Them. Understanding
these dynamics gets right to the heart of why there is so much intergroup hostility
in the world. It also reveals a tragic irony, which is that in the quest to feel good
about ourselves and be happy, we sow the seeds that will grow into distrust,
prejudice, and discrimination, thereby causing much suffering and unhappiness.
Let’s examine these arguments carefully, because they have major implications
for understanding why the world is the way it is.
Projecting the Self Onto Others: False Consensus

and Naive Realism
One way in which our self-concept affects our social perceptions is that we tend
to project our self-concepts onto the social world; this means that the qualities
we see in ourselves and the attitudes and opinions that we hold, we tend to
assume are similar for society at large. If we are sports fans, we assume that
sports is generally important for other people as well. Even qualities we have that
we know are not popular are still projected onto society; so, for example, if we
are believers in Scientology, we will tend to assume that a larger proportion of
the population believes in Scientology than is likely the case, and we will assume
there are more Scientology believers out there than a non-believer would
assume. This tendency to project the self-concept onto the social world is known
as the false consensus effect (Marks & Miller, 1987). It’s important to
understand that this is a pretty sensible way to be, much of the time. After all, if
we have to make guesses about people, why not base these guesses on
ourselves?
We also generally assume that our perceptions of reality are accurate, that we
see things the way they are; this is called naive realism (Ross & Ward,
1996). And it makes sense that we would make this assumption. After all, who
wants to assume that they are walking around deluded and wrong all the time?
Imagine being beset by doubts constantly, your life uncertain and stressful
because you are never able to trust your own judgments. So instead, we operate
under a basic framework of “I make sense,” and then, by extension, “the people
that I agree with, who are kind of like me, also make sense.” And then, of course,
by one more extension, “the people who I disagree with are deluded, wrong, and
quite fundamentally different from me.” You can see the problem here. At the
personal level, we just want to feel good about ourselves and function effectively
in the world. But at the group level, we create intergroup biases and an Us vs.
Them way of thinking.
Self-Serving Biases and Attributions

This tendency toward naive realism reflects a larger, more general need to want
to feel positively about ourselves, to have a positive sense of self-evaluation or
self-esteem (Allport, 1955; Maslow, 1968; Sedikides & Strube, 1995).
Undergraduate students clearly enjoy boosts to their self-esteem, reporting
preferring to receive such a boost even over eating a favourite food, getting paid,
having sex, or seeing a best friend (Bushman et al., 2011). We strive to
maintain our positive self-feelings through a host of self-serving biases ,
which are biased ways of processing self-relevant information to enhance our
positive self-evaluation (Miller & Ross, 1975). For example, we tend to take
credit for our successes but blame our failures on other people, circumstances,
or bad luck.
One of the sneaky outgrowths of these self-serving biases and motivations is

that for many of the qualities and skills that are important to us, we assume that
we are “better” than average. This rather appropriately named better than
average effect has been shown in many different domains. We even tend to
prefer the letters in our name, especially our initials, over the other letters of the
alphabet (Nuttin, 1985; Pelham et al., 2005); our letters are “better than
average.” An extreme example of the better than average effect was shown in
one study of almost one million American students; a whopping 85% viewed
themselves as “above average” in their ability to get along with other people, and
a full 25% believed they were in the top 1% of this ability (Alicke & Olesya,
2005). If only the laws of math would allow this to be true. . . .
These same self-serving processes also influence the way we explain or
interpret people’s behaviour. Much in the same way that first impressions are
formed implicitly (which we discussed earlier), our explanations for behaviours
tend to start out as automatic and seemingly intuitive. Imagine that you’re driving
down the highway and all of a sudden some other driver swerves in front of you,
honking; you slam on the brakes and turn the wheel sharply, narrowly avoiding a
collision. Quick—what is the first thing that comes to mind about the other driver?
Probably, your first thought is not the kindest or gentlest; you assume the other
driver is an aggressive jerk, or maybe a bad driver. You yell, “You idiot!” and
shake your fist. This type of explanation is called an internal attribution (also
known as a dispositional attribution), whereby the observer (yourself, in the
above example) explains the behaviour of the actor (the driver who cut in front of
you) in terms of some innate quality of that person (being an aggressive jerk, bad
driver, or all-around “idiot”) (see Figure 13.3 ).
Figure 13.3 Internal and External Attributions

Internal attributions are based on qualities or actions of the individual, whereas
external attributions focus on the context in which the individual is situated.
But of course, there may be other reasons for the driver’s behaviour. Perhaps he
is swerving out of the way of a piece of debris on the road, or just blew a tire, or
just received a phone call that his partner is in the hospital and so is distracted,
or he’s tired after a long day and didn’t look in his blind spot that one crucial
moment before swerving in front of you. These are external attributions
(also known as situational attributions), whereby the observer explains the
actor’s behaviour as the result of the situation (Heider, 1958). Generally, these
external attributions are not what first come to mind; rather, we come to them
after thinking about it for a bit, and realizing that maybe there were other factors
causing the person’s behaviour that we didn’t initially consider.
This tendency to over-emphasize internal (dispositional) attributions and under-

emphasize external (situational) factors when explaining other people’s
behaviour is known as the fundamental attribution error (FAE) (Ross,
1977). On the other hand, when we explain our own behaviours, we tend to
emphasize whichever kind of explanation paints us in the best light. For our
negative behaviours, the mistakes we make and embarrassing things we do, our
attributions are much more generous. We emphasize the situational factors that
cause us to do undesirable things (e.g., we had a headache, we were under a lot
of stress, a family member was sick, and so on). This obviously protects us from
having to feel incompetent or foolish. However, it also might prevent us from
taking responsibility for negative behaviours sometimes.
On the other hand, when our behaviours are desirable, self-serving biases work
in the opposite direction; we take as much credit as we can for our successes
(e.g., we worked really hard to deserve that promotion, we faced a lot of
setbacks but we persevered and didn’t give up).
One rather ironic wrinkle in the story of the FAE is that it doesn’t seem to be
quite as “fundamental” as was originally thought. Research on cross-cultural
differences has shown that people make the FAE the most in predominantly
individualistic cultures such as Canada or the United States, and the least in
more collectivistic cultures such as China or Japan. This different approach to
explaining others’ behaviour can be seen in how people interpret social events
such as news stories. For example, after reading about recent mass murderers
in the newspaper, subjects from China are more likely to emphasize situational
explanations for the murders (such as recent stressful events in the person’s
life), whereas North American subjects are much more likely to emphasize
dispositional explanations (such as the murderer being an evil person; Morris &
Peng, 1994). This greater emphasis on situational factors in collectivistic
societies reflects stronger values toward maintaining harmony in interpersonal
relationships and fulfilling one’s social roles in the larger community, values
which lead people to be more aware of situational information (Choi et al., 1999;
Nisbett, 2003).
Ingroups and Outgroups

Although this desire to feel good about ourselves seems functional and healthy,
it often has negative side effects. As we discussed earlier, our self-serving
processes also reinforce a tendency to be biased against others. We are
motivated to be biased against others because one of the key ways we maintain
positive feelings about ourselves is through our identification with larger social
groups (Fein & Spencer, 1997), and we can therefore make ourselves feel good
by feeling positively towards these groups. In turn, one way to feel positively
about our own group is to focus on how much better we are than other groups
we compare ourselves to. Groups we feel positively toward and identify with are
our ingroups , including our family, home team, and co-workers. In contrast,
outgroups are those “other” groups that we don’t identify with. In fact, we
actively dis-identify with outgroups.
This where our self-serving biases can be so destructive. As positive biases

toward the self get extended to include one’s ingroups, people become
motivated to see their ingroups as superior to their outgroups—engaging in
ingroup bias and potentially, outgroup derogation. All in the service of
maintaining our self-esteem, we carve the world into categories of Us and
Them and then we automatically show a preference for Us.
An extremely clever set of studies that began in the 1970s added a crucial
insight to the discussion of how we process information about groups. In real-
world social interactions between people, there is already a lot of relevant
group information available simply based on the physical characteristics of the
individuals. Rather than creating groups based on established characteristics
such as ethnicity or gender, researchers using the minimal group paradigm
divided participants into new groups based on essentially meaningless criteria. In
different studies, people were divided into groups based on whether they
preferred one painting over another (Tajfel, 1970; Tajfel et al., 1971), or whether
they flipped heads or tails on a coin toss (Locksley et al., 1980). These newly
formed groups had no history, no actual affiliation with each other, and no future
together after the experiment was over.
Amazingly, even these completely meaningless ways of forming groups are

enough to drive prejudice and discrimination; for example, if people are asked to
distribute money between the two groups, they consistently give more to their
new ingroup members. These results suggest that the process of categorizing
the world into Us and Them is a fundamental and practically unavoidable part of
how we process the social world. It also has some sobering implications. If the
people in the group who flipped heads in a coin toss prefer their fellow Heads
over those nasty Tails, even though they have no history of animosity, no
competition over resources, or any other grounds whatsoever on which to base
their preferences, imagine how much more powerful people’s biases will be
when faced with real-world distinctions and long histories of conflict and violence.
Appreciating the deeply biasing influences of making ingroup–outgroup
distinctions in the first place adds an important layer to our understanding of
these larger conflicts.
In closing this section, we have to reiterate how important it is to understand that,

like them or not, we cannot simply dispense with these psychological processes,
despite all the trouble they cause us. All of these processes serve important
functions for us. Without the false consensus effect and our tendency to project
our self-concept onto others, we would be in a great deal of uncertainty about
what other people are like; it would be like living on a planet of mysterious and
unpredictable aliens. Without naive realism, we would be plagued by doubts and
would constantly second-guess our perceptions of the world. Without a positive
sense of self-evaluation, it would be easy to feel useless, helpless, and generally
miserable. Without the ability to attach ourselves to desired ingroups and
distance ourselves from undesired outgroups it would be hard to feel a sense of
belonging, which is indispensable to our well-being and healthy identity
(Cacioppo et al., 2003; Myers & Diener, 1995; Tajfel & Turner, 1986). What
we need to do then, is to learn to find a balance between our need to feel good
about ourselves and our ingroups, and our more enlightened awareness of our
fundamental equality with all people.
Module 13.2b Quiz:
The Self in the Social World
Know . . .
1. The tendency to see your ingroup as superior to outgroups is known as
.
A. fundamental attribution error
B. outgroup bias
C. minimal group bias
D. ingroup bias
Apply . . .
2. Which of the following would be an example of the fundamental
attribution error?
A. Assuming that your low grade on a math exam is due to how
busy you’ve been, whereas another student’s low grade is due to
him being a poor student
B. Assuming that you crashed your car because you’re a poor
driver, whereas your brother’s car crash was likely because of the
icy roads
C. Assuming that your excellent performance in a 10-km run is due
to hard work and consistent training, and that the same
explanation fits for all of the other fast runners
D. Assuming that genetics can fundamentally explain all human
behaviour
3. Jeanette loves reading—she reads at least one book each week despite
having a busy work schedule. When she finds out that none of her
coworkers enjoy reading novels, she is absolutely shocked, as she
assumed everyone liked to read. Jeanette’s beliefs are an example of
.
A. naive realism
B. self-serving bias
C. the false consensus effect
D. thin slices
4. Donald, once poor, inherited $5 million and decided to donate $1000 to a

local charity. Donald believes he took this step because he is a kind and
generous man. Donald might be demonstrating .
A. the fundamental attribution error
B. hindsight bias
C. self-serving bias
D. concepts of cognitive dissonance
Stereotypes, Prejudice, and Discrimination
Obviously, the roots of prejudice are planted very deeply in our psyches,
stemming ultimately from our deep-rooted attachment to our own selves and our
automatic social categorization tendencies. Thus, while at the explicit level we
may strive to be egalitarian and not discriminate based on dimensions such as
race, class, and gender, our normally functioning implicit processes continually
split the world into Us and Them. In fact, using ERP technology to measure brain
activation, research has shown that the perceptual system starts to react
differently to people based on race and gender within a mere 200 milliseconds
(Ito & Urland, 2003). When we try to change these implicit tendencies, we are
battling our vast and speedy implicit system with our weak and ponderously slow
explicit system. Much of the time, our explicit, consciously controlled self is going
to lose, and we will fall prey to our implicit biases. These implicit biases lay the
foundation for stereotyping, prejudice, and intergroup discrimination.
Myths in Mind Are Only Negative Aspects of

Stereotypes Problematic?
The first examples that come to mind when stereotyping a group are
usually based on negative characteristics. However, it is certainly not the
case that all stereotypic associations are negative; men and women are
stereotypically associated with different strengths, for example.
What might be counterintuitive to many people is that even the positive

aspects of a stereotype carry a kind of hidden danger, leading to a
tendency for people to believe it is okay to emphasize the positive
aspects of a stereotype in a “benevolent or well-intentioned way.” This
has been examined a great deal with regard to sexism. Researchers
have distinguished between hostile sexism, or stereotypes that have
negative views of one or both sexes, and benevolent sexism, which
includes positive views of one or both sexes (Glick & Fiske, 1996,
2001). For example, consider the somewhat dated saying that women
are “the fairer sex.” A person using this phrase may mean it as a
compliment, implying that women are virtuous, nurturing, and empathetic.
However, even stereotypes that a person may defend as being “well-

intentioned” can place restrictions on an individual’s behaviour. If we
consider women to be “virtuous,” they may be held to different sexual
standards than men and, as a result, may be judged more harshly when
they violate those standards. Similarly, considering women to be
nurturing and empathetic reinforces the notion that women are the
primary hubs of family life, and therefore less inclined toward career
advancement in our competitive world. The belief in women’s nurturance
may feed the belief that their career is never the primary one in a two-
gender household, and that when it comes time to raise a family, they will
step back from their careers while the man will be the primary
breadwinner, thus setting discriminatory practices in motion in the
workplace and contributing to making women more dependent on men
for financial security. Even when women go toe-to-toe with men in the
workplace, they may be hindered in careers that call for assertive or
aggressive behaviours (such as being successful in the business world)
because the “fairer sex” stereotype is pervasive in the organization
(Glick & Fiske, 1996, 2001). Thus, even seemingly positive aspects of a
stereotype can result in negative, unforeseen consequences.
From a social-cognitive perspective, a stereotype is a cognitive structure, a

set of beliefs about the characteristics that are held by members of a specific
social group; these beliefs function as schemas, serving to guide how we
process i nformation about our social world. Based on stereotypic beliefs,
prejudice is an affective, emotionally laden response to members of
outgroups, including holding negative attitudes and making critical judgments of
other groups. Stereotyping and prejudice lead to discrimination , behaviour
that disfavours or disadvantages members of a certain social group. Taken
together, stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination underlie many of the
destructive “isms” in society—racism, sexism, and classism, among others. One
of the central goals of social-cognitive psychology has been to understand how
these processes work.
Prejudice in a Politically Correct World

In recent decades, norms have changed greatly in terms of what is appropriate
to say about other people. This increased sensitivity to social diversity and
equality, such as society’s greater acceptance of LGBTQ expressions of
sexuality, or belief in gender and ethnic equality, is sometimes disparagingly
referred to as “political correctness.” The label carries the suggestion that the
battles for equality are basically over, and now if people in disadvantaged groups
raise concerns about how they are treated in our society, they are just looking for
excuses, such as when people say someone is “playing the race card” as though
they are using their ethnicity merely as a tool to try to take advantage of society.
The truth is quite different. Outgroup stereotypes and prejudices are by no
means a thing of the past, and neither are the discriminatory practices that go
along with them. Just ask Muslims in the post-9/11 world how stigmatized they
feel every time there is a “terrorist” attack somewhere in the world. Or, ask a
young Black person whether they feel they are treated exactly the same as
Whites by their teachers, or the police, or potential employers. Or, look at the
outcry after a young girl in Steubenville, Ohio, was sexually assaulted while
unconscious at a party and two prominent high school football players in the
community were found criminally responsible; many people felt that she had
ruined their lives, and not the other way around. Or, look at the disturbingly
common and unabashed expression of negative views against Canada’s Native
people in the wake of the Idle No More protests of recent years. Clearly, the full
story of stereotypes and prejudice plays out in the lives of millions of people who
are placed into the category of “other” by one group or another.
In the United States, despite the victories of the civil rights movement in shifting
the racial attitudes of the general North American population, there is still
prejudice toward non-White cultural groups. For example, it still seems as though
Black men in particular experience the legal system differently from others. Black
men in the U.S. are incarcerated far more often than any other groups, and
experience substantially more physical and aggressive treatment from police
(Smith, 2004). Records of police encounters over the past 30 years confirm what
many minority groups have long claimed—that the police use more aggressive
techniques on minority suspects than White suspects (Inn, Wheeler, &
Sparling, 1977; Smith, 2004; Weitzer & Tuch, 2004). This is not a new
phenomenon; historically, Black suspects have also been five times more likely
to die in police confrontations than White suspects (U.S. Department of Justice,
2001).
This prejudice has seeped into the basic social-psychological functioning of

many people. For example, even though the general public denounces prejudice
and discrimination and holds values of universal equality, studies of implicit
processes tell a different story. When people (generally, White people) first are
exposed to Black faces, this automatically influences a variety of physiological
responses, including the activation of facial muscles, cardiovascular responses,
and brain activity related to fear and negative emotions (Cunningham et al.,
2004; Eberhardt, 2005).
In fact, measures of brain activity reveal the battle between implicit and explicit
processes. Over very short amounts of time, exposure to White or Black faces
activates implicit processes such as those described above, indicating a racially
biased pattern of processing. However, over longer periods of time, such as 30
seconds, brain activity shifts, showing heightened activity in the prefrontal cortex.
This area relates to the control of emotions and abstract thinking, consistent with
a neurological effort to bring values into one’s mind in order to control emotional
reactions. This teaches us a powerful lesson: Even if people abhor prejudice at
the explicit level of their awareness, they may implicitly hold negative stereotypes
and experience prejudiced emotional reactions.
Clearly, there can be important discrepancies between stereotyping, prejudice,

and discrimination at the explicit and implicit levels. This has created huge
challenges for researchers attempting to study these processes, because of
course simply asking subjects how they feel is only going to reveal their explicit
processes, which rarely include overt racism and sexism. This has led to the
invention of measurement techniques to try to reveal implicit processes.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Explicit

versus Implicit Measures of Prejudice
If a great deal of modern prejudice has “gone underground” in the

sense that people hide it and give politically correct responses at
the explicit level, how can researchers accurately measure
prejudice in today’s society?
What do we know about measuring prejudice?

Psychologists have developed clever ways of measuring the
forms of stereotyping and prejudice that are kept silent, either
intentionally or because individuals are unaware of their own
prejudices (Greenwald & Banaji, 1995; Nosek, 2007). In order
to do so, researchers needed to come up with measurement
devices that would reveal people’s implicit processes. This is no
easy challenge, because implicit processes can operate so
quickly (in less than a second), and so subtly that we are typically
not consciously aware of them.
How can science study implicit prejudice?

A major research breakthrough occurred in the 1990s with the
invention of the Implicit Associations Test (IAT ; Greenwald
et al., 1998). The IAT measures how fast people can respond to
images or words flashed on a computer screen. To complete the
test, a person uses two fingers and two computer buttons, and
responds to stimuli, as directed (see Figure 13.4 ). In round 1,
subjects are supposed to press one button if they see a White
face or a positive word (such as “peace”), and a different button if
they see a Black face or a negative word (such as “war”). Thus, in
this round, the buttons are associating stereotype-consistent
stimuli. With these particular pairings, it takes people around 800
milliseconds (four-fifths of a second) to press the correct button.
Figure 13.4 The IAT Procedure
To complete one condition in the IAT (a), participants must use

one button to identify Black faces and negative words and
another button to identify White faces and positive words. In the
other condition (b), the positive and negative words are switched
to be paired with the other race (Black/positive and
White/negative). Average response times are faster when Black
is paired with negative words and White is paired with positive
words (c). Is this a sign of hidden prejudice?
Round 2 rearranges the associations. This time subjects press

one button if they see a White face or a negative word, and a
different button if they see a Black face or a positive word. Thus,
in this round, the buttons are associating the stimuli in stereotype-
inconsistent ways. In this situation, people take an average of
1015 milliseconds to press the correct button, more than one-fifth
of a second longer than in round 1. (To control for any possible
effects of going first vs. going second, the order in which a person
goes through these tasks is usually counterbalanced across
subjects, with some going in the order presented here, and others
in the reverse order.)
Why does it take longer to respond when there is a Black/positive

button than when there is a Black/negative button? The
researchers reasoned that racial schemas associate more
negativity with Blacks than with Whites. Because schemas guide
information processing, they facilitate the processing of
information that is schema-consistent; thus, it is easier for a
person to make snap judgments to always press one button for
either Black or negative stimuli. But schema-inconsistent
information is more difficult to process; thus, having two different
buttons for Black and for negative means that a person has to
override their automatic, implicit association between Black and
negative, in order to choose the correct response. The size of the
reaction time discrepancy between these two rounds is believed
to be a direct measure of the strength of people’s implicitly held
negative beliefs or stereotypic associations with Blacks.
The IAT was a major breakthrough, suddenly allowing us to

directly measure a person’s implicit biases. Researchers quickly
started to develop ways of measuring all sorts of implicit things—
implicit attitudes, self-esteem, feelings of connection to nature,
and prejudice towards many different groups.

Although the data gathered with this instrument show reliable
results, some psychologists have questioned the test’s validity: Is
the IAT really a measure of prejudice? Or is it possible that the
IAT is merely measuring the extent to which people have been
exposed to negative stereotypes, but have not necessarily
developed prejudices? After all, simply knowing about a
stereotype does not mean an individual believes it, uses it to
judge people, or engages in discriminatory behaviour.
Studies by Elizabeth Phelps and her colleagues (2000)

suggest that the IAT reflects a person’s emotional reactions to
outgroup members. In her studies, White participants were shown
pictures of Black and White faces while having their brains
scanned using fMRI. The amount of activity detected in the
amygdala (a brain area related to fear responses) when looking
at Black faces was positively correlated with participants’ IAT
measures of implicit prejudice (see Figure 13.5 ). This
suggests that the IAT is measuring something real enough to be
reflected in neural activity in areas related to fear and emotional
processing.
Figure 13.5 Implicit Associations and the Brain
Researchers displayed photographs of Black and White faces. In

White participants, Black faces elicited more activity than White
faces in the amygdala, an emotion centre of the brain. This
activity was positively correlated with participants’ responses on
the IAT.
Source: Elizabeth A. Phelps, Kevin J. O’Connor, William A. Cunningham, E. Sumie Funayama, J.
Christopher Gatenby, John C. Gore and Mahzarin R. Banaji, ‘Performance on Indirect Measures of
Race Evaluation Predicts Amygdala Activation’, Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 12:5 (September,
2000), pp. 729-738. © 2000 by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

The development of the IAT has fostered a great deal of research
and has been applied to at least a dozen forms of stereotyping,
including stereotypes of social classes (Rudman et al., 2002),
sexual orientation (Banse et al., 2001), and even fraternity and
sorority members (Wells & Corts, 2008). The results of all these
tests illustrate that implicit prejudice seems to be more prevalent
than people are willing to express in explicit tests (Nosek et al.,
2002). The IAT is also being applied to clinical settings. For
example, one research group developed an IAT that measures
attitudes about alcohol use. This instrument can successfully
predict how much alcohol someone is likely to consume, even
when explicit measures fail to do so (Ostafin et al., 2008). To the
extent that this methodology is valid, it is extremely valuable,
giving us a window into people’s private minds.
Psych@ The Law Enforcement Academy

Imagine that instead of linking positive or negative terms with Black faces
in the IAT, you were asked to make a snap decision whether or not to
shoot a potential criminal. A number of researchers have used video-
game-like tasks to put participants in these situations. In these video
simulations, a figure will suddenly appear, either holding a weapon or a
non-weapon (e.g., a wallet or a cell phone). It turns out that when making
these split-second decisions, people are a little bit slower to decide
whether or not to shoot a Black man holding a non-weapon, and they
make the wrong decision more often. When a Black man is holding a
gun, however, they make the “shoot” decision more quickly than if the
gun is held by a White man (Correll et al., 2007; Correll et al., 2006).
The logic is similar to the IAT discussed above. Because Black and “gun”
are stereotypically consistent with each other, people have an easier time
processing these stimuli together than when Black and “wallet” are paired
with each other. Just like the situation in the Amadou Diallo case then,
people are more likely to mistakenly shoot a Black man holding a wallet,
believing that he might be holding a gun; at least, they’re more likely to
do this in a video game.
Certainly a video game pales in comparison to the adrenaline-fuelled

confrontation that occurred that fateful night in the Bronx. It is easy to
imagine that the stress of a real confrontation, combined with the
complexity of a real-world situation, would lead to an even higher chance
of a mistaken shooting occurring (Saus et al., 2006). To combat any
implicit influence of race on an officer’s decision to shoot, most law
enforcement agencies in North America have developed extensive
training programs, part of which focuses on making shoot–don’t-shoot
decisions (Cordner & Shain, 2011). Programs may simulate a variety of
firearms combat situations using a combination of walk-through sets with
cardboard figures, and realistic mock-combat against other people armed
with foam pellet guns. Research suggests that this training is helpful;
even student volunteers in the lab can be trained to reduce shooting
errors through such means (Correll et al., 2007; Plant & Peruche,
2005).
The split-second differences in the IAT may be related to officers’

increased use of deadly force with Black suspects, including cases where
the suspect is unarmed. Here, a police officer undergoes virtual reality
training designed to reduce shooting errors.
ZUMA Press/Newscom
Improving Intergroup Relations

We are left with an immense practical challenge: How can we overcome the
implicit processes we have examined in this module and work toward eliminating
harmful stereotypes, prejudices, and discrimination from our society?
Unfortunately, there are no easy answers. But there are some promising
possibilities.
Keri Kawakami at York University has spent more than a decade researching
how to overcome implicit stereotyping and prejudice. Research in her lab has
shown that people’s implicit networks can be “reprogrammed” through practice.
For example, people can be trained to make situational attributions for negative
behaviours by stereotyped group members, thereby overcoming the fundamental
attribution error; this helps to prevent people from thinking of others in
stereotypic ways (Stewart et al., 2010). In another study, Kawakami and her
colleagues used a computer task to teach people to make different associations
with a stereotyped group. Subjects were presented with photographs of Blacks
and Whites, coupled with either stereotypic or non-stereotypic traits, and were
instructed to respond “NO” to stereotypic pairings, and “YES” to non-stereotypic
pairings. After extensive training involving many such trials, subjects no longer
activated negative racial stereotypes, even at the implicit level (Kawakami et al.,
2000). This suggests that, over time, as our society continues to evolve in an
increasingly egalitarian, non-prejudiced direction, it may be possible for people to
unlearn the stereotypes that history has provided us with. However, there is a
huge gap between the kind of intensive training that Kawakami’s participants
experienced in the lab and the real-world experience of individuals who are
bombarded with both stereotypic and non-stereotypic messages on a daily basis.
Nevertheless, these results suggest that it is at least possible for people to
“reprogram” themselves.
One of the most well-supported ideas in all of social psychology is the contact
hypothesis , which predicts that social contact between members of different
groups is extremely important to overcoming prejudice (Allport, 1954; Pettigrew
& Tropp, 2006), especially if that contact occurs in settings in which the groups
have equal status and power, and ideally, in which group members are
cooperating on tasks or pursuing common goals (Sherif, 1961). Negative
stereotypes and the attendant prejudices thrive under conditions of ignorance,
whereas allowing people to get to know members of outgroups, to work together
to pursue common goals, to come to appreciate their membership in common
groups or as part of the same ingroup (e.g., we’re both Blue Jays fans,
Canadians, or members of the human species; Gaertner & Dovidio, 2000), and
to develop friendships with members of outgroups (Pettigrew, 1997, 1998) are
all different ways in which contact helps to overcome prejudice. In fact, contact
between members of different groups not only helps to combat their own
prejudices, but that of their friends as well; simply knowing that someone is
friends with an outgroup member serves to decrease the prejudice of that
person’s friends (Wright et al., 1997).
Coming to see our fellow human beings as all part of the same human family is
an opportunity that recent advances in technology (the Internet, space
exploration), economics (globalization), and ironically, global problems (climate
change, nuclear proliferation) have made available to all of us. This global
perspective shift may, one hopes, help us to overcome our age-old group
prejudices. Astronauts who travel into space and look back on this one little
planet that we inhabit often report that the experience profoundly affects them.
“The first day or so we all pointed to our countries. The third or fourth day we were
pointing to our continents. By the fifth day, we were aware of only one Earth.” —I
Congress of the Association of Space Explorers Cernay, France October 2-6, 1985.
Quote of Sultan bin Salman Al-Saud, © 1985 Association of Space Explorers. Used by
permission.
Module 13.2c Quiz:
Stereotypes, Prejudice, and Discrimination
Know . . .
1. prejudice refers to situations in which a person stereotypes a
group of people based on hidden, unacknowledged feelings.
A. Explicit
B. Discriminative
C. Associative
D. Implicit
Understand . . .
2. Unconscious forms of prejudice are believed to be measured with the
implicit associations test. This test is based on
A. people creating lists of words that come to mind when they see a
person of a specific race.
B. how long it takes people to respond to positive or negative words
along with Black or White faces.
C. changes in heart rate that accompany photos of people from
different racial backgrounds.
D. increased activity in the emotional centres of the brain that are
associated with specific races.
Apply . . .
3. Jacques believed that everyone from Alberta was a racist “redneck.” He
was therefore quite nervous when he found out that he’d have to work
with two Albertans who were visiting from his company’s Edmonton
office. After spending some time with the two men, however, he realized
that his views about Albertans were incorrect. This is an example of
.
A. the Notley effect
B. conformity
C. the contact hypothesis
D. pluralistic ignorance
Analyze . . .
4. Which of the following statements about stereotypes and prejudice is
false?
A. Stereotypes can be expressed outwardly and very explicitly.
B. All stereotypes are of negative characteristics.
C. Stereotypes are often experienced implicitly.
D. Prejudice has become increasingly unpopular in both Canada
and the United States.
Module 13.2 Summary
13.2a Know . . . the key terminology associated with social cognition.
contact hypothesis
discrimination
dual-process models
explicit processes
external (situational) attribution
false consensus effect
fundamental attribution error (FAE)
Implicit Associations Test (IAT)
implicit processes
ingroup bias
ingroups
internal (dispositional) attribution
naive realism
outgroups
person perception
prejudice
self-fulfilling prophecy
self-serving bias
stereotype
thin slices of behaviour
13.2b Understand . . . how we form first impressions and how these

impressions influence us.
We quickly form impressions, even when only thin slices of behaviour are
available to us. These impressions can be surprisingly accurate, but they can
also affect our behaviour in ways that tend to confirm our initial impressions; this
is the phenomenon of self-fulfilling prophecies.
13.2c Apply . . . your understanding of social cognition to the problem of

overcoming prejudice and discrimination.
The key to overcoming prejudice and discrimination seems to be to help people

create different schemas in their mind for members of outgroups. This can be
done by retraining people to make different automatic associations with outgroup
members, such as training them to consciously reject pairing of the outgroup with
negative or stereotyped traits. Different schemas can also be created through
realizing a common identity between oneself and the other person, which can
occur from extended contact, cooperation on mutual goals, or adopting more
inclusive and abstract categories (e.g., human family) for thinking about people.
13.2d Analyze . . . whether people who commit discriminatory acts are

necessarily prejudiced.
It is certainly possible for people to commit discriminatory acts without being

prejudiced. Regardless of prejudice, stereotypes are absorbed from the larger
culture, and these can function as interpersonal schemas that can guide how we
see things and how we implicitly process information. This can cause us to
behave in a discriminatory fashion without us intending to, such as being more
likely to assume an ambiguous object is a gun if held by a Black man, compared
to when it is held by a White man.
Module 13.3 Attitudes,
Behaviour, and Effective
Communication
ZUMA Press, Inc./Alamy Stock Photo
Learning Objectives
13.3a Know . . . the key terminology in research on attitudes, behaviour, and
effective communication.
13.3b Understand . . . how behaviours influence attitudes in terms of cognitive
dissonance theory.
13.3c Apply . . . your understanding of the central route to describe how a
message should be designed.
13.3d Analyze . . . the difficulties communicators face in trying to convince the
public to take action on climate change.
Bill McKibben is a man on a mission. He wants to save the planet.

Actually, to be more accurate, he wants to save the kind of planet that
humans can live on. But unlike many people with such ambitious dreams,
Bill has a few very important factors on his side.
First, he knows what he is talking about when it comes to saving the

planet, having published many books and articles on the topic over the
past few decades. Second, he has the full weight of the scientific
community behind his cause, which agrees that the human species is
heading rapidly for catastrophe as we push global warming higher and
higher. And third, he has a global organization, 350.org, spanning almost
every country on Earth, with hundreds of thousands of members. He also
has some significant victories under his belt, from organizing the most
widespread days of political activism in history to raising unprecedented
opposition to key government decisions, such as whether or not to pass
the Keystone XL pipeline that would take oil from Alberta’s oilsands and
transport it across the United States.
For Bill McKibben, and for the human species more generally, to succeed
in the fight against climate change, there are some big barriers to
overcome. Psychology provides a great deal of insight into how to rise to
such a societal challenge. Any social problem is, at some level, a
problem of human behaviour, and finding solutions therefore inevitably
involves changing human behaviour.
Focus Questions
1. What is the relationship between attitudes and behaviour?

2. How should communications be structured so as to be as
persuasive as possible?
According to the American Psychological Association’s official task force on

climate change, “Addressing climate change is arguably one of the most
pressing tasks facing this planet and its inhabitants” (American Psychological
Association, 2010, p. 6). The task force was comprised of a carefully chosen
group of highly regarded senior scientists, including the University of Victoria’s
Robert Gifford. Their overall assessment agrees with the perspective of the
United Nations, whose Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon said in 2009 that climate
change was the greatest issue of the 21st century. Using the insights of
psychology to find solutions to climate change is increasingly becoming a focus
for applied psychologists who specialize in communication and behaviour
change. Although this module will use climate change as a running example, the
principles being discussed can apply to almost any social issue that affects our
society. Hopefully this module will help motivate you to change our world for the
better.
Changing People’s Behaviour
Four of the most common approaches taken to attempt to change the public’s
behaviour on a large scale are technological, legal, economic, and social. The
technological approach focuses on making desired behaviours easier and
undesired behaviours more difficult; for example, public transit systems make it
easier to get to work without driving; having alternative energy technologies (like
solar panels) widely available make it easier for people to reduce their carbon
footprint; having a public recycling system with separate bins makes it easier for
people to recycle, and so on. The idea is to get the technology right so that
people will behave in the desired way. The legal approach focuses on policy
change, using laws to encourage positive behaviours and discourage negative
behaviours. The economic approach focuses on financial incentives and
penalties, generally through taxes and pricing. Generally, if the “right” thing to do
is cheaper, and the “wrong” thing to do is more expensive, people will choose the
“right” behaviour. The social approach focuses on using information and
communication to raise awareness, educate people, and create positive
community organizations to encourage the desired behaviours.
Although each of these approaches obviously can have an impact on public

behaviour, each one by itself is insufficient for solving or adapting to major global
problems like climate change. The biggest problem with the technological, legal,
and economic perspectives (aside from the problem that they can’t, realistically,
be applied to every behaviour that is relevant to climate change) is that
developing and implementing the technological solutions, or passing the laws
and setting the price incentives that would be required to sufficiently change
behaviour, can only happen if the public at large will support such changes. Any
politician who tries to, for example, increase gas taxes in order to encourage the
shift to a sustainable energy economy is going to have to overcome some stiff
public resistance. Clearly, finding solutions to our environmental challenges
requires that the public supports the solutions.
Inevitably, as you consider how to achieve the technological, legal, or economic

changes that might change public behaviour, you often end up at the problem of
how to get the support of the general public. This takes us to the fourth
approach: social. There are a vast number of social mechanisms for changing
human behaviour; however, for the purpose of illustrating the application of
social psychology to problems like climate change, we focus on one of the most
commonly employed social tactics: raising awareness.
The basic assumption behind the raising awareness approach is that people will
generally do the right thing if they have the right information. People’s behaviours
reflect their attitudes and beliefs (what they think is important, right vs. wrong,
etc.), which in turn, reflect the information that they have available. So to change
behaviour, you have to give people information that will help change their beliefs
and attitudes. Therein lies the logic behind public service announcements,
pamphlets, billboards, education campaigns, and the vast majority of the
behaviour change attempts occurring in society (McKenzie- Mohr, 2000).
Learning how to communicate effectively in order to influence attitudes and
behaviour has been a major focus of psychology for most of its history, and we
have learned a great deal about how to do so.
Persuasion: Changing Attitudes Through

Communication
Social psychologists have discovered many important principles underlying
effective communication, giving us a set of tools for influencing all sorts of
behaviours, from wearing condoms to eating chocolate bars. These tools are
employed for a wide variety of behaviour change purposes, from standard
marketing goals like getting us to buy more stuff, to pro-social causes such as
getting us to donate blood or to volunteer for a charitable organization.
If you are preparing a persuasive message, understanding what is likely to

connect with and have an impact on your audience is extremely important.
These factors are explored by the elaboration likelihood model (ELM) of
persuasive communication. The ELM predicts that when audiences are
sufficiently motivated to pay attention to a message (i.e., they care about the
issue) and they have the opportunity for careful processing (i.e., they have the
cognitive resources available to understand the message), they will be
persuaded by the facts of the argument, the substance; when either of these two
factors (motivation and opportunity) are missing, people will tend to be
persuaded by other factors. According to this model of persuasion, information
can appeal to people through two general routes: the central route and the
peripheral route (Cacioppo et al., 1986).
The central route to persuasion is all about substance. It occurs when

people pay close attention to the content of a message, evaluate the evidence
presented, and examine the logic of the arguments. If the message is sufficiently
compelling, they will be convinced, internalizing the message as something they
believe in (see Figure 13.6 ). As a result, attitude or belief change that occurs
through the central route tends to be strong and long-lasting.
Figure 13.6 Central and Peripheral Routes to Persuasion
There are two ways that communications can persuade people. In the central
route people are persuaded by the content of a message, while in the peripheral
route they are influenced by the way the content is presented, the style over the
substance.
However, much of the time, people are not going to pay sufficient attention to the
content of a message, and instead, persuasion will depend upon other features
that are not directly related to the message itself, such as the attractiveness of
the person delivering the information, or the number of arguments made
(regardless of the quality of those arguments). When taking the peripheral route
to persuasion it’s all about style, not substance. Although persuasion is
typically not as powerful through the peripheral route, it is nevertheless often a
superior route through which to reach people, in part because it’s so much
easier. Even though people may not be paying much attention or may not really
care about your issue, they can be persuaded if you can skillfully wield peripheral
tools. Peripheral tools are quite dangerous, as a result, because they can make
even relatively weak arguments potentially have an impact on people, whereas
relatively strong and important arguments, if they are packaged in a more boring,
less peripherally appealing way, can be overlooked. Anyone who has spent time
on the Internet has encountered some form of propaganda, advertising, or scam
that puts information together in a way that sounds extremely appealing, even if
it is based on no actual truth at all. But peripheral tools are powerful enough that
even the most unlikely of theories or perspectives can gain traction in society if
it’s packaged the right way.
Module 13.3a Quiz:
Changing People’s Behaviour
Understand . . .
1. Which of the following is not a common approach used to change the
public’s behaviour?
A. technological
B. social
C. economic
D. conformity
Apply . . .
2. Which of the following is an example of using the central route to
persuasion?
A. An organization having a visually interesting webpage.
B. An organization providing factually correct scientific data.
C. An organization using a funny and attractive spokesperson.
D. An organization having a cool theme song as part of their
commercials.
3. Ahmed’s grandparents immigrated to Canada from Egypt in the 1970s.

He wants to raise awareness about the positive effects immigration can
have on a society. To do so, he prints out a list of the benefits of
immigration and puts copies in people’s mailboxes. How successful will
Ahmed’s attempts at persuasion be—and why?
A. Ahmed will have great success because he used the peripheral
route to persuasion successfully.
B. Ahmed will be successful because he is using both the central
and peripheral routes to persuasion.
C. Ahmed will not be successful because although he used the
central route to persuasion well, he did a poor job using the
peripheral route.
D. Ahmed will not be successful because he used both the central
and peripheral routes to persuasion poorly.
Using the Central Route Effectively
In order to use the central route effectively, you need to be confident that you
have the facts on your side. If you feel your perspective makes logical, rational
sense, then it makes sense to appeal to the central route. This means getting
your audience to pay close attention to your arguments. In order to do that, you
have two key factors to work with: motivation and opportunity. People will be
more likely to process information through the central route when they are highly
motivated and when they have the knowledge or expertise to understand the
information. Thus, the central route is most reliable when people are highly
motivated about the topic, when they have sufficient time and freedom from
distraction, and when the information is not overwhelmingly complex relative to
their knowledge (i.e., if the audience is not very knowledgeable, the information
has to be simple, but if the audience has more expertise, then obviously the
information can be more nuanced and complex). With these factors in mind, this
section of the module will examine some key strategies for maximizing the
central route.
Make It Personal
Imagine for a moment that your friend has some juicy, scandalous gossip to tell
you. There would be a big difference in your desire to hear it if it were about (1)
one of her friends whom you do not know; (2) one of your friends; (3) you!
Clearly, your desire to get this information is directly related to how personally
relevant it is. Making a message self-relevant is crucially important to motivating
people to care and pay attention.
It can be surprisingly easy to make information self-relevant. The simple
perspective-shift of going from a third-person to a first-person type of description
makes a huge difference in how personally relevant something feels. For a
moment, look back to the previous paragraph. In that paragraph, our opening
sentence could have been, “Making a message self-relevant is very important,
blah blah. . . .” Instead, we said “Imagine for a moment that your friend has some
juicy, scandalous gossip. . . .” Even subtle nuances, such as appealing to “you,”
the reader, can make a message more personally engaging.
Consider one striking study from the early 1980s (Gregory et al., 1982), a time
when cable television (CATV) was still making its way into the North American
viewing market. Researchers compared two very similar persuasive appeals,
which were presented to two samples of homeowners to try to convince them to
subscribe to CATV.
In the information-only condition, homeowners were presented with this appeal: CATV
will provide a broader entertainment and information service to its subscribers. Used
properly, a person can plan in advance to enjoy events offered. Instead of spending
money on the babysitter and gas, and putting up with the hassles of going out, more
time can be spent at home with family, alone, or with friends.
In the imagination condition, homeowners received this appeal: Take a moment and
imagine how CATV will provide you with a broader entertainment and information
service. When you use it properly, you will be able to plan in advance which of the
events offered you wish to enjoy. Take a moment and think of how, instead of spending
money on the babysitter and gas, and then having to put up with the hassles of going
out, you will be able to spend your time at home, with your family, alone, or with your
friends.
As you can see, the two appeals are almost identical, providing the exact same
arguments; from a purely logical perspective, they should have exactly the same
impact. However, their impact differed dramatically: Only 19.5% of the people
who received the information-only appeal signed up for CATV, whereas a
whopping 47% subscribed when they were simply told to imagine themselves in
the scenario! Imagine the profit difference between selling your product to 1 in 5
people or 1 in 2 people. This is the power of making things personal.
This power has been explained by construal-level theory (Trope &

Liberman, 2010), which describes how information affects us differently
depending on our psychological distance from the information. Information that is
specific, personal, and described in terms of concrete details feels more
personal, or closer to us; whereas information that is more general, impersonal,
and described in more abstract terms feels less personal, or more distant.
Importantly, psychological distance depends not only on geography (people or
places that are farther away are less personal), but temporal factors (distant
future or past times feel less personal), social factors (people or groups that are
further removed from one’s identity are less personal), how abstract the
information is (abstractions are less personal than things that are specific), and
even the level of certainty one feels about an outcome (outcomes that are less
certain are less personal).
Communicators should be able to make their messages feel more personally

relevant to the audience by working with these factors, bringing the message
close to home in time and space, showing how it affects the audience
themselves or their social groups, and making consequences or outcomes as
certain as possible.
Climate change communicators, unfortunately, have struggled with this. As a

result, their communications have often felt “distant” to many people. If the goal
is to create psychological closeness and relevance, climate change
communications typically involve exactly the wrong types of information. The
term “climate change” itself implies something global and abstract; when people
do think of specific others who may suffer due to climate change, they tend to
think of others in the distant future or in distant parts of the world (Leiserowitz et
al., 2010; Lorenzoni & Pidgeon, 2006). Also, scientists have been honest about
communicating the inherent uncertainty of scientific predictions, leading people
to emphasize the uncertainty in the science. And finally, communicating about
“the climate” inherently involves abstractions, because the climate is an
abstraction, as is “global temperature,” “rates of greenhouse gas emissions,” and
much of the important information that climate scientists are trying to
communicate. As a result, people often experience climate change as
psychologically distant, rather than personally relevant (Liberman & Trope,
2008; Milfont, 2010). Bringing the consequences of climate change home for a
given audience, bringing them close in time and space, and changing the focus
of the discussion to the certainty of what scientists do know rather than the
uncertainty of what they don’t, should make the message much more powerful
(Spence et al., 2012).

Identifiable Victim Effect
An additional challenge for people worried about climate change

is that it is difficult to show how people will be affected by this
issue. Issues seem less real when there is no story to accompany
them. Contrast climate change with some other very important
social issues facing people in North America. The issue of gun
control in the United States is influenced by stories such as the
horrendous shooting death of 20 children and six adults in Sandy
Hook Elementary School in 2012. The crisis facing refugees
fleeing war-torn Syria gained international attention when heart-
breaking photographs showed the body of three-year-old Alan
Kurdi. Racial tensions in the United States, which led to the Black
Lives Matter movement, are all-too-often linked with violence,
such as the police killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri
in 2014. These are all upsetting social issues filled with real
human tragedy.
Although it is by no means a competition, approximately 400 000

people die every year due to climate-change–related disasters
(DARA, 2012). And this is just at the very beginning of the
climate changes that scientists have been warning us about!
Researchers at Stanford University concluded that human
civilization itself is headed rapidly toward global collapse due to
an escalating mix of environmental problems such as climate
change and the acidification of the oceans (Ehrlich & Ehrlich,
2013); this collapse will likely occur in the next few generations,
possibly affecting your children and grandchildren. Given this
terrifying possibility, why have climate scientists (and
environmental psychologists) been so unsuccessful in persuading
people to change their behaviour? The answer might lie in how
they tell their story.
What do we know about communicating about tragedy?

Many experiments have shown that information about tragedies
has much more impact if it focuses on specific details and
concrete events than if it relies upon more abstract, statistical
information. For example, the identifiable victim effect
describes how people are more powerfully moved to action by the
story of a single suffering person than by information about a
whole group of people.
In one study (Small et al., 2007), researchers gave subjects a

chance to donate up to $5 of their earnings from participating in
the study to an organization, Save the Children, based on
information provided in one of three different conditions. In the
identifiable victim condition, participants read about Rokia, a 7-
year-old girl from Mali, Africa, who was desperately poor and
facing severe hunger and possibly starvation. In the statistical
victims condition, participants read about food shortages and
rainfall deficits affecting more than 20 million people in four
countries in Africa. In the third, combined condition, both types of
information were provided; participants read about Rokia and
then were also given statistical information about mass suffering
in African countries.
The identifiable victim effect was clearly demonstrated; people

who read about Rokia gave significantly more ($2.38) than
people who read general statistical information ($1.14). Clearly,
Rokia tugs on the heart-strings more than abstract numbers do
(see Figure 13.7 ). It is worth pointing out how strictly illogical
this is; if we were rational processors of information, we would
respond more strongly to statistics, which is essentially many,
many Rokia-like stories combined with each other, than to one
single story of Rokia which is, after all, “just an anecdote.”
Figure 13.7 The Identifiable Victim Effect
Participants were willing to donate more money after reading

about a specific victim of starvation than they were after reading
statistics about widespread starvation. Surprisingly, combining
the story of a specific victim and general statistics led to levels of
donations similar to the statistics-only condition.
Source: Republished with permission of Elsevier Science, Inc., from Sympathy and callousness: The
impact of deliberative thought on donations to identifiable and statistical victims, Organizational
Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 102, 143–153. Fig 3, p.149. Deborah A. Small, George
Loewenstein and Paul Slovic. March 2007. Permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance
Center, Inc.
One interesting twist in this study was that participants who were
given information about Rokia combined with the statistics
donated only $1.43, which was statistically no different than what
participants gave after being presented with the statistics alone,
and was certainly much less than participants gave after only
hearing Rokia’s story. This study suggests that trying to
simultaneously appeal to the head and the heart might not always
work! This has enormous implications for anyone who wants to
communicate to others; you have to very carefully consider the
balance of your factual information and technical details with your
stories, jokes, images and metaphors. Clearly, it’s not as simple
as “have solid facts and tell a good story,” because sometimes,
combining the two approaches doesn’t work.
How can science explain the identifiable victim effect?

Earlier in the module, we mentioned that abstract information is
experienced as more psychologically distant than concrete,
specific information. But this doesn’t go far enough to help us
understand the findings in this Rokia study. There are two key
results to explain. First, why is Rokia’s individual story more
impactful than millions of Rokia stories presented in the form of
statistical information? Second, why does combining Rokia’s
story with statistics actually make it less likely for people to act?
To understand these findings, psychologists rely upon dual-

process models (see Module 13.2 ) of information processing
(Stanovich & West, 2000). The experiential system
(Epstein, 1994), operates more implicitly, quickly, and intuitively
and is predominantly emotional; this system responds strongly to
personal experiences, images, stories, and other people’s
emotions. In contrast, the analytic system operates more at
the explicit level of consciousness, is slower and more
methodical, and uses logic and discursive thinking (i.e., reasoning
using language) to try to understand reality. The analytic system
specializes in understanding, whereas the experiential system
specializes in intuition and feeling. With these systems in mind,
you can begin to see why Rokia’s story would be so powerful;
Rokia’s story speaks to the experiential system, thereby
triggering emotional responses, such as empathy, that would
motivate people to give to charity. The abstract statistics,
however, speak to the analytic system, the head rather than the
heart. Less emotional impact leads to less motivational strength
(Barrett & Salovey, 2002; Forgas, 2000). Without emotions,
information about the suffering of millions of people becomes
“just a number,” an abstraction that is difficult to feel.
Although one might expect that the most effective approach

would simply be to appeal to both systems, it seems that in some
situations at least, involving the analytic system at all can
backfire. It is as though the analytic system inhibits or shuts down
the experiential system, putting people in more of a cold, analytic
frame of mind, so that they have little access to their emotional
responses. This may be why the condition that included both
Rokia and the statistics was no more motivating than the
statistics alone. The cold, analytic way of thinking that was
activated by the statistics made Rokia’s emotional story have less
impact than it had on its own (Loewenstein et al., 2001; Slovic
et al., 2002). Nobel prize–winning biochemist Albert Szent Gyorgi
sums this idea up nicely when he talks about the difficulties trying
to wrap your head around the consequences of nuclear war. “I
am deeply moved if I see one man suffering and would risk my
life for him. Then I talk impersonally about the possible
pulverization of our big cities, with a hundred million dead. I am
unable to multiply one man’s suffering by a hundred million”
(Slovic, 2007).

Taken by itself, this single study cannot tell us whether individual
stories are more motivating than statistics; it merely tells us that
this particular story is more motivating than these particular
statistics. Specific stories and specific statistics will have different
impacts in specific situations with specific people. Obviously,
every particular convergence of circumstances is different.
Sometimes, a certain story will be particularly powerful; other
times a certain statistic will be. Importantly, we don’t know how
the impact of statistical information vs. emotional stories changes
over the long term or with repeated exposure. You have surely
encountered news stories before that have made you feel very
strong emotions in the moment, but within even a few days you
largely forgot about them, and you never actually made a
contribution to the cause or took any sort of action. This happens
all the time. Things “go viral” and then, not too long afterwards,
everybody gets over it and moves on to something else.
Obviously, we cannot dispense with talking about statistical,

abstract information if we are to communicate with each other
about what is happening in the world. It therefore becomes
extremely important to understand how the experiential and
analytic systems can work together, and how to make the best
use of them in crafting effective communication strategies.

This research is highly relevant to the challenge of motivating
people to take action on major societal issues such as climate
change (e.g., Slovic, 2007). The basic principle for
communicating in a way that motivates behaviour change is to
personally engage the person to reduce the psychological
distance of the information. There are many ways to do this,
including framing information in a personal way (see the
TEDxUofT talk, “Everything You Love”), describing abstract
information as personal experiences, focusing on the near future
rather than the distant future, emphasizing specific actions that
will make a difference, and using social media strategies so that
information comes from friends rather than from strangers.
Nevertheless, despite all the tools that we have to communicate
and influence behaviour more effectively, countless questions
remain concerning how to make the best use of these tools.
These questions will have to be answered over and over again,
as we seek (and hopefully find!) solutions to the challenges we
face, from our personal lives to issues of global scale like climate
change. One of the biggest challenges that must be overcome
when communicating about any issue is to understand how to
connect the issue to the values of the people receiving the
message.
Value Appeals
As any good marketer knows, audiences are much more likely to listen to a
message that is framed in such a way that it seems relevant to their values.
Interestingly, pro-environmental behaviours have often been framed in ways that
go against people’s self-interest, involving trade-offs between the economy or
the environment, jobs or trees, comfort and convenience or personal sacrifice
(Schultz & Zelezny, 2003). And as noble as it might be to sit in the dark,
shivering through the winter and eating only locally grown root vegetables while
having two-minute showers once a week, these are unlikely to be the next hot
behaviour trends.
Researchers have uncovered three major value frames that are relevant in
environmental discussions. Biospheric values emphasize the perspectives and
value of other species, ecosystems, and nature itself (e.g., save the polar bears,
save the rainforests, save the Earth!). Social-altruistic values emphasize the
perspectives and consequences experienced by other people (e.g., climate
change will substantially affect the poor, and will take away the rights and
freedoms of future generations; Stern & Dietz, 1994). However, a major problem
that environmentally concerned people run into is that biospheric and social-
altruistic value frames are often not compatible with our egoistic values, which
focus on self-enhancement, personal success, material wealth, and
independence (Schultz & Zelezny, 2003; Schwartz, 1994). Unfortunately,
because modern capitalism has so deeply wed material success with personal
success and “happiness,” people often find that our individualistic strivings for
success and happiness are often at odds with our concern for collective issues
like the environment.
It’s possible that environmental messages would be more motivating if they were
framed in egoistic terms. For example, messages concerning pro-environmental
behaviours could emphasize financial savings (e.g., saving energy = saving
money), personal empowerment (e.g., feel like you’re making a difference!), the
importance of community (e.g. gardening will bring your community together),
economic opportunities (e.g., renewable energy is the fastest-growing sector of
the energy economy), and even fun and friendship (e.g., attending environmental
protests is actually really fun—you meet the coolest people).
From a strategic point of view, appealing to your audience’s values generally

enhances the impact of messages; however, as we’ll discuss at the end of this
module, appealing to your audience’s existing values may, in some cases, be
detrimental to your cause.
Preaching or Flip-Flopping? One-Sided vs. Two-

Sided Messages
One potential downside to taking a straightforward values approach is that you
might sound “preachy.” People may feel like you are shoving your values onto
them, and therefore reject your arguments. On the other hand, if you don’t make
your own position clear and advocate clearly for your values, people may think
you are a “flip flopper” who doesn’t stand for anything in particular, or they may
just get confused while you describe all aspects of an argument, and stop paying
attention.
In short, is it better to give a one-sided message, arguing for a specific position,

or a two-sided appeal that acknowledges different perspectives? You might think
that the one-sided message is strongest, because it’s least likely to raise doubts
in the audience’s mind, but research suggests otherwise (O’Keefe, 1999). It is
actually more persuasive if you acknowledge opposing arguments than if you
just preach from your own soap-box, unless your audience is unlikely to ever
hear information that counters your message.
By giving a two-sided message, you make it more likely that your audience will
see you as trustworthy and honest. But you gain in another, sneakier way as
well. By bringing up, and shooting down, opposing arguments, you help your
audience resist those arguments in the future. This is called attitude
inoculation , a strategy for strengthening attitudes and making them more
resistant to change by first exposing people to a weak counter-argument and
then refuting that argument (Compton & Pfau, 2005; McGuire, 1961). This
strategy operates in a similar way to how the flu shot protects you from the flu.
When you get injected with a weakened version of the flu virus, your immune
system has a chance to respond, building up the antibodies it will need when the
real flu comes along. So, by exposing your audience to counter-arguments and
then showing why those counter-arguments are not correct, you give your
audience the necessary information they will need to resist those counter-
arguments when they hear them later.
Emotions in the Central Route

Taking the central route has been the chief strategy of climate change
communicators, and unfortunately, they’ve had a pretty tough go of it. The well-
funded “climate change denial” movement has been able to spread enough
misinformation through the media that many people have been left confused
about what to believe. Negative emotions such as confusion are much more
damaging than you might expect, influencing people to process information in a
different way. Even very subtle manipulations of confusion can have this effect.
For example, research by Norbert Schwarz and his colleagues has shown that
even the font or the colour of the text used in a message can change how
skeptical people are of the information. If the font is a little bit more difficult to
read (e.g., font like this, compared to font like this), or if the text doesn’t contrast
as starkly from the background and thus is also more difficult to read, people
tend to be more skeptical of the message (Winkielman et al., 2002).
What seems to happen is that the person experiences a subtle amount of

negative emotion, which biases their information processing in a negative
manner. As a result, they pay more attention to weaknesses in the information
and claims that they disagree with, the net result being that they are less easily
persuaded. Schwarz explains that processing fluency , which is the ease
with which information is processed, biases the person’s processing of the
information; thus, even insignificant aspects of a communication can, through
triggering negative affect, influence the communication’s persuasive impact.
Political strategists attempt to influence the public’s emotions for similar reasons
through the use of negative political advertising (attack ads; see Module 6.1 ).
Another key factor that can easily derail communication is the message’s
complexity. If your arguments are overly technical, complex, or convoluted, or
use specialized language, this can also activate negative emotion for people and
bias them against your message. Also, people will simply lose interest in a
message they don’t understand and stop paying attention. This is a big challenge
for communicating about technical topics like climate change. Strangely, experts
are often terrible at communicating their knowledge, tending to forget that their
audience may not understand the technical language they use and the subtleties
of what they are saying. Chip and Dan Heath (2007) call this the “curse of
knowledge.” Anybody who has ever listened to an expert being interviewed on
the news has likely experienced this phenomenon. The expert may find the
conversation fascinating and rife with meaning, but to the audience it may sound
like a monotonous drone.
The curse of knowledge was shown in an innovative experiment (Newton, 1991)

in which subjects were assigned to be “tappers” or “listeners.” The tappers were
asked to tap the rhythm to a selection of extremely well-known songs, like
“Happy Birthday,” while the listeners tried to guess the songs. To the tappers, the
songs were totally obvious; when they tapped out “Happy Birthday,” they would
hear the words and the tune in their heads and it seemed pretty likely that the
listeners would be able to guess the song; in fact, they estimated that listeners
would guess about 50% of the songs. To the listeners, however, the vague “tap-
tap-TAP-tap TAP TAP” didn’t amount to much; they guessed the correct songs a
mere 2.5% of the time!
This study illustrates how people with knowledge tend to overestimate the
amount of knowledge their audience will have. When you are communicating,
remember to keep your audience’s perspective in mind and fight the urge to use
impressively long words, acronyms, and technical lingo. Saying less, and saying
it in less complex ways, is often saying more.
Module 13.3b Quiz:
Using the Central Route Effectively
Know . . .
1. A strategy for strengthening attitudes and making them more resistant to
change by first exposing people to a weak counter-argument and then
refuting that argument is known as .
A. attitude inoculation
B. social-altruistic processing
C. analytic processing
D. value framing
Understand . . .
2. One of the challenges that people have when trying to persuade other
people is that
A. social-altruistic values have a much larger effect on behaviour
than other value frames.
B. social-altruistic and biospheric value frames are often inconsistent
with egoistic value frames.
C. biospheric and egoistic value frames are often in conflict with
social-altruistic value frames.
D. value frames have a very small effect on human behaviour.
Apply . . .
3. Which of the following statements about a (fictitious) antianxiety
medication—Leafobarbital—should be most persuasive?
A. “Many individuals have found that Leafobarbital reduces their
anxiety.”
B. “Think of how Leafobarbital could have changed your anxiety-
filled high-school years.”
C. “Over 80% of people in a test group in Thailand found
Leafobarbital to effectively reduce their anxiety.”
D. “Imagine what your life would be like if you were anxiety free.
Leafobarbital will change the way you feel.”
Analyze . . .
4. Which is the best explanation for the identifiable victim effect?
A. Our experiential and analytic systems of processing information
work together to produce a logical response.
B. The analytic system inhibits the experiential systems responses,
thus providing a greater identification with the victim.
C. The analytic system responds to the logical content of the
identifiable victim’s story.
D. The experiential system responds to the emotional content of the
identifiable victim’s story.
Using the Peripheral Route Effectively
To be an effective communicator, you can’t ignore the peripheral route. Half a

century of social psychology research has identified several powerful factors of
influence. There are more than can be represented here, but we will discuss
several of the most important ones. You may recognize many of these, because
they have undoubtedly been used against you many times, from corporations
trying to sell you products to people trying to get you to do them a favour.
Authority
The use of experts and authority figures to deliver a message can often enhance
the impact of the message (Cialdini, 2001). Even people who look like experts
but have no real authority on a subject can be used effectively. For example, an
extremely successful ad campaign in the 1970s for decaffeinated coffee used a
man who had absolutely no expert knowledge of coffee or its health effects;
however, as an actor, he played Marcus Welby, M.D., who was a very popular
TV doctor at the time. Dressing the part is important as well; a man wearing a
suit who jaywalks across a red light will be followed by 3.5 times as many people
as the same man wearing casual clothes (Lefkowitz et al., 1955).
Liking
We believe people we like. Communicators who connect with their audience get
their message across more effectively (Cialdini, 2001). Liking can be influenced
by numerous factors, including attractiveness. For example, in a study performed
for the American Heart Association, attractive fundraisers generated almost twice
as many donations (42% versus 23%) as their less-attractive counterparts
(Reingen & Kernan, 1993). In the 1972 Canadian federal election, candidates
who were rated as physically attractive got three times as many votes as
unattractive ones (Efrain & Patterson, 1974); in fact, politically unpopular
parties had substantially less attractive candidates, which may have been a big
part of their party’s lack of success at the polls! It is interesting to note that voters
themselves insisted that their choices were not influenced by something as
superficial as appearance. (In an interesting coincidence, the Prime Minister at
that time was Pierre Elliott Trudeau—his son, Justin, has also received some
attention for his appearance.)
Thus, there are good reasons to be pleasant and appealing, and to look your
best, at least from a persuasion perspective. Highlighting any similarities you
may share with your audience, loosening up a little and speaking informally,
appropriate use of humour, and even complimenting the audience, can all
enhance your likability and increase the effectiveness of your communication.
Social Validation
Because humans are such a social species, we use the behaviour of others as a
guide to inform us of what we should do (e.g., conformity and social norms;
Module 13.2 ). As an influence tactic, social validation can be incredibly
powerful. Social validation is at work whenever you hear that a novel is a
bestseller, a piece of music has topped the charts, there’s a long line-up outside
a night-club, or “polls indicate” that a political candidate is popular.
One such example of social validation used in climate change communication

occurred in the spring of 2013 when Bill McKibben’s organization, 350.org, and
several other organizations submitted a petition with one million signatures,
urging President Obama to not allow the Keystone XL pipeline to transport oil
from Canada’s oilsands to the United States. Afterward, the fact that a million
signatures were gathered became a major part of their organization’s marketing
messages. You can see how social validation becomes a major tool for
communicators; obviously, proponents of the pipeline would want to downplay
these facts, whereas opponents of the pipeline would want to highlight them.
Somewhat ironically, social validation is also often misused by communicators.

For example, people may try to highlight the urgency of a behaviour change or
the seriousness of an issue by pointing out how few people are currently doing
something desirable (such as wearing condoms during casual sex or reducing
one’s carbon footprint), or how many people are currently doing something
undesirable (eating a high sugar diet or leaving the lights on all the time).
Although the information may be true and the intentions are good, these
communications can easily backfire. In one study, a suicide intervention program
in New Jersey told people about the high rates of teenage suicides; as a result,
people who went through the program became more likely to think of suicide as
a way out of their problems (Cialdini, 2001).
Reciprocity
You scratch my back, I’ll scratch yours. All cultures have a strong social norm
that obligates people to repay to others what they have received. This strong
social norm is used by influence specialists all the time, and it can be so sneaky
we often don’t realize it. Just think of the “free samples” offered by vendors, the
“free trial workout” offered by health clubs, and even the “free personality
assessments” offered by the Church of Scientology. Each makes you feel a debt
or obligation. The principle of reciprocity is one reason why corporations donate
to politicians’ campaigns, and why pharmaceutical companies spend millions of
dollars funding research, organizing conferences, and providing gifts, stationery,
calendars, and even pens to doctors and family health clinics (Cialdini, 2001).
Reciprocity is often used in a two-step manner called the door-in-the-face

technique , which involves asking for something relatively big, then following
with a request for something relatively small. The logic is that once someone has
scaled back their request, you are obligated to meet them part way. Professional
negotiators will always start with a proposal they don’t really expect to get; but
they know that once they “give up” some of the things they want, the opposing
side is obligated to do the same. The door-in-the-face technique can be used to
surprising effectiveness.
In one well-known study by Bob Cialdini (Cialdini et al., 1975), people were
approached on the street and asked whether they would be willing to volunteer
to chaperone inmates from a juvenile detention centre for a day trip to the zoo.
When simply asked, 17% said yes. A second set of people were approached and
submitted to a door-in-the-face manipulation; they were first asked if they would
be willing to volunteer for two hours per week as a counsellor at the juvenile
detention centre, and make a commitment for two years. Everybody said no. But
when they were subsequently asked whether they would merely agree to
volunteer to chaperone inmates from the detention centre on a trip to the zoo for
the day, an astonishing 50% said yes. This one-two punch is very effective, both
because it makes the person feel obligated to say yes after you have “backed
down,” and because the second request doesn’t seem as onerous when
presented after the first, bigger request.
Consistency
One of the most powerful influence techniques, especially for long-term
behaviour change, is an old salesperson’s trick called the foot-in-the-door
technique
, which involves making a simple request followed by a more
substantial request. To the travelling salesmen of days gone by, literally getting
one’s foot in the door meant that a homeowner could not shut you out. In social
psychology, the idea is that once you get the person to agree to even a small
request, it’s harder for them to say no to a subsequent request (Burger, 1999;
Cialdini, 2000).
The foot-in-the-door technique is also a sneaky strategy, because the initial

request can be so small that virtually everyone would say yes to it; nevertheless,
it’s powerful, because it makes use of a very strong motivation held by many
people—the need for psychological consistency. We’ll describe this in more
detail, but just think of how people usually react to being called a hypocrite and
you’ll get a sense of the power of the need for consistency. So, the foot-in-the-
door technique packs another powerful one-two punch—an initial request that’s
hard to refuse locks you in, and then you get cornered into agreeing to a much
larger request (see Figure 13.8 ).
Figure 13.8 Two-Step Persuasion Techniques to Encourage Community

Service
The foot-in-the-door technique (top) starts with a small request and then moves
on to a larger request. The door-in-the-face technique (bottom) does the reverse.
It begins with a highly demanding request and then appears to settle for a much
smaller one.
For example, if you are at the beach and you want to go swimming, how can you
be sure nobody is going to steal your stuff? Just ask someone to watch your
things for you! Simple as that. Although this may seem intuitive, you may be
surprised by just how powerful this simple request can be. In one experiment, an
experimenter posed as a person sunbathing on the beach, who at one point got
up and asked whoever was close them to watch his things; everybody said yes.
Then he left, and shortly afterwards, as you might expect, a mock-thief came
along and attempted to steal the experimenter’s radio. An astonishing 95% of the
people who agreed to watch his things attempted to interfere with the would-be
thief, even to the point of chasing the thief down the beach! But in the control
condition, when no one was asked, only 20% of people tried to stop the thief
(Cialdini, 2001). Imagine that—an additional 75% of us will become heroic
vigilantes just because some stranger casually asks us on a beach to watch his
stuff.
Commitments can be extremely subtle, another reason they are sneaky. For
example, one restaurant owner was able to reduce the rate of no-shows (people
who reserve a table but then don’t show up) from 30% all the way down to 10%
by changing two words in the script that his employees used when scheduling
reservations over the phone. In the old script, the receptionist would say, “Please
call if you have to change your plans.” In the revised script, she said “Would you
please call if you have to change your plans?” Then she would wait for a couple
of seconds until the person responded and said yes (Cialdini, 2001). Saying
“yes” is an active commitment, and that tiny act was enough to get two-thirds of
the no-shows to call first and cancel. Other studies have shown that written
commitments (“sign here . . .”) are even more effective than verbal commitments,
and commitments that can be made public are the most effective of all.
Module 13.3c Quiz:

Using the Peripheral Route Effectively
Understand . . .
1. Harinder asked Doug to help him carry some boxes from his car into his
backyard. Once that small task was done, Harinder then asked Doug to
help him assemble a shed that he had bought. This technique of making
a simple request followed by a more substantial request is known as
.
A. the door-in-the-face technique
B. the foot-in-the-door technique
C. social validation
D. the nuisance effect
Apply . . .
2. Which attempt at persuasion would be least effective?
A. A bearded man in a leather jacket telling you which type of
motorcycle you should buy
B. A well-dressed politician asking you to support her political party
C. Someone asking you to be the first person to sign a petition about
an important social issue
D. Someone asking you to sign an online petition that had already
been signed by over 100 000 Canadian students
3. Kendra wanted to go to Ottawa for the weekend with her friends, but was
afraid that her parents would object. In order to persuade (or manipulate)
them, she first asked them if she could travel to Amsterdam with her
friends. Her parents said, “No.” The next day she asked if she could at
least go to Ottawa. Her parents eventually agreed to this request. This is
an example of .
A. the door-in-the-face technique
B. the foot-in-the-door technique
C. social validation
D. the capital effect
The Attitude–Behaviour Feedback Loop
As we mentioned earlier, the reason the foot-in-the-door approach works so well

is because people have a general need to be psychologically consistent—for
their attitudes, beliefs, and behaviours to match up with each other. Much of the
time, we maintain a feeling of consistency by letting our beliefs and attitudes
guide our behaviours. We act in the way we think and feel is right. But, the
relationship between our actions and beliefs is not always this straightforward.
Cognitive Dissonance
Groundbreaking work by Leon Festinger (1957) showed that we can also
maintain a feeling of consistency by simply changing our beliefs to be consistent
with our behaviour. Festinger (1957) proposed cognitive dissonance
theory , describing that when we hold inconsistent beliefs, this creates a kind
of aversive inner tension, or “dissonance”; we are then motivated to reduce this
tension in whatever way we can, often by simply changing the beliefs that
created the dissonance in the first place.
This sort of belief change was observed in a dramatic way by Festinger and two
of his colleagues when they infiltrated a doomsday cult in the 1950s. December
21, 1954, was the date the world was supposed to end, according to the cult’s
leader, Marian Keech (not her real name). Keech told her followers that she was
receiving messages from aliens who lived on the planet Clarion. The aliens had
warned of an impending flood that would destroy life on Earth, but they promised
to come in a spaceship and rescue Keech and her followers before the final
cataclysm. If the members kept their faith, the aliens were supposed to contact
them at midnight. The cult members were so convinced of impending doom that
they gave away their possessions, quit their jobs, and prepared for the end.
Festinger and his colleagues, not being big believers in alien messages about
the end of the world, wondered what would happen when the prophecy failed to
come true. So, on December 20th, the cult members, including Festinger and his
colleagues, gathered together and waited for the spaceship to arrive. Midnight
came . . . and went. A few minutes after midnight the group decided the clocks
were fast and any minute now, the aliens would be contacting them. Then an
hour passed. And another. The group waited all night, increasingly confused,
wondering what was going on.
Finally, at 4:45 a.m., it was apparent the Clarions weren’t coming to whisk them
away. Keech had been wrong. The cult members had made fools out of
themselves and ruined their lives. You might think that they would slink back to
their normal lives, beg for their jobs back, and try to recover from the
embarrassment. But no, the opposite happened. Keech suddenly got another
message from the Clarions! They told her that because her little group had been
so faithful, waiting all night for them to come, God had decided not to destroy the
Earth after all. They weren’t fools; they were heroes! Convinced that they had
saved the world, Keech and most of her followers (some decided this was
ridiculous and ditched them at this point) became even more evangelical,
contacting newspapers and media outlets, spreading the good word that the
world had been saved (Festinger et al., 1956).
Festinger and Carlsmith (1959) tested cognitive dissonance theory by having

subjects come to their lab and spend an hour engaged in a mind-numbing study
that required them to perform menial, repetitive tasks. Afterward, the subjects
were told that in a different condition of the study, a research assistant meets
subjects beforehand and gives them positive expectations of the study, telling
them that it’s a fun and interesting study. Unfortunately, the person called in sick
that day, and so the subjects were asked if they would play the part of the
research assistant for the next, incoming subject. All they had to do was sit in the
waiting room, and when the next subject came in, chat with them and tell them
the study was fun and interesting. Little did the unsuspecting participants know
that this was what the real study was about, getting them to tell a “little white lie”
and then seeing how it affected their attitudes.
The subjects were also offered one of two amounts of payment if they agreed to
go along with the deception. Some subjects were paid $1, and others were paid
$20. After agreeing to play along and deceiving the person in the waiting room,
subjects then filled out a few measures of their perceptions of the study. Lo and
behold, after lying about the study, the subjects actually felt more positively
toward it! But not all the subjects felt this way, only those who were paid $1. Why
might this be?
The subjects who were paid $20 had more than enough justification for telling a
little white lie—“I did it for the money.” But getting paid $1 seems hardly worth it;
these subjects were left in a state of uncomfortable dissonance, caught between
the beliefs “deceiving people is wrong” and “I just lied to somebody for a measly
$1.” However, by changing their attitudes—“I didn’t really lie; this study was
actually pretty interesting!”—subjects were able to resolve their dissonance and
feel good again.
Cognitive dissonance theory can help to explain many puzzling phenomena of

everyday life. For example, why would perfectly sane young people crawl
through ice water in their underwear while others stood around shouting at them,
throwing snowballs, and even spanking them? In the winter of 2013, exactly such
an event happened at Ryerson University, when aspiring frosh leaders went
through a “hazing ritual.” When it came to light, university administrators and
even Ontario’s premier were shocked and appalled, although no official action
was taken except to express disapproval.
Students at Dalhousie University, in the same year, were not so lucky; Dalhousie
suspended its entire women’s hockey team in January, except for the rookies,
who also lost their season as a result of not having a team to play with. The
previous September, the team had held a party at which the rookies were
subjected to hazing, and when it came to light, the university administration
reacted based on a “zero tolerance” policy.
But why does hazing occur? People have traditionally believed that submitting
new group members to rituals that are embarrassing, humiliating, even painful
and dangerous helps to bond new members to the organization, deepening their
commitment and their feelings of belonging. Cognitive dissonance theory
suggests they are right. Being humiliated and embarrassed would be generally
dissonant with the belief “I am a reasonable, self-respecting person.” But after
you have just publicly degraded yourself, it’s not easy to feel that way. One way
to reduce the dissonance (or discomfort) and reconcile your belief about what
you just did with your belief that you are a reasonable, self-respecting person is
to change one of your beliefs a little bit. For example, if you suffered in order to
join a really exclusive, super-cool, awesome group, then this makes sense; of
course you would suffer in order to join that group! And this is exactly what
people seem to do; after initiation rituals, they enhance their perceptions that this
is a group worth belonging to.
Interestingly, because cognitive dissonance is based on the need for self-

consistency, it does not appear to work in quite the same way across cultures. In
more collectivistic societies, for example, the need for self-consistency is not as
strong, because it is more widely recognized that one’s “self” is more fluid,
manifesting differently in different social situations. This is reflected in
collectivists experiencing less dissonance after making choices. However,
research conducted at the University of Waterloo has shown that people from
collectivist cultures do experience dissonance after making difficult choices for
their friends (Hoshino-Browne et al., 2005). It appears that the need for self-
consistency still exists; it’s just that the “self” is more interpersonal than personal.
Attitudes and Actions

If attitudes influence behaviours, and behaviours influence attitudes, then you
can see that the two are connected to each other in a circular fashion, with each
affecting the other in a self-reinforcing cycle. Because each process affects the
other, what happens in these causal loops is that initially small changes can
grow into very large changes over time. For example, an initially small behaviour
change can feed back to strengthen the person’s attitude toward that behaviour,
which leads to greater behaviour changes in the future.
Clearly, sometimes this works, as we saw earlier with the cognitive dissonance
examples, the power of commitments, and the foot-in-the-door technique. With
regard to climate change and the environmental movement, the hope for many
decades has been that this foot-in-the-door approach would build increasingly
pro-environmental attitudes in the general public in order to move society toward
sustainability. By getting the public to adopt relatively easy behaviours, like
recycling or using compact fluorescent light bulbs, the hope has been that this
would strengthen pro-environmental attitudes and spill over, or generalize, to
other behaviours and greater support for environmental laws and policies. This
spillover effect has been the basic rationale for the general marketing approach
to environmental behaviour change: appeal to whatever values people hold (e.g.,
the money they’ll save), and encourage the adoption of whatever behaviours
seem most likely. For example, you may recall a TV commercial of recent years
by the David Suzuki Foundation, in which a man was informed of how much beer
money he would save if he got rid of his extra fridge in the basement. Unplugging
your fridge today, protesting in the streets tomorrow!
Unfortunately for anybody hoping to use the foot-in-the-door technique to change

society in major ways, the strategy seems most effective for encouraging the
adoption of similar behaviours (e.g., signing a petition for a cause today will
make it more likely that you’ll volunteer for that cause in the future), but it does
not reliably spill over to a wider range of behaviours. Spillover is even less likely
if there are clear, extrinsically motivating reasons for engaging in the behaviour,
such as saving beer money. Just like Festinger’s subjects didn’t need to change
their attitudes when they were paid $20 for lying, people whose primary reason
for conserving energy is to save money are not likely to strengthen their pro-
environmental attitudes more generally. After all, they just did it for the money.
Nevertheless, as we have reviewed, psychologists have provided many insights

and tools for communicating more effectively to change people’s behaviour.
Hopefully some of the readers of this book will use these tools to make the world
a better—and more environmentally sustainable—place. It’s up to you.
Module 13.3d Quiz:
The Attitude–Behaviour Feedback Loop
Understand . . .
1. Some of the participants in Festinger’s classic study of cognitive
dissonance were only paid $1 to lie to another group of participants.
Members of this $1 group ended up viewing the boring experiment as
being more important and interesting than another group of participants
who were paid $20 to lie. What is the explanation for this group
difference?
A. The members of the $20 group were so happy about receiving
that much money that they were unable to generate any
emotional response about the experiment itself.
B. The people in the $20 group were already a bunch of liars, so
they were unaffected by the study.
C. The members of the $20 group felt guilty about accepting so
much money; this made them feel less positive toward the
experiment than people who only received $1.
D. The members of the $1 group didn’t want to feel like they lied for
only $1, so they altered their beliefs about the experiment so that
their beliefs matched their actions.
Apply . . .
2. Athletes at many universities in North America undergo humiliating
hazing rituals when they join a team. How are these rituals related to
cognitive dissonance?
A. The intense emotions associated with hazing tap into the
experiential processing system and increase the athletes’
approval of the team.
B. Athletes who undergo hazing will increase their positive beliefs
about the team in order to justify having suffered through the
humiliating rituals.
C. Athletes who view the team more positively are more likely to be
willing to undergo hazing rituals.
D. There is no relationship between hazing and cognitive
dissonance.
Module 13.3 Summary

13.3a Know . . . the key terminology in research on attitudes, behaviour,
and effective communication.
analytic system
attitude inoculation
central route to persuasion
cognitive dissonance theory
construal-level theory
door-in-the-face technique
elaboration likelihood model (ELM)
experiential system
foot-in-the-door technique
identifiable victim effect
peripheral route to persuasion
processing fluency
13.3b Understand . . . how behaviours influence attitudes in terms of

cognitive dissonance theory.
When people hold cognitions that conflict with each other, such as when they are
aware that they have behaved in a way that runs counter to their beliefs or
attitudes, they experience an uncomfortable state of arousal known as cognitive
dissonance. In order to reduce this dissonance, they need to change one of their
conflicting cognitions, which often results in changing their attitudes in order to
reflect the behaviour they just performed. In this way, behaviours and attitudes
influence each other.
13.3c Apply . . . your understanding of the central route to describe how a

message should be designed.
In order to design an effective message using the central route to persuasion,

you must start with solid, convincing facts. Then personalize the message,
making it self-relevant for your audience, such as by directly engaging them in a
scenario you describe, by describing how the message is relevant to them
personally, or by framing the message in terms of values that your audience
members hold. Also, keep your message from being unnecessarily complex, so
as to maintain the interest of your audience. If your audience is likely to hear
opposing viewpoints, be sure to construct a two-sided message that includes
those opposing arguments, and then provide solid reasons for why the opposing
arguments are not valid. It also makes sense to use peripheral cues to further
strengthen your message, such as appealing to authority, mentioning similarities
between yourself and the audience, using humour appropriately, and relying
predominantly on specific stories rather than on abstract data and statistics.
13.3d Analyze . . . the difficulties communicators face in trying to

convince the public to take action on climate change.
Climate change communicators face some key challenges. Traditionally, the

environmental movement has framed its messages in ways that run counter to
predominant North American values, making many people wary of environmental
messages or at least likely to see them as not relevant to themselves.
Furthermore, climate change is experienced as psychologically distant from the
public, with consequences that people feel are generally going to be experienced
by people in other parts of the world and by future generations. Climate change
information is also highly technical and complex, and is abstract and statistical in
nature, given that climate change is a global phenomenon that doesn’t easily boil
down to specific stories about specific people. There is also inherent uncertainty
in scientific research, which has made it difficult to express climate change
information in a way that would seem “certain” to the public.
Chapter 14 Health, Stress, and
Coping
14.1 Behaviour and Health

Smoking 580
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Media Exposure and Smoking

580
Obesity 582
Psychosocial Influences on Health 586
14.2 Stress and Illness

What Causes Stress? 591
Physiology of Stress 593
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Hormones, Relationships, and

Health 596

Stress, Immunity, and Illness 597
14.3 Coping and Well-Being

Coping 603
Perceived Control 609
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Compensatory Control and

Health 610

Module 14.1 Behaviour and
Health
Stock_wales/Alamy Stock Photo
Learning Objectives
14.1a Know . . . the key terminology related to health psychology.
14.1b Understand . . . how genetic and environmental factors influence obesity.
14.1c Apply . . . your knowledge of persuasion and health to examine the
effectiveness of different types of cigarette warnings.
14.1d Analyze . . . whether media depictions of smoking affect smoking in
adolescents.
Should we have to pay more for unhealthy or nonessential food items
that contribute to obesity and other expensive health conditions? In fact,
taxes on these items are becoming increasingly common. In March 2015,
the city of Berkeley, California instituted a “sugar tax” on sugary drinks
such as colas in an effort to curb the increasing rates of diabetes and
obesity. Sugary soft drinks contribute hundreds of calories to our daily
diet without providing any nutrition, and do little to leave a person feeling
full and satisfied. City officials assumed that taxing these beverages
would reduce sugar intake and improve people’s health. Preliminary data
suggest that they were correct. Residents surveyed after the tax went into
effect reported consuming 21% fewer sugar-sweetened beverages and
26% less cola (Falbe et al., 2016). Based on this initial success, it should
come as no surprise that similar taxes were included in political
campaigns in a number of municipalities during the November 2016 U.S.
election. It seems a foregone conclusion that these taxes will soon
appear in Canada as well. On the one hand, these fees may sound like
the government interfering with our individual freedom to eat and drink
what we like. On the other hand, there is a parallel precedent for sugar
tax plans—namely, the massive taxes on cigarettes that serve to
discourage smoking and help cover the costs of treating smoking-related
illnesses. Plans such as sugar taxes tell us that issues related to health
and behaviour are becoming common topics of conversation in many
areas of society.
Focus Questions
1. Which factors contribute to weight problems, and how much

control over them can people expect to have?
2. To what extent is physical health based on psychological
processes such as choice and decision?
To what degree do you believe your behaviour affects your health? Each day we
make choices that shape our physical and mental health. We decide what to eat
and what to avoid eating, whether to exercise or to relax on the couch. Some
people choose to light up a cigarette whenever the chance arises. Others make
a point of avoiding places where people are likely to smoke. The choices people
make about their career paths similarly influence their health. Workplace stress
levels for air traffic controllers are quite different from those experienced by
small-town librarians. The numerous and complex connections between
behaviour and health certainly have created an important niche for health
psychologists. These researchers study both the positive and negative effects
that humans’ behaviour and decisions have on their health, survival, and well-
being.
The need for health psychologists has increased considerably over the last
century, as most premature deaths today are attributable to lifestyle factors. In
the early 1900s, people in Canada were likely to die from influenza, pneumonia,
tuberculosis, measles, and other contagious diseases. Advances in medicine
have served to keep these conditions under much better control. Instead, people
are now much more likely to die from tobacco use, alcohol use, obesity, and
inactivity. In fact, more than half of all deaths in Canada in 2009 were caused by
heart disease, cancer, stroke, and diabetes. Although genetics plays a role in
these diseases, they have also been linked to unhealthy behaviours such as a
poor diet and smoking (Statistics Canada, 2012a). Clearly, then, our physical
and mental well-being are connected to the health decisions that we make.
Smoking
One of the most widely studied health behaviours is tobacco use. Smoking
cigarettes causes life-shortening health problems including lung, mouth, and
throat cancer; heart disease; and pulmonary diseases such as emphysema.
Recent reports indicate that 21% of all deaths in Canada over the past decade
were due to smoking-related illnesses (Jones et al., 2010). The life expectancy
of the average smoker is between 7 and 14 years shorter than that of a
nonsmoker (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2002;
Streppel et al., 2007). This number depends upon how much, and for how long,
a person smoked. Quitting by the age of 30 greatly reduces the likelihood that a
person will die of smoking-related cancers, a statistic that is quite relevant to
university students (Statistics Canada, 2012b)! The costs in lives and money
attributable to smoking are massive, as shown in Table 14.1 . Despite these
starkly ominous figures, 19.9% of Canadian adults—22.3% of males and 17.5%
of females—smoke cigarettes (Statistics Canada, 2012b). In other words, 5.8
million Canadians perform a behaviour that is quite likely to harm or even kill
them. It should come as no surprise that such a statistic would interest
psychologists.
Table 14.1 Health Costs of Tobacco Use
Tobacco use causes an estimated 5 million deaths worldwide each year.
Cigarette smoking is the leading preventable cause of death in North America.
One in five Canadian deaths is due to cigarette smoking.
Close to 1000 Canadians die each year as a result of second-hand smoke.
Sources: Based on CDC, 2009b; Rehm et al., 2006; Statistics Canada, 2012b.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Media

Exposure and Smoking
If smoking is so dangerous, why do people do it? Why don’t they

do something safer, like juggle scorpions? This is a perplexing
question not only for psychologists, but also for many smokers.
One reason may be the exposure young people have to other
people who smoke: parents, friends, and even characters on
television and in the movies.
What do we know about media influences on
smoking?
Each day approximately 250 adolescents in Canada try their first
cigarette, and many will go on to become full-time smokers
(Health Canada, 2008). There are many possible reasons why
adolescents try smoking, including whether family members
smoke, whether smoking is common in their culture, personality
characteristics, and socioeconomic status. Adolescents may also
begin smoking because they associate it with particular traits
such as attractiveness, rebelliousness, and individualism. One
factor that has received an increasing amount of attention from
psychologists and health-care providers is the role of the media.
Specifically, does exposure to smoking in movies and
entertainment lead teens to begin smoking? Actors in many
popular television shows and movies smoke. Additionally,
photographs in fashion and entertainment magazines show stars
such as Johnny Depp and Kristen Stewart looking cool and
smoking cigarettes. Indeed, smokers are often portrayed as
sophisticated and self-assured, traits that many adolescents hope
to possess. In contrast, very few movies and magazines show
someone with emphysema or lung cancer.
How can science help us analyze the effects of

smoking in the movies?
To what extent do positive images of smoking in movies (and TV
and magazines) contribute to adolescent smoking? This question
has been addressed using a variety of methods. In one study,
researchers conducted a random-digit-dialing survey of 6522
U.S. adolescents from all major geographic regions and
socioeconomic groups (Sargent, 2005). The adolescents
reported their age and indicated whether they smoked, and were
asked to identify whether they had seen specific popular movies
that featured smoking. The more exposure the adolescents had
to movies that featured smoking, the more likely they were to
have tried smoking. This relationship persisted even after the
researchers controlled for important variables such as
socioeconomic status, personality, and parental and peer
influences on smoking (Heatherton & Sargent, 2009).
The effect of smoking scenes on behaviour has also been tested

in the laboratory. In one study, 100 cigarette smokers between
the ages of 18 and 25 watched either a 10-minute video with
smoking scenes or a video that did not reference smoking. In the
break that followed the video presentation, participants who saw
smoking scenes were significantly more likely to light up a
cigarette (Shmueli et al., 2010). This result is likely due to the
fact that smoking cues such as images of smokers or of smoking
paraphernalia (packages, lighters, etc.) elicit cravings in smokers
(Balter et al., 2015).
It appears that how people identify with smokers may also

influence their decision to smoke. An experimental study showed
that adolescents who had positive responses to a protagonist in a
movie clip who smoked were much more likely to associate
smoking with their own identities. This correlation was observed
in both adolescents who already smoked and even those who did
not smoke (Dal Cin et al., 2007).

It is very difficult to establish that watching movie stars smoke
cigarettes causes adolescents to take up smoking, even though
the correlations might suggest that it does. When researchers
tracked the amount of smoking featured in popular movies from
1990 to 2007, they found that as the incidence of smoking in
movies rose, smoking among adolescents increased after a short
period of time. Likewise, when smoking in movies decreased, a
decline in adolescent smoking followed (Heatherton & Sargent,
2009). However, the problem with these correlations is that
multiple explanations could be put forth for why they exist.
Although the researchers would like to demonstrate that smoking
in movies influences audience members, perhaps the truth is the
other way around: People who are already willing to smoke might
be more attracted to movies that feature smoking.

Smoking by young people raises serious concerns about the
health and well-being of those individuals who start smoking at
such an early age. In addition, cigarette-related illness imposes a
major societal burden in terms of lost work productivity and rising
health-care costs. As the research shows, cigarette smoking in
movies is just one of many influences on smoking behaviour. Of
course, it may be one influence that could be easier to control
than, say, peer pressure. With scientific research in hand,
advocacy groups such as Smoke Free Movies, the (U.S.)
National Association of Attorneys General, and Physicians for a
Smoke-Free Canada have a sound basis for arguing against
smoking in movies—especially those that adolescents are likely
to watch.
It appears that the work of these advocacy groups is paying off.

After peaking in the middle of the last decade, the number of films
including smoking is on the decline (Polansky, 2016). However,
as you can see in Figure 14.1 , this decline is not a steady
one. For example, the number of “tobacco incidents” in PG-13
movies specifically targeted to teens increased from 565 in 2010
to 1155 in 2012; therefore, the curtain hasn’t fallen on this issue.
Figure 14.1 Number of Smoking Images in
Popular Movies from 2002 to 2015
This graph depicts the number times tobacco appears in movies

from 2002 to 2015. Note that although the overall trend is
downward, there are some years in which tobacco incidents are
quite prevalent, even in youth-rated movies.
Source: 2015 Numbers: After rebound, film smoking falls to near-lows, Centre for Tobacco Control
Research and Education, 2015. Copyright © 2015 by Center for Tobacco Control Research and
Education. Used by permission.
Efforts to Prevent Smoking

Given the health problems (to the smokers and to the people around them) and
enormous healthcare costs associated with smoking, both healthcare workers
and government officials recognize that more work has to be done to reduce
smoking levels. Provincial and municipal laws are reducing the risks posed by
second-hand smoke exposure by banning smoking in many public places—
especially restaurants and public buildings. As mentioned at the beginning of the
module, steep taxes applied to unhealthy products such as tobacco also act as a
deterrent against their use. Not only does such a policy tend to reduce the
number of smokers, but it also raises funds for healthcare and anti-smoking
campaigns.
In the 1990s, several countries added written warnings to cigarette packages
(e.g., “Smoking seriously harms you and others around you”) in an attempt to
reduce smoking rates. Unfortunately, these labels have had relatively little effect.
However, in 2001, Canada became the first country to require companies to
include graphic pictorial warnings on cigarette packages. These images included
rotting teeth, black lungs, diseased hearts, and sick children; they were also
paired with a verbal message. Researchers found that the image-based
warnings were much more likely to be noticed by both smokers and non-smokers
than were text-only messages (Fong et al., 2009; Hammond et al., 2003). They
were also more useful than text-only messages in educating people about the
risks associated with smoking (Environics Research Group, 2007; Li & Yong,
2009).
Image-based warnings on cigarette packages are now used in over 30 countries

(Hammond, 2011). Numerous studies have shown that these warnings are quite
memorable and are having the desired effect. Over 40% of Canadian smokers
indicated that the graphic warnings motivated them to quit (Hammond et al.,
2007). And, although it is impossible to accurately state how many people
avoided smoking because of the ads, surveys of Canadian adolescents suggest
that these warning labels do discourage teens from taking up smoking
(Environics Research Group, 2007). These smoking-prevention programs are
therefore a wonderful example of psychologists and government officials working
together to improve people’s health.
A new challenge that health officials must face is the issue of e-cigarettes or
“vaping.” Vaping is not quite as harmful as traditional smoking, but is still not a
healthy habit. Although it is technically illegal to advertise e-cigarettes in Canada,
the enforcement of these laws has not been as stringent as for regular
cigarettes. In the U.S., advertising of these products is allowed. A recent study
found that most of the exposure that adolescents had to e-cigarettes occurred on
cable television networks (Duke et al., 2014). It remains to be seen whether this
form of smoking will lead to an increase in adolescent smoking rates.
Despite this potential challenge, there is some good news related to smoking
rates. The prevalence of smoking in Canada declined steadily over the 1990s
and early 2000s (Statistics Canada, 2012b); in 2001, 28.1% of men and 23.8%
of women smoked, 5.8% and 6.3% higher than the current rates. The decrease
is even more dramatic among young adults. In 2001, 33.2% of Canadians aged
18–19 smoked; in 2011, this number dropped to 19.8%. These data tell us that
anti-smoking efforts are working—but that there is still work to be done.
Module 14.1a Quiz:
Smoking
Know . . .
1. What does a health psychologist study?
A. The positive impacts that our behaviour has on our health
B. The negative impacts that our behaviour has on our health
C. The chance that we will survive based on our decisions
D. Both the positive and the negative impacts that our behaviour and
decisions have on our health and survival
2. In modern times, the leading causes of death in industrialized nations

such as Canada are .
A. viral infections
B. bacterial infections
C. lifestyle factors
D. an equal combination of the above factors
Analyze . . .
3. Which of the following statements is the best evidence that viewing
smoking in movies plays a causal (rather than correlational) role in
influencing people’s perception of smoking and willingness to try
smoking?
A. Long-term trends show that increased or decreased incidence of
smoking by adolescents follows increases or decreases in rates
of smoking in movies.
B. The more adolescents smoke, the more smoking occurs in
movies.
C. Advertisements for smoking occur more frequently when smoking
rates decrease.
D. Adolescent smoking occurs at roughly the same rate regardless
of how smoking is depicted in films.
Obesity
Most college and university students are familiar with the term “freshman 15”—
the supposed number of pounds students can expect to gain during their first
year of school (15 pounds equals 6.8 kg). This term has stuck because weight
gain during the first year of university (at least in North America) has become
common, if not expected. It is unclear exactly how the term originated, and
research has shown that the 15-pound estimate is actually inflated. In reality,
male and female students who gain weight during their early university career
put on an average of 6 pounds, or 2.7 kg (Gropper et al., 2009).
What accounts for this phenomenon? Several factors that are probably all too
familiar to many readers: increased food intake, decreased physical activity, and,
for many students, increased levels of alcohol consumption. The lifestyle
changes that students face during university affect physical health. In addition,
university in general (and the first year in particular) presents new challenges
that bring on a great deal of both positive and negative stress, especially if
students move away from home. The freshman 15 (or 6) and other health-related
issues are based on lifestyle decisions we make. Six pounds (2.7 kg) is not a lot
of weight—but habits formed during any period of time, freshman year or
otherwise, can be difficult to break. In this section, we will examine factors that
lead us to put on weight as well as ways to use our knowledge of psychology to
help us lose it.
Defining Healthy Weights and Obesity

It is important to define your terms when discussing a concept. Doing so ensures
that all researchers are talking about the same thing when they use terms like
overweight or obese. When discussing weight, psychologists and healthcare
workers must also factor in a person’s height; being 200 pounds (91 kg) is
healthy for someone who is 6’4” (193 cm), but would be quite unhealthy for
someone who is 5’2” (157 cm). To account for height differences, people use the
body mass index (BMI) , a statistic commonly used for estimating a healthy
body weight given an individual’s height. The BMI is calculated by dividing the
person’s weight (kg) by the square of the person’s height (in metres). So, if a
person were 180 cm tall and weighed 100 kg, their BMI would be 100 / 1.82; the
outcome of this equation, 30.9, would be found on a table of BMI scores. In
everyday usage, the BMI is used to screen people for weight categories that
indicate whether they are considered normal weight, underweight, overweight, or
obese. Someone in the healthy weight range would have a BMI between 18.5
and 24.9. People with a BMI that is less than 18.5 are considered to be
underweight and may be at risk of having an eating disorder (see Module
11.1 ). A BMI of 25–29.9 is considered overweight, and a BMI over 30 is
considered obese.
Obesity is becoming a growing concern across Canada. It is associated with

numerous detrimental health consequences, such as cardiovascular disease,
diabetes, osteoarthritis (degeneration of bone and cartilage material), and some
forms of cancer. According to Statistics Canada (2011), 24% of Canadian
adults are obese, with almost identical percentages for males and females,
although these rates differ across provinces (see Figure 14.2 ). Although this
number is significantly lower than the 34.4% obesity rate in the U.S. (Shields et
al., 2011), we cannot afford to become arrogant. With a quarter of our population
being obese and another quarter reporting a body-mass index that is overweight,
it is clear that body weight is a major health issue in our society. Even more
alarming is that obesity rates are on the rise. When examining obesity rates from
the mid-1970s until 2004, researchers found that these rates remained constant
until the mid-1990s, at which point they spiked upward to the current levels
(Shields & Tjepkema, 2006). This report also noted that Canadians—
particularly males—are becoming obese earlier in life, which means that weight-
related health problems could occur at an earlier age than they have for previous
generations. In fact, some researchers are concerned that these health problems
could lead to shorter life expectancies than were enjoyed by previous
generations (Olshansky et al., 2005).
Figure 14.2 Obesity Rates in Canada

The rates of obesity differ from province to province. More information about
Canadian obesity rates is available in the 2011–2012 Canadian Community
Health Survey.
Source: Based on data from Navaneelan, T., & Janz, T. (2014). Adjusting the scales: Obesity in the Canadian population
after correcting for respondent bias. Health at a Glance. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 82-624-X. Retrieved from
http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/82-624-x/2014001/article/11922-eng.htm.
Given that obesity is common and has a number of negative health

consequences, researchers are actively trying to understand its causes. As
discussed in Module 11.1 , weight is gained because of a positive energy
balance, meaning that too many calories come in and not enough are expended.
Obviously, overeating can lead to obesity. But, several other factors are involved
as well, including genetic, lifestyle, and social variables.
Genetics and Body Weight

Twin, family, and adoption studies all suggest that genes account for between
50% and 90% of the variation in body weight (Maes et al., 1997). Genetic factors
influence body type, metabolism, and other physiological processes that
contribute to body weight and size.
Some researchers have suggested that genes contribute to the development of a

set point , a hypothesized mechanism that serves to maintain body weight
around a physiologically programmed level. The set point is not an exact number
of pounds or kilograms, but rather a relatively small range encompassing 10% to
20% of one’s weight (Garrow & Stalley, 1975; Harris, 1990). Your initial set
point is controlled by genetic mechanisms, but your actual weight can be
modified by environmental factors—namely, what and how much you eat.
According to set point theory, if an individual gains 10% of his body weight (e.g.,
increasing from 150 to 165 pounds, or 68 to 75 kg) his set point would make a
corresponding shift upward—the body acts as though its normal weight is now
the larger 165 pounds. Metabolism slows correspondingly, such that this person
now requires additional energy expenditure to take the weight off. This process
explains why people who gain extra weight may shed a few pounds with relative
ease, but find it overwhelmingly difficult to continue losing or even maintaining
their weight once they reach an initial goal. Their bodies naturally pull their
weight back to the set point.
Set point theory has a long tradition in the field of nutrition, but its validity is
challenged by research suggesting that weight gain and difficulty with weight loss
are unrelated to a physiological set point. Rather, individual differences in
physical activity may be a stronger determinant of who succeeds at losing weight
and keeping it off. Specifically, people who gain weight expend less energy in
their normal day-to-day activities (Weinsier et al., 2002). Thus, the difficulty with
losing the weight may be related to lower activity levels, rather than to an
increase or decrease in a person’s set point.
The Sedentary Lifestyle
How do you spend your time when you’re not at school or at work? Do you watch
television? Or do you work out, or curl up with a good book? Research shows us
that how you spend your time can have a large effect on your waistline.
Although there are number of activities that could increase the likelihood of
someone being obese, data from the 2007 Canadian Community Health Survey
(CCHS) suggest that television is the biggest culprit (see Figure 14.3 ). This
survey showed that as the number of hours of television viewing increased, so
did obesity rates. Only 13.7% of men who watch five or fewer hours of television
per week were obese; compare this to the 25.0% obesity rate for men who
watched 21 or more hours of television. Similar patterns were observed for
females.
Figure 14.3 Obesity Rates and Television Viewing in Canadian Adults Aged
20–64
For both males and females, obesity rates were positively correlated with the
number of hours spent watching television each week.
In contrast, the number of hours spent in front of a computer did not affect
obesity rates, at least in males; females who spent more than 11 hours/week in
front of a computer had a slightly higher rate of obesity than those who spent
little time using a computer (18.2% vs. 15.3%, respectively). Why was there a
strong relationship between television viewing and obesity and a weak
relationship between computer use and obesity? Both involve sitting in front of
glowing rectangles. One possibility is that computer use—be it video games,
social media like Instagram or Twitter, or even typing up an essay for history
class—involves a greater degree of engagement than sitting on the couch and
passively watching television. It is therefore more likely that people will snack
while watching television.
Studies of children’s obesity rates are less ambiguous. In addition to the strong
relationship between television viewing and weight, researchers also have found
that the amount of time that children spend playing video games is positively
correlated with levels of obesity (Stettler et al., 2004). Although some video
game systems such as the Wii involve physical activity, these options claim only
a small portion of the overall market. Instead, many games involve sitting in front
of a computer or television screen rather than engaging in exercise; this
sedentary lifestyle can lead to poor dietary and exercise habits (which may
continue into adulthood), and helps to explain the high childhood obesity rates
found in many industrialized countries, including Canada.
Social Factors
In addition to genetics and activity levels, obesity rates are also affected by
social factors, including influences from one’s family. Similarities in body weight
among family members are naturally influenced by what and how much they are
eating. What children eat is largely based on what their parents provide and
allow them to eat, and eating patterns developed in childhood are generally
carried into adulthood.
Sociocultural influences on eating certainly extend beyond the family. Food

advertisements trigger eating—after watching a commercial for buttery
microwave popcorn, you may have found yourself rummaging around in the
kitchen in search of that last bag you hope is still there. Researchers have found
that children who see food commercials while watching a 30-minute cartoon
program consume 45% more snack food than do children who view nonfood
commercials. The researchers estimated that this difference could lead to an
additional 10 pounds (4.5 kg) of extra weight gained each year (Harris et al.,
2009). Of course, corporations selling unhealthy food are aware of the power of
advertising and use clever marketing techniques to promote unhealthy foods,
often targeting children by linking their food with positive emotions (and toys).
Luckily, in some regions of North America, lawmakers are attempting to prevent
the corporations from directly targeting children by limiting when commercials
can air (e.g., not during Saturday morning cartoons) and preventing them from
including toys in kids’ meals. The hope is that these restrictions will reduce
unhealthy eating behaviours in children, thus helping them avoid the dangers of
obesity.
Psychology and Weight Loss

Given that obesity is quite common and needs to be dealt with, how can people
use psychological research to help them lose weight? The first step is to think
critically about the weight-loss options that are out there. Some advertisements
tell people that they can lose weight without exercising, just by taking a pill. Such
options are often gimmicks. Instead, we need to find a way to effectively motivate
people to change their behaviours (i.e., to eat healthy foods and exercise). A
study from the University of Waterloo suggests that thinking positively about
oneself can promote healthy weight loss. In the first part of the study, participants
wrote about either self-defining values that made them feel positively about
themselves (e.g., friendships, religious beliefs, relationships) or about other
values. At a follow-up session two-and-a-half months later, the self-defined value
group weighed less, had lower body-mass indices, and had smaller waistlines
(Logel & Cohen, 2012). It is likely that the positive emotion manipulation
reduced the participants’ stress regarding dieting. Given that stress leads to an
increase in the number of calories consumed (see Module 11.1 ), reducing
stress could lead to a reduction in the amount of food consumed.
Biopsychosocial Perspectives Ethnicity,
Economics, and Obesity

Genetics, social influences, and lifestyle factors all play roles in obesity.
But what about broader influences, such as socioeconomic status and
ethnicity? To address this question, start by classifying the following
statements about obesity as either true or false:
1. In Canada, obesity rates are unrelated to ethnicity.

2. Obesity has no effect on a person’s wages.
3. Obesity is related to socioeconomic factors in Canadian adults.
4. Obesity can have a negative, long-term impact on the brain.
Nutritious, nonprocessed foods tend to be more expensive, which may

have led you to predict that obesity would be more prevalent in people in
lower socioeconomic brackets (e.g., low income or poverty). Also, diet
seems to be influenced by sociocultural factors, including the types of
foods people grow up eating. What do the data say about these issues?
1. False. Statistics Canada reports that First Nations people who did
not live on reserves, Métis, and Inuit people have, on average, a
greater prevalence of obesity than other Canadians (Statistics
Canada, 2013a).
2. False. Research on employment statistics indicates that workers
who are overweight or obese are paid less than thin colleagues
with similar qualifications—a finding that has led economists to
suggest that the disparity in wage earnings is about equal to the
size of the difference in medical costs incurred by thin versus
overweight and obese people (Bhattacharya & Bundorf, 2005).
3. True. Data from the 2011–2012 Canadian Community Health
Survey show that obesity is more common in people with lower
income levels, both for males and females. One factor (of many)
influencing this effect is the availability of healthy food options.
Fast-food outlets are more numerous in low-income
neighbourhoods than in richer areas (Hemphill et al., 2008).
4. True. Obesity can have a negative, long-term impact on the brain.
Researchers have found that people who are obese have, on
average, 8% less brain tissue than people who are lean. The
average brain of an individual with obesity in his 70s looks
approximately 16 years older than a lean person of the same age
(Raji et al., 2010).
Of course, losing weight is only half the battle; we also have to maintain that
weight loss. There are a number of challenges involved with this. First, obese
individuals pay more attention to food cues (Polivy et al., 2008) and find them
more rewarding than non-obese people (Stice et al., 2008). Additionally, the
drive to eat and the perceived value of food increase as more time passes since
the last meal (Raynor & Epstein, 2003); this makes it difficult to remove snacks
from one’s routine. Several studies have shown that girls and adolescents who
attempt to diet are heavier later in life (Field et al., 2003; Stice et al., 2005). The
restraint involved in dieting—especially avoiding certain highly reinforcing foods
—may actually make the foods even more reinforcing in the long run. All of these
factors help explain why obesity is such a difficult condition to overcome—it’s not
simply a matter of losing a few pounds.
Module 14.1b Quiz:
Obesity
Know . . .
1. is a hypothesized mechanism that serves to maintain body weight
around a physiologically programmed level.
A. BMI
B. A set point
C. Obesity
D. A sedentary lifestyle
2. In Canada, researchers have found that obesity rates are related to

ethnicity in what way?
A. Obesity rates are not related to ethnicity.
B. Caucasian adults have a greater prevalence of obesity.
C. First Nations adults have a greater prevalence of obesity.
D. Asian adults have a greater prevalence of obesity.
Understand. . . .
3. Which of the following factors is not related to a person’s weight?
A. Exposure to food advertisements
B. Sedentary lifestyle
C. Ethnicity
D. All of the above are related to weight.
Apply. . . .
4. To avoid gaining weight during the first year of university, a person
should do all of the following except
A. increase physical activity.
B. decrease caloric intake.
C. be aware of the new stressors the individual will face.
D. increase alcohol intake.
Psychosocial Influences on Health
The environments where we work, live, and play and the people with whom we
interact influence both our physical and mental health. This fact seems fairly
obvious, but its importance is sometimes overlooked. Think about the different
neighbourhoods in your city. Some are wealthy; others are economically
disadvantaged. Some are safe; others have higher crime rates. Consider the
experiences that kids would have growing up in each of these neighbourhoods.
How would their lives differ? And, how would these experiences affect their well-
being?
Poverty and Discrimination

Health and wealth increase together, and it appears that socioeconomic factors
have numerous positive and negative effects. People who live in affluent
communities not only enjoy better access to healthcare, but also have a greater
sense of control over their environments and have the resources needed to
maintain a lifestyle of their choosing. Individuals who lack this sense of control
live in circumstances that can compromise their health. People who experience
poverty, discrimination, and other social stressors have higher incidences of
depression, anxiety, and other mental health problems (Tracy et al., 2008).
Furthermore, health problems are magnified by stress. Heart disease is

prevalent in socioeconomically disadvantaged populations, and children who
experience adverse socioeconomic circumstances (e.g., less than 12 years of
education or living in a low-income household) are at greater risk for developing
heart disease in adulthood (Fiscella et al., 2009; Galobardes et al., 2006). This
relationship likely reflects the compound effects of stress, as well as the poorer
diet that is often found among individuals residing in communities of low
socioeconomic status.
People who are of low socioeconomic status are at increased risk for poor
health. Numerous factors, including limited access to healthcare, stress, poor
nutrition, and discrimination, collectively place children growing up in these
communities at greater risk for developing health problems. Importantly, this
photo is not from a poor developing nation. It is from one of the richest nations in
the world: Canada.
Bernard Weil/Toronto Star/Getty Images
Discrimination is another stressor that can compromise both physical and mental
health. This kind of stressor is particularly problematic because it is often
uncontrollable and unpredictable. Being a target of prejudice and discrimination
is linked to increased blood pressure, heart rate, and secretions of stress
hormones, which when experienced over long periods of time compromise
physical health. For example, when people perceive that they are the targets of
racism, their blood pressure remains elevated throughout the day and it recovers
poorly during sleep (Brondolo et al., 2008a, 2008b; Steffen et al., 2003).
Discrimination also puts people at greater risk for engaging in unhealthy
behaviours such as smoking and substance abuse (Bennett et al., 2005;
Landrine & Klonoff, 1996). Finally, discrimination, or even the perception of
discrimination, can put the body on sustained alert against threats. The stress
response that this state elicits can have negative, long-term effects on physical
health, as you will read in Module 14.2 .
Family and Social Environment

Our close, interpersonal relationships have a major impact on health and life
satisfaction (Elgar et al., 2011). In fact, chronic social isolation is as great a
mortality risk as smoking, obesity, and high blood pressure (Cacioppo &
Cacioppo, 2014). Social resilience , the ability to keep positive relationships
and to endure and recover from social isolation and life stressors, can protect
individuals from negative health consequences of loneliness and social isolation
(Cacioppo et al., 2011).
Marriage is typically the primary social relationship that people establish and has
been shown to have long-term health benefits. Married people tend to live longer
and have better mental and physical health than do nonmarried adults. Married
couples enjoy the benefits of social support and combined resources, and they
tend to have better health habits.
This is good news for married couples, but are both members of a heterosexual
marriage benefiting equally from their union? It turns out that men enjoy greater
health benefits from marriage. Unmarried women are 50% more likely to die from
heart disease, several forms of cancer, cirrhosis of the liver, and other
preventable diseases than are married women; this effect of marriage is even
higher in men, with unmarried men being 250% more likely to die from these
causes (Berkman & Breslow, 1983; Ross et al., 1990). Several possible
reasons for this disparity in the health benefits gained from marriage have been
suggested. One likely contributor is the greater role that women take in
recognizing and supporting healthy behaviours in others.
It should be noted that heterosexual marriages are not the only form of
relationship. Currently, there are relatively little data about the health benefits of
homosexual marriages. The studies that do exist indicate that legally recognized
marriages (like we have in Canada) provide the same benefits as are found for
heterosexual couples (Riggle et al., 2010; Wight et al., 2013). As more
countries and U.S. states legalize these marriages, it will be possible to
investigate whether both partners benefit equally or if, like heterosexual
marriages, one partner appears to gain more health benefits than the other.
Of course, marriage can also be a considerable source of stress. Marital

problems are among the most stressful experiences that people can have.
Married couples who are experiencing ongoing problems with their relationship
tend to experience more depression and greater incidences of physical illness
than happily married couples (Kiecolt-Glaser & Newton, 2001). Marital
problems and divorce also affect the emotional and physical health of children,
particularly if they are younger during problematic periods of a marriage or during
the parents’ actual divorce. Adolescents of divorced parents are at a slightly
higher risk of engaging in delinquent behaviours (Amato, 2001). While divorce
can negatively affect the health of children, parents who continue engaging in
high-quality parenting during marital discord protect children from many of the
negative effects on health attributable to divorce (Hetherington et al., 1998).
Social Contagion
Families are not the only interpersonal influence on how we think and act. The
social group(s) that we belong to can also have a large effect on our health-
related behaviours. Social scientists have found that unhealthy behaviours such
as smoking or having a poor diet spread throughout one’s social group. You
have likely observed this phenomenon in action—if one or two people in a group
of friends start to eat a lot of junk food, it is easy for the others in the group to
pick up this habit as well. These changes can work in either direction, positive or
negative. Just as social-group influence can lead to smoking, it can also lead to
training for a half-marathon.
Social contagion in the dorms. Your roommate may influence your GPA more
than you know—for better or for worse. At Dartmouth College in the U.S.,
students are randomly assigned to their dorm rooms rather than matched on
various characteristics, as is customary at many schools. This practice makes
Dartmouth’s roommate pairs a diverse mixture. Professor Bruce Sacerdote
(2001) found that GPA levels are influenced by one’s roommate. Students with
high GPAs elevate the GPAs of their lower-scoring roommates, and vice versa.
James Woodson/DigitalVision/Getty Images
These phenomena are examples of social contagion , the often subtle,

unintentional spreading of a behaviour as a result of social interactions. Social
contagion of body weight, smoking, and other health-related behaviours has
been documented in the Framingham Heart Study. The U.S. National Heart
Institute began this ongoing study in 1948 to track 15 000 residents of
Framingham, Massachusetts. Participants made regular visits to their doctors,
who recorded important health statistics such as heart rate, body weight, and
other standard physical measures. Scientists working with the Framingham data
noticed that over time, clusters of people from this study group became
increasingly similar in certain characteristics—such as body weight increases or
decreases, starting or quitting smoking, and even levels of happiness
(Christakis & Fowler, 2007, 2008; Fowler & Christakis, 2008). It turns out that
the groups who showed similar patterns in their health statistics were also friends
with one another. This work demonstrates just how powerful social factors can
be. Of course, this research doesn’t only mean that you should be wary of your
friends and their unhealthy behaviours. It also shows that through social
contagion, you can be a positive force in the lives of the people around you.
Module 14.1c Quiz:
Psychosocial Influences on Health
Know . . .
1. Which psychological term refers to the often subtle, unintentional
spreading of a behaviour as a result of social interactions?
A. Health psychology
B. Social contagion
C. Discrimination
D. Observational learning
2. Based on the research discussed in this module, which of the following is

the lowest risk factor for health problems?
A. Being an unmarried adult
B. Experiencing discrimination
C. Having an identical twin who is overweight
D. Being a married adult
Understand. . . .
3. Which of the following statements about how discrimination influences
health is most accurate?
A. Experiencing discrimination stimulates the stress response, which
can bring about long-term health problems.
B. People who experience discrimination are likely to compensate
for it by making positive health-related choices.
C. An immediate increase in heart rate is the biggest problem
associated with experiencing discrimination.
D. Discrimination is unrelated to poor health.
Module 14.1 Summary
14.1a Know . . . the key terminology related to health psychology.
body mass index (BMI)
set point
social contagion
social resilience
14.1b Understand . . . how genetic and environmental factors

influence obesity.
Some research suggests that genetics influences our set point, a weight (or
range of weights) that our body tends to maintain; however, weight is influenced
by several other factors as well. Environmental influences on weight gain are
abundant. Cultural, family, and socioeconomic factors influence activity levels
and diet, even in very subtle ways, such as through social contagion.
Health Canada
14.1c Apply . . . your knowledge of persuasion and health to

examine the effectiveness of different types of cigarette warnings.
In this module, you read about efforts by different countries to reduce smoking
rates. In Canada, cigarette packages contain different types of emotional images
depicting the dangers of smoking. But, the audience for these packages is
diverse—some people viewing the images are life-long smokers who should quit
whereas others are teenagers who are considering smoking.
Apply Activity
Consider the images shown here. Which images target young people and which
images target long-time smokers? What differences do you see between the two
types of images? What types of imagery do you think would be most effective in
influencing the behaviour of the two groups?
Now try using a search engine like Google Images to look at cigarette packages
from different countries. How does the packaging differ from Canadian cigarette
packages? Why do you think these cultural differences exist?
14.1d Analyze . . . whether media depictions of smoking affect

smoking in adolescents.
Correlational trends certainly show that smoking in popular movies is positively

correlated with smoking among adolescents (e.g., increased exposure is related
to increased incidence of smoking). Controlled laboratory studies suggest a
cause-and-effect relationship exists between identification with story protagonists
who smoke and smoking behaviour by young viewers.
Module 14.2 Stress and Illness
Imagesource/Glow Images
Learning Objectives
14.2a Know . . . the key terminology associated with stress and illness.
14.2b Understand . . . the physiological reactions that occur under stress.
14.2c Understand . . . how the immune system is connected to stress
responses.
14.2d Apply . . . a measure of stressful events to your own experiences.
14.2e Analyze . . . the claim that ulcers are caused by stress.
The frustration and embarrassment of choking under pressure is

undeniable. Whether the stakes are a championship title or admission to
an elite university, a sudden, inexplicable shift to subpar performance can
be devastating. According to psychologist Sian Beilock, the culprit in such
a case may be the negative effects that stress has on working memory—
the short-term capacity to hold and manipulate information. Calculating a
15% tip for a bill of $43.84 at a restaurant, or while the pizza delivery
person waits, requires working memory processes. The pressure of your
date watching you or the pizza delivery person looking on impatiently
may result in your appearing either foolishly generous or just plain cheap.
Beilock has conducted experiments on how stress affects the cognitive

resources needed for problem solving. For example, in one study,
research volunteers were asked to solve math problems. Some were told
that if they solved the problems correctly, they would earn money for
themselves as well as for a partner they were paired with; if they did not
perform well, both the volunteer and the partner would lose money.
Beilock and her colleagues have found that this type of pressure draws
resources away from the working memory processes needed for success
(Beilock, 2008, 2010). Stressful thoughts readily occupy working
memory space and cause the unfortunate experience of choking under
pressure. The fact that the physiological response of stress can be
caused by a social situation and can then affect a cognitive ability like
working memory demonstrates, once again, the importance of the
biopsychosocial model in understanding human behaviour.
Focus Questions
1. How does stress affect the brain and body?

2. How do individuals differ in how they handle stress?
Imagine a student near the end of the semester with several papers due and
final exams looming. Now imagine someone who has worked at the same job for
25 years being told that he needs to learn a new computer system or he will be
laid off. Or, think about a soccer player in a championship game that will be
decided by penalty kicks; she walks up to place the ball on the penalty spot,
knowing that if she misses her team will lose. If you were asked to find one word
that connected all of these scenarios, what word would that be? For most
people, that word would be stress. Stress is a psychological and
physiological reaction that occurs when perceived demands exceed existing
resources to meet those demands. Stress refers to both events (stressors) and
experiences in response to these events (the stress response). Stressors can
take a wide variety of forms, such as acute events (giving a speech,
experiencing an assault, getting in a car accident) and chronic events (illness,
marital problems, job-related challenges); the effects these stressors have on
performance can be positive or negative.
What Causes Stress?
Have you noticed how some people seem overwhelmed by stressful events
while others seem calm and focused? These differences are not a figment of
your imagination—people do differ in their responses to stress. To attempt to
explain why and how people differ, psychologists Richard Lazarus and Susan
Folkman developed a cognitive appraisal theory of stress (Lazarus & Folkman,
1984). Here, the term appraisal refers to the cognitive act of assessing and
evaluating the potential threat and demands of an event. These appraisals occur
in two steps (see Figure 14.4 ). First, the individual perceives a potential
threat and begins the primary appraisal by asking herself, “Is this a threat?”
Threats can be physical (e.g., someone trying to harm you) or psychosocial (e.g.,
trying to study for two exams on the same day or trying to deal with interpersonal
conflicts). If the answer is no, then she will not experience any stress. But, if the
answer is yes, she will experience a physiological stress reaction (perhaps a
racing heart beat and sweaty palms) as well as an emotional reaction (perhaps
anxiety and fear). As these events unfold, the secondary appraisal begins—she
must determine how to cope with the threat. During the secondary appraisal, she
may determine that she knows how to cope with the stressor (e.g., studying for
the exams over the course of several days); in this case, she will not feel much
stress. However, if she believes that the stressor goes beyond her ability to
cope, the physiological and emotional reactions to the stress will continue.
Figure 14.4 The Cognitive Appraisal Theory of Stress

The cognitive appraisal theory of stress involves two steps: (1) an evaluation of
whether a stimulus or event is a threat and (2) whether you have the resources
to cope with that threat.
Imagine that a teenager experiences his first traffic accident. During his primary
appraisal of the event, he will probably assess the situation as stressful even
though it was a minor collision; his stomach may feel like it is in a knot and he
may begin to worry about the consequences. As the stress sets in, his secondary
appraisal may help him cope if he remembers that he has insurance to cover the
damage, he considers that nobody was injured, and remembers how his parents
have always been supportive and understanding. If, instead, he were illegally
driving his older sister’s car with no insurance, then his secondary appraisal
would lead to a continuation (or an increase) of the initial stress response.
Although the causes of stress can vary from person to person, there are some
patterns that tend to emerge. In the workplace, Canadians experience stress due
to long hours, high work demands, safety concerns, and interpersonal
relationships (Crompton, 2011). Life changes such as marital difficulties, the
birth of a child, or the death of a family member are also a major source of
stress. Psychologists have actually ranked stressful events according to their
magnitude, as can be seen in the Social Readjustment Rating Scale (SRRS) in
Table 14.2 (Holmes & Rahe, 1968). The highest-stress events include death
of a spouse and divorce, while holidays and traffic tickets occupy the lower end
of the spectrum. According to the psychologists who developed this scale, as the
points in the left column of Table 14.2 accumulate, a person’s risk for
becoming ill increases. For example, 300 or more points put people at significant
risk for developing heart problems, illnesses, and infections.
Table 14.2 Life Stress Inventories for the General Adult Population and for
University Students
Original Social Readjustment Rating Scale (Holmes & Rahe, 1967)
RATING ITEM
100 Death of a spouse
73 Divorce
65 Marital separation
63 Jail term
63 Death of a close family member
53 Personal injury or illness
50 Marriage
47 Fired at work
45 Marital reconciliation
45 Retirement
44 Change in health of family member
40 Pregnancy
39 Sex difficulties
39 Gain of new family member
39 Business readjustment
38 Change in financial state
37 Death of close friend
36 Change to different line of work
35 Change in number of arguments with spouse
31 Mortgage exceeding $10 000 ($69 770 in today’s dollars)
30 Foreclosure of mortgage or loan
29 Change in responsibilities at work
29 Son or daughter leaving home
29 Trouble with in-laws
28 Outstanding personal achievement
26 Wife begins or stops work

26 Begin or end school
25 Change in living conditions
24 Revision of personal habits
23 Trouble with boss
20 Change in work hours or conditions
20 Change in residence
20 Change in schools
19 Change in recreation
19 Change in church activities
18 Change in social activities
17 Mortgage or loan less than $10 000 ($69 770 in today’s dollars)
16 Change in sleeping habits
15 Change in number of family get-togethers
15 Change in eating habits
13 Vacation
12 Christmas
11 Minor violations of the law
Total
Source: Republished with permission of Elsevier Science, Inc. from The social readjustment rating scale by T.H. Holmes,
R.H. Rahe, Volume 11, Issue 2, Pages 213–218, 1967. Permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc.
Of course, the stresses that a young adult experiences are almost certainly
different from the stresses that are experienced by their parents or grandparents.
Although students can have all of the stresses listed in the left-hand column of
Table 14.2 , it is more likely that students will deal with issues related to
school work, a lack of money, and all of the social excitement (and drama)
associated with one’s late teens and early 20s. Many Canadian students also
deal with the challenges associated with immigration—balancing the family’s
traditions with the desire to embrace Canadian culture (Safdar & Lay, 2003).
Stress and Performance

At this point in the module, it would appear as though stress were always a bad
thing. However, some level of stress can actually be helpful—without it, the
motivation to perform can decline. In 1908, Robert Yerkes and John Dodson
theorized that too little or too much stress or emotional arousal would both lead
to sub-optimal performance. Individuals would be at their best when under a
moderate amount of stress. This relationship is depicted in the line graphs in
Figure 14.5 .
Figure 14.5 Arousal and Performance
Performance is related to at least two critical factors—the difficulty of the task
and the level of arousal/stress while it is being performed. For easy tasks,
moderately high arousal helps; for difficult tasks, lower levels of arousal are
optimal.
Source: Ciccarelli, S., & Noland White, J. (2012). Psychology (3rd ed.). Boston: Prentice Hall. p. 39. Copyright © 2012.
Printed and electronically reproduced by permission of Pearson Education, Inc., Upper Saddle River, New Jersey.
Later research found that the link between stress and performance could vary
with the task being performed. Researchers noted that stress has positive effects
on performance when the tasks being completed are relatively simple (see
Figure 14.5 ). In this case, even if the stress consumes the person’s cognitive
resources, it will still be possible to complete the task. However, if a task is
complex, stress will harm performance. This is because stress uses up many of
our cognitive resources; a stressed-out person may find that she does not have
the mental resources available to perform at the level she would be capable of if
she were not experiencing stress.
Importantly, the stress levels associated with these graphs are not the same for
everyone. Some people seem to thrive under intense stress while others do not.
It appears that almost everyone has an individual zone of optimal functioning
(IZOF) , a range of emotional intensity in which he or she is most likely to
perform at his or her best (Hanin, 2000; Kamata et al., 2002). Sports
psychologists have found that if an athlete is too anxious and stressed out—or
not stressed out enough—she will not perform at an optimal level. Critically,
many elite athletes are able to compare their current emotional state with the
level of stress they had experienced prior to good performances; they can then
attempt to adjust their current state to more closely match their optimal one
(Jokela & Hanin, 1999).
The data described in this section leads to an obvious question: How does a
physiological response—stress—affect our mental life and cognitive abilities? In
the next section of this module, we will examine how your brain and body can
produce the feelings and sensations associated with the experience of stress.
Module 14.2a Quiz:
What Causes Stress?
Understand. . . .
1. Some people are at their best when they are under a lot of pressure;
other people reach their best level of performance when they are under
relatively little stress. This difference best reflects the concept of
A. primary appraisal of stress.
B. secondary appraisal of stress.
C. an individual zone of optimal functioning.
D. the emotional arousal effect.
Apply. . . .
2. Shea had to move to Montreal as part of his job. He did not speak much
French and didn’t know many people in the city. He was quite concerned.
However, he realized that he would quickly meet people through his job
and that this social network would help him get settled. According to the
cognitive appraisal theory of stress, what would you call Shea’s initial
thoughts on moving to Montreal?
A. Primary appraisal of stress
B. Secondary appraisal of stress
C. Individual zone of optimal functioning
D. Emotional arousal effect
3. Claire was usually a little bit nervous before writing exams. However,
prior to writing her first Canadian History exam, Claire noticed that she
didn’t really feel any stress at all. She ended up getting a C+ on the
exam, well below her normal performance. What is the best explanation
for her poor mark?
A. Claire’s stress consumed her cognitive resources, thus leading to
a poor grade.
B. Claire’s stress level during the exam did not provide her with
enough emotional arousal to perform at her best.
C. The test was so difficult that Claire’s stress levels were not
important.
D. The test was too complex for Claire, so her stress impaired her
performance.
Physiology of Stress
Think about the last time you experienced stress. How did you feel? Although
stress depends upon our mental appraisal of a situation or event, the
physiological response to stress occurs throughout most of the body. Indeed,
you can literally feel yourself react to acute stressors, such as giving a
presentation in class, as well as chronic stressors, such as the cumulative effect
of a challenging school year. Walter Cannon, an early researcher into the
phenomenon of stress, noted that the physical responses to stressors were
somewhat general, despite the fact that stress can come from a variety of
sources that may be biological, cognitive, or social in nature. Cannon described
this general reaction as a fight-or-flight response , a set of physiological
changes that occur in response to psychological or physical threats. This
discovery laid the foundation for the modern study of stress, with several
researchers building upon Cannon’s pioneering work.
Hans Selye (1950, 1956) of the Université de Montréal looked beyond the
immediate fight-or-flight response and saw the unfolding of a larger pattern
during responses to stress. He named this pattern the general adaptation
syndrome (GAS) , a theory of stress responses involving stages of alarm,
resistance, and exhaustion (see Figure 14.6 ). As GAS illustrates, a stressful
event, such as a mild shock if you are a rat or a pop quiz (or a mild shock) if you
are a university student, first elicits an alarm reaction. Alarm consists of your
recognition of the threat and the physiological reactions that accompany it,
including increases in blood pressure, muscle tension, heart rate, and adrenaline
release. As the stressful event continues, the individual enters the second part of
this adaptive response, known as resistance. Resistance is characterized by an
individual using his or her physical and mental resources to respond to the
stressor in an appropriate way (e.g., furiously studying for a quiz or running away
from predators). However, an animal (or student) can’t maintain this level of
energy use forever. The third and final stage of the GAS is often referred to as
exhaustion; this occurs when the stressful experience depletes your physical
resources and your physiological stress response, and thus your ability to cope,
declines.
Figure 14.6 The General Adaptation Syndrome

This graph depicts the body’s resistance to stress. After the initial shock
associated with the stressor (see the dip in resistance early in the Alarm phase),
the body recruits resources to allow it to deal with the stressful situation or event.
This ability to cope with the stressor peaks in the Resistance phase of the GAS.
However, if the individual doesn’t overcome the stressor, eventually he or she
will be unable to resist the stress; this final phase is known as the Exhaustion
phase.
Source: Source: Based on “Stress and the General Adaptation Syndrome” by Hans Selye, British Medical Journal, June 17,
1950.
Since the work of Cannon and Selye, psychologists have further uncovered the
highly complex physiological interactions that occur during and after stress.
Modern descriptions of the physiology of stress involve both the autonomic
nervous system (ANS) and endocrine (hormone) responses.
The Stress Pathways

Sweaty palms, an increased heart rate, and gastrointestinal sensations (i.e.,
“butterflies in the stomach”) are part of stress responses to both positive and
negative events. Many of these bodily responses are the result of activity in the
autonomic pathway, which originates in the brain and extends to the body where
you feel stress the most. Recall from Module 3.3 that the nervous system
consists of the central nervous system (brain and spinal cord) and the peripheral
nervous system, which includes the ANS. In response to stress, the
hypothalamus stimulates part of the ANS known as the sympathetic nervous
system, which then causes the inner part of the adrenal glands known as the
adrenal medulla (found on top of the kidneys) to release epinephrine and
norepinephrine (also known as adrenaline and noradenaline). These chemicals
then trigger the bodily changes associated with the fight-or-flight response (see
Figure 14.7 ).
Figure 14.7 Stress Pathways of the Body
The stress pathways of the body include the autonomic nervous system and the
HPA axis. Both systems converge on the adrenal glands. The autonomic
response involves stimulation of the adrenal medulla by the sympathetic nervous
system, resulting in the release of epinephrine and norepinephrine—chemicals
that stimulate the fight-or-flight response. Activity of the HPA axis results in
stimulation of the adrenal cortex, which releases cortisol into the bloodstream.
Another physiological system involved in the stress response is the

hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal (HPA) axis , a neural and endocrine circuit
that provides communication between the nervous system (the hypothalamus)
and the endocrine system (pituitary and adrenal glands). When you perceive that
you are in a stressful situation, the hypothalamus and pituitary gland work
together to stimulate the release of cortisol , a hormone secreted by the
adrenal cortex (the outer part of the adrenal gland) that prepares the body to
respond to stressful circumstances. Cortisol may stimulate increased access to
energy stores or lead to decreased inflammation. In summary, both the
sympathetic nervous system (through the release of epinephrine and
norepinephrine) and the HPA axis (through the release of cortisol) function to
prepare us to respond to stress.
With rare medical exceptions, humans mount both autonomic and HPA axis
responses to stress. These responses are highly adaptive and promote
behaviours that help our survival (e.g., being more vigilant or running extra fast).
However, as you will see, not everyone responds to these stress responses in
the same way.
Oxytocin: To Tend and Befriend

One observation you have likely made is that males and females often respond
to stress and threat in different ways. Although many of these differences are a
product of societal expectations (e.g., men are typically expected to hide their
stress), there are in fact some differences in the HPA axis of males and females.
Numerous experiments have found that males have a larger cortisol response to
stress than females. This difference occurs for both real-world stressors such as
exams and laboratory-based stressors such as having to give a speech
(Kudielka & Kirschbaum, 2005). As a result, males tend to respond to threats
with a rapid expenditure of energy (fight or flight).
Shelley Taylor and her colleagues at UCLA have suggested that whereas men
are more likely to react to stress or threats with a fight-or-flight response, women
are more likely to have a more social tend-and-befriend response (Taylor et al.,
2000; Taylor, 2006). This view makes sense if you think about the history of our
species. Over the course of our species’ evolution, females have had to care for
dependent and vulnerable children. Running away from a stressful situation
would have required abandoning offspring; getting into a fight risked the
possibility of death or injury. Both of these responses would have reduced the
likelihood that their offspring would have survived. Instead, it made more sense
to seek out stable friendship networks for support during times of stress. Doing
so provided comfort, but also the potential for additional resources to help with
offspring. This is not to say that women don’t have any instinctive fight-or-flight
response or that men have no need to tend and befriend; rather, these
researchers are suggesting that there are sex differences in which response is
more likely to occur.
According to the tend-and-befriend theory, females often respond to stress by

seeking out social support networks. Although there are physiological
explanations for sex differences in stress responses, we should also remember
that cognitive and social factors also influence these behaviours.
Photographee.eu/Shutterstock
The tend-and-befriend reaction may be promoted by the release of oxytocin ,

a stress-sensitive hormone that is typically associated with maternal bonding and
social relationships. Oxytocin influences a number of behaviours including the
contraction of the uterus when a woman is in labour, romantic attachment, social
bonding, trust, wound healing, and orgasm (although not all at the same time;
Caldwell & Young III, 2006; Lee et al., 2009). Although oxytocin is clearly
involved in a number of behaviours, its role in stress is particularly important.
Animal studies have shown that stimulating the release of oxytocin reduces
activity in the sympathetic nervous system (one of the parts of the stress
network) and blood pressure (Carter, 1998). In humans, women who are
breastfeeding and thus have high levels of oxytocin show lower stress responses
to physical and psychological stress (Light et al., 2000); similar findings were
reported in men who were given doses of oxytocin (Heinrichs et al., 2003). And,
most relevant to the tend-and-befriend hypothesis, women who receive more
frequent hugs from their romantic partners also had higher oxytocin levels and
lower stress responses (Light et al., 2005). That’s something to think about
when studying for exams.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Hormones,

Relationships, and Health
Social relationships can be a major source of both positive and

negative stress, and they can provide a great deal of support
during our most stressful times. Given the links between stress
and health, it seems reasonable to ask: How do our personal
relationships relate to health?
What do we know about hormones, relationships, and

health?
Many family events and relationships can be stressful. Almost
everyone has argued with their parents or siblings. Holidays and
weddings can be fun, but they also involve a lot of planning and,
at times, “intense discussion.” Sometimes relationships—
particularly with close friends or romantic partners—become very
difficult and tense, and may even lead to chronic stress
responses that adversely affect a person’s health. However, other
relationships can be quite fulfilling, and can lead to strong social
bonds that last a lifetime. These positive relationships have been
linked to specific hormonal responses in the body.
Two hormones, oxytocin and vasopressin, are involved in social

behaviour and bonding. We previously discussed the role of
oxytocin in moderating stress responses, particularly in females.
Oxytocin has been shown to inhibit activity in the amygdala, a
brain region involved with fear and threat responses (Kirsch et
al., 2005). It may also prevent the release of cortisol (Heinrichs
et al., 2003). Vasopressin also has stress-reducing functions.
Like oxytocin, the release of vasopressin is controlled by the
hypothalamus and pituitary gland, and affects the levels of stress
hormones released by the adrenal gland (Goland et al., 1991).
People with high vasopressin levels tend to report better
relationship quality with their spouses (Walum et al., 2008).
However, oxytocin and vasopressin have health functions that go
beyond improving social bonds. Both of these hormones interact
with the immune system, specifically to reduce inflammation.
How can science explain connections between hormones,

relationships, and health?
A common, if not surprising, method for measuring immunity and
health is to see how quickly people recover from a minor wound.
In one study, the effect of marital stress on wound healing was
tested in a group of 37 married couples (Gouin et al., 2010).
Each couple was asked to sit together with no other couples or
researchers present and complete a series of marital interaction
tasks, including a discussion of the history of their marriage and a
task in which both spouses were instructed to discuss something
they wished to change about themselves. These interactions
were videotaped. The researchers also took blood samples to
measure oxytocin and vasopressin levels. Additionally, each
participant consented to receiving a suction blister on the
forearm, which is a very minor wound created with a medical
vacuum pump. It’s like a hickey—but a hickey for science.
During the marital interaction tasks, those who engaged their

partner with positive responses including acceptance, support,
and self-disclosure had higher levels of oxytocin and vasopressin.
Those who responded with hostility, withdrawal, and distress had
lower levels (Figure 14.8 ). In addition, the suction blister
wounds healed more quickly over an eight-day period in
individuals with high oxytocin and vasopressin levels. (Suction
wounds heal to 100% within 12 days.)
Figure 14.8 Relationship Quality Is Related to

Physiological Responses
Higher oxytocin and vasopressin levels are associated with

positive social interactions between married couples.
Source: Republished with permission of Elsevier Science, Inc., from Marital behavior, oxytocin,
vasopressin, and wound healing by Jean-Philippe Gouin et. al., Psychoneuroendocrinology,
35(7):1082-90, 2010; permission conveyed through Copyright Clearance Center, Inc.
In another experiment, married couples were given either an

intranasal solution of oxytocin or a placebo. They then engaged
in discussion about conflict within their marriage. Those who
received a boost of oxytocin showed more positive, constructive
behaviour during their discussion compared to couples in the
placebo group. The researchers also measured cortisol levels
from saliva samples obtained from each individual. Those in the
oxytocin group had lower levels of this stress hormone compared
to couples in the placebo group (Ditzen et al., 2009).

It might be tempting to conclude that a boost of oxytocin or
vasopressin could be the key to marital happiness, stress
reduction, and physical health. Although the studies you just read
about are related to these important qualities, it is important to
avoid oversimplifying what their results mean. Claims that
homeopathic oxytocin remedies can make anyone happier and
better at love, marriage, sex, and even “mind reading” should be
looked at with skepticism. Advertisements for such products are
not hard to find. However, scientists are still in the relatively early
stages of learning just how oxytocin and vasopressin affect social
behaviour in humans, and how they are related to immune
system function (Gouin et al., 2010; Macdonald & Macdonald,
2010).

Although these studies were conducted with married couples, the
physiological and physical healing benefits of close, positive
social relationships extend to romantic relationships, friendships,
and family. Procedures for healing physical injury currently focus
on repair to damaged areas and preventing infection from setting
in. In addition to these critical steps, it appears that managing
psychological stress is also important for facilitating recovery from
wounds (Gouin & Kiecolt-Glaser, 2011). As we shall see in the
next section of this module, stress can also affect a number of
other aspects of our physical health.
Module 14.2b Quiz:
Physiology of Stress
Know . . .
1. Which of the following is not a component of Selye’s general adaptation
syndrome?
A. Resistance
B. Alarm
C. Flight
D. Exhaustion
2. Which of the following is a major player in the chemical response

comprising the autonomic fight-or-flight stress response system?
A. Cortisol
B. Epinephrine
C. Dopamine
D. Oxytocin
Understand. . . .
3. A major difference between the tend-and-befriend stress response and
the responses mediated by the autonomic pathway and the HPA axis is
that
A. the tend-and-befriend response involves cortisol activity.
B. men are more likely to express the tend-and-befriend response.
C. the tend-and-befriend response facilitates care for offspring and
others in a social group.
D. the tend-and-befriend response is a negative stress reaction,
whereas the autonomic pathway and HPA axis responses are
positive reactions.
4. High levels and low levels are associated with elevated
stress.
A. vasopressin; cortisol
B. oxytocin; vasopressin
C. cortisol; oxytocin
D. vasopressin; epinephrine
Stress, Immunity, and Illness
You have likely had the experience of getting sick in the midst of a period of high
stress. You are not alone; dozens of experimental and correlational studies have
shown, for example, that stress increases the likelihood that people will succumb
to the cold virus (Cohen et al., 1998). In fact, one study suggests that final
exams—an obvious stressor for students—may be bad for you. In this
investigation, medical students provided blood samples during the term and
again during the final exam period. Analysis of these blood samples showed
reduced immune responses during the high-stress period at the end of the term
(Kiecolt-Glaser, 1984). There is a reason this happens: the immune system,
which is responsible for protecting the body against infectious disease, has
numerous connections with the nervous system, including the stress response
systems just discussed (Maier & Watkins, 1998; Selye, 1955).
Psychoneuroimmunology is the study of this relationship between immune
system and nervous system functioning.
Psychologists are finding that the stress–illness relationship is a very complex

one, involving numerous physiological systems. These investigations are made
even more challenging by the fact that the effects of mental stress on physical
functioning are diverse. Recall that stress can come in a variety of forms—at the
very least, we can divide it into acute and chronic variations. It appears that
stress also has dual influences on immunity. Acute stressors tend to activate the
immune system, whereas chronic exposure to stress generally causes
suppression of the immune system (Segerstrom & Miller, 2004).
Stress, Personality, and Heart Disease

In addition to making people more prone to catching viruses, high stress levels
appear to put people at greater risk for developing coronary heart
disease —a condition in which plaques form in the blood vessels that supply
the heart with blood and oxygen, resulting in restricted blood flow. For example,
one study followed 12 000 healthy males for a nine-year period and found that
men who experienced ongoing stress with their families or at work were 30%
more likely to die from coronary heart disease than were men who were not
chronically stressed (Matthews & Gump, 2002). Coronary heart disease begins
when injury and infection damage the arteries of the heart. This damage triggers
the inflammatory response by the immune system—white blood cells travel to
affected areas in an attempt to repair the damaged tissue. These cells gather
cholesterol and form dangerous plaques, which can rupture, break off, and block
blood flow. So how does stress fit into this picture? Stress causes an increased
release of those molecules that cause the inflammation that leads to heart
complications (Segerstrom & Miller, 2004).
It seems like the link between stress and heart disease should have a simple
solution: reduce your stress levels. However, this isn’t as straightforward as one
might think. The reason is that our stress responses are affected by our
personalities. Interestingly, this relationship wasn’t discovered by psychologists.
Rather, it was noticed by two cardiologists—Meyer Friedman and Ray
Rosenman—who were conducting an eight-and-a-half year study of
cardiovascular health. As you might expect, they found that people who were
prone to stress had poorer physical health (Friedman & Rosenman, 1959).
Importantly, a subset of these patients also had a particular group of personality
traits that the researchers labelled as Type A. The Type A personality
describes people who tend to be impatient and worry about time, and are easily
angered, competitive, and highly motivated. In contrast, the Type B personality
describes people who are more laid back and characterized by a patient,
easygoing, and relaxed disposition (Friedman & Rosenman, 1974). These
studies revealed that people who fall in the Type A category are far more likely to
have heart attacks than are Type B people.
This initial finding has been replicated many times, though the correlation
between levels of Type A characteristics and coronary heart disease is only
moderate. This less-than-strong relationship likely reflects the fact that other
factors, not just how a person copes with stress, may further elevate the risk of
coronary heart disease. People who have a Type A personality also engage in
behaviours that compromise physical health, such as drinking large quantities of
alcohol, smoking, and sleeping less than people with a Type B personality. Thus,
numerous correlated factors may explain the relationship between Type A
personality and risk of coronary heart disease. People with Type A personalities
are often successful. However, they are also much more likely to experience
heart attacks and strokes than are more relaxed, less hostile individuals.
The distinction between Type A and B personalities has not satisfied all
behavioural scientists and physicians. Being quick to anger is a characteristic of
Type A individuals, but so is being hyper-motivated to succeed at work. Perhaps
there is something more specific about personality that increases one’s risk for
developing heart disease. More recent research has shown that people who are
prone to hostility and anger are at greater risk for developing coronary heart
disease (Razzini et al., 2008). Other personality characteristics linked to
coronary heart disease include anxiety and depression (Barger & Sydeman,
2005; Lett et al., 2004).
Imagine you have a one-hour break between classes, during which you need to
get lunch and also visit one of your professors across campus. When you arrive
at your professor’s office, you see a line of other students awaiting their turn, and
the current occupant is blathering on and on about something completely
unrelated to schoolwork. How would you tend to react in this situation? Would
you become agitated, angry, resentful, and fidgety? Or would you be more
inclined to strike up a conversation with others in line to help pass the time? Your
answer will likely depend on various factors—but each of us tends to have a
common style of responding to stressful events.
Christopher Futcher/E+/Getty Images
Myths in Mind Stress and Ulcers
Many of the presumed links between stress and health are oversimplified
or misunderstood. People typically associate ulcers—open sores in the
lining of the esophagus, stomach, and small intestine—with people
working in high-stress jobs, such as police officers or air traffic
controllers. The belief that stress causes people to develop ulcers is
widespread. In actuality, most ulcers are caused by a bacterium,
Helicobacter pylori, which can cause inflammation of the lining of various
regions of the digestive tract. This bacterium is surprisingly common, and
approximately 10% to 15% of people who are exposed to it will develop
an ulcer resulting from inflammation. Thus, stress does not cause ulcers,
although it can worsen their symptoms. Also, smoking, alcohol, pain
relievers, and a poor diet—anything that can irritate the digestive system
—increases problems associated with ulcers.
Contrary to popular belief, chronic stress, like that experienced by air

traffic controllers, will not cause a stomach ulcer.
Photodisc/Getty Images
Stress, Food, and Drugs
Stress influences heart functioning in other, indirect, ways as well. Survey
research has consistently shown that people are drawn toward sweet and fatty
foods when they are stressed (Oliver & Wardle, 1999; Steptoe et al., 1998).
Laboratory-based studies have shown similar trends. In one experiment, female
participants were given stress-inducing tasks to complete including solving a
visuospatial puzzle, performing math calculations, and giving a speech in front of
what they thought was an audience seated behind a one-way mirror. The women
who had the highest levels of the stress hormone cortisol ate more sweet, high-
fat snacks than did the less-stressed women (Epel et al., 2001). The relationship
between stress and unhealthy food extends to other species as well. Low-status
females in a colony of monkeys are often bullied and harassed by high-status
females; researchers have noted that the low-status females ate more banana-
flavoured pellets than their social superiors (Wilson et al., 2008). Interestingly,
similar results were found when monkeys had the opportunity to self-administer
cocaine; the subordinate monkeys pressed a lever much more often than the
dominant monkeys who presumably had less stress (Morgan et al., 2002).
Obviously, overeating unhealthy food (or doing cocaine) is not a good long-term
solution to stress. So, why do some people (and monkeys) use food and drugs to
deal with stress? Although it is possible that these substances directly affect the
hormones and brain areas associated with stress, most scientists agree that food
(and drugs) influence the brain’s dopamine reward system (see Module 5.3
and 6.2 ). Some research suggests that chronic stress suppresses the reward
system (so stressed people would find less joy in things). It is possible that
eating rewarding foods increases the activity in this system so that it is closer to
normal levels (Adam & Epel, 2007; Dallman et al., 2003). Additionally, as
discussed in Module 11.1 , people who are stressed are mobilizing the body’s
resources in case action is required; eating fatty and sugary foods provides the
body with extra calories in anticipation of the person having to use additional
energy to deal with a stressor.
Stress, The Brain, and Disease

Although stress is often linked to cardiovascular problems like heart attacks and
strokes, its negative effect on the immune system makes stress a factor in other
conditions as well. Acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) is a disease
caused by infection with the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV). This disease
saps the immune system’s ability to fight off infections to such an extent that
even conditions that are relatively harmless to most of the population can be
devastating to an individual with AIDS. Patients in industrialized countries with
more medical options have a better prognosis than those living in impoverished
areas. Retroviral therapies have greatly increased the longevity, health, and
overall quality of life of patients. However, people who are HIV-positive need
regular vaccination treatments. Unfortunately, stress impedes the body’s ability
to respond to vaccinations. In turn, studies have shown that those who
experience serious emotional distress are less responsive to HIV treatments.
Stress-induced elevation of the neurotransmitter norepinephrine—which is
involved in emotional arousal and stress responses—can also worsen the
condition of the various illnesses associated with AIDS. Patients who have
elevated activity of the autonomic nervous system are slower to respond to
antiretroviral therapies, which increases their risks of developing certain types of
cancer such as B-cell lymphoma (Cole et al., 1998).
Researchers are also finding numerous links between psychosocial factors and
cancer progression (Antoni & Lutgendorf, 2007). Several factors, such as the
type of cancer and an individual’s age, account for why some people rapidly
succumb to cancer while others are able to overcome this disease. But, stress
levels also affect the progression of cancer. Why is this? It appears that
norepinephrine supports cancer cell growth, and that cortisol magnifies this
effect. Hormones from the autonomic nervous system stimulate cells that reside
in tumours, which ultimately results in growth and proliferation of these masses
(Antoni et al., 2006). Thus, when someone experiences stress, the autonomic
nervous system and HPA axis naturally respond, but their reactions compromise
how well the individual can fight the disease.
For many people, stress levels can be changed and the course of a disease
such as cancer can be slowed. For example, individuals who have undergone
assertiveness training and learn anger management techniques show reduced
autonomic activity and hormonal activity associated with the HPA axis (Antoni et
al., 2007). Also, those who are optimistic, cope by using humour, and have a
positive outlook on the disease (and thus less stress) show physiological benefits
such as greater immune responses (Lutgendorf et al., 2007). These studies
show us that how we mentally react to the stressors in our lives can dramatically
influence how our body responds to serious illness. In the next module, we will
discuss how you can draw from psychology research to improve your ability to
cope with stress. Doing so will make you happier—and healthier.
Module 14.2c Quiz:
Stress, Immunity, and Illness
Know . . .
1. What is psychoneuroimmunology?
A. A condition in which plaques form in the blood vessels that supply
the heart with blood and oxygen, resulting in restricted blood flow.
B. The study of both the positive and negative effects that our
behaviour and decisions have on health, survival, and well-being.
C. The study of the relationship between immune system and
nervous system functioning.
D. A hormone secreted by the adrenal gland.
2. People with personality are patient and easygoing, and have a
relaxed disposition, whereas personality individuals tend to be
impatient and are easily angered, competitive, and highly motivated.
A. Type A; Type B
B. Type H; relaxed
C. Type B; Type A
D. relaxed; Type H
Understand. . . .
3. A direct effect of stress on coronary health would be
A. a stress-related increase in inflammation that results in buildup of
cholesterol in the arteries.
B. eating more fattening foods in response to stress.
C. engaging in increased risky behaviour due to stress.
D. increased moodiness during periods of stress.
4. How does stress affect cancer?

A. Stress decreases the number of white blood cells in the body,
which results in cancer progression.
B. Hormones from the autonomic nervous system stimulate cells
that reside in tumours, which can in turn stimulate growth and
proliferation of the tumours.
C. Stress decreases the growth of cancer cells.
D. Stress does not affect cancer.
Analyze . . .
5. Researchers have concluded that the actual cause of ulcers is usually
.
A. stress
B. bacterial infection
C. genetics
D. poor diet
Module 14.2 Summary
14.2a Know . . . the key terminology associated with stress and

illness.
coronary heart disease
cortisol
fight-or-flight response
general adaptation syndrome (GAS)
hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal (HPA) axis
individual zone of optimal functioning (IZOF)

oxytocin
psychoneuroimmunology
stress
Type A personality
Type B personality
14.2b Understand . . . the physiological reactions that occur under

stress.
When a person encounters a stressor, the hypothalamus stimulates the

sympathetic nervous system to act, triggering the release of epinephrine and
norepinephrine from the adrenal medulla. This reaction is often referred to as the
fight-or-flight response. Another part of the stress response system is the HPA
axis, in which the hypothalamus stimulates the pituitary gland to release
hormones that in turn stimulate the adrenal cortex to release cortisol, which
prepares the body to deal with stressful situations.
14.2c Understand . . . how the immune system is connected to

stress responses.
Cortisol suppresses the immune system, leaving people more vulnerable to

illness and slowing recovery time from illness and injury.
14.2d Apply . . . a measure of stressful events to your own

experiences.
Apply Activity
To complete this activity, look at Table 14.2 . Using the values next to each
stressful event listed, add up the numbers that apply to your experiences and
compute your total stress score. Holmes and Rahe (1967) found that a score of
300 or more puts people at significant risk for illness, while a score of 150–299
puts people at a moderate risk.
Years later, Renner and Mackin (1998) developed a similar scale for college
and university students based on data gathered from a sample of 257
undergraduate students (range: 17–45 years; mean: 19.75 years). Do an Internet
search for Renner and Mackin’s College Undergraduate Stress Scale and
calculate your own stress score. They reported an average stress score of 1247
(standard deviation: 441), with scores ranging from 182 to 2571. How do you
compare with their sample?
14.2e Analyze . . . the claim that ulcers are caused by stress.
Ulcers are damaged areas of the digestive tract often caused by infection with
the bacterium Helicobacter pylori. Stress and other factors, such as diet and
alcohol consumption, can worsen the condition of ulcers, but stress alone does
not cause them.
Module 14.3 Coping and Well-
Being
John Lund/Stephanie Roeser/Glow Images
Learning Objectives
14.3a Know . . . the key terminology associated with coping and well-being.
14.3b Understand . . . how control over the environment influences coping and
outlook.
14.3c Understand . . . positive and negative styles of coping.
14.3d Apply . . . your knowledge of the beneficial effects of optimism to help you
reframe stressful situations as positive opportunities.
14.3e Analyze . . . whether activities such as relaxation techniques, meditation,
and biofeedback actually help people cope with stress and problems.
What is the best way to cope with a personal disaster, such as losing
your job? Writing about how the event makes you feel may not seem like
a priority, but according to psychologist James Pennebaker, it may be
one of the best strategies for coping and regaining the emotional
resources needed to move on. Pennebaker, a leading researcher on the
psychological benefits of writing, decided to intervene when a local
computing and electronics firm laid off 60 professional workers. All he
asked the workers to do was to write, but their instructions on how to
write were different: Half the volunteers were randomly assigned to write
about their “deepest thoughts and feelings surrounding the job loss, and
how their lives, both personal and professional, had been affected”
(Spera et al., 1994, p. 725). In contrast, the control group members were
told to write about their plans for the day and how they planned to find
another job, which is much less personal and emotional. After a month of
weekly 20-minute writing sessions, the group members who were writing
about their emotions were getting hired much more frequently than the
control group members. The participants were randomly assigned to the
two groups, so the differences between the groups can be traced to the
writing rather than to pre-existing personality differences. Similar methods
have been used in Pennebaker’s studies of first-year university students,
people grieving the loss of a loved one, and other groups experiencing
stressful transitions. The result was the same each time—group
members who wrote meaningful narratives of their emotions and thoughts
came out ahead, not just in terms of mental health, but physically and in
terms of their performance at work or school.
Focus Questions
1. What are the different ways people cope with stress?

2. Which factors make coping especially challenging?
This module is designed to help you. In it, you will read about some widely used
solutions for coping with stress and behavioural methods that may potentially
help in improving health. We will also discuss some topics that might be less
familiar, but may prove useful in how you cope with stress and negative events.
Finally, we will discuss how stress and successful coping are closely related to
your sense of control.
Coping
Although understanding how stress works—both physically and mentally—is

important, it is the ability to cope with that stress that will dictate whether or not
you are happy. Coping refers to the processes used to manage demands,
stress, and conflict. Coping strategies can include problem-focused coping and
emotion-focused coping. Some of us approach a problem or stressor, such as
large monetary debt or a setback at work, by taking a problem-solving approach.
In other words, we cope by defining the problem and working toward a solution.
If you are stressed out by school demands, you could address the problem by
setting up a study schedule, dropping a course, or finding a tutor, among many
other possible solutions. However, there are times when it is more important to
focus on the emotional effects of a stressor than on attempting to find an
immediate solution to a problem—in fact, not all stressors are brought about by
problems that have identifiable solutions. For example, imagine that your
beloved family pet has passed away. In such a situation, you obviously cannot
make a list to deal with your grief; however, you can find ways to reduce the
negative effects your emotions are having, both on yourself and on others.
Neither of these styles of coping is necessarily superior to the other—their
suitability depends on the nature of the problem (Folkman & Lazarus, 1980). In
many instances, both problem-focused coping and emotion-focused coping are
used to deal with a stressor.
Of course, not all coping techniques actually help; some may simply replace one
problem with another. For example, some people turn to alcohol or drugs to
temporarily avoid feelings of stress, and some turn to food. Unfortunately, sitting
in front of the television and eating a litre of Häagen-Dazs ice cream from the
container is not a healthy method of coping. In this section, we will examine both
the positive and negative methods of coping, and then describe several
techniques that can be used to improve one’s well-being.
Positive Coping Strategies

Psychology may have a reputation for focusing on the negative, including how
damaging stress can be. In reality, psychologists also study what makes people
thrive, even in the face of extreme stress. This area of study, positive
psychology , uses scientific methods to study human strengths and potential.
Research in this area has identified numerous adaptive and constructive ways in
which people cope with problems. These researchers have found that one of the
most powerful tools for coping is also one of the simplest: focusing on positive
emotions.
Although it may seem difficult to imagine experiencing positive emotions during

times of stress, doing something simple like watching a funny movie can actually
help you cope with stress and negative life experiences. Barbara Fredrickson
and her colleagues at the University of North Carolina (Chapel Hill) have shown
that positive emotions can affect how we perceive and think about the world. For
example, these researchers have shown that a negative mood narrows your
focus of attention so that you attend to a small part of your environment, whereas
positive moods cause the focus of your attention to expand (Fredrickson &
Branigan, 2005). Other scientists have demonstrated that positive moods can
also increase a person’s creativity. In one experiment, participants were shown
groups of three words (e.g., falling, actor, dust) and were asked to find a word
that related all three items (e.g., star). Individuals in the positive mood condition
scored higher than other participants (Isen et al., 1987). This increase in flexible
thinking is crucial during coping, as it would help people experiencing negative
emotions reframe their stressors into something less upsetting.
Although the effects of positive emotion on our ability to perceive and think are
interesting, the most stunning effect of positive emotions is their effect on our
autonomic nervous system. When most of us watch a scary movie, our heart
rates increase as we experience fear. Then, after a little while, our heart rates
return to normal. But, the speed at which this recovery occurs can be influenced
by positive emotions. Researchers have found that when participants watched
positive films after seeing a scary movie clip, their heart rate returned to normal
faster than when participants viewed a sad or neutral film (see Figure 14.9 ).
The positive emotions seemed to defuse the effects of the negative emotions,
thus decreasing the amount of damage that stress and negative emotions can
have on the body (Fredrickson & Levenson, 1998). Because positive emotions
allow people to broaden their thought processes and to build new intellectual,
social, and physical resources, these results are now described as the broaden-
and-build theory of positive emotions (Fredrickson, 2001, 2003).
Figure 14.9 Positive Moods and Recovery from Negative Emotional Events
Research shows that positive moods speed up a person’s recovery from
negative events. In this study, viewing a video depicting positive emotions
(amusement or contentment) caused heart rates to return to normal levels faster
than a neutral or sad video (Fredrickson & Levenson, 1998).
Source: Data from Fredrickson, B. L., & Levenson, R. W. (1998). Positive emotions speed recovery from the cardiovascular
sequelae of negative emotions. Cognition & Emotion, 12, 191–220. Figure 3, p. 205.
Optimism and Pessimism

Closely linked to positive emotions is the concept of optimism , the tendency
to have a favourable, constructive view on situations and to expect positive
outcomes. People who are optimistic tend to initially perceive situations in a
positive way and are also more likely to find positive elements in situations. In
contrast, pessimism is the tendency to have a negative perception of life and
expect negative outcomes. These individuals often have what is known as
pessimistic explanatory style , which is the tendency to interpret and explain
negative events as internally based (i.e., as being due to that person rather than
to an external situation) and as a constant, stable quality (Burns & Seligman,
1989). For example, a laid-off employee who struggles to find a job may attribute
the problem to his perceived inability to network properly rather than to the fact
that it is tough to find jobs in his field. Pessimism is also often linked with
negative affectivity , the tendency to respond to problems with a pattern of
anxiety, hostility, anger, guilt, or nervousness. These negative emotions make it
difficult for these individuals to choose an appropriate coping strategy for a given
problem (DeLongis & Holtzman, 2005; O’Brien & DeLongis, 1996). For
instance, someone with high levels of negativity may deal with a difficult breakup
by socially withdrawing from others and by becoming angry and resentful. Such
responses also make it more difficult for others to provide social support.
As you might expect after reading the previous section, optimism is correlated
with better physical health than pessimism. For example, scientists have shown
that women who tend toward pessimism and test positive for the HPV virus (a
papilloma virus known to cause cervical cancer) have lower counts of white
blood cells that fight disease than do optimistic women with the HPV virus. Long-
term studies show similar effects of optimism. In the U.S. Veterans Affairs
Normative Aging Study involving a large cohort of male participants, optimists
had a lower incidence of coronary heart disease than did pessimists
(Kubzansky et al., 2001). Similarly, researchers at the Mayo Clinic administered
personality tests assessing optimism and pessimism to patients who came into
the clinic for general medical issues during the 1960s. Thirty years later, the data
on optimism and pessimism were compared to patient survival. The researchers
found a 19% increase in mortality risk in people who were consistently
pessimistic (Maruta et al., 2000). Perhaps a good attitude does more than help
individuals cope emotionally with illness; perhaps it actually helps them
overcome it.
Although these studies present a convincing case for optimism, there is an

alternative explanation for the results: Optimists and pessimists may simply have
had different lifestyles. One of these other lifestyle variables (e.g., diet) could
potentially explain the health differences between optimists and pessimists. In
order to control for this possibility, a group of U.S. researchers conducted
longitudinal (long-term) studies of a group of females with nearly identical
lifestyles: nuns. The Nun Study, as it is now known, was exceptional in that it
allowed researchers to examine how personality factors such as optimism and
pessimism affected people over the course of their lifetime while controlling for
variables such as diet, work demands, and stress. As part of this study (which is
part of a longitudinal study about factors leading to Alzheimer’s disease), the
researchers examined the handwritten autobiographies of 180 nuns; these
documents were written by the nuns when they were entering the order in their
early-to-mid twenties. The emotional content of the autobiographies was coded
by the researchers to see if positive emotions predicted how long the nuns lived.
Here are two excerpts from the study:
Sister 1 (low positive emotion): I was born on September 26, 1909, the eldest of seven
children, five girls and two boys. . . . My candidate year was spent in the Motherhouse,
teaching Chemistry and Second Year Latin at Notre Dame Institute. With God’s grace, I
intend to do my best for our Order, for the spread of religion and for my personal
sanctification.
Sister 2 (high positive emotion): God started my life off well by bestowing upon me a
grace of inestimable value. . . . The past year which I have spent as a candidate
studying at Notre Dame College has been a very happy one. Now I look forward with
eager joy to receiving the Holy Habit of Our Lady and to a life of union with Love Divine.
(Danner et al., 2001, p. 806)
The researchers found a strong correlation between positive emotions during

young adulthood and the longevity of the nuns—people who were more positive
during their twenties lived longer than less positive people (Danner et al., 2001).
Similar results have been found with less-controlled populations (Maruta et al.,
2000; Peterson et al., 1998), suggesting that the results of the Nun Study are
due to optimism and positivity, not to an act of divine intervention.
Resilience
Thus far, we have discussed a number of factors that can reduce the effects of
stress and promote well-being. However, there are times when negative life
events are unavoidable. As you have likely noticed in your own life, individuals
differ in their ability to bounce back from events such as disaster, disease, or
major loss. This trait is known as resilience , the ability to effectively recover
from illness or adversity. Resilient people tend to have one or more factors
stacked in their favour. Financial and social resources, opportunities for rest and
relaxation, and other positive life circumstances contribute to resiliency. Even so,
amazing stories of resiliency can be found among individuals living with
unimaginable stress. Thus, the personality and emotional characteristics
discussed earlier are also important contributors to resiliency in the face of
adversity.
One amazing example is that of Viktor Frankl, an early- and mid-20th-century

Austrian psychiatrist. Frankl was already an influential physician and therapist
when he, his wife, and family were forced into concentration camps during World
War II. Frankl found himself in the role of helping people adjust to life in the
concentration camp, even while he himself struggled to survive each day. He
encouraged others to tap into whatever psychological resources they had left to
cope with very bleak circumstances. Frankl found that one of the most critical
parts of surviving in these camps was finding some sort of meaning in life. For
some, this could be the desire to reunite with their family when the war
eventually ended. For others, it was a love of poetry (astoundingly, some
prisoners were able to write poetry in the concentration camps). But, if a prisoner
seemed to lose this sense of meaningfulness in his life, Frankl could tell that this
prisoner would soon die. As Frankl later noted, “Despair equals Suffering minus
Meaning” (Gelman et al., 2000, p. 625). A key challenge, then, was to maintain
this sense of meaningfulness so that people had a purpose in their lives. Doing
so allowed them to cope and remain resilient while witnessing terrifying events.
Eventually Frankl’s wife and parents were deported to different concentration
camps, where they were murdered. Despite his own enormous losses, Frankl
continued helping others to cope and find solace under the worst of
circumstances (Frankl, 1959).
Psychologists have long focused on the negative outcomes of stress, but stories
such as Frankl’s demonstrate that stress and trauma can also lead people to
recognize how strong they really are. In fact, psychologists describe the
phenomenon of post-traumatic growth , the capacity to grow and experience
long-term positive effects in response to negative events (Tedeschi & Calhoun,
2004). It happens in response to events such as automobile accidents, sexual
and physical assault, combat, and severe and chronic illnesses. Individuals who
experience post-traumatic growth often report feeling a greater sense of
vulnerability, yet over time develop an increased inner strength. They also report
finding greater meaning and depth in their relationships, a greater sense of
appreciation for what they have, and an increased sense of spirituality (Tedeschi
& Calhoun, 2004).
Post-traumatic growth is not an alternative reaction to post-traumatic stress.

Rather, the two conditions occur together. Clinicians recognize that the growth
occurs during the process of coping, not because of the event itself. Often a
clinical psychologist trained in working with trauma victims helps facilitate the
growth process and assists the individual in finding the interpersonal and social
resources needed for healing. Some of these resources include medications and
some form of counselling. It is also becoming increasingly common for people to
use other techniques to reduce responses to stress and negative events,
including meditation and yoga.
Biofeedback
As you have been reading this chapter, your circulatory system has been
pumping blood and maintaining blood pressure, your lungs have been breathing
in air, and your digestive system may have been working on a recent meal, all
without the tiniest bit of conscious effort. Certainly you can intentionally hold your
breath for a moment, but can you hold your heartbeat or change your blood
pressure? If you are like most of us, you cannot control all of these autonomic
functions, but that does not mean it is impossible.
Biofeedback is a therapeutic technique involving the use of physiological

recording instruments to provide feedback that increases awareness of bodily
responses. The psychologists who developed this technique believed that by
seeing or hearing a machine’s representation of bodily processes, people could
gain awareness of stress responses and bring them under voluntary control. For
example, a patient with chronic stress could use feedback on his blood pressure,
heart rate, and tension of his facial muscles to monitor and, possibly, control his
stress responses. As you can imagine, this ability would have very useful
applications to clinical psychology. However, after some very promising findings,
the excitement over biofeedback faded, in part because it was found that simple
relaxation techniques were just as useful.
Meditation and Relaxation

Many people report significant benefits by using relaxation and meditation
techniques to cope with stress and life’s difficult periods. Both techniques are
designed to calm emotional responses as well as physiological reactions to
stress. Meditation is any procedure that involves a shift in consciousness to a
state in which an individual is highly focused, aware, and in control of mental
processes. However, to say “meditation” is a bit simplistic, as meditation has
many different techniques and is practised, in some form, in almost every known
culture.
Biofeedback involves the use of physiological monitoring, which allows the
patient to see and sometimes hear the output of his or her physiological
reactions.
Cindy Charles/PhotoEdit, Inc.
In some types of meditation, the individual focuses his or her attention on a

chosen object, such as a point on the wall or a physical sensation like the feeling
related to breathing. This technique is known as focused attention (FA)
meditation. When distracting or negative thoughts enter into one’s awareness
and interfere with meditation, people are taught to accept these thoughts in a
nonjudgmental manner, and to then nudge their attention back to its original
focus (Lutz et al., 2008). Although this technique is initially quite difficult, over
time people become quite good at maintaining their attention on their chosen
object.
A second type of meditation is open monitoring (OM) meditation. This technique

also uses focused attention to train the mind and to reduce the influence of
distractions. After initial training with FA, people can transition into the use of OM
styles of meditating. Here, meditators pay attention to moment-by-moment
sensations without focusing on any particular object (Cahn & Polich, 2006). A
key feature of OM is to attempt to experience each sensation intensely,
examining its rich sensory properties and emotional characteristics in great
depth; however, these sensations should not become the sole focus of attention,
preventing the meditator from responding to other sensations.
The idea that the feelings of happiness and relaxation associated with meditation
are due, in part, to us becoming more attentive to the present moment and less
attentive to our own “stories” has found some support in research performed at
the University of Toronto. Norm Farb and colleagues (2007) used fMRI to
examine brain activity in trained meditators and a control group of non-
meditators. Participants were asked to take one of two perspectives while
reading lists of positive (e.g., charming) and negative (e.g., greedy) words.
During half of the experiment, participants were asked to use a Narrative Focus,
which required them to think about what each word meant and how it related to
him or her. During the other half of the experiment, participants were asked to
use an Experiential Focus, which required them to pay attention to their thoughts
and bodily reactions to the words as they happened, but without any judgment or
elaboration. If they found themselves distracted by any memories or thoughts
inspired by a word, they were to calmly return their attention to the present
moment. The results were intriguing: During the Experiential Focus condition
(which is quite similar to a meditative state), trained meditators showed a larger
decrease in activity in areas of the frontal lobes related to “the self” (the medial
prefrontal cortex) than did novices. They also showed increased activity in areas
related to the perception of one’s bodily states. These results suggest that
meditation does in fact help us separate ourselves from our own narratives and
live in the present moment.
Given that numerous other studies have shown that meditation leads to
decreased levels of anxiety (Chen et al., 2012; Hoffman et al., 2011), it is
possible that redirecting attention away from our own self-focused thoughts
might improve our ability to be happy. Additionally, meditation has been shown to
be very effective in reducing blood pressure, which decreases the likelihood of
experiencing long-term problems with hypertension and cardiovascular disease
(Rainforth et al., 2007). Taken together, this research suggests that meditation
can be used as a method of coping with stress and negative emotions.
Mindfulness-based stress reduction (MBSR) is a structured relaxation

program based on elements of mindfulness meditation. The primary goal of
MBSR is to help people to cope and to relax by increasing the link between one’s
body and one’s mind. A common meditative technique used in MBSR is a body
scan in which participants pay attention to the sensation of their toes, then their
feet, ankles, calves, and so on. By attempting to focus on bodily sensations for
15–20 minutes, the participants engage in a great deal of attentional control; if
someone’s mind wanders, she is simply asked to bring it back to the body scan
without judging herself for the slip-up. During these relaxation exercises,
participants are instructed to recognize and become aware of any emotions they
may experience, but to then let it go so that the emotion is not part of their
identity. Studies using MBSR have found that it reduces stress (Baer et al.,
2012) and increases a sense of meaningfulness in life (Dobkin, 2008). Not
surprisingly, MBSR also leads to increased brain activity in the insula, a brain
area related to perceiving bodily sensations; this area is involved with a person’s
ability to focus on the present moment (Farb et al., 2013).
Altered brain activity has also been found after people learned a complex form of
meditation called integrated mind–body training (IMBT). This technique,
developed from traditional Chinese medicine, involves a combination of
relaxation and posture correction, as well as instructions for heightening one’s
awareness of one’s body (Tang, 2011). Similar to MBSR, this technique has
been shown to enhance the control of attention (Tang et al., 2007). IMBT has
also been linked to an increased ability to control bodily physiology. In one study,
researchers compared participants who had completed either five days of IMBT
or five days of a simpler relaxation training program. The IMBT group showed
lower heart rates, breathing rates, and skin conductance responses (a measure
of stress) than did the relaxation training group. These differences appear to be
due to activity in a region of the medial (middle) prefrontal cortex called the
anterior cingulate gyrus; this area is involved in controlling attention as well as in
some emotional responses. In this study, activity within the anterior cingulate
was associated with the participants’ increased control over parasympathetic
nervous system responses. The increased parasympathetic activity accounted
for the heightened sense of relaxation experienced while meditating (Tang et al.,
2009). Interestingly, later studies showed a strengthening of the white-matter
connections between the anterior cingulate and emotional structures in the base
of the brain (Tang et al., 2010), suggesting that IMBT can change how different
neural regions interact.
Meditation is practised in many cultures, typically to serve the function of

promoting health and stress reduction.
Tyler Olson/Shutterstock
Although meditation does appear to have a number of health benefits, training

procedures like MBSR and IMBT might not be for everyone. However, there is a
relaxation technique that many people in your class likely already perform: yoga.
According to various organizations, approximately 1.5 million Canadians
regularly practise yoga (in one of its many forms). Yoga involves directed
breathing while participants move their bodies into specific poses. This voluntary
breathing can influence activity in the parasympathetic nervous system, leading
to a decrease in emotional arousal (Sovik, 2000). Consistent with this view, U.S.
college students who performed directed breathing had lower levels of physical
and mental stress than did control participants (Cappo & Holmes, 1984). Yoga
may also help your immune system; when compared to people in a simple
relaxation condition (nature walks and soft music), people who performed yoga
had greater changes in gene expression in the immune cells circulating in the
bloodstream (Qu et al., 2013).
Thus, scientific studies of meditation and relaxation training in all their forms
appear to confirm their health benefits, and are also bringing us closer to
understanding precisely how these changes to the brain and body help us cope
with stress and negativity.
PSYCH@ Church
Stress-reduction techniques like mindfulness are sometimes associated
with spiritualism, as many arose as part of different Buddhist traditions;
however, a belief in a higher power is not a requirement of these
techniques. In contrast, many people use religion as their primary coping
mechanism during stressful situations, both large and small. They may
use any combination of religious practices, depending on the specific
nature of the faith: prayer, meditation, religious counselling, and social
support from family and congregations. All of these efforts can provide
strength and comfort during difficult times, and they may also be
associated with greater overall happiness. Many psychologists have
become increasingly curious about the possible health benefits
associated with religion and spirituality. Numerous studies have found
that people who are very religious and are actively engaged with religious
practices do, in fact, live a bit longer than do people who are less
religious or nonreligious (McCullough et al., 2000).
A hasty interpretation of these results might lead one to conclude that

religion causes people to live longer—that the experiences of prayer and
of attending church lead to the greater longevity. However, the studies in
this area actually produce correlational, not experimental, data—
psychologists cannot randomly assign people to be religious or not.
Consequently, we must consider alternative explanations. For example,
lifestyle factors are also at play. Younger and older people of Muslim,
Jewish, or Christian faith are more likely to engage in healthy behaviours,
including wearing seatbelts, visiting the dentist, and avoiding both the
consumption of alcohol and cigarette smoking (reviewed in McCullough
& Willoughby, 2009). Religions also tend to have negative views of
criminal activity, drug abuse, and risky sexual activity. Thus, the
increased longevity is probably related to the greater self-control and
self-regulation that are characteristic of many religious belief systems.
Generally, people who are religious show greater well-being and lower
levels of depression (Smith et al., 2003). The determination of whether
religion protects people from depression depends on the point of view
taken, however. People who cope with problems using positive aspects
of religion (e.g., treating other people with compassion and kindness, as
well as collaborating with others in solving problems) are less prone to
depression than religious people who adopt negative appraisals of their
problems and concerns, such as viewing problems as a result of a
wrathful God’s punishment (Ano & Vasconcelles, 2005; McCullough &
Willoughby, 2009).
Exercise
Relaxation training and religious study both require discipline; individuals must
follow instructions or teachings in a fairly consistent manner. Staying in good
physical condition requires similar devotion, and also produces considerable
physical and psychological benefits. However, even short bursts of exercise can
be useful. For example, researchers in Germany asked university student
participants either to do all-out sprints, to jog, or to do nothing. The students who
sprinted were able to learn 20% more items on a vocabulary list than the
students who jogged or were inactive (Winter et al., 2007). Why did this occur?
Perhaps the sprinters were more motivated than the others. This explanation
sounds plausible, but the researchers randomly assigned healthy participants to
the three groups—so there should not be anything inherent to the sprinter group
that would lead them to learn more words. It appears that the type of exercise
they engaged in led to increased cognitive performance. Which physiological
processes might account for the cognitive edge the sprinters gained from their
intense physical activity? The researchers discovered that the students who
engaged in intense exercise had increased levels of dopamine, epinephrine, and
brain-derived neurotrophic factor (BDNF) —a protein in the nervous system
that promotes survival, growth, and the formation of new synapses.
Cardiovascular exercise also provides immediate benefits in cognitive
processing speed, again as measured in university-aged students (Hillman et
al., 2003). But, these immediate benefits of exercise are not limited to younger
people. When sedentary adults between 60 and 85 years of age take up weekly
exercise, they show improved brain functioning and cognitive performance
(Hillman et al., 2008; Kramer et al., 1999).
Rigorous exercise has positive effects on the brain and on our cognitive abilities,
making it well worth the time and effort.
.shock/Fotolia
One important issue to address is whether these short-term effects translate into
lifelong cognitive benefits from exercise. Results from long-term studies indicate
that a lifestyle that includes regular exercise helps preserve cognitive function
and the brain systems that support it (van Praag, 2009). Researchers have
found that older people who are at genetic risk for developing Alzheimer’s
disease and who show cognitive impairments can slow the rate of memory
decline by exercising (Lautenschlager et al., 2008). It appears that levels of
brain chemicals such as BDNF are boosted by exercise, which helps explain the
changes in the brain that account for the cognitive benefits. Furthermore,
exercise supports the development of new nerve cells in the hippocampus, a
critical area for memory and cognitive activity (van Praag, 2008). Together,
these studies tell us that the benefits of exercise go far beyond helping you look
good.
Module 14.3a Quiz:
Coping
Know . . .
1. is the tendency to respond to problems with a pattern of anxiety,
hostility, anger, guilt, or nervousness.
A. A coping style
B. Negative affectivity
C. Pessimism
D. An aggression complex
2. What is brain-derived neurotrophic factor (BDNF)?

A. A protein in the nervous system that promotes survival, growth,
and formation of new synapses
B. A calorie-restricted diet that may involve eating approximately
60% of the normal amount of calories, while continuing to take in
the needed nutrients
C. A neurotransmitter that reduces stress and increases overall well-
being
D. A hormone that is released in those individuals with a healthy diet
Understand. . . .
3. is a positive coping strategy, while is a negative style of
coping.
A. Meditation; resilience
B. Pessimistic explanatory style; negative affectivity
C. Meditation; alcohol
D. Post-traumatic growth; resilience
Apply. . . .
4. Your partner suddenly broke up with you and did not offer an explanation.
If you attribute the breakup to your not being a very outgoing person, you
are demonstrating .
A. negative affectivity
B. a pessimistic explanatory style
C. resilience
D. a coping style
Analyze . . .
5. What is the most accurate conclusion regarding the effects of meditation
on stress and well-being?
A. Meditation is the absolute best way to combat stress and protect
your body from disease.
B. Advanced training in meditation will decrease stress in a manner
similar to simple relaxation techniques.
C. Meditation helps the practitioner control his or her physiological
responses, thereby decreasing stress and preventing health
problems such as cardiovascular disease.
D. Meditation is not a commonly used way of managing stress.
Perceived Control
As Dr. Pennebaker’s story from the beginning of this module illustrates, the most
stressful of circumstances are the ones that people have little or no control over.
For example, children who reside in abusive homes have no control over their
circumstances, nor do the victims of natural disasters. Each situation can result
in people acquiring a sense that their behaviour has little effect on external
events.
Laboratory experiments have demonstrated the negative impact that a lack of

control has on health and behaviour. A classic example comes from work on
avoidance learning in dogs conducted in the 1960s by Martin Seligman and his
colleagues (Seligman & Maier, 1967). In this study, dogs received electrical
shocks while strapped into a harness. Half of the dogs learned to press a panel
in order to escape the shock, thus providing them some control over their
stressor. The other half of the dogs received the same number of shocks as the
first group, but had no control over when the shocks would occur. After a delay,
each dog was placed in a device known as a shuttle box consisting of two small
areas separated by a low divider that the animal could easily jump across (see
Figure 14.10 ). On each experimental trial, a light in the shuttle box was
dimmed before the section of the box that the animal was standing on became
electrified, thus providing a shock similar to the one experienced in the earlier
part of the study. Through trial and error, animals that were in the controllable
stress condition learned that they could jump over the divider to the other side of
the shuttle box to get away from the shock; after a few trials, this behaviour
occurred immediately after the warning tone was presented, which allowed them
to avoid the shock altogether. In contrast, the dogs that had experienced the
uncontrollable shocks had difficulties learning to escape. Instead, they would lie
down, whine, and appear resigned to receive the shock. This finding was
described as learned helplessness —an acquired suppression of avoidance
or escape behaviour in response to unpleasant, uncontrollable circumstances.
Figure 14.10 The Learned Helplessness Procedure

In Seligman and Maier’s study, dogs that could avoid a painful shock would
quickly learn to do so. Conversely, dogs that initially learned they could not avoid
a shock remained passive when the opportunity to do so was given. The
acquired failure to avoid or escape unpleasant circumstances that are perceived
as uncontrollable is referred to as learned helplessness.
Later studies provided some interesting insights into learned helplessness, with
some potentially important implications for how humans respond to stress.
Researchers found that stress responses involve nuclei in the brainstem as well
as the ventral (lower) regions of the frontal lobes. When a stressful event is
controllable (e.g., being shocked, but having a way to escape), the brainstem
produces a stress response such as increased heart rate and blood pressure;
however, this response is then inhibited by the frontal lobes (Amat et al., 2005).
When a stressful event is not controllable, the brainstem provides a stress
response without being inhibited. This finding suggests that the degree to which
a person perceives a stressor to be controllable will influence whether the stress
response will be inhibited, and whether the person will experience an event as
being stressful.
The important point about learned helplessness is that the animal, or person,
learns that their actions cannot remove the stress in one situation (e.g., the
harness) and then generalizes that helplessness to other situations (e.g., the
shuttle box). This is similar to the thought processes of some people with
depression. People with depression are prone to hold beliefs that their actions
have no influence on external events, and that their environment and
circumstances dictate outcomes. Learned helplessness also has similarities to
anxiety disorders; namely, increased nervousness and a feeling of being unable
to escape a stressor (Maier & Watkins, 2005). Clearly, both aspects of learned
helplessness can negatively affect mental and physical well-being. This
phenomenon shows that the perception of control can have a dramatic effect on
our ability to cope. Without it, many humans and some nonhuman species will
endure pain and stress rather than initiating ways to avoid or escape it.
Compensatory Control and Health
The idea of a random world in which people lack personal control

over events can be discomforting. For example, hurricanes and
tornados are often referred to as “acts of God,” rather than the
result of an unfortunate confluence of meteorological events and
human-populated areas. But does having a sense of control lead
to better health?
What do we know about how people cope with

seemingly random events?
Some people feel as if they are the victims of random events,
while others believe themselves to be the beneficiaries of the
whims of life. However, the idea that randomness dictates worldly
events can create anxiety in people. Even if a person believes
randomness is the rule, he or she can become highly motivated
to find meaning in the world and, through this search, a sense
that the course of events is determined by the will of individuals
or God (Kay et al., 2009). In this way, many people cope with
stressful life events through compensatory
control —psychological strategies people use to preserve a
sense of nonrandom order when personal control is compromised
(Kay et al., 2009). For example, people who are skeptical of any
divine purpose in the world may change their view in the wake of
personal or societal tragedy. These observations are primarily
correlational, but researchers have conducted experiments to
determine causal relationships between sense of control and
beliefs about randomness versus orderliness.
How can science explain compensatory control?

To study compensatory control, researchers have developed a
laboratory task that manipulates people’s sense of personal
control over a situation (Whitson & Galinsky, 2008). In one
study, participants completed a concept identification task in
which two symbols were presented on a computer screen and the
participant had to guess which symbol correctly represented the
concept that the computer had chosen (e.g., the colour of the
symbol, its shape). The computer provided feedback on whether
the participants chose the correct or incorrect symbol after each
trial. Half of the participants received accurate feedback, while
the other half received completely random feedback—sometimes
their correct answers were recorded as incorrect, and vice versa.
Participants receiving random feedback reported feeling a lower
sense of control on a self-report measure.
Following the concept identification task, the participants then

viewed multiple pictures, such as those shown in Figure
14.11 . If you look closely, you will see that one of the pictures
has a horse-like figure in it, whereas the other image has no
discernible pattern. Participants in both conditions reported
seeing faintly drawn figures, such as the horse. However,
participants who had a diminished sense of control induced by
the random feedback they received on the computer task were
more likely to report seeing patterns within completely random
images (Whitson & Galinsky, 2008).
Figure 14.11 Seeing Images Where There Are

None
Do you see a figure in the image on the left? You may see a
figure resembling a horse. What about on the right? There is no
discernible image intended for this image. Psychologists have
found that individuals who feel as though they lack control are
more likely to detect patterns in the image at right than are people
who feel a greater sense of control (Whitson & Galinsky, 2008).
Source: From Whitson, J. A., & Galinsky, A. D. (2008). Lacking control increases illusory pattern
perception. Science, 322, 115–117. Copyright © 2008 by AAAS. Reprinted through Rightslink, by
permission of the AAAS.
It appears that when people feel their sense of control is

undermined, they compensate by heightening their search for
structure in the world, to the point of calling upon their
imagination. This is evident in other domains as well, not just
detecting patterns in random, snowy images. People also gain a
greater need for structure and become increasingly willing to
believe in superstitious rituals and conspiracy theories when their
sense of control is diminished (Figure 14.12 ; Kay et al., 2009;
Whitson & Galinsky, 2008).
Figure 14.12 Exercising Compensatory Control
When people feel as though they lack control over the world, their
need for structure, perceptual order, and beliefs in superstition
and conspiracies increases. Participants who perceived that they
were in control of events were unlikely to see images in snowy
pictures (see Figure 14.11 ) and did not hold superstitious
beliefs or endorse conspiracy theories. When people perceived
that they had lost a sense of control during the experimental
procedure, they reported a greater need for structure, perceived
images in random arrays, became more superstitious, and
endorsed conspiracy theories (Whitson & Galinsky, 2008).
Source: Based on data from Whitson, J. A., & Galinsky, A. D. (2008). Lacking control increases
illusory pattern perception. Science, 322, 115–117.

A major advantage of the study described here is that the
researchers were able to experimentally induce a perceived lack
of control in the participants who received random feedback on
their performance on the computerized task. The observation that
these participants then perceived images within randomness and
showed a heightened belief in superstition and conspiracies may
help to explain how people respond to lost control outside of the
laboratory. Of course, one limitation is that a real-world lack of
control, such as that which occurs in the face of a natural disaster
or the loss of a job, has far greater consequences. Thus, as with
any laboratory experiment, there is a limit to the degree to which
the results generalize.

Having a sense of control greatly affects how we think about and
interpret the world. In addition, it affects our health. Individuals
who believe they can predict and influence present and future
events tend to have improved physical and mental well-being
compared to people who believe the opposite. For example,
patients who are scheduled to undergo medical procedures, such
as a colonoscopy, have reduced anxiety for the procedure if they
are given clear, informative tutorials about the procedure before it
occurs (Luck et al., 1999).
Researchers have found that when people perceive that they

have lost a sense of control during an experimental procedure,
they report a greater need for structure, perceive images in
random arrays, become more superstitious, and endorse
conspiracy theories (Kay et al., 2009). These researchers have
also suggested that religion is sometimes used as a form of
compensatory control (Kay et al., 2010). What do you think?
People may also compensate for their lack of control by

performing superstitious rituals, which can provide a sense of at
least partial control over outcomes. This can be seen in everyday
examples, such as among athletes who follow the same steps
when preparing for a game, as well as in extreme, maladaptive
forms, such as in obsessive–compulsive disorder (covered in
Module 15.3 ).
Module 14.3b Quiz:

Perceived Control
Know . . .
1. is an acquired suppression of avoidance or escape behaviour in

response to unpleasant, uncontrollable circumstances.
A. Compensatory control
B. Learned helplessness
C. Coping
D. Resilience
Understand . . .
2. People often turn to religion to explain natural disasters. This behaviour

demonstrates the concept of .
A. compensatory control
B. learned helplessness
C. coping
D. resilience
3. A mentally healthy person who is prone to claiming that patterns exist

where there are none
A. is showing negative affectivity.
B. is showing signs of post-traumatic growth.
C. probably feels a lost sense of control over a problem or situation.
D. has a pessimistic explanatory style.
Module 14.3 Summary

14.3a Know . . . the key terminology associated with coping and
well-being:
biofeedback
brain-derived neurotrophic factor (BDNF)
compensatory control
coping
learned helplessness
meditation
mindfulness-based stress reduction (MBSR)
negative affectivity
optimism
pessimism
pessimistic explanatory style
post-traumatic growth
resilience
14.3b Understand . . . how control over the environment influences

coping and outlook.
Psychologists have discovered that people (and dogs) become more willing to
allow unpleasant events to occur if they learn (or believe) that their behaviour
brings no change. Having at least some degree of control helps people (and
dogs) cope with these events. When control is threatened, people use
compensatory responses, such as detecting order within random images.
14.3c Understand . . . positive and negative styles of coping.
Whether someone copes using a positive or negative style is related to

personality (e.g., optimism versus pessimism). Positive coping includes the
concept of resilience—the ability to recover from adversity, and even benefit from
the experience, as is the case with post-traumatic growth. Coping via negative
affectivity and pessimism can have both psychological and physiological
disadvantages.
14.3d Apply . . . your knowledge of the beneficial effects of optimism

to help you reframe stressful situations as positive opportunities.
Apply Activity
For each of the following four situations, try to think of both a pessimistic and an
optimistic way of interpreting the event.
1. You find out that you are one of four people to be scheduled for an
interview for a job you really want.
2. Your flight home from Europe is overbooked, so your return home is
delayed by a day.
3. Your car has a flat tire and you have to bike 10 km to get to school in
time for your 10 a.m. class.
4. Your friend decides to stop attending the kickboxing class that you really
enjoy.
How did you feel after each optimistic and pessimistic interpretation? Did you
feel better after putting a positive spin on things?
14.3e Analyze . . . whether activities such as relaxation techniques,

meditation, and biofeedback actually help people cope with stress
and problems.
Meditation and other relaxation methods have been found to be quite effective in
reducing stress. While some training and practice may be necessary, these
techniques are by no means inaccessible to those who are motivated to pursue
them.
Chapter 15 Psychological
Disorders
15.1 Defining and Classifying Psychological Disorders

Defining Abnormal Behaviour 616
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Labelling and Mental Disorders

619
Applications of Psychological Diagnoses 622
15.2 Personality and Dissociative Disorders

Defining and Classifying Personality Disorders 625
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Antisocial Personality Disorder

626
The Biopsychosocial Approach to Personality Disorders 629
Dissociative Identity Disorder 630

15.3 Anxiety, Obsessive-Compulsive, and Depressive Disorders

Anxiety Disorders 634
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Specific Phobias 635
Mood Disorders 639
15.4 Schizophrenia
Symptoms and Types of Schizophrenia 645
Explaining Schizophrenia 648
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: The Neurodevelopmental

Hypothesis 649

Module 15.1 Defining and
Classifying Psychological
Disorders
MPI/Archive Photos/Getty Images
Learning Objectives
15.1a Know . . . the key terminology associated with defining and classifying
psychological disorders.
15.1b Understand . . . advantages and criticisms associated with the Diagnostic
and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5).
15.1c Apply . . . your knowledge of the mental disorders defence to decide if
defendants are criminally responsible for their actions.
15.1d Analyze . . . whether the benefits of labelling psychological disorders
outweigh the disadvantages.
Over the centuries, our understanding of psychological disorders has

come a very, very long way. In the Middle Ages, people who we would
now consider “mentally ill” may have experienced a wide range of
reactions from society. They may have been viewed as possessed and
requiring religious exorcism or even torture. The reason for these
extreme responses was that many people in this era believed that that
individuals who exhibited unusual behaviours (such as responding to
voices that no one else heard or having hallucinations) were under the
sway of evil spirits inhabiting their bodies (Hunter & Macalpine, 1963).
By the 16th century, this belief was part of the witch scares, which for at
least two centuries created mass paranoia as the public sought protection
from witches, who were believed to gain their power through an
allegiance with the devil. Armed with the Malleus Maleficarum (Hammer
of the Witches), a 1486 German text filled with detailed instructions for
identifying witches, countless people were subjected to “tests,” such as
looking for the “Devil’s mark” on the body, a visible spot such as a mole
or birthmark that could be interpreted as a sign of allegiance with the
Devil.
“Treatments” for mental illness were directly based on this model of

illness (i.e., possession by evil). Brutal imprisonment, torture, and demon
exorcism were not designed with human psychology in mind. Their goal
was not to rehabilitate dysfunctional thoughts, emotions, and behaviours.
Rather, the focus was on driving the demon out of the person’s body, or
simply executing them, as in the witch-hunting craze that saw the
execution of tens of thousands of innocent people (almost all of whom
were women).
Thankfully, times have changed.
Focus Questions
1. Are psychological disorders fundamentally different from physical

illnesses, or should we view them the same way?
2. Which guidelines or criteria allow psychologists to diagnose a
mental disorder such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD)?
One of the defining characteristics of these early responses to psychological

disorders was the desire to identify people who were different. In some cases,
these differences really were a cause for concern, with some individuals being a
danger to themselves or to others. However, as you just read, many of the
people identified as being mentally ill were simply different in some, often minor,
way. Although these witch hunts tell us more about the psychological state of the
“hunters” than the “witches,” they also highlights an issue that still influences
psychological care today: What makes a behaviour or characteristic “abnormal?”
Defining Abnormal Behaviour
As the ascension of scientific thought began to displace the religious domination

of the Middle Ages, explanations for mental illness shifted from demon
possession to physical illnesses. Asylums , residential facilities for the
mentally ill, were set up across Europe, with the general goal of curing the
patients’ bodily afflictions that gave rise to their symptoms. Their treatments
would certainly not meet modern standards of medical care and were generally
ineffective, such as draining up to 40% of a person’s total blood volume! There
were even treatments such as throwing the person into a pit of snakes. As
unbelievable as that seems (not to mention how difficult it would be for doctors to
make house calls. . .), the hope was to shock the person out of their diseased
state (Szasz, 2006).
A fortunate change in society’s approach to treating mental illness came with the
courageous activism of two heroic figures, Philippe Pinel, a physician in France,
and Dorothea Dix, a schoolteacher in the United States (see Module 16.1 ).
Their tireless advocacy for the mentally ill led to widespread reforms that
ushered in a new approach, called moral treatment, which led to patients being
treated with kindness and decency, able to roam the hospital halls and get
outside for fresh air. However, there were still virtually no effective treatments,
and many people afflicted with mental illness were permanently incarcerated.
By the 1950s, approximately 66 000 people were in psychiatric hospitals in

Canada (Greenland et al., 2001). Things began to change in 1955 when the
drug chlorpromazine (also known as Thorazine) was introduced. Suddenly,
people with schizophrenia and other disorders involving being “out of touch” with
reality were able to function independently, even holding down jobs and living at
home with their families. The success of chlorpromazine and other medications
led to widespread deinstitutionalization , the movement of large numbers of
psychiatric in-patients from their care facilities back into regular society, which
led to a drop in the number of psychiatric inpatients by over 80% over the next
three decades (Torrey, 1997).
The return of hundreds of thousands of people to regular life had its down sides,
however. Many former in-patients quit their medications, slipped back into their
disorders, and became homeless. Also, although the treatments at this time were
effective in improving many people’s symptoms, they were not cures. Many
challenges remained in reintegrating people with schizophrenia and similar
disorders into their families and communities.
Unfortunately, helping people reintegrate into regular life was not a central part of
the psychiatric approach to treating mental illnesses. Instead, the guiding
paradigm for mental health and mental illness is the medical model, which has
held sway since the end of the Middle Ages. The medical model sees
psychological conditions through the same lens as Western medicine tends to
see physical conditions—as sets of symptoms, causes, and outcomes, with
treatments aimed at changing physiological processes in order to alleviate
symptoms. Through this lens, psychological disorders such as depression,
anxiety disorders, or autism can be approached in the same manner as
conventional medicine would approach diabetes or cancer. What the medical
model is generally missing is an appreciation for the whole system of factors that
affects the person’s overall functioning.
In recent decades, the medical model has begun to give way to the
biopsychosocial model, which includes physiological processes within a holistic
view of the person as a set of multiple interacting systems (Table 15.1 ). For
example, depression involves biological factors (e.g., serotonin transmission in
the brain), psychological factors (e.g., negative beliefs about the self), and social
factors (e.g., relationship rejection and social isolation). Understanding the
multiple systems that underlie disorders such as depression gives us greater
insight into how to develop more effective treatments; in particular, it becomes
easier to see how important it is to use convergent treatment approaches,
treating more than one system at a time so as to affect the person’s overall
functioning (see Module 16.2 . and 16.3 ).
Table 15.1 Biological, Psychological, and Sociocultural Factors Influence

Both Physical and Mental Disorders
Diabetes Major Depression
Biological Genetic influences on pancreatic Genetic influences on

function; excessive refined sugars neurotransmitter production
and function; sleep
disruption; lack of positive
emotional arousal
Psychological Poor food choices; sedentary Negative self-concept;

lifestyle; alcohol abuse pessimism; negative life
experiences
Sociocultural Familial and cultural foods and Lack of social support; social
traditions; limited budget for withdrawal; lack of
groceries; lack of physical and psychological services;
nutritional education in schools; lack stigma regarding
of role models psychological treatments
What is “Normal” Behaviour?

One of the thorniest problems in the mental health field has always been how to
reliably identify who has a mental disorder in the first place (if a disorder is even
a thing that you can have). Given the immense range of apparently normal
human behaviour and experience, how can we determine what is abnormal?
You might expect that it would be simple to decide whether or not someone has
a disorder—you just have to figure out whether or not they are “normal.”
However, one of the main insights we have gained as a global society is just how
different “normal” can be from different perspectives. “Normal” can be owning
slaves, or it can be speaking in tongues during a religious ceremony; it can be
living in fear of being shot by an opposing gang or army, or it can be taking part
in village dances where everyone links arms and dances together while mostly
naked. Or, it can be sitting quietly in a coffee shop reading a psychology
textbook.
It is amazing to pause for a moment and think about this diversity, and how, from
the perspective of the people living in a particular culture, their practices seem
perfectly normal and even right (the way things should be); but from outside that
cultural framework the same practices may seem strange or even absurd. The
same applies to individuals—what makes sense from your perspective may not
make sense to others. “Normal” proves to be very elusive indeed.
This creates a real challenge for the clinical psychologist, who tries to determine
whether a person’s behaviour and experience are abnormal enough to warrant
treatment, and furthermore, what specifically has gone wrong to make them this
way, and how it can be fixed. The clinician has to use some sort of perspective
as a framework; she has to judge the person’s behaviour against some sort of
standard. But what should that be? How can this be done without injecting too
much bias from the clinician’s own perspective?
The key criterion used by psychologists in deciding whether a person has a

disorder is whether the person’s thoughts, feelings, or behaviours are
maladaptive , meaning that they causes distress to oneself or others, impairs
day-to-day functioning, or increases the risk of injury or harm to oneself or others
(American Psychiatric Association, 2013). However, there are many
exceptions to this guideline. Some behaviours fulfill these criteria but do not
necessarily indicate mental illness. Consider the following:
Heavy drug users and people with psychopathic tendencies may not think
they have a problem.
Family members may be concerned about a person’s involvement in a new
relationship, or may disapprove of body modifications such as tattoos or
piercings.
Mourning the loss of a loved one or having a religious conversion may
interfere with one’s day-to-day activities.
Activists may get arrested for protesting government actions and extreme
sports enthusiasts may risk death or injury out of passion for their sport.
Obviously, the criteria for determining whether a given behaviour should be

viewed as a disorder are not perfect and cannot account for all circumstances.
But, generally speaking, when a person’s behaviour and experience start to
become significantly dysfunctional, there may be cause for concern. In order to
make more specific diagnoses and determine exactly what type of disorder a
person may have, mental health professionals rely on a carefully designed
system.
Psychology’s Puzzle: How to Diagnose

Psychological Disorders
The attempt to develop a rigorous system for diagnosing mental illness goes
back to at least 1840, when the U.S. government wanted to collect data on
mental illness in the country and included in the official census a single category
to denote mental illness: “idiocy/insanity.” (Apparently, sensitivity had not yet
been invented.) By 1917, this had evolved into a guide for mental hospitals,
called the “Statistical Manual for the Use of Institutions for the Insane.” In World
War II, American psychiatrists were hired in large numbers by the U.S. military to
aid in the selection of soldiers and to treat mental disturbances resulting from
military duty.
Building on the military’s diagnostic system, as well as the sixth edition of the
World Health Organization’s International Statistical Classification of Disease
(which included mental disorders), the American Psychiatric Association created
the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) ,a
standardized manual to aid in the diagnosis of disorders; this edition described
the symptoms of 106 different mental disorders. The purpose for developing the
DSM was to provide mental health workers with a reliable method for diagnosing
mental illness and to ensure consistency across different institutions and
hospitals.
It is worth noting that from the very beginning, the DSM was rooted in a
psychobiological view, which argued that mental disorders represented an
individual’s specific reactions to psychological, social, and biological processes.
However, other emphases changed over the years, from an initial focus on
psychodynamic views to a later focus on cognitive and biological perspectives.
By the mid-1990s, the DSM had gone through several revisions and was
expanded to include over 350 different disorders.
Why are there now almost four times as many disorders than there were half a
century ago? The answer to this question may depend on your perspective.
Some would argue that improvements in clinical science have enabled us to
better diagnose people, and the new disorders are entirely valid categorizations
of symptoms. Another more disturbing possibility is that the creation of ever-
more categories of disorders has been engineered in part by pharmaceutical
companies as a way of increasing the number of disorders people will need to be
treated for. This topic has become a battlefield between those who believe
science continually improves our understanding of mental illness, and those who
believe that more aspects of human experience are being described as medical
“conditions” in order to feed the profits of pharmaceutical companies.
Whatever the ultimate reason, the DSM remains the standard reference manual
in the mental health field, particularly in North America. The latest edition, the
DSM-5, was published in May 2013. In order to aid in the process of diagnosis,
the DSM-5 describes three important pieces of information for each disorder: a
set of symptoms and the number of symptoms that must be met in order to have
the disorder; the etiology (origins or causes) of symptoms; and a prognosis
or prediction of how these symptoms will persist or change over time.
Critiquing the DSM

The DSM has received its share of criticism over the years. The central issue is,
essentially, that there are no perfect ways of measuring psychological disorders.
Psychologists and psychiatrists don’t have precise tools, like litmus tests in
chemistry that can tell you precisely whether something is an acid or a base.
Instead, the diagnostic process is highly subjective, involving human subjects
and human clinicians trying to make sense of a messy, ever-changing, set of
subjective impressions. In order to try to help clinicians cut through some of this
confusion, the DSM offers lists of specific symptoms that are indicative of
specific disorders. This is an attempt to make the diagnostic process more
objective, which should decrease the likelihood that diagnoses are based on
individual clinicians’ biases.
Unfortunately, this doesn’t entirely solve the problem for many reasons. For one,
a clinician still has to subjectively decide whether a client displays each symptom
and whether it is severe enough to be considered a symptom or just normal
experience. For example, at what precise point does “depressed mood” pass out
of the range of normal experiences (we’re all sad sometimes and go through
difficult periods in life), and into the pathological range? Another problem is that
different disorders often share many common symptoms; as a result, different
mental health professionals might make different diagnoses. The DSM was
created, in large part, to help making the process of diagnosing a disorder more
objective and reliable, but the very nature of human experience is often
subjective, vague, and unreliable.
An additional weakness of the DSM is that there is a fine, and essentially

arbitrary, line between whether a person is considered to have a disorder or not.
For each disorder, the DSM provides a list of possible symptoms and guidelines
as to how many of the symptoms the person must have before being given the
diagnosis. If a person seems to have the necessary number (e.g., five out of nine
possible symptoms), then he has the disorder, but with one symptom less, he
doesn’t. In practice, what this means is that the diagnosis a person receives, and
even whether a person receives any diagnosis at all, can depend on a single
symptom. This obviously creates a major accuracy problem.
The DSM, by its very existence, also implies that disorders can be objectively
defined; the DSM has a lot of authority, and if a set of symptoms is given a
diagnostic label, people conclude that there is a real disorder, like a sickness or
a disease, that people can “get.” This way of thinking has contributed to the
stigmatization of mental illness, and has added to the discomfort and resistance
people feel towards the mental health field. It has also led to serious problems
when the biases and norms operating in a particular time and place get
expressed as scientific fact. For example, in some early versions of the DSM,
homosexuality was considered a disorder. Psychologists feel differently now
about the diversity of normal sexual experience, and this is reflected in the DSM-
5. However, this example does lead one to wonder whether some patterns of
behaviour that are currently considered pathological are defined that way
because of biases that we hold.
Critics also express concern that giving mental health workers more labels with
which to diagnose clients is not necessarily a good thing and may lead to over-
diagnosis. For example, consider attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD),
which is commonly applied to children who have problems adjusting to
elementary school (especially boys, who are at least three times more likely to
be diagnosed with ADHD than girls; Barkley, 1998). Since being included in the
DSM, ADHD diagnoses have skyrocketed, although only in North America (in
Europe, ADHD only seems to occur 10% as often). Estimates of the prevalence
of ADHD range from the most common rate of 3–5% up to about 20% (Shaywitz
& Shaywitz, 1991).
Critics charge that the handy availability of the ADHD diagnosis makes it too
easy to label children as having a “condition” and then medicate them. Studies
have shown that between 20% to 70% of children diagnosed with ADHD no
longer met the criteria once they reached adulthood (Weiss & Hechtman, 1993);
this raises the possibility that many children are being medicated for what is,
essentially, normal development.
Perhaps one solution for improving the diagnostic accuracy of the DSM—both in
general and for ADHD specifically—is to develop more objective, biological
indicators such as genetic markers, indicators of neurotransmitter dysfunction, or
brain abnormalities, that are involved in the symptoms and functional deficits
experienced by the individual. These efforts are underway, although the field
has a long way to go before such biological markers can be substantially
incorporated into diagnostic criteria (Hyman, 2007).
The Power of a Diagnosis

The long-term effects of receiving a specific diagnosis can be substantial. To
continue the example of ADHD, for most children, by the time they get assessed
for this condition, they will have experienced an accumulation of problematic
behaviours— getting in trouble for being restless or misbehaving in class,
forgetting to do homework, interrupting frequently during conversations, not
paying attention, and falling behind in school. Imagine how welcome such a
diagnosis would be, especially perhaps to the parents or teachers who would
appreciate having something (like medication), that can help the child function
more effectively, or at the very least, become easier to manage.
However, as you have seen, diagnosing disorders is not always a simple task.
Imagine, for example, a person with a considerable amount of anxiety, odd
behaviour patterns, and a strong need to control the environment, who is
evaluated by a clinician in early adulthood when these patterns are just starting
to develop. Depending on exactly what had been happening in that person’s life
and recent experiences, coupled with that clinician’s particular biases and ways
of interpreting things, several different diagnoses might be possible ranging from
personality disorders (Module 15.2 ) to anxiety disorders or obsessive-
compulsive disorder (Module 15.3 ). Or, the person could be deemed to not
have a disorder or to be sub-clinical, meaning that his symptoms do not quite
meet the criteria for diagnosis. What happens after this point may differ
dramatically, depending on the diagnosis. The person may enter treatment
programs or take medications for quite different disorders, or the person may not
have sufficiently met the criteria for a disorder and may not get the help she
needs. Small differences in initial diagnosis can lead to big differences in long-
term treatment and outcomes.
An additional concern is that once a person has been labelled as having a

disorder, the label itself may change how that person is viewed by others, and
how subsequent behaviours are interpreted.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Labelling

and Mental Disorders
What are the outcomes of diagnosing a person as having a

particular disorder? On the positive side, it is hoped that receiving
a diagnosis should make people more likely to seek and receive
effective treatment. Also, a diagnosis should facilitate
communication among mental health professionals: A label
indicates a set of symptoms, probable causes, and potential
treatments, thus summarizing and highlighting the important
pieces of information that will be useful for treating the person.
However, these diagnostic labels can also have their drawbacks,
such as biasing how people will subsequently interpret the
person’s actions or experiences, or changing how people feel
about themselves.
What do we know about how labels affect people?

It is important to put the following information in the proper
context, which is the recognition that diagnostic labels can be
very helpful; they can help people understand their experiences
and communicate in a standardized way with whoever they may
need to as they manage their symptoms and navigate the mental
healthcare system. However, it is also, unfortunately, the case
that being labelled with a mental illness can potentially damage a
person’s material, social, and psychological well-being in a
variety of ways (Link et al., 1989; Rosenfield, 1997).
For example, seeing oneself as mentally ill can be associated

with low self-esteem or feelings of helplessness. In some cases,
a diagnosis may lead a person to indulge in even more extreme
or destructive behaviour patterns. Because of stigma and
negative attitudes towards the mentally ill, people may expect
that other people will reject and devalue them. This may lead
them to withdraw from social contact and fail to seek the support
that could help them (Kroska & Harkness, 2006; Link, 1987).
People may also become demoralized about their capabilities
and themselves in general, which then interferes with their
motivations and goal-related striving. Sadly, in a classic self-
fulfilling prophecy, the long-term effects can be that people end
up experiencing the social rejection and stigmatization they
initially feared (Kroska & Harkness, 2006). In short, diagnostic
labels are supposed to help; but they have the potential to cause
harm as well. This doesn’t necessarily mean we should stop
using diagnostic labels; but it does mean that we should be
especially concerned about using them accurately.
How can science explain how labels may affect perceptions

of another person’s behaviour?
One of the most surprising and daring studies ever conducted in
psychology occurred in the early 1970s, when eight people,
volunteering with David Rosenhan, decided to get themselves
committed to psychiatric hospitals. None of the eight were
experiencing any symptoms of mental illness, but when they went
to their doctors and complained that they were hearing voices,
they received diagnoses for schizophrenia or bipolar disorder (a
mood disorder discussed in Module 15.3 ), and were admitted
to a psychiatric hospital for observation and treatment. Once they
were in the hospital, the challenge was to convince the doctors
that there was, in fact, nothing wrong with them and they could be
released back to their regular lives.
Once admitted, the volunteers exhibited no further symptoms and

simply tried to behave “normally.” Nevertheless, their behaviours
were often interpreted as abnormal in some way by their doctors,
so that even normal behaviours such as asking a question to a
doctor, or talking about one’s relatively normal childhood, would
be interpreted as abnormal by doctors or hospital staff. Despite
the volunteers’ best efforts to be released, it took from seven to
59 days for their doctors to be convinced their symptoms were in
remission; interestingly, in that time period, they were also given
a total of 2100 pills to take (which they merely pretended to take
but were able to dispose of when nobody was looking)
(Rosenhan, 1973).

It is tempting to ask whether the labels applied to psychological
disorders are beneficial or harmful, but this question may actually
oversimplify the situation. For one, the advantages of this system
are clear for professionals: Labels are a necessary means of
identifying and describing the problems they encounter. There is
also evidence to suggest that labels help individuals understand
their own situation and offer hope for successful treatment. Some
psychologists who are in favour of labels have argued that
Rosenhan’s study failed to address the larger issue of labels
because the symptoms he used were so marked and severe.
Auditory hallucinations are such a hallmark of disorders such as
schizophrenia that it would be virtually impossible, perhaps even
irresponsible, for a doctor to fail to diagnose an appropriate
disorder and to use this diagnosis in judging the person’s
subsequent behaviours. Thus, it seems that labels can be both
helpful and harmful in certain instances. In an ideal world, we
would be able to keep the labels and get rid of the stigma. This
may not be entirely possible, but it is a goal for psychologists and
the community to work toward.

Many of the potential costs or risks associated with being
diagnosed with a psychological disorder stem from the more
general problem of stigma toward mental illness. Researchers
from a number of academic areas have identified some
techniques that work in reducing stigmatization. For example,
research shows that personal contact and knowledge of
biopsychosocial explanations of mental illness are associated
with a more accepting attitude toward people with psychological
disorders (Boyd et al., 2010).
Education seems to matter, too: When individuals are instructed

about the first-person experience of mental illness, they show
greater acceptance than groups that simply learn the facts about
mental illness (Mann & Himelien, 2008). A student organization
known as Active Minds operates on university and college
campuses in several countries including Canada and the United
States and has had success in reducing the stigma associated
with mental illness (McKinney, 2009). Keep these findings in
mind as you read the rest of this chapter. As an informed student,
you will be less likely to judge others and more likely to seek help
yourself, or to recommend it to others, if it is ever needed.
The idea of examining behaviour from a biological, psychological (cognitive), and

social perspective is a pervading theme in psychology and in this text. This
biopsychosocial model is particularly important in clinical psychology. Some
disorders are more common in some cultures than in others. The specific
symptoms of these disorders can also vary. Whether these differences are due
to genetic differences, cultural biases, or a combination of many factors is an
important area of research in psychology.
Biopsychosocial Perspectives Symptoms,
Treatments, and Culture

Psychological disorders may not present the same across different
cultures, and a lack of appreciation for these cultural differences can
potentially lead to misdiagnoses. For example, post-traumatic stress
disorder (PTSD) is a common psychological illness involving
recurring thoughts, images, and nightmares associated with a traumatic
event; it induces symptoms of tension and anxiety and can seriously
interfere with many aspects of a person’s life. PTSD affects almost 10%
of the Canadian population at some point in their lives (Van Ameringen
et al., 2008). Given that it seems unlikely that the world will stop having
disasters, wars, and violence, PTSD will likely be an unfortunate
companion for many on the road of life.
Despite the seemingly universal physiological symptoms of PTSD,

researchers have found interesting differences in the cognitive and
emotional symptoms between different groups. For example, people who
experienced trauma in the U.S.-led war in Afghanistan and the 2004
tsunami in the Indian Ocean showed somewhat different symptoms,
depending on whether they were Americans or natives to the region (i.e.,
Afghans during the war, or Sri Lankans during the tsunami). Americans
tended to report difficult internal experiences such as flashbacks,
whereas Afghans and Sri Lankans were more likely to experience
worries about the welfare of their families and communities. Thus,
recurring personal flashbacks seem to be more of an individualistic
phenomenon, whereas recurring worries about others seem to be more
of a collectivistic phenomenon (Fernando, 2008; Miller et al., 2006).
Factoring such cultural differences into diagnostic research and practice
is an ongoing challenge.
Cultural differences play a role in treatments as well. For example, one of

the more controversial possible breakthroughs in the treatment of PTSD
involves psychological therapy combined with carefully prescribed doses
of MDMA (the psychoactive component in the street drug ecstasy). Thus
far, MDMA, in combination with psychological therapy, has proven to be
an effective treatment for cases of PTSD that resist other forms of
treatment (Mithoefer et al., 2013; Oehen et al., 2013). The effectiveness
seems due to multiple mechanisms. For example, the oxytocin release
induced by MDMA helps with the emotional bonding and trust that is
essential to the therapeutic alliance between therapist and client (see
Module 16.1 ), and the effects on serotonin seem beneficial for
helping to reduce the anxiety that is key to PTSD. In short, MDMA helps
people attain an open and secure state of mind so that they can more
effectively face the trauma and begin to address, through therapy, the
reactions it provokes.
Of course, there are large cultural and sub-cultural differences in the

acceptance of drugs such as MDMA, which is illegal in North America.
Therefore, it is unclear whether this treatment option will become
available to patients with PTSD.
Survivors of major disasters are at risk for developing PTSD. Cultural

factors influence the nature of the anxiety that people experience in the
wake of such disasters.
Hou Yu/ZUMAPRESS/Newscom
Module 15.1a Quiz:
Defining Abnormal Behaviour
Know . . .
1. Rosenhan’s classic study “On Being Sane in Insane Places” showed that
A. psychiatric institutions actually make disorders more likely,
because they reinforce odd behaviour and they offer ready-made
labels that people use to “pathologize” themselves.
B. therapists who come from a Freudian, psychoanalytic background
can easily be tricked into believing people have a disorder that
they do not in fact have, whereas therapists who are trained in
modern cognitive-behavioural therapy do not make this same
mistake.
C. once people have been labelled with a specific disorder, this will
change how other people interpret their behaviour and behave
toward them.
D. the presence of a mentally healthy person in a group of mentally
ill patients can dramatically improve the functional scores of the
patients.
Understand . . .
2. Which of the following is a problem with the DSM?
A. There is no objectively definable line separating normal from
abnormal; thus, determining whether a person has a disorder or
not relies upon criteria for distinguishing normal from abnormal,
and those criteria are essentially arbitrary.
B. The construction of the DSM may reflect the influence of the
pharmaceutical industry.
C. It may lead to over-diagnosis, because it provides diagnostic
labels that can be appealing to people for a variety of reasons
(such as offering hope that treatment is possible or making a
child’s behaviour more manageable).
D. All of the above are potential issues with the DSM.
3. Which of the following is not a psychiatric criterion for mental illness?

A. Expression of behaviour that causes distress to self or others
B. The condition must be categorical
C. Impairment of functioning
D. Increased high-risk behaviour (e.g., drug use, speeding)
Apply . . .
4. Which of the following statements about PTSD is true?
A. People of all cultures experience the exact same concerns after
trauma.
B. Some cultures are immune to stress reactions.
C. Physiological symptoms of PTSD may be common among people
of different cultures, but the specific concerns people have can
vary.
D. PTSD occurs only in cultures that use a medical model.
Applications of Psychological Diagnoses
Perhaps one of the most important things to appreciate about psychological

disorders is that there is no perfect test for identifying them. Being able to reliably
diagnose particular disorders is a central and ongoing challenge to the mental
health fields, and has an impact on problems that range from getting individuals
the treatment they need to assessing criminal responsibility in the legal system.
The fact that our measurements of psychological disorders are not nearly as
accurate as we would like makes these issues even more difficult to deal with. In
many cases, we cannot even say with confidence whether someone is mentally
ill and what psychological illness or disorder they have.
The Mental Disorder Defence (AKA the Insanity
Defence)
This lack of diagnostic accuracy plays a big role in the criminal justice system.
You have no doubt heard that in some trials a defendant will plead “not guilty by
reason of insanity.” The legal reasoning behind a person being defined as legally
sane (i.e., criminally responsible) or not, is based on the M’Naghten rule, which
goes all the way back to 1843 in Great Britain. Daniel M’Naghten assassinated
the Prime Minister’s secretary, but the jury was convinced that he was not guilty.
They believed that he had been incapable of knowing that what he did was
wrong, so M’Naghten was committed to a mental institution, and the plea “not
guilty by reason of insanity” entered the legal profession.
In Canada, the insanity defence is now referred to as the mental disorder

defence . This defence does not deny that the person committed the offence,
but claims that the defendant was in such an extreme, abnormal state of mind
when committing the crime that he or she could not discern that the actions were
legally or morally wrong. For example, a person could cause a car accident or
commit murder when in a severely dissociated state, such as could occur due to
schizophrenia. Applying the mental disorder defence is extremely tricky, and
indeed, it is rarely used. One study showed that this defence is used in less than
1% of cases in Canadian courts and it has a success rate of less than 25%
(Maxwell, 2015).
Whether or not we can objectively and accurately measure “sanity” is extremely

important, as it could be the deciding factor in whether a person becomes a
convicted felon or receives psychiatric treatment. However, determining whether
or not a person was “sane” when they committed a crime is not an easy thing to
do.
Consider two well-known Canadian examples of the mental disorder defence. In

2006, in Barrie, Ontario, Elaine Campione drowned both of her daughters (aged
3 years and 19 months) in a bathtub. At the time, she was involved in a custody
battle with her ex-husband. Elaine had been diagnosed with a variety of
psychological disorders and suffered delusions including that others were trying
to steal her children. Her lawyer argued that she was not criminally responsible
for her actions, but the Crown countered that even though she was mentally ill,
her particular disorders did not prevent her from knowing right from wrong. She
was convicted of first-degree murder (Supreme Court of Canada, 2011).
In Edmonton, Alberta in 2013, Nerlin Sarmiento drowned her 7-year-old son in a

bathtub. Her lawyer argued that she was so deeply overwhelmed by a major
depressive episode that was part of her bipolar disorder that she had become
convinced that she was actually rescuing her son from a life of poverty and
suffering, and believed that killing him was an act of mercy and kindness. In this
case, the courts decided that Nerlin was not criminally responsible for her son’s
death, and required her to receive psychiatric treatment rather than going to jail
(CBC News, 2013).
The critical issue, legally speaking, is whether the person was, at the time of
committing the crime, capable of knowing that what they were doing was wrong.
The Courts decided that Elaine Campione knew what she was doing was wrong,
whereas Nerlin Sarmiento did not. Cases such as these show both the
importance of psychology to the legal system and the difficulties associated with
understanding a defendant’s mental state. They also highlight the importance of
accurately diagnosing a patient’s condition.
Module 15.1b Quiz:
Applications of Psychological Diagnoses
Know . . .
1. The standard used to judge whether a defendant was capable to knowing
that what he or she did was wrong is known as the
A. McLaughlin rule.
B. M’Naghten rule.
C. Criminal Responsibility law.
D. Law of Effect.
Understand . . .
2. As described in this section, in the legal system the term “insanity”
A. is itself a psychological disorder.
B. describes a person with any psychological disorder.
C. is not recognized.
D. means that an individual could not distinguish between right and
wrong when he or she broke a law.
Module 15.1 Summary
15.1a Know . . . the key terminology associated with defining and

classifying psychological disorders.
asylums
deinstitutionalization
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM)
etiology
maladaptive
medical model
mental disorder defence
post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD)
15.1b Understand . . . the advantages and criticisms associated with

the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5).
Using the DSM-5 ensures that all psychologists and psychiatrists are using the
same criteria to define different psychological disorders; this improves the
reliability and consistency of psychological diagnoses. However, the DSM-5 has
faced many criticisms. First, psychologists need to decide if a symptom is severe
enough to warrant treatment. Second, the number of symptoms that must be
present before a disorder is diagnosed seems somewhat arbitrary (e.g., five out
of nine possible symptoms). Third, although the large number of possible
disorders may make it easier for mental health workers to make a diagnosis, it
may also lead to unnecessary diagnoses. Finally, there is currently a need for
more biological or genetic markers to be added to the diagnostic criteria for many
disorders.
15.1c Apply . . . your knowledge of the mental disorders defence to

decide if defendants are criminally responsible for their actions.
The legal consideration of “sanity” hinges on whether a person who commits a

crime understands that their actions are wrong in a legal or a moral sense.
Apply Activity
Based on what you read about criminal responsibility and the mental disorders
defence, how would you judge the following two cases: guilty or not guilty?
(Note: we have “toned down” elements from real-world cases to make them
much less graphic. However, anyone who is sensitive to descriptions of violence
should feel free to skip this section.)
Case 1: Tyson was diagnosed with schizophrenia two years ago. Although
his symptoms have generally been under control, he has heard voices and
seen things that weren’t really present (hallucinations) on some occasions.
During one of these episodes, he thought that someone waiting at the bus
stop was a demon walking towards him. Tyson attacked the man, sending
him to the hospital overnight.
Case 2: Rick received treatment for depression for several years. Although
his symptoms were generally under control, he still had some problems
controlling his emotions. While working on a group project at work, Rick
became involved in an intense argument with his coworkers who he felt were
not working hard enough. Rick attacked one co-worker, sending him to the
hospital overnight.
15.1d Analyze . . . whether the benefits of labelling psychological

disorders outweigh the disadvantages.
To evaluate the importance of the DSM-5’s labels, it would be helpful to consider

their functions. They organize large amounts of information about symptoms,
causes, and outcomes into terminology that mental health professionals can
work with. From a practical point of view, this system meets the requirements of
the insurance companies that pay for psychological services. One downside to
this process is that once the label is applied, people have a tendency to
misinterpret behaviours that are perfectly normal. Another downside is that if
insurance and pharmaceutical companies have influence over how the
guidelines are decided, then the whole system could be biased in favour of over-
diagnosing and over-medicating people.
Module 15.2 Personality and
Dissociative Disorders
AileenWuornos/AP Images
Learning Objectives
15.2a Know . . . the key terminology associated with personality and
dissociative disorders.
15.2b Understand . . . the phenomenon of dissociation and how a dissociative
disorder might occur.
15.2c Apply . . . your knowledge of antisocial personality disorder to explain
how it could help people succeed in certain professions.
15.2d Analyze . . . the status of dissociative identity disorder as a legitimate
diagnosis.
Warning: this story is potentially triggering or upsetting, particularly to

people who have experienced abuse. Aileen Wuornos’s life is an
unbelievably sad story, so relentlessly tragic that it became the inspiration
for the 2003 movie Monster, for which Charlize Theron won an Oscar for
her portrayal of Aileen.
Aileen grew up in a complete chaos of abuse and mental illness. Her

father was incarcerated and mentally ill, and was thus absent from her
life. Her mother abandoned her at age 4, and she was adopted by her
grandparents. Wuornos later described a childhood of being sexually
abused and beaten by her grandfather, of prostituting herself for money
and cigarettes to others, and being raped and impregnated at age 13 by
a friend of her grandfather’s. The baby was given up for adoption and by
age 15, Aileen had been thrown out of the house and was supporting
herself through prostitution.
With no stable home or healthy family relationships, she had very little
capacity to trust or emotionally connect with others. When she was 20,
she was, suddenly and surprisingly, wed to a wealthy yacht club owner;
this might have been her ticket to a better life, but within weeks it
devolved into violence and conflict, and the marriage was eventually
annulled. Over the next decade, Aileen struggled to keep her life together
but was arrested numerous times for offences ranging from forging
cheques to armed robbery and car theft, leading her to spend some time
in prison.
When she was 33 years old, Aileen Wuornos’s life of pain and trauma
came spilling back out of her in a murderous frenzy. Over a one-year
period spanning 1989 and 1990, she murdered seven men across the
state of Florida. She initially claimed to have killed them in self-defence,
in response to each of them attempting to rape her. Although diagnosed
with borderline personality disorder and antisocial personality disorder,
Wuornos was determined to be sane at the time of her killings and fit to
stand trial. She was convicted and sentenced to death in the state of
Florida (Wuornos v. State of Florida, 1994). In 2002, she was executed
by lethal injection.
Focus Questions
1. What are personality disorders and how do they differ from

normal personality traits?
2. What are the key characteristics of dissociative disorders? Why
does a person develop a dissociative disorder?
Chapter 12 described the psychological approaches to personality— the

relatively stable patterns of thinking, behaving, and relating to others that make
each person unique and that are bound up with that person’s identity. In certain
unusual cases, personality patterns can become deeply entrenched and
maladaptive or destructive, which is described as developing a personality
disorder (PD).
Defining and Classifying Personality

Disorders
Mental health professionals identify personality disorders as particularly

unusual patterns of behaviour (relative to one’s cultural context) that are
maladaptive, distressing to oneself or others, and resistant to change. For
example, some people feel no empathy toward others, even those in great
distress. Others have intense needs and high expectations for receiving the
attention and admiration of others, and tend to feel severely rejected if their
expectations are not met. Other people may become rapidly and obsessively
attached to another person, only to reject that individual at a future time.
Obviously, many people experience these basic patterns of behaviour in varying
degrees; it is important to remember that personality disorders represent
extreme cases. Importantly, personality disorders often persist throughout a
person’s life.
The DSM-5 identifies 10 distinct personality disorders, which are categorized into
three different clusters based on shared features (see Table 15.2 ). Cluster A
disorders are characterized by odd or eccentric behaviour; Cluster B disorders
are indicated by dramatic, emotional, and erratic behaviour; Cluster C disorders
are characterized by anxious, fearful, and inhibited behaviour. In addition to
these 10 disorders, the DSM-5 also identifies Personality Disorder Not Otherwise
Specified, which is a diagnosis given to individuals who exhibit patterns of
behaviour consistent with that of a personality disorder, but which does not fit
into any of the personality disorder categories described above.
Table 15.2 Types of Personality Disorders

When listed in a table, the symptoms of personality disorders seem like
characteristics that we all have. In a personality disorder, these symptoms are
quite extreme and tend to be stable (if not permanent) traits.
Cluster Description
Cluster A: odd; Paranoid Personality Disorder: See threats where others do

eccentric not; difficulty trusting others
Schizoid Personality Disorder: Difficulty forming close
relationships with other people; desire to be left alone, if possible
Schizotypal Personality Disorder: Odd or eccentric way of
thinking and expressing oneself; difficulty forming close
relationships
Cluster B: Borderline Personality Disorder: Impulsive, manipulative, and

dramatic; an unstable sense of self; volatile relationships
emotional; Narcissistic Personality Disorder: Intense need for attention
erratic and admiration; self-doubt and a fear of abandonment
Histrionic Personality Disorder: Excessive attention seeking;
flamboyant, dramatic behaviour
Antisocial Personality Disorder: Impulsive and prone to risk-
taking; reduced concern for the needs of others
Cluster C: Avoidant Personality Disorder: Tendency to avoid social
anxious; interactions when possible; fear of rejection and embarrassment
fearful; Dependent Personality Disorder: Difficulty functioning or
inhibited making decisions without the help of others; very low self-
confidence
Obsessive–Compulsive Personality Disorder: A need for
order and high expectations for oneself and for others; very
upset if these needs aren't met
Personality Disorder Not Otherwise Specified: Symptoms do

not clearly fit into one of the above diagnoses
Although each personality disorder deserves to be expanded upon, we will

explore the four disorders in Cluster B to get a sense of the overarching
commonalities shared by disorders in a given cluster, as well as the specific
factors that differentiate them.
Borderline Personality
One of the clearest examples of the emotional dysfunction that lies at the core of
personality disorders is found in borderline personality disorder (BPD)
which is characterized by intense extremes between positive and negative
emotions, an unstable sense of self, impulsivity, and difficult social relationships.
People with BPD experience a wide range of emotions including extremely
positive states such as joy, excitement, and love, but also very powerful
destructive emotions such as anger, despair, and shame.
Their relationships are characterized by instability and intensity. A person with

BPD may fall in love quickly and passionately, but also be highly fearful of
abandonment and thus react intensely to any sign of rejection or criticism,
quickly becoming disgusted with and rejecting their partner. They are often highly
manipulative in relationships, attempting to keep the person under their control.
In fact, their emotional reactions and ability to be emotionally manipulative in
relationships are so strong that therapists typically limit themselves to a very
small number of clients with BPD.
It is believed that borderline personality disorder arises out of the person’s

attempts to deal with deeply rooted insecurity and severe emotional disturbances
that are ultimately rooted in emotionally difficult experiences, such as
inconsistent, abusive, or neglectful parenting. To cope with or escape from
negative emotions, the person often engages in impulsive, risky, or self-
destructive behaviour, including substance abuse, indiscriminate sex, self-injury
such as cutting or burning oneself, and even suicide (American Psychiatric
Association, 2013; Linehan, 1993).
Narcissistic Personality
Narcissistic personality disorder (NPD) is characterized by an inflated
sense of self-importance and an excessive need for attention and admiration, as
well as intense self-doubt and fear of abandonment. The central focus on the
narcissistic person’s own feelings and self-importance leaves little room for
empathy for others. Instead, they tend to be manipulative and put themselves
first, ensuring their own needs are met in their relationships regardless of the toll
it takes on others. In many public situations, such as school, people with NPD
have a strong sense of entitlement, believing that people should satisfy their
demands, and being likely to do whatever it takes, including cheating, in order to
ensure their own success (Brunell et al., 2011).
Histrionic Personality
Emotional dysfunction can also be seen in histrionic personality disorder
(HPD) , which is characterized by excessive attention seeking and dramatic
behaviour. “Histrionic” comes from a Latin word meaning “like an actor or like a
theatrical performance”—an apt label for this disorder. People who have HPD
are typically high-functioning because their dramatic nature makes them seem
vibrant and attractive in social situations, and they readily use flirtatiousness,
sexuality, and flattery to garner the social attention they crave. Similar to the
other personality disorders discussed in this section, the histrionic person often
engages in indulgent and risky behaviours, and tends to be highly sensitive to
criticism and generally manipulative in relationships. The key difference between
HPD and the other personality disorders in this cluster is the flamboyance and
exhibitionistic tendencies in histrionic behaviour.
According to Greek mythology, Narcissus discovered his image reflecting on the

surface of a pool of water. Unable to tear himself away from the beauty of his
own face, Narcissus wasted away and died at the water’s edge. In modern times,
narcissism describes a person who has an inflated sense of self-importance.
Narcissus, c.1597-99 (oil on canvas), Caravaggio, Michelangelo Merisi da (1571-1610)/Palazzo Barberini, Rome,
Italy/Bridgeman Images
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Antisocial
Personality Disorder
In contrast to histrionic personality disorder, which is associated

with dramatic behaviour, the diagnosis of antisocial personality
disorder (APD) is given to individuals who have a profound
lack of empathy or emotional connection with others, a disregard
for others’ rights or preferences, and a tendency toward imposing
their own desires, often violently, onto others regardless of the
consequences for other people or, often when younger, other
animals. APD (often referred to as psychopathy) tends to be
highly resistant to treatment, in part because individuals with APD
are not alarmed or distressed by their actions (although others
frequently are), and they are thus rarely, if ever, motivated to
change.
What do we know about antisocial personality disorder?

People with APD tend to be physically and verbally abusive, and
destructive, and frequently find themselves in trouble with the
law. Symptoms of the disorder typically appear during childhood
and adolescence, including harming or torturing people or
animals, destroying property, stealing, and being deceitful
(Lynam & Gudonis, 2005). The general public might use the
term psychopath to describe a person who exhibits these types of
behaviour, and indeed, the cold-blooded, remorseless murderer
often fits the category of APD.
For some people with severe APD, the antisocial acts they
commit are severe, and their lack of guilt or remorse is truly
disturbing. This tendency was clearly evident in the words of
Aileen Wuornos when she refused to appeal her death sentence:
I killed those men, robbed them as cold as ice. And I’d do it again, too.
. . . There’s no chance in keeping me alive or anything, because I’d kill
again. I have hate crawling through my system. (CNN, 2002)
Keep in mind that serial killers represent only a very small subset
of people with antisocial tendencies. In fact, people with APD are
sometimes very successful, especially in business, which often
rewards the kind of calculating, aggressive disposition of the
person with APD; this is particularly true when coupled with the
charm and social skills that many people with APD also possess.
In fact, business managers often score highly on measures of
antisocial personality tendencies, rivalling the scores of people
with APD who are in jail. It is interesting to speculate for a
moment on the implications for society if we construct our
business and economic systems to reward those who are
manipulative and lack of empathy.
How can science explain antisocial personality disorder?

You may have heard stories of people who have snapped under
stress and committed horrific acts—however, this type of extreme
stress response does not at all characterize APD. In fact,
researchers have discovered that people with antisocial
personality disorder are under-reactive to stress. For example, a
flash of light, a loud sound, or the sudden appearance of an
angry face will startle most people. In contrast, people with APD
show very weak startle responses when exposed to unpleasant
stimuli. In one study, researchers recorded the electrical signals
of the eyeblink muscles while presenting disturbing images to a
group of people with APD and a control group without APD.
Figure 15.1 illustrates the results—the strength of the startle
response is indicated by the height of the bars. The group of
people with APD (the bars on the right side) had much weaker
responses than the group without APD (on the left; Levenston et
al., 2000).
Figure 15.1 Emotional Responses of Individuals
with Antisocial Personality Disorder
This graph shows the strength of autonomic response to three

types of pictures: mutilations, assault, and threat. Responses are
much greater among control subjects (those who do not have
APD; the three bars on the left) than among the individuals with
antisocial personality disorder (the three bars on the right).
Source: Adapted from Levenston, G. K., Patrick, C. J., Bradley, M. M., & Lang, P. J. (2000). The
psychopath as observer: Emotion and attention in picture processing. Journal of Abnormal
Psychology, 109 (3), 373–385.
This reduced reactivity to stress is due, in part, to abnormalities in

the amygdala (Blair, 2010; Pemment, 2013). In most people, the
amygdala fires in response to aversive stimuli; it is also involved
with aversive conditioning, a form of emotional learning (see
Module 6.1 ). However individuals with APD show very little
amygdala activity in these situations. Additional impairments
occur as a result of problems associated with the frontal lobes.
The frontal lobes have connections that allow them to reduce the
activity of the amygdala and other emotion-related brain regions
(see Module 11.4 ). Individuals with APD, however, have less
grey matter in many frontal lobe regions (Yang et al., 2010).
They also have less efficient white-matter pathways connecting
the frontal lobes and amygdala (Craig et al., 2009). As a result,
they have trouble regulating their emotional responses (see
Figure 15.2 ). Additionally, recent research suggests that these
brain abnormalities impair this groups’ ability to integrate
emotional information with logical reasoning centres; thus, people
with APD are emotionally cut off from the consequences of their
actions, even though they rationally understand them (Baskin-
Sommers, 2016).
Figure 15.2 Emotion Regulation in the Brain

In healthy brains, regions of the frontal lobes (highlighted in parts
A, B, and D) are able to inhibit the activity emotion-related
structures such as the amygdala (C). In APD, less inhibition
occurs, thus resulting in problems with the regulation of emotions.

One cautionary note to keep in mind when reading about
antisocial personality disorder is that we must be careful not to
assume that all people with APD are violent criminals,
indiscriminately harming others. Ironically, many of the
characteristics of APD may themselves be highly desirable, or at
least useful, in some professions (Dutton, 2012). The ability to
emotionally detach from people, to be manipulative and able to
deceive or lie without any moral reservations, to be charming and
charismatic so as to appear to connect with people even though
you can easily see people as tools to be used to satisfy your own
desires, may well be rewarded in the worlds of CEOs, lawyers,
salespeople, and undoubtedly many other social environments.
These personality traits can give people with APD great power
over others, because they are able to use others for their own
personal gain without being held back by moral constraints
(Lykken, 1995). Thus, the abusive boyfriend, the charming
corporate ladder-climber, the intensely focused surgeon, the
serial killer, or the socially inhibited hermit may all be outcomes of
antisocial personality disorder.

Identifying how physiology and brain function differ in people with
APD is certainly helpful for psychologists who are trying to
understand the underlying mechanisms of these disturbing
behavioural patterns. People with APD tend to be highly resistant
to psychological therapies, making it even more critical to
understand the underlying biological processes. Also, antisocial
patterns are often detectable during childhood and adolescence,
which are critical periods of brain development. If a system of
early diagnosis and treatment could be instituted, it might be
possible to more effectively intervene before the person develops
the full manifestation of the disorder, and before they commit any
harm.
Module 15.2a Quiz:
Defining and Classifying Personality Disorders
Know . . .
1. Which of the following is not a characteristic of personality disorders?
A. Traits that are inflexible and maladaptive
B. Significant functional impairment or subjective distress
C. Marked deviation from cultural expectations
D. Typically diagnosed with medical tests
Understand . . .
2. refers to a condition marked by a habitual pattern of willingly
violating others’ personal rights, with very little sign of empathy or
remorse.
A. Borderline personality disorder
B. Narcissistic personality disorder
C. Histrionic personality disorder
D. Antisocial personality disorder
3. involves intense extremes between positive and negative emotions,

an unstable sense of self, impulsivity, and difficult social relationships.
A. Borderline personality disorder
B. Narcissistic personality disorder
C. Histrionic personality disorder
D. Antisocial personality disorder
The Biopsychosocial Approach to
Personality Disorders
It is often difficult to identify the causes of personality disorders because they

seem to arise from multiple contributing factors over a long period of time. Rather
than pinpointing the exact moment a disorder began, psychologists speak in
general terms about the types of events that contribute to personality disorders.
Adding to the difficulty is the fact that multiple causes are likely at play, and it
may be possible for two people to develop the same symptomatic thoughts and
behaviours through entirely different routes. The biopsychosocial model provides
a comprehensive view, examining personality disorders from three different
perspectives.
Psychological Factors
Do people with personality disorders think differently than the rest of the
population? Persistent beliefs about the self are a major part of the human
personality, and the attempt to compensate for and cope with negative beliefs
about oneself is a key part of APD. People with narcissistic (NPD) or histrionic
(HPD) personality disorder also tend to have deeply rooted negative beliefs
about the self, how they are regarded, and whether they are loved by others.
Much of their dysfunctional behaviour patterns stem from attempts to
compensate for these negative self-beliefs. For example, the person with NPD
may continually seek attention, adoration, and reassurance from others, avoiding
negative information about the self at all costs. A similar pattern may be apparent
in someone who has a histrionic personality. Attention seeking through engaging
in flattery and wearing provocative clothing may help individuals with HPD avoid
the negative feelings they associate with being unnoticed.
Adults with APD and children with conduct disorders (often a precursor to APD)
have difficulty learning tasks that require decision making and following complex
rules. Brain-imaging studies show that children with conduct disorders perform
worse at these tasks and have reduced activity in the frontal lobes compared
with healthy controls and even children with ADHD (Finger et al., 2008). Thus, it
appears that cognitive factors and their underlying brain systems are involved in
personality disorders.
Sociocultural Factors
Children begin to develop social skills and emotional attachments at home and in
their local neighbourhood and community. Not surprisingly, then, troubled homes
and communities can contribute to the development of antisocial personality
disorder (Meier et al., 2008). People with APD have often themselves
experienced trauma or abuse. A history of being treated as an object rather than
as a sensitive human being has consequences. The need to defend the self
against intensely negative emotions and experiences may effectively shut down
(or impair the development of) the emotional circuitry for empathy. This often
results in aggression and cruelty toward others, including animals.
In general, personality disorders often involve extensive emotional damage from

childhood experiences, ranging from physical violence and sexual abuse to the
profound invalidation and insecurity of being repeatedly abandoned or neglected
as a child. For example, even less severe cases of borderline personality
disorder may arise from a child having his emotions treated as if they were
unreal or unimportant (Crowell et al., 2009). The resulting deep insecurity and
emotional volatility leave adults with BPD unable to control their emotions, and
therefore more vulnerable to everyday life stressors (Glaser et al., 2008).
Biological Factors
Not everyone who experiences extreme stress and abuse develops a personality
disorder, of course. So why do some adapt successfully while others do not?
The answer may lie in how stress interacts with biological predispositions for
personality disorders. A number of specific genes seem to contribute to
emotional instability by affecting serotonin systems in the brain (Crowell et al.,
2009). Research also points to unique activity in the limbic system and frontal
lobes—brain regions that are associated with emotional responses and impulse
control, respectively (Brendel et al., 2005).
Thus, the biopsychosocial model of behaviour can help us understand the

different characteristics of personality disorders, which are among the most
complex and difficult to treat disorders in the DSM-5. As you will see in the next
section of this module, this model can also be useful when attempting to
understand one of psychology’s most mysterious and controversial conditions:
multiple personality disorder.
Module 15.2b Quiz:
The Biopsychosocial Approach to Personality Disorders
Know . . .
1. Some children show a set of symptoms that include difficulty learning
tasks that require decision making and following complex rules. This
group of symptoms is sometimes referred to as
A. psychopathy.
B. borderline personality disorder.
C. disorder of social attachment.
D. a conduct disorder.
Apply . . .
2. Which of the following biopsychosocial factors is least likely to be related
to personality disorders?
A. Stress reactivity
B. History of abuse
C. Decreased activity of the frontal lobes
D. Enjoyment of pain
Dissociative Identity Disorder
Have you ever been so engaged in driving, reading a book, or playing a game
that you were totally unaware of what was going on around you? Have you ever
had difficulty determining whether an event, perhaps some long-ago story, really
happened the way you now remember it, or whether it was a story that happened
to someone else, or even a dream? These types of experiences can be thought
of as dissociative experiences, because they are characterized by a sense of
separation (dissociation) between the person and her surroundings. Dissociative
experiences may arise while you are intensely focused on one activity, or when
you drift off while not doing anything in particular, such as daydreaming during a
long lecture. People differ in their tendencies to dissociate, but such experiences
seem completely normal. In contrast, dissociative states caused by brain injury
or psychological trauma are far from harmless.
Types of Dissociative Disorders

In a few cases, some people have such extreme dissociative experiences that
they may be diagnosed with a dissociative disorder , a category of mental
disorders characterized by a split between a person’s conscious awareness and
their feelings, cognitions, memory, and identity (Kihlstrom, 2005). Dissociative
disorders include the following conditions:
Dissociative fugue: A period of profound autobiographical memory loss.

People in fugue states may go so far as to develop a new identity in a new
location with no recollection of their past.
Depersonalization disorder: A strong sense of the surreal, the feeling that
one is not connected to one’s body, the feeling of disconnection from one’s
regular identity and awareness.
Dissociative amnesia: A severe loss of memory, usually for a specific
stressful event, when no biological cause for amnesia is present.
Probably the most familiar member of this category is dissociative identity

disorder (DID) , in which a person experiences a split in identity such that
they feel different aspects of themselves as though they were separated from
each other. This can be severe enough that the person constructs entirely
separate personalities, only one of which will generally be in control at a time.
multiple personality disorder
This is also sometimes referred to as .
These distinct personalities, or alters, may be so different from one another as to

have different genders, sexual orientations, memories, personalities, and
autobiographical senses of self and who they are. The dissociation of alter
identities can be so strong that one alter may have no memory of events
experienced by other alters. From Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde to Tyler Durden in
Fight Club, we have been both fascinated and frightened by the possibility that a
single individual can house radically different personalities within his
consciousness.
In most cases, dissociative disorders such as DID are thought to be brought on

by extreme stress. Some psychologists have hypothesized that during a
traumatic event such as being a victim of violence, individuals may cope with the
experience by shifting their consciousness to a different perspective. They may
go to another place in their mind, or feel as though they are separate from their
physical bodies and are watching events happen to them as though their body
was a different person. With repeated experiences, this type of dissociation could
become an individual’s habitual way of coping with trauma, as well as other
stressful situations (van der Kolk, 1994). Consistent with this, most cases of DID
do include reports of a stressful event or series of events that precipitated the
onset of the condition (Putnam, 1989).
Is Dissociative Identity Disorder “Real?”

DID is a very rare condition, affecting only about 1% of psychiatric patients, and
therefore only a very small fraction of 1% of the general population (Rifkin et al.,
1998). There has been longstanding controversy surrounding whether DID is
real. Many of the characteristics of different alters could be faked by people who
explicitly (i.e., on purpose) adopt different personas, undergo hypnosis, or are
simply influenced by the expectations of psychologists. Importantly, in many of
these cases, the different alters begin to feel real to the patient (even if they
began as inventions). This makes it quite challenging for researchers attempting
to test whether DID really exists. A key problem in this debate is that a condition
like DID is very difficult to test for in a rigorous fashion, given how personal and
subjective the experience of identity is.
One approach to testing for DID is to check for memory dissociations between
alter identities. For example, in one study, patients viewed words and pictures
and were tested for recall of the stimuli either when they were experiencing the
same alter as when they learned them, or when they were experiencing a
different alter. The results suggested that some types of learning do not transfer
between alter identities (Eich et al., 1997). This finding would suggest that the
alters are truly separate identities.
Another approach to examining DID is to record patterns of brain activity. One

study using positron emission tomography (PET) actually found differing frontal
lobe activity for people with DID while they were experiencing each of their alters
(Reinders et al., 2003). (In case you wondered, the researchers obtained
consent to participate in the study from both alters.) Although the results of both
of these studies are thought-provoking, they do not provide solid evidence for a
biological basis of DID. After all, any different state of mind or emotional
experience will involve different patterns of brain activity. The fact that the two
alters produced different patterns of brain activation may simply reflect that the
person was thinking about and experiencing things differently in the two states of
mind, not that the alters were actually distinct personalities.
Another questionable aspect of DID is the huge change in the number of cases
reported over time. By 1970, there were only 79 documented cases of DID (then
referred to as multiple personality disorder). In 1986, there were around 6000; by
1998, the number had risen to more than 40 000 (Lilienfeld & Lynn, 2003).
Also, 80% of patients diagnosed with DID were unaware of having the disorder
before starting therapy (Putnam, 1989). These observations suggest that DID
may have its origins in the context of therapy, rather than being a response to
trauma. Also of note, the number of alters changed dramatically; in the early
decades up to the 1970s, a person would typically have only one alter; but by the
1980s, people were identified as having many different alters, even dozens or
hundreds!
Why did the rate of DID skyrocket from 79 cases to more than 40 000 cases in
fewer than three decades? This increased prevalence could simply be a product
of awareness: After professionals learned how to identify the disorder, they could
begin to diagnose it more effectively. Or, it may be that a small subset of
psychologists find the disorder compelling and are more willing to diagnose it, so
they interpret symptoms through that framework, and may (even unintentionally)
provoke dissociative symptoms in the context of therapy (Frankel, 1993). The
use of highly suggestive techniques such as hypnosis increases the likelihood
that this is the case.
Researchers have examined social and therapist effects on DID by observing

what happens when the disorder is introduced to other parts of the world. In
these cases it appears that DID—whether a disorder or not—has a strong
sociocultural component. For example, the disorder was nonexistent in Japan in
1990 (Takahashi, 1990), but Japanese psychologists began diagnosing patients
with DID when the disorder was described by North Americans (An et al., 1998).
In India, the disorder is recognized, but how the disorder manifests itself is
different from in America: Americans with DID switch from alters upon
suggestion, whereas people in India who have DID switch alters only upon
awakening (North et al., 1993). These observations point to a predominantly
sociocultural disorder in which cultural beliefs and therapists determine how the
symptoms are manifested (Lilienfeld et al., 1999).
Module 15.2c Quiz:
Dissociative Identity Disorder
Know . . .
1. Dissociative identity disorder is best described as
A. a lost grasp on reality.
B. a lack of regard for the feelings of others.
C. a splitting of identity.
D. a problem with memory, attention, and the ability to form coherent
thoughts.
Understand . . .
2. Fugue is a form of dissociative disorder most commonly associated with
A. a belief that you no longer exist or are real.
B. loss of sensation in an appendage with no physical or
neurological evidence.
C. housing multiple personalities in one body.
D. loss of identity and memories of the self.
3. Which of the following is believed to typically bring on dissociative identity

disorder?
A. A physical injury to the head
B. Extreme stress or trauma
C. Old age
D. Genetics
Module 15.2 Summary
15.2a Know . . . the key terminology associated with personality and

dissociative disorders
antisocial personality disorder (APD)
borderline personality disorder (BPD)
dissociative disorder
dissociative identity disorder (DID)
histrionic personality disorder (HPD)
narcissistic personality disorder (NPD)
personality disorders
15.2b Understand . . . the phenomenon of dissociation and how a

dissociative disorder might occur.
Dissociation occurs in everyday phenomena such as daydreaming. However, a

dissociative disorder may occur when perceptions of mind, body, and
surroundings are severely and chronically separated, such that the person loses
his or her previously stable sense of self and identity.
15.2c Apply . . . your knowledge of antisocial personality disorder to

explain how it could help people succeed in certain professions.
Some writers have noted that some people with antisocial personality disorder
do well in certain competitive professions such as working in a corporate finance
office.
Apply Activity
1. List three characteristics associated with APD.
2. For each characteristic listed above, write down how that trait or
behaviour could be useful in the corporate world.
15.2d Analyze . . . the status of dissociative identity disorder as a

legitimate diagnosis.
The lack of a physical basis for the disorder and its unusual rate and patterns of
diagnosis bring about skepticism as to whether DID is real or is manufactured,
perhaps unwittingly, by the person. It is important to find evidence for differences
between alternate personalities that cannot be faked by people or created
artificially. Recent research in brain imaging is beginning to look for different
patterns of neurological activity that could denote distinct personalities, but this
work is in its infancy.
Module 15.3 Anxiety,
Obsessive–Compulsive, and
Depressive Disorders
Matsunaka Takeya/Aflo/Glow Images
Learning Objectives
15.3a Know . . . the key terminology related to anxiety, obsessive–compulsive,
and depressive disorders.
15.3b Understand . . . the different types of anxiety disorders.
15.3c Understand . . . how anxiety or depressive disorders can be self-
perpetuating.
15.3d Apply . . . your knowledge of anxiety, obsessive-compulsive, and
depressive disorders, so as to be alert to people who may benefit from
some help.
15.3e Analyze . . . whether maladaptive aspects of specific phobias might arise
from perfectly normal, healthy behaviours.
Of all the things to be afraid of in life, surely one of them is not the
possibility that you can catch a mental illness, waking up one morning
mentally ill because of some bacteria or germ that you were exposed to.
This is generally true; we are pretty safe. In most cases, psychological
disorders develop over a period of time. There may be some initial signs
that everything is “not quite right” with a person, and then there is a
gradual unfolding of more noticeable personality, behavioural, or
emotional problems.
Unfortunately, there are documented cases of sudden onset obsessive–

compulsive disorder (OCD), in which young children suddenly and
without prior warning developed symptoms of OCD, including repetitive
behaviours and irrational fears and obsessions. Surprisingly, this sudden
surge of OCD-like tendencies came after these children were exposed to
bacterial streptococcal infections (Snider & Swedo, 2004). How is it
possible that this particular infection seems capable of triggering a
sudden-onset psychological disorder in some children?
The answer seems to be that when the immune system mounts its
reaction to the bacterial infection, it also damages cells in the caudate, a
part of the brain near its centre. As we will see in this module, one theory
about OCD is that compulsive, repetitive behaviours (such as hand
washing) are ways of dealing with a lost sense of impulse control, the sort
of loss that occurs when the caudate is damaged (Huyser et al., 2009). If
this theory is correct, a psychological disorder could be acquired virtually
overnight . . . at least in this case.
Focus Questions
1. The experience of anxiety drives many different disorders. What
are some of the ways that problems with anxiety can manifest?
2. Depression is another very common disorder. Why do people
seem to develop depression?
Anxiety and mood disorders are extremely common. In fact, a recent survey of
over 10 000 Ontario students in Grades 7 through 12 found that 46% of females
and 23% of males reported suffering from depression and/or an anxiety disorder
(Boak et al., 2015). These staggering statistics show how prevalent these
disorders are. Importantly, they also show those suffering from anxiety or
depression that they are not alone—other people truly can understand how they
feel.
Anxiety Disorders
Anxiety disorders are a category of disorders involving fear or nervousness

that is excessive, irrational, and maladaptive. They also are among the most
frequently diagnosed disorders, affecting approximately one in every eight
Canadians (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2002), and often occurring with
other disorders, such as depression or obsessive–compulsive disorders,
substance abuse, or problematic behaviour patterns such as an excessive need
to be in control of situations.
Although occasional experiences of anxiety are normal, even functional

responses to life circumstances, when anxiety becomes debilitating and
interferes with the person’s daily life, it clearly becomes a problem. People often
attempt to cope with anxiety by limiting themselves to environments, activities,
and people that make them feel safe and secure, and by developing rigid habits
and ways of doing things that keep life predictable and under control. These
patterns evolve in order to help the anxious person manage his or her fear, but
they also can limit people’s freedom to live their lives as they would like.
In most people’s experience, anxiety occurs as a natural part of the fight-or-flight
response (Nesse & Ellsworth, 2009). We experience this response as a racing,
pounding heartbeat with increased respiration, as our autonomic systems
prepare our bodies for quick action. Some people may notice a knot in the
stomach and sweaty or clammy hands. These physical changes reflect a shift in
energy away from non-emergency tasks like digestion and toward fighting or
fleeing. This basic fight-or-flight response seems to be common to all mammals,
implying that it has long been evolutionarily adaptive to have an easily triggered
system that can quickly arouse the body for action. However, living in our
modern, stressed-out society, we activate this stress response system
repeatedly throughout our days, to the point where it can become harmful to us
(see Module 14.2 ).
Varieties of Anxiety Disorders

What separates anxiety disorders from normal experiences of anxiety is the
intensity and long duration of the response. Anxiety disorders are also distinct in
that the response may not be directly connected to one’s current circumstances;
instead, the anxiety can be free-floating. Either way, anxiety disorders cause a
great deal of emotional distress and interfere with people’s daily lives. Of course,
not all anxiety disorders are the same. Psychologists have identified distinct
patterns of experience that have given rise to several major types of anxiety
disorders.
Fight or flight . . . or freeze or faint? In addition to fight-or-flight responses,
mammals can also react by freezing—as in the “deer in the headlights” response
—or by fainting, as some will do at the sight of blood (Bracha et al., 2004).
Darren Bridges Photography/Alamy Stock Photo
Dlewis33/Getty Images
Generalized anxiety disorder (GAD) involves frequently elevated levels of

anxiety, generally from the normal challenges and stresses of everyday life. A
person with GAD fears disaster lurking around every corner, and may experience
symptoms ranging from difficulty sleeping or breathing to difficulty concentrating
because of intrusive thoughts. However, because the anxiety arises out of the
ongoing situations and circumstances of life, people often have difficulty
understanding their experience and cannot identify specific reasons for which
they are anxious (Turk et al., 2005). It is also difficult to resolve the anxiety,
despite trying to control situations and trying to attend to every detail so that
nothing goes wrong. Instead, as one detail is dealt with, the anxiety shifts to
another source, and the control-oriented person is locked into a never-ending
scramble to manage life perfectly so as to keep anxiety at bay.
Not surprisingly, people with GAD often have unstable, irritable moods,
experience difficulty concentrating, and have sleep problems. Although there are
many different types of factors that increase the probability of developing GAD,
ranging from innate, genetic components to current habitual thinking patterns, a
convergence of stresses, such as occurs during major life changes, commonly
precede the onset of the disorder (Newman & Llera, 2011).
Panic disorder is an anxiety disorder marked by occasional episodes of

sudden, very intense fear. This condition is distinct from GAD because the
anxiety occurs in short segments, but can be much more severe. The key feature
of this disorder is panic attacks —brief moments of extreme anxiety that
include a rush of physical activity paired with frightening thoughts. A panic attack
escalates when the fear causes increased physical arousal, and the increased
physical symptoms feed the frightening thoughts. The escalation rarely goes on
for more than ten minutes, after which the individual will eventually return to a
more relaxed state.
A substantial subset of people with panic disorder develop a recurring fear that
the panic will strike again, particularly in an environment in which they would be
exposed and unable to escape from people, such as a shopping mall or other
public space. This fear can result in agoraphobia (which is often associated
with panic disorder), an intense fear of having a panic attack in public; as a result
of this fear, the individual may begin to avoid public settings and increasingly
isolate him- or herself. In its most extreme forms, agoraphobia leads an
individual to stay inside his home almost all the time.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Specific
Phobias
In contrast to GAD, where an individual’s anxiety can be applied

to just about any situation, a phobia is a severe, irrational fear
of a very specific object or situation. Some of the most common
phobias are listed in Table 15.3 . Phobias are sometimes
divided into two broad categories: specific phobias and social
phobias. A specific phobia involves an intense fear of a
specific object, activity, or organism. For example, the person
may be afraid of specific animals, heights, thunder, blood, or
injections or other medical procedures. Social phobias, which are
also very common, are related to interpersonal situations and
relationships and are discussed later.
Table 15.3 What Are We So Afraid Of?
Source: Stinson, F. S. et al., (2007). “The epidemiology of DSM-IV specific phobia in the USA:
Results from the National Epidemiologic Survey on Alcohol and Related Conditions,” Psychological
Medicine, 37, 7, pp. 1047–1059. Table 3, p. 1053. Copyright © 2007 Cambridge University Press.
Reprinted with the permission of Cambridge University Press.
Currently Have Experienced

Experiencing the Phobia at One
the Phobia Time
Animals (snakes, birds, 4.7% 50.3%

or other animals)
Natural environment 5.9% 62.7%

(e.g., heights, storms,
water)
Blood or bodily injury 4.0% 42.5%

(including injections)
Situations (e.g., dentists, 5.2% 55.6%
hospitals, crowded
places)
Other specific objects 1.0% 10.6%
What do we know about phobias?

Phobias often develop as a result of unpleasant or frightening
experiences; there’s nothing like getting bitten by a dog to make a
person afraid of dogs. That said, the overwhelming majority of the
triggers for phobias are objects or situations that we may need to
fear, or at least be cautious about. For example, people readily
develop phobias of spiders, snakes, heights, and drowning—
dangers that would have been important over the course of our
species’ evolution (
Öhman & Mineka, 2001; see also Module
6.1 ). This tendency suggests that there may be a genetic
component to some of our specific phobias. Of course, this does
not mean that other phobias will be impossible to develop, but
rather that people are more biologically predisposed to fear
evolutionarily relevant objects or situations.
Interestingly, phobias can also develop without direct, personal

experience. Why would a person develop an extreme fear about
something that they had no personal experience with, especially
if it was something that they, realistically, were unlikely to ever
have personal experience with? It doesn’t seem rational, or
functional. In some cases, these links form through observational
learning, such as seeing vicious sharks in movies. In many of
these cases, an initial mental link between an object or situation
and an emotion can be retrieved from memory and thought about
multiple times. We think about the object and become afraid; this
fear can, in turn, become a retrieval cue for the object. The result
of these feedback loops is that our brains can create powerful
experiences, even though they are not real in the sense that they
are not being triggered by anything actually happening in the
external world at that moment; this tendency is known as
parasitic processing (Vervaeke & Ferraro, 2012). Indeed, this is
essentially how anxiety disorders, including phobias, work! The
self-reinforcing nature of anxiety reactions leads them to grow
and become more extreme over time (Merckelbach et al., 1996).
How can science explain why some people are more likely
than others to develop specific phobias?
For any given individual, there are many factors that determine
whether or not a phobia develops. For example, some of the risk
factors for phobias include personality characteristics, like
shyness and temperamental inhibition, both of which are,
interestingly enough, partly genetically determined (Biederman
et al., 1990; DiLalla et al., 1994).
Scientists have been piecing together the genetic factors that

biologically predispose some people to experience more fear
than others. One of the first questions to answer is simply
whether or not the tendency to learn fear associations can be
transmitted genetically. One group of researchers attempted to
answer this using selective breeding techniques with mice. The
researchers tested a strain of mice for how easily they could learn
a fear association (an auditory tone coupled with an electrical
shock). The fear response was measured by the length of time
the mice held still—mice typically show fear by freezing in place
(Ponder et al., 2007).
By selectively breeding the most fearful mice with each other, and
the least fearful mice with each other, researchers could see
whether the fear-association response would differ across the
generations of these mice families. As Figure 15.3 shows,
across four generations, fear responses became more and more
distinct, with the third and fourth generations being very different
from each other. These patterns of behaviour diverging so
substantially in different genetic pools suggests that the fear-
based learning system is, at least in part, genetically determined.
Figure 15.3 Anxiety Levels Are Inherited in an

Animal Model
Over the course of just a few generations, mice from the highly
fearful genetic strain show increasingly strong fear responses as
indicated by the height of the red bars.
Source: From Selection for contextual fear conditioning affects anxiety-like behaviors and gene
expression, Genes, Brain and Behavior, 6: 736–749 by C. A. Ponder, C. L. Kliethermes, M. R. Drew,
J. Muller, K. Das, V. B. Risbrough, J. C. Crabbe, T. Conrad Gilliam, A. A. Palmer. Copyright © 2007
by John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Reproduced by permission of John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

We may question the value of this research because, on the face
of it, we don’t seem to have learned much about phobias from
studying genetic heritability of fear-responses in mice. However,
understanding that genes can influence fear responses in another
mammalian species suggests that genes likely underlie our own
reactions to threatening stimuli and situations. Therefore,
behavioural genomics investigations of phobias could provide us
with important information.
A second potential criticism of this research is that it only

examines fear responses from one perspective: genetics. The
authors of those research papers would be the first to admit that
the full manifestation of a phobia involves many processes and,
therefore, would only be partially explained by a genetic
understanding. For instance, observational learning likely plays a
large role in the development and maintenance of phobias.
Seeing another mouse (or human) react with fear to specific
objects or animals would teach a young mouse (or human) that
that object or animal is to be feared. The fact that multiple factors
are involved in the development of phobias provides further
support for the use of the biopsychosocial model when explaining
behaviour.

In general, understanding causal factors better, targeting causal
mechanisms more effectively, and directly manipulating biological
systems related to fear and anxiety responses sound like pretty
good ideas. A challenge for the future is to understand the
interaction between the genetic and other levels of analysis in
order to fully develop these tools. Doing so may lead to new
treatment for a number of disorders.
Thus far, our discussion of phobias has focused on fearful responses to specific
stimuli such as snakes (or snakes with knives in their mouths). Social anxiety
disorder , on the other hand, is a very strong fear of being judged by others or
being embarrassed or humiliated in public. People who experience social anxiety
deal with going out in public by developing familiar routines and retaining control
over their ability to exit circumstances if their anxiety becomes too strong. Social
anxiety generally leads people to limit their social activities in favour of not
exposing themselves to anxiety, thus making it difficult to succeed and live a
normal life in many different ways.
Consider the day of a university student who has social anxiety:

This student always shows up to class just as it begins so he does not have
to risk awkward conversation with classmates he does not know, or
potentially worse, sitting conspicuously alone and being unable to connect to
anyone around him.
Despite being hungry, the student will not go into the cafeteria because his
roommate is not around. He cannot face the prospect of sitting with
strangers, especially without his roommate. He finds a quiet spot near the
library and gets lunch from a vending machine.
Walking across a quiet part of campus, he sees his professor approaching.
Not knowing if the professor would recognize him, he wonders if he should
say hello. Thinking about this issue makes him so tense, he pretends to stop
and read a text message to avoid eye contact.
As you can see, the day is a series of unpleasant, tense moments in situations
that most people would find completely ordinary. It is also a series of sacrificed
opportunities as the person fails over and over again to take advantage of
chances for connection and social contact. The distress the student feels and the
degree to which he shapes his life around his social phobia suggest that he has
social anxiety disorder. Of course, to make a formal diagnosis of this disorder, a
psychologist would need to evaluate the student’s full set of symptoms and their
duration.
The Vicious Cycle of Anxiety Disorders

As discussed earlier, anxiety disorders tend to be self- perpetuating (Figure
15.4 ), with anxiety leading to circumstances that provoke further anxiety
(Hofmann, 2007). For example, people who are anxious about interacting with
others may avoid many social situations because they feel awkward and
insecure and don’t want to embarrass themselves. As a result, they become
even less confident about their ability to interact with people, making them even
more likely to avoid social contact in the future; or, if it is unavoidable, to be so
anxious and incapable of functioning effectively that the social opportunity turns
into a negative experience, further reinforcing the anxiety.
Figure 15.4 The Vicious Cycle of Panic Attacks
Avoiding or interrupting this vicious cycle is central to the treatment of anxiety

disorders. Instead of trying to minimize contact with feared situations, which only
serves to reinforce the fear, the person must begin to practise confronting the
fear. Only through exposing themselves to fear can people learn how to manage
their responses or learn how to effectively manage the feared situation. For
example, imagine a young girl who gets scratched by the neighbour’s cat while
trying to pet it. The girl may avoid cats in the future and, years later, still feel
nervous and unsure of herself around cats. Only by learning to tolerate and
eventually interact with cats will the girl be able to reduce her anxiety. The most
important part of psychological therapy for anxiety disorders is exposure , in
which the person is repeatedly and in stages exposed to the object of her fear so
that she can work past her emotional reactions. For exposure to be most
effective, it should be coupled with helping the person to calm themselves down
and to learn to tolerate the aversive feelings they are experiencing (see Module
16.2 ).
Obsessive–Compulsive Disorder (OCD)

Until 2013, obsessive–compulsive disorder (OCD) was categorized as an
anxiety disorder. In the DSM-5, OCD was placed into its own category.
Individuals with OCD tend to be plagued by unwanted, inappropriate, and
persistent thoughts (obsessions), and to engage in repetitive, often quite
ritualistic behaviours (compulsions). Generally, obsessions and compulsions are
linked together, with the compulsive behaviour serving as a means of coping with
the anxiety produced by the obsession (see Table 15.4 ). For example, a
common manifestation of OCD is a person who is extremely concerned about
germs and cleanliness; he may wash his hands many times each day, insist on
only touching other objects through gloves, or become extremely vigilant about
the chemicals in food and cleaning products. Alternatively, someone who worries
about starting a fire might develop compulsive checking behaviours. Before she
can leave her house, she might check that all lamps and appliances are
unplugged. She may make the rounds two more times, ensuring that the
electrical cords are secured by fasteners at least two feet from the outlet. Finally,
she might turn off the light to leave but, to avoid the possibility that the light
switch is halfway between on and off, she might count out a series of one to
seven in which she turns the light off repeatedly, followed by one last downward
swipe to ensure the switch is fully off. Only then can she feel secure in leaving
the house.
Table 15.4 Prevalence of Symptoms in a Survey of 293 Individuals with

Obsessive–Compulsive Disorder
Source: Based on Pinto, A., Mancebo, M., Eisen, J., Pagano, M., & Rasmussen, S. (2006). The Brown longitudinal obsessive
compulsive study: Clinical features and symptoms of the sample at intake. Journal of Clinical Psychiatry, 67, 703–711.
Percentage of Sample Experiencing Specific Types of Obsessions

Obsession
58% A fear of being contaminated
56% Persistent doubting
48% Need to arrange things in a symmetrical

pattern
45% Aggressive thoughts
Percentage of Sample Experiencing Specific Types of Obsessions

Compulsion
69% Checking
60% Cleaning
56% Repeating actions
Although everybody has unwanted thoughts that seem to stick in their heads
from time to time, obsessions take root and can last for a very long time, even
many years. Obviously, these thoughts tend to be distressing.
As these types of intrusive thinking patterns become more extreme and ever-
present, they increasingly interfere with the person’s life. Imagine people who
obsessively think about cleanliness and germs; everywhere they go in life, they
encounter new microbiological terrors, forcing them to adopt elaborate rituals for
how to sufficiently clean themselves and how to avoid making contact with germs
in many different situations. Many psychologists believe that compulsive
behaviours, and the relief they provide, give the person a feeling of control over
their anxiety. They just have to perform a very particular behaviour in order to
feel that control.
We introduced this disorder at the beginning of this module by describing how it

can occur suddenly in children. This type of onset is exceedingly rare, and not at
all representative of the way that OCD usually develops. OCD generally
develops over time, ranging from childhood into early adulthood, by which time
most cases of OCD will have manifested themselves.
Although the compulsive behaviour patterns associated with OCD can be quite
disruptive to the general activities of everyday life, these patterns also tend to be
quite responsive to treatment. In fact, anxiety, depressive, and obsessive–
compulsive disorders are all generally amenable to treatment. This provides
hope for the millions of Canadians who are affected by these emotionally
draining psychological disorders.
Module 15.3a Quiz:
Anxiety Disorders
Know . . .
1. The difference between obsessions and compulsions is that
A. obsessions are repetitive behaviours, whereas compulsions are
fears about specific events.
B. obsessions are repetitive, unwanted thoughts, whereas
compulsions are repetitive behaviours.
C. obsessions are temporary, whereas compulsions are practically
permanent.
D. obsessions and compulsions are the same thing.
Understand . . .
2. Allison has an intense fear of flying, so much so that she cannot even
bear to close her eyes and imagine that she is on a plane. From this brief
description, Allison may be experiencing
A. a specific phobia.
B. a social phobia.
C. a generalized phobia.
D. normal levels of anxiety.
3. Which condition is marked by a strong feeling of tension and worry, no

matter what the situation may be?
A. A specific phobia
B. A panic attack
C. Generalized anxiety disorder
D. Normal feelings of anxiety
4. The idea that anxiety disorders can be self-perpetuating means that

A. anxiety in one situation always causes anxiety in another
situation, regardless of what is happening in those situations.
B. the emotions associated with anxiety lead to physiological
responses, which in turn lead to more anxious emotions, creating
a vicious cycle.
C. you choose when and what to be anxious about.
D. anxiety is always limited to one situation or place.
Analyze . . .
5. If anxiety leads to the onset of so many different disorders, how can it be
a beneficial, adaptive process?
A. It cannot be an adaptive process.
B. The physiological response underlying anxiety prepares us to
fight or to flee certain stimuli or situations.
C. Anxiety is a good way to gain sympathy.
D. The anxiety response evolved to help attract mates.
Mood Disorders
Mood disorders are very common, affecting almost 10% of adults in Canada and
the U.S. (Health Canada, 2002; Kessler et al., 2005). Due to a combination of
biological, cognitive, and sociocultural differences, rates of depression are twice
as high among women as among men, and three times as high among people
living in poverty (Hyde et al., 2008). There is also a genetic susceptibility to
mood disorders. In this section we discuss the two major types of mood
disorders—major depression and bipolar disorder.
Types of Mood Disorders

Feelings of sadness and depression are normal aspects of human experience.
By comparison, major depression can be very severe and may occur even when
there are no events or circumstances we normally associate with a depressed
mood. Major depression is a disorder marked by prolonged periods of
sadness, feelings of worthlessness and hopelessness, social withdrawal, and
cognitive and physical sluggishness. With this definition, it should be clear that
depression involves more than just feeling sad for a long period of time; cognitive
activities such as concentrating and making decisions are affected as well, while
memories shift toward unpleasant and unhappy events. Physiologically, affected
individuals may be lethargic and sleepy, yet also experience insomnia. They may
experience changes in appetite and the onset of digestive problems such as
constipation or stomach aches.
To fully understand depression requires considering the cumulative, daily impact

of life’s activities being interfered with by feelings of despair, uselessness, and a
lack of energy and motivation. Depression can lead to problems piling up at work
and at home, relationships being strained or crumbling, and financial problems
starting to interfere with daily life. People deep in depression may find it almost
impossible to take care of more than the barest necessities of their lives; their
social lives suffer as they stop returning phone calls or emails. Other people may
notice and get annoyed or have hurt feelings, which leads the depressed person
to feel even worse about himself. These examples provide a glimpse of how
depression can become such a monster.
Many people have experienced problems with a mood disorder. Those with
depression may experience extended periods of sadness and hopelessness that
have no apparent cause.
stefanolunardi/Shutterstock
In contrast, bipolar disorder (formerly referred to as manic depression) is

characterized by extreme highs and lows in mood, motivation, and energy. It
shares many symptoms with major depression—some distinguish the two by
referring to major depression as unipolar depression—but it occurs only about a
third as often (NIMH, 2008). Bipolar disorder involves depression at one end and
mania—an extremely energized, positive mood—at the other end. Mania may
take several forms: talking excessively fast, racing thoughts, impulsive and
spontaneous decisions, or high-risk behaviours. The experience of a manic
episode can be exhilarating and parts of it can be highly enjoyable, but the costs
of such excessive, indiscriminate, risky behaviour can be very high.
Unfortunately, during a manic state, individuals feel little concern about the
potential consequences of their actions. Later, as they come into a more normal
frame of mind, they may feel a great deal of remorse and embarrassment for
their actions, which contributes to their counter-swing into depression.
Bipolar disorder encompasses both ends of an emotional continuum, and

individuals with bipolar disorder can move from one end to the other at different
rates. Some people with bipolar disorder experience only a few manic episodes
in their lives, whereas others go through several episodes each year. A small
number of “rapid cyclers” experience very abrupt mood swings, even within a
matter of hours.
Cognitive Aspects of Depression

Depression affects cognition as well as emotion. People with depression can
become confused and can have difficulty concentrating and making decisions, all
of which contribute to growing feelings of helplessness and feeling incapable of
doing anything right.
As a depressed person begins to emphasize negative, self-defeating, and self-

critical thoughts, they develop a characteristic depressive or pessimistic
explanatory style (Abramson et al., 1978; Sweeney et al., 1986). A person’s
explanatory style involves a set of cognitive habits that are important
psychological precursors to depression. When faced with the inevitable negative
events of life, people with a pessimistic explanatory style tend make the worst of
them (instead of making the best of them), so to speak.
For example, when something bad happens, such as the person failing at a task
or a project, she tends to make internal, personal attributions for the event,
blaming herself for what happened (“It’s all my fault! I did everything wrong! I
messed the whole thing up!”). Depressed individuals also tend to make stable
attributions, assuming that the situation is going to persist (“It’s always going to
be like this. There is a fundamental problem, and it’s never going to change.”).
And as they spiral into catastrophic ways of thinking, they make global
attributions, expanding the impact of the negative event into other domains or
into overall life (“I just can’t do anything right; I’m going to mess up everything”).
The pessimistic explanatory style adds stress and drains energy by constructing
a more threatening or hopeless story for the individual. As a result, this
explanatory style tends to predict a host of life outcomes from stress and health
to success and relationships. To get a sense of how this might work in specific
events during a person’s day, imagine an individual with depression who does
something as minor as losing his keys; refer to Figure 15.5 to see the
depressive explanatory style at work. Then extrapolate that same set of patterns
across many different events throughout one’s life, and you will get a sense of
the cumulative burden that this places on the individual.
Figure 15.5 Three Elements of the Depressive Explanatory Style

The three elements of the depressive explanatory style are internalizing,
stabilizing, and globalizing.
Biological Aspects of Depression
There is a vast and rapidly growing amount of research on the biological aspects
of depression. Brain-imaging research has identified two primary regions of
interest related to depression: (1) the limbic system, which is active in emotional
responses and processing, and (2) the dorsal (back) of the frontal cortex, which
generally plays a role in controlling thoughts and concentrating. As is the case
with panic disorder, a vicious cycle appears to occur with depression. The
overactive limbic system responds strongly to emotions and sends signals that
lead to a decrease in frontal lobe activity, and this decrease in frontal lobe
functioning reduces the ability to concentrate and control what one thinks about
(Gotlib & Hamilton, 2008).
Various neurotransmitters—especially serotonin, dopamine, and norepinephrine

—are involved in depression. Serotonin appears to be particularly important.
People with depression typically have lower serotonin levels than non-depressed
individuals. Many anti-depressant medications block the reuptake of serotonin,
which leaves more serotonin in the synapse, available to stimulate the
postsynaptic neurons.
The negative emotions of depression are also linked with stress reactions
throughout the body, which tie the neurological aspects of depression (brain
regions and neurotransmitters) to physiological systems including the endocrine,
digestive, and immune systems. As a result, individuals with depression are at
higher risk for a variety of illnesses, as well as for cardiovascular disease. They
also have a higher risk of mortality in multiple age ranges; this link to mortality
even persists once researchers statistically account for health behaviours and
suicide (Penninx et al., 1999; Roblaes et al., 2005). Clearly, depression has
implications for a person’s health.
Research at the genetic level is also uncovering factors that contribute to the
likelihood of being diagnosed with depression. Twin studies suggest an
underlying genetic risk for developing major depression (Figure 15.6 ).
Additionally, behavioural genetics researchers have found that people who
inherit two copies of the short version of the 5-HTT gene are at greater risk for
developing depression, whereas those who inherit two long copies are at a far
lower risk (Caspi et al., 2003). But what is critical here is not just which genes
are inherited, but also how much stress people experience. Figure 15.7
shows how this relationship works. As the number of major stressful life events
increases, those who inherit two copies of the short version of this gene are far
more likely to develop depression, whereas those who inherit two long copies
are buffered from depression. People who inherit one copy of each gene (are
heterozygous) show intermediate responses to stressful events. Notice that the
type of serotonin gene inherited has no effect on depression after only one or
two major stressful events. The gene–environment interaction becomes apparent
after an accumulation of events. This interaction between a genetic
predisposition for a disorder and life stress is known as the diathesis–stress
model of psychological disorders (diathesis is Greek for “disposition” or
“vulnerability”). It is just one of many examples of how nature and nurture
interact.
Figure 15.6 Genetic Relatedness and Major Depression

Identical (monozygotic) twins have a greater chance of both developing major
depression compared to fraternal (dizygotic) twins. Notice that the genetic
correlation is highest for female monozygotic twins.
Figure 15.7 Gene and Environment Interactions in Depression

Stress interacts with genes and influences whether someone becomes
depressed. People who inherit two copies of the short version of a gene that
codes for serotonin activity in nerve cells are at an increased risk for becoming
depressed in response to major life stressors. Those who inherit two long copies
are buffered from becoming depressed as life stressors accumulate.
Source: From A Caspi et al., (2003) Influence of Life Stress on Depression: Moderation by a Polymorphism in the 5-HTT
Gene, Science, Vol. 301, Issue 5631, 386–389. Reprinted with permission from AAAS.
Sociocultural and Environmental Influences on

Mood Disorders
Biological and cognitive factors influencing depression interact with sociocultural
and environmental factors. For example, the quality of one’s home
neighbourhood can be a risk factor for depression (Cutrona et al., 2006). Poor
neighbourhoods are associated with higher daily stress levels due to
substandard housing and facilities, increased crime rates, and other difficulties.
Also, people living in these neighbourhoods are more vulnerable to economic
stressors such as unemployment because they generally lack the social
connections and the educational and professional opportunities that are available
to people living in high-income areas. In addition, environmental influences, such
as poverty, can interact with social factors. For example, poor neighbourhoods
often have weaker and less supportive social networks in the community. Lower
rates of home ownership and higher rates of turnover make it less likely that
people will get to know their neighbours; this makes long-lasting social
relationships (i.e., potential sources of support) much less common.
Suicide
It is difficult to imagine a worse outcome for a mood disorder than suicide. For
people who have not experienced a mood disorder, it is equally difficult to
imagine how anyone could reach such a low point. Nonetheless, suicide remains
a serious public health concern. It is the second leading cause of death (behind
transportation accidents) among Canadian youth (Public Health Agency of
Canada, 2013).
There is significant variation in who is most likely to die by suicide. Suicide is four
times more likely among males than among females. Many people believe that
adolescents are particularly vulnerable to suicide, but the highest suicide rates
are actually observed among the elderly population: The suicide rate for people
65 and older is nearly 60% higher than the rate for teens (CDC, 2010).
Fortunately, research, treatment, and public awareness have significantly
reduced the suicide rate among youth since the 1980s (Gould et al., 2003). An
unfortunate exception to this trend is in Aboriginal communities, where suicide
rates remain above the national average.
Suicide often comes as a surprise to the family and friends of the victim,
although in some cases clear warning signs are evident (Table 15.5 ). Among
people in their teens and early twenties, the most significant risk factors are
mood disorders, recent and extremely stressful life events, a family history of
mood disorders (with or without suicide), easy access to a lethal means of
suicide (most significantly, firearms), and the presence of these factors in
conjunction with substance abuse (Gould et al., 2003; Moscicki, 2001). For
young people, being the victim of bullying and social ostracism is also a risk
factor (Klomek et al., 2007).
Table 15.5 Warning Signs of Suicide

Source: American Psychological Association. (2011). Suicide warning signs. Retrieved from
http://www.apa.org/topics/suicide/signs.aspx
Learn how to recognize the danger signals. Be concerned if someone you know
Talks about committing suicide
Has trouble eating or sleeping
Exhibits drastic changes in behaviour
Withdraws from friends or social activities
Loses interest in school, work, or hobbies
Prepares for death by writing a will and making final arrangements
Gives away prized possessions
Has attempted suicide before
Takes unnecessary risks
Has recently experienced serious losses
Seems preoccupied with death and dying
Loses interest in his or her personal appearance
Increases alcohol or drug use

Certain behavioural signs are often reported by family and friends to have
preceded the suicide, giving us behavioural cues to look for in order to identify
people at higher risk for committing suicide. For example, an individual may
verbally express despair and hopelessness (“I just want to give up; Nothing
matters anymore; They’ll be better off when I’m gone”), give away personal
possessions, suddenly withdraw from work or school, or have crying spells. For a
full description of common behavioural symptoms, consult a proper checklist, or
even better, be assessed by a professional. But for now, Table 15.5 lists
common warning signs of suicide that are useful to know and watch out for,
particularly for people you know who may be at higher risk of committing suicide.
Recent research has used a novel method of identifying individuals who are
thinking about suicide: machine learning. Researchers in the U.S. created
machine-learning codes that allowed a computer to sort through the verbal and
non-verbal (voice inflection) characteristics of 379 participants recruited at local
hospitals. The algorithm sorted people into three groups—suicidal, mentally ill
but not suicidal, and controls (i.e., no psychological disorder present)—with an
85% accuracy rate (Pestian et al., 2017)! Although this is just one study, it does
suggest that psychologists and psychiatrists will have additional diagnostic tools
at their disposal in the near future.
Of course, the most important factor in saving the lives of individuals who are
suicidal is the person’s own awareness of his or her condition. There are many
options available for those people who make the decision to seek help.
PSYCH@ The Suicide Helpline

Suicide hotlines and helplines perform a vital function in today’s society
and are used by thousands of people every single day. The first
telephone suicide helplines were operated by religious organizations and
emphasized empathy and active listening. Although this may certainly be
a helpful approach, it may not meet the needs of every caller. Modern
suicide helplines are staffed by well-trained volunteers with access to
suicide prevention specialists who can aid in effectively helping the
distressed person, assess the level of risk, and get the appropriate
medical or psychological help. Telephone crisis responders need to
flexibly adapt their way of interacting with the caller, based on the caller’s
needs and where they are at that particular moment. For example, first-
time callers tend to benefit more from an active listener, who will be
nonjudgmental, compassionate, and reflective (akin to the practice of
establishing rapport with a client, which is so central in psychological
counselling). People who are repeat callers need an ever-changing
combination of many needs met, including compassion and acceptance,
empathy and understanding, and problem-solving strategies and
activities (Mishara et al., 2007; Mishara & Daigle, 1997).
Almost all Canadian universities have emergency crisis lines. For people
aged 20 and under, the Kids Help Phone is also available at 1-800-668-
6868. Additional helpful resources can be found at http://
www.suicidepreventionlifeline.org/ and http://suicideprevention.ca/
need-help/.
Module 15.3b Quiz:
Mood Disorders
Know . . .
1. is characterized by periods of intense depression as well as by
periods with elevated mood and energy levels.
A. Major depression
B. Unipolar depression
C. Bipolar disorder
D. Generalized anxiety disorder
Understand . . .
2. Depression is associated with lower activity in the frontal lobe, which may
result in
A. lack of appetite.
B. difficulty concentrating and thinking.
C. periods of elevated mood and energy.
D. impaired semantic memory.
Apply . . .
3. First-time callers to suicide prevention lines benefit most from
A. empathy and active listening.
B. firm, demanding instructions.
C. extensive problem-solving interventions.
D. direct referral to the hospital.
Module 15.3 Summary
15.3a Know . . . the key terminology related to anxiety, obsessive–

compulsive, and depressive disorders.
agoraphobia
anxiety disorders
bipolar disorder
diathesis–stress model
exposure
generalized anxiety disorder (GAD)
major depression
obsessive–compulsive disorder (OCD)
panic attacks
panic disorder
parasitic processing
phobia
social anxiety disorder
specific phobia
15.3b Understand . . . the different types of anxiety disorders.
Although anxiety disorders share many similarities in symptoms, they differ in

terms of what brings about the symptoms and the intensity of the responses. The
cues that trigger anxiety vary widely. In generalized anxiety disorder, just about
anything may cause anxiety, whereas in specific phobias, an individual fears only
certain objects. Likewise, the frequency and intensity of anxious feelings can
range from near-constant worrying to brief periods of highly intense anxiety in
phobias and panic disorder.
15.3c Understand . . . how anxiety or depressive disorders can be

self-perpetuating.
Both depression and anxiety are characterized by a vicious cycle: With anxiety,
anxious or fearful thoughts can lead to physiological arousal; physiological
arousal can lead to escape and avoidance to get rid of the immediate fear, which
in turn reinforces the anxious thoughts. In depression, a similar pattern can occur
with depressed thoughts, self-blame, and social withdrawal.
15.3d Apply . . . your knowledge of anxiety, obsessive–compulsive,

and depressive disorders, so as to be alert to people who may
benefit from some help.
Apply Activity
Write down at least five warning signs for suicide and identify the number of a
locally available suicide helpline.
15.3e Analyze . . . whether maladaptive aspects of specific phobias

might arise from perfectly normal, healthy behaviours.
To analyze this issue, we need to examine the specific symptoms that occur in
someone who has a phobia and is showing an adaptive response (fear, anxiety)
but to an inappropriate stimulus or situation. It is perfectly reasonable and
healthy to be cautious about heights, for example, in the sense that falls can be
dangerous, even life-threatening. This reaction is maladaptive only when the fear
response is so intense or out of context that it interferes with daily life. Imagine a
house painter who cannot climb a ladder or scaffold; unless he overcomes his
fear (or finds very short houses to work on), he will have to make major
adjustments to accommodate his fear.
Module 15.4 Schizophrenia
Robert P. Matthews/Princeton University/Getty Images
Learning Objectives
15.4a Know . . . the key terminology associated with schizophrenia.
15.4b Understand . . . how different neurotransmitters affect individuals with
schizophrenia.
15.4c Understand . . . the genetic and environmental contributions to
schizophrenia.
15.4d Apply . . . your knowledge to identify different forms of schizophrenia.
15.4e Analyze . . . claims that schizophrenia is related to genius or violent
behaviour.
John Nash is a remarkable story in many ways. He is remarkable for

being the inspiration for a movie, A Beautiful Mind. He is remarkable for
being a genius, a mathematician, and winner of a Nobel Prize for his
work on game theory (Google “Nash equilibrium”), which has become a
cornerstone of modern economics and has immense importance in
understanding society. He is also remarkable for being an underachiever,
you might say, in the sense that Nash undoubtedly did not rise to his full
potential, or anything close to it. The world was, at least partially,
deprived of one of its most brilliant minds because Nash also had the
remarkable characteristic of having schizophrenia.
In 1959, while a professor at MIT, and with his wife expecting their first
child, Nash began to experience delusional patterns of thought,
developed strange and rigid beliefs, and felt that he was playing some
sort of special role as a messenger of some kind, hearing and seeing
things that weren’t there, even thinking he was being contacted by aliens
who were leaving messages for him in newspapers. His ability to function
in daily life fluctuated greatly, as he veered between his lucid, brilliant
mind and his confused, schizophrenic mind. His marriage ended shortly
thereafter, and Nash eventually spent almost a decade in a psychiatric
institution. The voices in his head continued to haunt him for decades.
Eventually, he learned how to manage his symptoms and function again
in the world. He was able to return to work and even remarried his wife
(in 2001). He remained an active mathematician and frequent speaker
until his death in 2015, when he and his wife were both killed in a tragic
car crash.
John Nash’s case raises some central questions about schizophrenia.

What are the underlying neurological and cognitive processes that are
affected by the disorder and that produce the symptoms of a person’s
experiences? Are there ways of gaining control over symptoms, possibly
by strengthening the underlying systems? What factors contribute to
better management of schizophrenic symptoms and to slowing or halting
its long-term progression?
Nash’s story also challenges some common assumptions about
schizophrenia, such as the belief that it is a one-way ticket to insanity and
that the person is going to get steadily worse. Or the belief that people
with schizophrenia are to be feared, because they are perpetually
unstable and likely to do random, unpredictable, even violent or
dangerous things. Nash himself managed to live a productive, quiet,
peaceful, and generally happy life. Although this isn’t always the case
with schizophrenia, it is encouraging to know that such happy endings
are possible.
Focus Questions
1. Why do some people develop schizophrenia? What are its causal

factors?
2. What brain changes are associated with schizophrenia?
Schizophrenia is often regarded as one of the more devastating psychological

illnesses, and indeed, severe cases of schizophrenia involve a shocking loss of
basic functioning. Although schizophrenia is not common (affecting only between
approximately 4 to 8 out of every 1000 adults worldwide [Bhugra, 2005; Saha et
al., 2005]), it seems to be universal, appearing in cultures all over the world and
across history. Some of our earliest writings describe people who seem to have
lost touch with reality, who “hear voices,” and who produce bizarre speech and
behaviours. At some earlier times in history, a person experiencing such
symptoms may have been suspected of demon possession or some form of
witchcraft. At other times and places, such people might be revered as shamans
or as having special connections to the spirit world, and may well have played
important roles in the community. Now, we would likely diagnose schizophrenia.
Symptoms and Types of Schizophrenia

There are many popular but misguided beliefs regarding schizophrenia. For
example, people believe that individuals with schizophrenia have more than one
personality; however, this is a completely different disorder known as
Dissociative Identity Disorder (DID; see Module 15.2 ). In reality,
schizophrenia refers to what many psychologists and psychiatrists believe is
a brain disease that causes the person to experience significant breaks from
reality, a lack of integration of thoughts and emotions, and problems with
attention and memory. Symptoms may begin to occur and escalate very
gradually, remaining largely unnoticeable for a long time before family members
start to perceive a pattern. In other cases, however, symptoms can begin and
escalate very rapidly. There is, therefore, a very wide range of possible
trajectories that the disease may follow over time.
Stages of Schizophrenia
In most cases of schizophrenia, there are three distinct phases: prodromal,
active, and residual. These tend to occur in sequence, although individuals may
cycle through all three many times. In the prodromal phase , people may
become easily confused and have difficulty organizing their thoughts, they may
lose interest and begin to withdraw from friends and family, and they may lose
their normal motivations, withdraw from life, and spend increasing amounts of
time alone, often deeply engrossed in their own thoughts. It is not uncommon for
other people to get upset as a result of these behaviours, assuming the person is
lazy or otherwise being irresponsible. In the active phase , people typically
experience delusional thoughts, hallucinations, or disorganized patterns of
thoughts, emotions, and behaviour. This phase usually transitions into the
residual phase , in which people’s predominant symptoms have disappeared
or lessened considerably, and they may simply be withdrawn, have trouble
concentrating, and generally lack motivation.
There is huge variety in terms of the progression of schizophrenia. Some people

cycle through the three stages only a couple of times in their lives, whereas
others may cycle repeatedly; typically, the severity of the withdrawal in the
residual phase tends to increase with repeated episodes, and their ability to
function normally seems to decrease.
The symptoms of schizophrenia are most pronounced in the active phase of the
disease, but one must always remember that the transitions between these
phases will not be perfectly clean. There may be times when symptoms do not
occur during the active phase; there may also be times when they do occur
during the residual phase. Additionally, the person with schizophrenia may
experience short-term resurgences of symptoms, often triggered by stressful
periods or episodes in their lives.
Symptoms of Schizophrenia
Schizophrenia is associated with a number of different symptoms. A key
distinction is made between positive and negative symptoms (Harvey & Walker,
1987). Positive symptoms refer to the presence of maladaptive behaviours,
such as confused and paranoid thinking, and inappropriate emotional reactions.
In contrast, negative symptoms involve the absence of adaptive behaviour,
such as absent or flat emotional reactions, lack of interacting with others in a
social setting, and lack of motivation.
One common positive symptom is the presence of hallucinations , alterations

in perception, such that a person hears, sees, smells, feels, or tastes something
that does not actually exist, except in that person’s own mind. These
experiences are often accompanied by delusions , beliefs that are not based
on or well integrated with reality. For example, people may believe that they are
someone famous, or that they have a divine purpose; they may believe there is
special significance or hidden messages or codes in the media that they
encounter; they might believe that everybody despises them, or that they are
being constantly followed and that their life is in danger. Or they might believe
they can control the wind or communicate telepathically with birds. Many of these
symptoms are examples of delusions of grandeur, a belief that an individual is
more important or talented than he or she really is. For example, consider the
following personal account of Kurt Snyder, who wrote a book about his
experiences with schizophrenia during college:
I thought about fractals and infinity for many years. I always told myself I was on the
verge of discovery, but I simply had to think a little bit harder about it. I just wasn’t
thinking hard enough. The reality is that the problems I was trying to solve were far
beyond my mental abilities, but I didn’t recognize this fact. Even though I had no
evidence to substantiate my self-image, I knew in my heart that I was just like Einstein,
and that someday I would get a flash of inspiration. I didn’t recognize the truth—that I
am not a genius. I kept most of my mathematical ideas to myself and spoke to very few
people about them. I was paranoid that someone else would solve the riddle first if I
provided the right clues. (Snyder, 2006, p. 209)
Source: Snyder, K. (2006). Kurt Snyder’s personal experience with schizophrenia. Schizophrenia Bulletin, 32 (2), 209–
211. Copyright © 2006 Oxford University Press. Reprinted by permission.
In addition to hallucinations and delusions, individuals with schizophrenia often

have disorganized behaviour ; this term describes the considerable difficulty
people with schizophrenia may have completing the tasks of everyday life—
cooking, taking care of one’s hygiene, socializing. They have great difficulty
organizing their behaviour enough to complete tasks before getting distracted by
other thoughts or things to do. This makes it difficult to follow a project, or even a
train of thought, to completion, as their minds may jump from thought to thought
uncontrollably.
Kurt Snyder began experiencing schizophrenia in college. Me, Myself, and Them
is his personal account of living with schizophrenia.
Provided by Kurt Snyder, author
Individuals with schizophrenia experience several additional problems with

cognitive functioning. These range from basic, low-level physiological responses,
such as excessive eye blinking in response to stimulation (Perry et al., 2002), to
more complex cognitive skills, such as those required for standardized
achievement tests—test scores tend to drop during adolescence as the disorder
begins and progresses (Fuller et al., 2002). Many complex cognitive abilities
involve the prefrontal cortex, a brain region that shows significant neurological
decline in individuals with schizophrenia (Wright et al., 2000). This may be the
reason for deficits in working memory that connect to symptoms associated with
schizophrenia, such as the inability to keep track of a train of thought, organize
the sequence of a conversation, and handle multiple tasks at once. Working
memory deficits may partially explain the disorganized thoughts and speech
characteristic of schizophrenia (Park et al., 1999).
Social interaction is often very difficult for people with schizophrenia. These
individuals typically have difficulty reasoning about social situations and show
relatively poor social adjustment (Done et al., 1994). In addition, their emotional
expressions and ability to react to the emotions of others may be impaired (Penn
& Combs, 2000). For example, people with schizophrenia may maintain a
neutral mask-like expression on their faces, and show little response to smiles or
other expressions from people around them. As a result, the person with
schizophrenia generally is not as socially competent and strikes others as a little
“odd”; this can set social feedback processes in motion (such as others then
avoiding eye contact or extended discussions with the schizophrenic person).
This, in turn, may cause the person with schizophrenia to become aware of this
negative social feedback, to feel self-conscious and uncomfortable, and to be
more likely to socially withdraw in the future.
Social withdrawal and isolation is a very common consequence of schizophrenia

and may even be related to the long-term outcomes of the disease. Helping
people with schizophrenia deal with their own social behaviours and skills is an
important factor in the treatment of this disorder.
Common Sub-Types of Schizophrenia

As you can see, numerous symptoms accompany schizophrenia. For some
individuals, the symptoms cluster into different patterns, leading mental health
professionals in the past to identify subtypes of the disorder. These subtypes
were dropped from official practice in 2013, as they are artificial categorizations
of complex behaviour patterns, and are often not reliably measurable; but, they
are still commonly used and are therefore worth being aware of:
Paranoid schizophrenia : Symptoms include delusional beliefs that one is

being followed, watched, or persecuted, and may also include delusions of
grandeur or the belief that one has some secret, insight, power, or some
other characteristic that makes one particularly special.
Myths in Mind Schizophrenia Is Not a Sign of
Violence or of Being a “Mad Genius”

Although schizophrenia is a widely recognized term, it is also widely
misunderstood. As was mentioned in the opening story about John Nash,
people may believe that schizophrenia makes people violent or
dangerous, or causes people to have different personalities. People also
commonly believe that the “madness” of schizophrenia is associated with
being a genius. It can be difficult to dispel such myths, especially with
high-profile cases that fit so well with these common beliefs; cases like
John Nash or Ted Kaczynski (aka the “Unabomber”). Similar to Nash,
Kaczynski was a very bright mathematician who seemed to slip into
schizophrenic delusions. Contrary to Nash, however, Kaczynski’s
delusions led him to take violent actions against what he perceived to be
the evil system of our society. This earned him his Unabomber nickname,
because he sent bombs through the mail to prominent researchers at
various universities.
The truth is that schizophrenia is not associated with genius but, in fact,
with cognitive deficits. In contrast to Ted Kaczynski and John Nash, most
people with schizophrenia score slightly below average on IQ tests
(Woodberry et al., 2008). Also, people with schizophrenia are only rarely
violent. In these cases, other factors such as substance abuse usually
play a big role. People with schizophrenia do not have a propensity for
violence that is meaningfully different from the rest of the population
(Douglas et al., 2009; Fazel et al., 2009). Rather than being violent,
people with schizophrenia are likely to isolate themselves and end up in
situations in which they are likely to be harmed. In fact, it’s the people
with schizophrenia who should perhaps fear the rest of society; people
with mental illnesses are approximately 10 times more likely to be victims
of crime than the rest of the population (Teplin et al., 2005).
Disorganized schizophrenia : Symptoms include thoughts, speech,
behaviours, and emotions that are poorly integrated and incoherent. People
with disorganized schizophrenia may also show inappropriate, unpredictable
mannerisms.
Catatonic schizophrenia : Symptoms include episodes in which a person
remains mute and immobile—sometimes in bizarre positions—for extended
periods. Individuals may also exhibit repetitive, purposeless movements.
Undifferentiated schizophrenia : This category includes individuals who
show a combination of symptoms from more than one type of schizophrenia.
Residual schizophrenia : This category reflects individuals who show
some symptoms of schizophrenia but are either in transition to a full-blown
episode or in remission.
Increasing our knowledge of the complexity—and variability—of schizophrenia

has allowed clinicians to improve treatment methods. This will hopefully help
reduce stigma surrounding schizophrenia so that people may not behave as
negatively toward individuals with this disorder. Unfortunately, a great deal of
stigma does remain, in part because of common misunderstandings that many
have about schizophrenia.
People who experience catatonic schizophrenia will remain immobile, even if in a
bizarre position, for extended periods of time.
Grunnitus Studio/Photo Researchers, Inc./Science Source
Module 15.4a Quiz:
Symptoms and Types of Schizophrenia
Know . . .
1. A person with schizophrenia who experiences delusions that she is
royalty is experiencing a(n) symptom.
A. positive
B. negative
C. catatonic
D. undifferentiated
Apply . . .
2. An individual showing poor integration of thinking and emotion visits a
psychiatrist claiming that all of her neighbours are watching her. Into
which category of schizophrenia might the psychiatrist classify the
individual?
A. Residual
B. Undifferentiated
C. Disorganized
D. Paranoid
Analyze . . .
3. Which of the following statements best summarizes the relationship
between schizophrenia and violence?
A. Generally, people with schizophrenia are no more likely to
become violent than non-mentally ill people, and if violence
occurs, other factors, such as substance abuse, are likely to
contribute to its cause.
B. People with schizophrenia are twice as likely to be violent as non-
mentally ill people.
C. People with schizophrenia are far more peaceful than non-
mentally ill people.
D. People with schizophrenia cannot differentiate right from wrong,
and therefore are prone to violence.
4. There have been several famous cases of people with superior

intellectual abilities along with schizophrenia. Does this mean that
schizophrenia is the cause or the result of genius?
A. No; in fact, the average IQ of people with schizophrenia may be
slightly lower than average.
B. Yes; in fact, the average IQ of people with schizophrenia is
approximately 15% higher than average.
C. Yes, because people who are that smart are likely to develop
schizophrenia simply because they know too much.
D. No, because schizophrenia is almost always associated with very
low IQs.
Explaining Schizophrenia
So far, we have described schizophrenia based on its psychological and physical

characteristics. Researchers are also very curious about the underlying sources
of these characteristics and have employed a wide range of techniques to
discover what causes schizophrenia. Through the application of the
biopsychosocial model, a holistic understanding of schizophrenia is emerging.
Genetics
Studies using twin, adoption, and family history methods have shown that as
genetic relatedness increases, the chance that a relative of a person with
schizophrenia will also develop the disorder increases (see Figure 15.8 ). For
example, if one identical twin has schizophrenia, the other twin has a 25% to
50% chance of developing it. This rate is significantly higher than the 10% to
17% rate found in dizygotic (fraternal) twin pairs (Gottesman, 1991).
Figure 15.8 Genetic Influences for Schizophrenia
The more genetic similarity an individual has to a person with schizophrenia, the
more likely that he or she will also develop the disorder.
For decades, behavioural genetic scientists have known that genes contribute to
schizophrenia, but they have not identified the specific genes that are involved.
However, with the benefit of recent technological advances and the data from the
Human Genome Project, researchers are beginning to make progress on this
question. For example, scientists have discovered a distinct pattern of genetic
irregularities that is found in 15% of individuals with schizophrenia, compared
with only 5% of healthy controls (Walsh et al., 2008). On the one hand, this
relationship suggests a possible genetic contribution to schizophrenia. On the
other hand, the genetic abnormality was not found in 85% of the individuals with
schizophrenia.
Additional insights were provided by researchers at the University of Alberta.

Their first breakthrough came by chance, as is often the case. Researcher Diane
Cox was looking at samples of genetic material for research that had nothing to
do with schizophrenia, but she noticed samples from a mother–daughter pair that
showed a remarkable similarity; each sample had a break in one of the genes on
chromosome 14 (Kamnasaran et al., 2003); as it turned out, both of them had
schizophrenia. This important clue led to further breakthroughs about genetic
contributions to schizophrenia and the mechanisms through which genes affect
the development of the disease (Wong et al., 2013). However, given the
complexity of schizophrenia and its symptoms, much more research needs to be
performed.
Schizophrenia and the Nervous System

One important neurological characteristic of people with schizophrenia is the size
of the brain’s ventricles (the fluid-filled spaces in the core of the brain). People
with schizophrenia have ventricles that are 20% to 30% larger than people
without schizophrenia (see Figure 15.9 ; Gottesman & Gould, 2003). The
reason for these larger ventricles is a loss of brain matter, which amounts to a
reduction of total brain volume by approximately 2% in those individuals with
schizophrenia. In particular, the reduced volume can be found in structures such
as the amygdala and hippocampus (Wright et al., 2000).
Figure 15.9 Brain Volume in One Monozygotic Twin with Schizophrenia and
Another without Schizophrenia
The brains of two genetically identical individuals, one affected with
schizophrenia and the other unaffected, are shown here. The arrows point to the
spaces created by the ventricles of the brain. Note the significant loss of brain
matter in the affected individual.
Courtesy of E. Fuller Torrey and Daniel Weinberger
The brains of people with schizophrenia are not just different in size; they also
function differently. People with schizophrenia show lower levels of activity in
their frontal lobes, both in resting states and when engaged in cognitive tasks,
suggesting that these brain regions are not functioning at an optimal level (Hill et
al., 2004).
Changes in brain chemistry are also evident in schizophrenia. People with

schizophrenia have an increased rate of firing in dopamine-releasing cells. Some
of this over-activity is in a part of the brain known as the basal ganglia, which is
involved in a number of functions including reward responses. As a result of this
firing, stimuli that should be meaningless are interpreted as being quite
noteworthy (Heinz & Schlagenhauf, 2010). Excess firing of these dopaminergic
cells can produce the types of positive symptoms associated with schizophrenia,
such as hallucinations and delusions; however, dopamine cannot be the whole
neurochemical story, as it is unrelated to negative symptoms such as flattened
emotion and lack of speech (Andreasen et al., 1995).
Glutamate, another neurotransmitter, appears to be underactive in certain brain

regions, including the hippocampus and the frontal cortex. Glutamate is the
brain’s primary excitatory neurotransmitter, so a reduction of glutamate in those
areas would correspond to a reduction of their functioning. Interestingly,
glutamate receptor activity is also inhibited by the drug PCP (angel dust), which
in high doses can cause symptoms that mirror those of schizophrenia.
Psychologists have long noted that individuals who are being treated with
antipsychotic drugs that block dopamine tend to be heavy smokers. One
possible reason is that nicotine helps to stimulate the release of additional
dopamine. As a result, heavy nicotine use stimulates the dopamine-rich reward
and cognitive centres of the brain (Winterer, 2010).
ImageBroker/Alamy Stock Photo
The fact that schizophrenia has been linked with differences in genes,
neurotransmitters, and the volume of brain structures suggests that the
mechanisms underlying this disorder are not simple. Indeed, as you will read in
the next section, one of the best-known hypotheses about the cause of
schizophrenia suggests that it involves an interaction between an external agent
(possibly a virus) and the brain at some of its earliest stages of development.

Neurodevelopmental Hypothesis
Schizophrenia is obviously a complex disorder, and no single

explanation has been able to account for all the variations in its
symptoms, severity, and duration. One of the leading
perspectives on the causes of schizophrenia is the
neurodevelopmental hypothesis, which approaches
schizophrenia from a biopsychosocial perspective, emphasizing
the interaction between factors at different levels of analysis.
What do we know about the neurodevelopmental

hypothesis?
People who develop schizophrenia often exhibit identifiably
abnormal patterns of behaviour early on. Indeed, the
neurodevelopmental hypothesis suggests that the adult
manifestation of what we call “schizophrenia” is the outgrowth of
disrupted neurological development early in the person’s life. In
fact, schizophrenia may even be set in motion by environmental
factors while the person is still in the womb, such as exposure to
flu viruses.
One intriguing research finding is that people with schizophrenia

are more likely to have been born during winter months (Tochigi
et al., 2004). One hypothesis is that winter births carry this higher
risk because the onset of the flu season, in the fall, coincides with
the second trimester, in which the fetus’s brain is developing at
an enormous rate. Maternal exposure to the influenza virus at
such a critical time of neurological development is argued to be
one contributing factor to schizophrenia. More generally,
environmental factors that cause stress for the mother while
pregnant, such as losing her spouse or experiencing trauma such
as war or violence, can impact fetal development; the massive
release of stress hormones during such difficult events has a
variety of neurological and cognitive effects on the developing
fetus, which could increase the risk of developing schizophrenia
(Brown & Derkits, 2010; King et al., 2010).
How can science test the neurodevelopmental hypothesis?

The neurodevelopmental hypothesis draws from research on
genetic and prenatal factors. However, the developmental
emphasis of the hypothesis gains strength from behavioural
evidence collected during childhood and adolescence, which
shows that people who develop schizophrenia showed warning
signs when they were very young. For example, when
psychologists viewed home movies of infants and children who
subsequently developed schizophrenia, they noted that these
children showed some unusual motor (i.e., movement) patterns,
primarily on the left side of the body, such as jerky, repeated, and
unnecessary arm movements (Walker et al., 1994). These motor
patterns were not present in their siblings, who did not have
schizophrenia. This evidence suggests that a precursor of
schizophrenia is present very early in life, setting in motion the
processes and shaping the patterns of brain activity that lead
further into the development of the disorder.
In adolescence, psychologists can detect the schizophrenia

prodrome, a collection of characteristics that resemble mild forms
of schizophrenic symptoms. For example, a teenager might
become increasingly socially withdrawn and have some difficulty
with depression and anxiety. But the most telling problems
include experiences that resemble somewhat mild hallucinations
and delusions. As one example, a teen might say, “I seem to
keep hearing my mother calling my name before I fall asleep,
even when I know she isn’t home. It is strange . . .” (Walker et
al., 2010, p. 206).

Perhaps the most interesting challenge to this research, and one
that has huge implications for our understanding of
developmental disorders, is that the precursors to schizophrenia
are not unique to that disorder, but in fact are precursors to a
variety of neurodevelopmental disorders. Indeed, the traditional
view that the neurodevelopmental disorders are separate and
discrete categories is being challenged; instead, the
developmental disorders of intellectual disability, autism, ADHD,
schizophrenia, and bipolar disorder may in fact be part of a larger
syndrome of dysfunction that is rooted in common causes (Owen
et al., 2011). The fact that cognitive deficits play such a central
role in all these disorders fits with this possibility.

By identifying prenatal risk factors and developmental patterns
related to schizophrenia, it may be possible to alter the
progression of the disorder. As part of this process, researchers
will need to improve our understanding of the types of emotional
support pregnant women need in order to reduce the effects of
stress hormones on the fetus. A long-term goal of these related
research programs would be to prevent schizophrenia from
developing, or at least to control its severity (McGlashan et al.,
2006; McGorry et al., 2002). To accomplish these goals,
researchers will have to rely on all levels of explanation: genetics,
prenatal influences, brain structure and function, and
psychosocial factors.
It is worth noting that late adolescence and the early twenties is a particularly
important time for the proper development of the frontal lobes; this is also the
most common time in life for schizophrenia to be diagnosed. Importantly, this is
also often one of the more stressful periods in many people’s lives, due to the
turmoil of adolescence and the trials of early adulthood. The fact that
schizophrenia often appears during a particularly stressful stage of development
shows us that processes occurring “outside” of the individual (i.e., in the person’s
social environment) may affect the development of this disorder.
Environmental and Social Influences on

Schizophrenia
Long after prenatal development, certain events can increase one’s risk of
developing schizophrenia. For example, some research suggests that a very
small proportion of people who use marijuana develop psychotic symptoms,
possibly because the drug interacts with the genes involved in schizophrenia
(Caspi et al., 2005). Head injuries occurring prior to age 10 also put people who
are genetically vulnerable to schizophrenia at greater risk for developing the
disorder (AbdelMalik et al., 2003). Also, being raised in an environment where
psychosocial stressors (e.g., interpersonal conflict, social isolation, poverty) are
more abundant, such as modern urban environments, puts individuals at greater
risk for developing schizophrenia (van Os et al., 2004), because schizophrenic
episodes are often triggered by acutely stressful circumstances.
Closely related to the impact of stress on the development of schizophrenia is

the role of social support. Research has shown that the progression of
schizophrenia is strongly related to the way in which family members support
and treat the person with schizophrenia. Families high in emotional
expressiveness (EE) tend to be overly critical and controlling, whereas families
low in EE tend to be more supportive, accepting, and non-judging. As several
teams of researchers have found, there are huge differences between people
with schizophrenia who live in high-EE versus low-EE families. People with
schizophrenia are three to four times more likely to experience a relapse of their
symptoms within a nine-month period if they live in high-EE families (Brown et
al., 1972; King & Dixon, 1999). This trend has led to the creation of therapeutic
interventions designed to help families reduce their negative behaviours and to
learn to be more supportive.
However, research by Suzanne King of McGill University indicates that the

relationship between EE and schizophrenia may be more complicated than
previously thought. People with more severe cases of schizophrenia are more
difficult to manage, put more stress on the family, and therefore may end up
having more emotionally expressive families (King, 2000). Thus, the full
relationship between schizophrenia and emotional expressiveness may involve a
two-way causal process, with each factor affecting the other over time.
Culture and Schizophrenia

In Module 15.1 , we introduced the topic of cultural perceptions of mental
illness. Differing cultural perspectives are strongly evident when it comes to
schizophrenia. For example, ethnicity influences the types of experiences that
individuals report having. A U.S.-based study found that Anglo-Americans tend
to focus on the mental experiences of the disorder, such as disorganized thinking
and emotions. In contrast, Mexican Americans focus more on how schizophrenia
affects the body, such as by producing tension or tiredness. They conceive of the
disorder as any other form of illness, rather than viewing mental disorders as a
separate type of condition (Weisman et al., 2000).
Beliefs about mental illness are linked to varying cultural views of the world
(McGruder, 2004). Many people throughout the world, such as the Swahili of
Tanzania, believe that what we call schizophrenia is really a sign that spirits have
invaded or are communicating with the body. In many cultures, this is actually
seen as a good thing, that the person is being gifted with the ability to
communicate in some fashion with the spirit world. These individuals are given
important status in the community—virtually the opposite to the treatment of
schizophrenia in Western culture.
As you think about the different ways that a person with schizophrenia would be
treated in these different cultural contexts, and the presumed sophistication of
our scientific understanding of what we call schizophrenia, consider one
surprising fact—the long-term outcomes for people who have symptoms that
would be diagnosed as schizophrenia are actually better in developing countries
and traditional cultures that have been minimally influenced by the Western
medical system. This shows us that regardless of the symptoms of a disorder,
people benefit from being treated with kindness and compassion.
Module 15.4b Quiz:
Explaining Schizophrenia
Know . . .
1. The neurodevelopmental hypothesis states that
A. neural factors are solely responsible for schizophrenia.
B. social factors are solely responsible for schizophrenia.
C. irregular biological and environmental factors interact during early
development and are responsible for schizophrenia.
D. prenatal exposure to the influenza virus definitely causes
schizophrenia.
Understand . . .
2. Which of the following statements is most accurate concerning the
biochemical basis of schizophrenia?
A. The neurotransmitter dopamine is overly active.
B. Dopamine is underactive.
C. Serotonin levels are too low.
D. There is too much glutamate activity.
3. Evidence for the neurodevelopmental hypothesis includes the fact that

young children who eventually develop schizophrenia
A. report hallucinations as early as four years of age.
B. show unusual motor patterns such as jerky, repeated
movements.
C. lapse into periods of catatonia.
D. had the flu during preschool.
Module 15.4 Summary
15.4a Know . . . the key terminology associated with schizophrenia.
active phase
catatonic schizophrenia
delusions
disorganized behaviour
disorganized schizophrenia
hallucinations
negative symptoms
neurodevelopmental hypothesis
paranoid schizophrenia
positive symptoms
prodromal phase
residual phase
residual schizophrenia
schizophrenia
undifferentiated schizophrenia
15.4b Understand . . . how different neurotransmitters affect

individuals with schizophrenia.
Part of how we can explain schizophrenia is by identifying the neurotransmitters

that are affected by this disorder. Increased dopamine levels are associated with
the positive symptoms of schizophrenia, such as having hallucinations or
delusions. Reduced levels of glutamate, an excitatory neurotransmitter, have
been linked with the negative symptoms of schizophrenia, such as flat emotional
reactions and a lack of motivation.
15.4c Understand . . . the genetic and environmental contributions

to schizophrenia.
The neurodevelopmental hypothesis claims that at least some neurological

abnormalities are present at birth, although it does not state to what degree
these abnormalities are genetic or environmental. Nevertheless, some research
suggests that prenatal exposure to the flu or to significant amounts of stress
hormones are risk factors for this type of mental illness. Genetics seem to play a
role, as twin studies show that if one identical twin has schizophrenia, the other
has a 50% chance of developing the disorder—a substantial increase over the
1% occurrence rate in the general population.
15.4d Apply . . . your knowledge to identify different forms of
schizophrenia.
Apply Activity
Identify whether the following behaviours are positive or negative symptoms of
schizophrenia.
1. Rosalita was helped to a chair and she has sat there, virtually motionless,
for about two hours.
2. Eyanna refuses to go to the dentist. “Last time I went,” she said, “they put
a transmitter in my teeth so that the agents can control my thoughts.”
3. Jeff has begun experiencing extreme dissociations. He even has started
acting differently and referring to himself as “Dan.”
4. Jinhai’s language is very difficult to understand. He seems to be talking
perfectly well but many of the words he is using are made up and other
words are totally out of place.
15.4e Analyze . . . claims that schizophrenia is related to genius or

violent behaviour.
As you have read, some high-profile cases highlight people with schizophrenia
who are intellectually brilliant. In reality, however, research tells us that the
average intelligence of people with schizophrenia is similar to, although slightly
lower than, the norm. Similarly, the belief that schizophrenia leads to violence
derives from a small group of high-profile examples. In truth, there does not
seem to be an increased risk of violence associated with schizophrenia alone.
Chapter 16 Therapies
16.1 Treating Psychological Disorders

Barriers to Psychological Treatment 655
Mental Health Providers and Settings 657
Evaluating Treatments 660
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Can Self-Help Treatments Be

Effective? 661
16.2 Psychological Therapies

Insight Therapies 665
Behavioural, Cognitive, and Group Therapies 668
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Virtual Reality Therapies 669
16.3 Biomedical Therapies

Drug Treatments 677
Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Is St. John’s Wort Effective? 679
Technological and Surgical Methods 682

Module 16.1 Treating
Psychological Disorders
Ambrophoto/Alamy Stock Photo
Learning Objectives
16.1a Know . . . the key terminology associated with mental health treatment.
16.1b Understand . . . the major barriers to seeking help for psychological
disorders.
16.1c Understand . . . the arguments for and against involuntary treatment.
16.1d Apply . . . your knowledge to suggest what approach to therapy is likely
most appropriate for a given situation.
16.1e Analyze . . . whether self-help options, such as popular books, are a
useful therapy option.
“The Power of Vulnerability” has become one of the most popular TED
talks ever given. This simple, from the heart talk involves a brilliant,
personable, and completely vulnerable woman, talking about how she
went to a therapist because she was having a breakdown (although
according to her therapist it was a spiritual awakening). Brené Brown’s
talk on shame courageously exposed her personal struggle with feelings
of shame and “not being good enough” to millions of TED viewers. Her
deeply moving story is one that many people can relate to. Brown’s
crucial message was that it is normal and indeed healthy for a person to
go to a therapist to deal with issues like these. By being so open about
her experiences, she sets an example for the rest of us that a key step
toward overcoming the stigma surrounding mental illness and therapy is
to talk about it.
Western culture’s strong individualistic emphasis and do-it-yourself

mentality fosters the attitude that people need to be independent and
“strong.” Mental illness is often seen as a sign of weakness, and negative
stigma surrounds therapists who are sometimes stereotyped as “quacks”
or “shrinks,” lost in psycho-babble and out of touch with reality. Indeed,
popular culture has often painted an unflattering portrait of psychologists,
from the terrifying Nurse Ratchet in One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest, to
the ridiculous Dr. Frasier Crane dispensing psychological wisdom on
Frasier.
Thus, it is worth paying attention when an extremely popular cultural

event, like Brown’s TED talk, shows the public that therapy is a normal
part of many people’s lives. Perhaps the stigma associated with mental
illness and therapy is finally being overcome.
Focus Questions
1. What are the major barriers that hold people back from seeking
psychological help?
2. What are the settings in which psychological therapy typically
occurs?
In Chapter 15 we described some of the psychological disorders that affect

people. Disorders touch many people’s lives, either directly (approximately 20%
of people are thought to experience a psychological disorder at some point in
their lives; Narrow et al., 2002), or indirectly via friends, family, neighbours, or
co-workers who struggle with disorders. Furthermore, if you interpret the term
“disorder” more broadly to include experiences like shame, which can markedly
reduce or limit a person’s overall functioning, then far more than 20% of us would
benefit from getting professional help with the issues that hold us back. Clearly,
there is a pervasive need for effective psychological treatments. In this module,
we provide an overarching view of the approach our society takes to treating
psychological disorders, discussing who tends to seek treatment, who provides
it, and how treatment approaches are evaluated.
Over the past several decades, attitudes toward therapy have indeed changed. It
is now commonplace for celebrities to be open about their traumatic childhoods,
relationship problems, drug abuse, and other psychological struggles. Similarly,
bookstores have entire sections devoted to psychology, full of advice and insight
for people seeking to help themselves or someone they care about. These
changes reflect a general normalization of the idea of psychological disorders
and a lessening of the stigma surrounding mental illness. This shift is reflected in
the high number of people who seek psychological services; each year in
Canada, approximately 10% of the population seeks some form of treatment for
mental health issues (Lesage et al., 2006).
Nevertheless, not all groups of people are equally likely to seek psychological
treatment. In general, women participate in therapy more often than men, and
people aged 35 through 55 seek treatment more often than younger adults and
the elderly (Addis & Mahalik, 2003; Olfson & Marcus, 2010). People from
certain cultural groups are less likely to use psychological services; in Canada,
Asian Canadians and people of Native descent are both less likely to seek
mental health treatment than White Canadians (Sue & Lam, 2002). Therapy is
also a more popular choice for Canadians and Americans in general relative to
people from many other countries such as Israel, Hungary, Japan, and Korea
(Cohen et al., 1998; Masuda et al., 2005; Yoo & Skovholt, 2001). There are
many possible reasons for these differences, ranging from the degree of stigma
toward mental illness in different cultures to financial and other barriers that
make access to treatment more difficult.
Barriers to Psychological Treatment
Despite the optimism with which we opened this chapter, it is still the case that
many people with a disorder do not receive help. For example, in one study of
1600 adults who had been diagnosed with depression or an anxiety disorder,
only 30% were receiving some form of therapy (Young et al., 2001). In both
Canada and the U.S., surveys show that approximately two-thirds of people with
mental health issues do not seek help from the mental health system (Lesage et
al., 2006; NIMH, 2011). Furthermore, even when people do seek therapy, about
half of them significantly delay doing so after first becoming aware of their mental
health issues, often for years (DiClemente & Prochaska, 1985; Prochaska &
DiClemente, 1984). Why would people choose not to seek help?
There are many barriers that prevent or delay people from seeking psychological
treatment. One problem that almost everyone struggles with is that disorders
themselves are inherently ambiguous; there is no objective, easily definable line
between “mentally healthy” and “mentally ill” and no litmus test that can tell a
person with a high degree of certainty that they need to seek help. Thus, a
person may believe he is simply “sad,” not depressed, and of course, sadness is
a regular part of life, and not everyone who is sad needs to see a therapist. Or, a
person may believe she is merely stressed or a bit worried about things, not that
she has an anxiety disorder. This inescapable ambiguity makes it unclear exactly
when it’s desirable for a person to seek treatment.
Also, people very commonly are motivated to not see themselves as mentally ill,
so much so that they minimize their symptoms, basically tricking themselves and
others to think that they are healthier than they really are. To some, having a
mental illness would feel like a sign of weakness or a personal failing, and they
may not want to see themselves that way, or may not want to feel like a burden
to their families and loved ones. Other people may be unwilling to risk the social
stigma and fear they might embarrass themselves or their families, or they may
not trust the psychological or psychiatric professions and be skeptical of the
efficacy and safety of different treatments (Craske et al., 2005; Mansfield et al.,
2005; Vanheusden et al., 2008). Overcoming such skepticism may make a big
difference in helping people seek treatment; for example, in one study, 99% of
respondents said they would seek mental health treatment if they believed it
would be helpful (Fox et al., 2001). There is an important role to be played by
educational programs that help people become aware of how different problems
can be treated, and help to build confidence in the mental health profession (Fox
et al., 2001; Sharp et al., 2006).
The cumulative impact of the different barriers to psychological treatment leaves

millions of people delaying or simply never receiving the kind of therapy and
support that could seriously improve their lives (P. S. Wang et al., 2005).
Understanding these barriers is an important step toward overcoming them.
Stigma About Mental Illness

One common barrier that we alluded to earlier is stigma toward mental illness
and toward the process of therapy itself (Corrigan, 2004; Vogel et al., 2009).
You may already understand the effects of stigma—just imagine how different it
might be for a business executive to take some time off work to undergo surgery
versus taking time off to deal with “emotional issues.” Having surgery or some
other physical health issue to deal with would likely be far easier for the person
to talk to colleagues about, for others in the workplace to offer support and rally
around the person, and for the time off to not impact the person’s success in the
company. Unfortunately, in many professions, mental illness carries a strong
stigma that can result in people with psychological disorders experiencing
discrimination at the workplace. There may also be social costs, such as being
treated differently by friends, family, or potential romantic partners. For example,
one out of every two Canadians admits that they would likely not socialize with a
friend who had a serious mental illness, and one in four Canadians admits that
they are afraid to be around people with serious mental illnesses (Canadian
Medical Association, 2008). Obviously, we still have a long way to go before
mental illnesses are viewed in the same way as physical ailments.
Gender Roles
In many countries with strong gender norms, including Canada and the U.S.,
there are extra pressures on men to avoid treatment because needing help and
going to therapy seem incompatible with the idea of being strong and
independent, key aspects of the male gender role. This emphasis on strength
and independence leads people to deny that they have any problems, or to
believe that they need to “just get over it,” as though people can be expected to
overcome mental health issues through sheer force of will. This emphasis on
individual strength and self-reliance certainly doesn’t promote talking about
emotions and acknowledging vulnerabilities, steps that would put people on a
path toward healing (Berger et al., 2005; Mahalik et al., 2003). In fact, getting
men to see therapy differently has presented such a challenge that the National
Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) has staged public awareness campaigns in the
U.S., such as the “Real Men, Real Depression” campaign. Initial evidence
indicates that social marketing messages such as this do succeed in increasing
the likelihood people will seek help, perhaps partially overcoming resistance
based on traditional gender roles (Bell et al., 2010; Rochlen et al., 2006).
Logistical Barriers: Expense and Availability

Two of the main barriers to mental health treatment are about access—whether
people can afford the cost and the time for treatment (Colonna-Pydyn et al.,
2007; Craske et al., 2005). Money has a particularly profound influence on the
way that the mental health system functions and the kinds of treatments that are
available for many people. For example, psychotherapy can be very expensive,
generally costing more than $100 per hour, and often much more than that.
Therapy is also associated with numerous indirect costs, such as time away from
work, transportation, and possibly childcare.
Unfortunately, government healthcare coverage in Canada generally only
includes treatment by psychiatrists, leaving counsellors, psychologists, and many
types of therapists less able to reach many people who can’t afford their
services. The net result of these sorts of funding decisions is to place substantial
emphasis on the medical approaches to treating psychological disorders. In
practice, this means that most of the money flows to the pharmaceutical
industries, hospitals, and psychiatric treatments, leaving many talk-based
counsellors and therapists (as well as emerging movements within the field of
therapy that are not yet widely recognized) heavily disadvantaged.
This practice may also mean that many people’s lives spiral into much greater
distress and dysfunction than would be necessary if people were able to get
therapeutic help for things like learning to effectively manage emotions, improve
relationships in the family, or deal with stress or problematic behaviour patterns.
Without easy access to counsellors who could help with issues like these, people
often try to cope with life as best they can until problems develop into such major
issues that they can no longer avoid seeking help. This often results in the
treatment process beginning in a hospital emergency room, which places an
extra burden on the public healthcare system (Snowdon, 1999). If an ounce of
prevention is worth a pound of cure, as the old saying goes, our current method
of funding mental healthcare seems to go in exactly the opposite direction.
To help overcome these barriers, some community organizations provide offices

in lower-income areas where private psychotherapists are scarce and needed.
Community mental health centres sometimes provide therapy on a sliding scale,
which means the cost of a one-hour session varies depending on the patient’s
income and whether he has additional health benefits from his employer that
would cover some of the therapy costs. Drug treatments can also be made more
affordable by using generic products as opposed to brand-name ones, although
this tends to be resisted by pharmaceutical companies who spend huge sums of
money researching and promoting their drugs. In short, efforts are being made to
make therapy more accessible to more people, but the cold reality is that unless
policy changes are made to open up funding to a wider diversity of mental health
treatments, the problem will persist.
Involuntary Treatment
In some cases, people are required (that is, forced) to enter the mental health
system against their will. In Canada and the United States, as well as many other
countries, people can be compelled through the courts or on the advice of social
service agencies or doctors to be treated for mental illness. The majority of these
cases arise due to the person engaging in highly erratic or disturbing behaviour,
which results in legal trouble and the perception that the person may be a risk to
themselves or others. Involuntary treatment can also be required after the person
commits harm to others, as in some cases of domestic violence.
This “outpatient commitment” is a highly contentious issue in the field of mental

health and in the legal system, because it strips people of some of their basic
rights. Proponents of this practice argue that it improves mental health, reduces
the costs of mental illness on society, and increases the effectiveness of
treatment by ensuring that people with severe disorders receive treatment that
they might otherwise avoid; it also may protect society from people who may
otherwise commit harm. People who are opposed are concerned that this
practice is unethical because it can restrict the freedom and take away the rights
of people who have not done anything harmful to themselves or others, force
people to receive medications that may alter brain function and have dangerous
side effects, and easily be misapplied to certain ethnic groups and lower
socioeconomic classes (Kisely et al., 2011).
Research has thus far failed to clear up the controversy. For example, some
studies show that a significant number of people benefit from mandated
treatment, as indicated by their adherence to treatment and reduced encounters
with law enforcement (Hough & O’Brien, 2005; Pollack et al., 2005). On the
other hand, many people placed in involuntary treatment programs feel coerced
and resentful, and not everyone benefits from the programs. The concern that
involuntary treatment decisions can be biased has also been backed up by
research. A survey of records in the U.S. indicated that individuals who are lower
in socioeconomic status and from African-American or Latino backgrounds are
significantly more likely to receive court-ordered treatment (Takeuchi & Cheung,
1998). To be fair, some of this seeming bias may be due to benevolent reasons;
for example, if poorer individuals are unable to afford treatment, then a court-
ordered treatment may be relied upon to get people the help that they need. But
much of this bias may be due to more undesirable reasons, such as prejudice
and the general lack of legal power available to people of lower socioeconomic
status and marginalized ethnic groups. Thus, supporters of involuntary treatment
continue to point to its apparent benefits for some people, whereas opponents
point to its apparent costs for others. The debate continues.
Module 16.1a Quiz:
Barriers to Psychological Treatment
Know . . .
1. Which of the following is not an argument against the practice of
involuntary commitment?
A. Committing people against their will is wrong because it removes
people’s basic human rights and freedoms.
B. Imposing treatments, such as drug treatments, onto people is
unethical because the side effects and unintended consequences
of the treatment itself may further harm the person.
C. The decision to commit people to treatment can be biased due to
prejudice and stereotypes that exist in society.
D. Committing people against their will is unnecessary because
people can generally get the help they need on their own.
Understand . . .
2. Which of the following is not a barrier for people seeking help for a
psychological disorder?
A. The financial costs associated with therapy
B. The fact that it is more culturally accepted for males to enter
therapy
C. Some people’s tendency to minimize their symptoms, making
them seem less harmful than they really are
D. Skepticism toward therapy in general
Apply . . .
3. A person’s fear that she may be stigmatized for having a mental illness
A. is unfounded; our society has advanced too far to still be
stigmatizing mental illness.
B. is based on fear that they may be exposed to severe treatments
against their will.
C. is the sign of delusions, possibly indicating schizophrenia.
D. is understandable; unfortunately, there may often be professional
or social costs when others know someone has had a
psychological disorder.
Mental Health Providers and Settings
A wide variety of treatment settings are available for people in need of mental
health care. The type of treatment people receive depends on several factors,
including their age, the type and severity of the disorder, and the existence of
any legal issues and concerns that coincide with the need for treatment. Mental
health services include inpatient care, outpatient office visits, the use of
prescription drugs, attending therapy sessions, and taking part in support groups.
Different types of care tend to be delivered by professionals with different training
and skill sets.
Mental Health Providers

In popular culture, the terms psychologist and psychiatrist are often (and
erroneously) used as if they mean the same thing. In fact, there are some major
differences between the two, and even within a category there can be huge
differences; certainly not every psychologist nor every psychiatrist takes the
same approach as their peers.
Today, some people with severe mental disorders reside in an institution or
hospital that specializes in mental health care. These settings are dramatically
different than they were just a few decades ago, when they were called “insane
asylums” and other unfortunate names.
Jerry Cooke/The LIFE Images Collection/Getty Images
Clinical psychologists are perhaps the best-known type of psychologist in the

mental health field. Clinical psychologists have obtained PhDs and are able
to formally diagnose and treat mental health issues ranging from the everyday
and mild to the chronic and severe. Counselling psychologists are mental
health professionals who typically work with people who need help with more
common problems such as stress and coping; issues concerning identity,
sexuality, and relationships; anxiety and depression; and developmental issues
such as childhood trauma. Counselling psychologists may have either a Master’s
or PhD degree. Practitioners of clinical and counselling psychology work in many
capacities and settings. They may provide individual or group therapy in an office
or institution such as a hospital, or they may conduct psychological testing and
research. Other people with different levels of training and background also
conduct therapy; for example, clinical social workers and psychiatric nurses
conduct therapy to help people cope with psychological problems.
Psychiatrists are medical doctors who specialize in mental health and who
are allowed to diagnose and treat mental disorders through prescribing
medications. It is important to note that many psychiatrists also work within an
integrative biopsychosocial perspective and perform psychological counselling
and therapy, or work closely with other professionals who provide such services.
Historically, in Canada and most U.S. states, clinical psychologists have not
been allowed to prescribe medications, so in many settings psychologists and
psychiatrists work together, combining medications with psychological therapies.
Like clinical psychologists, psychiatrists work in a variety of settings, but they are
most frequently found in hospitals and other institutional settings.
Inpatient Treatment and Deinstitutionalization

Throughout much of human history (although certainly not in all cultural settings),
people experiencing severe disorders—such as the profound disturbances
associated with schizophrenia or Alzheimer’s disease—were often separated
from society. In the 1800s and 1900s, it was common practice to confine people
in an asylum. These actions were generally not considered to be “treatments”
because there was no hope that the individuals would get better. Instead, the
goals were to protect the public and to provide basic care for individuals whose
families could not do so (Wright, 1997).
Sadly, many of the mental institutions of past generations were terrible places for
the patients. The creation of large institutions for housing the mentally unwell
began in the 14th century due to rapidly growing European populations and
mass migration to cities; these trends tended to disrupt the normal family and
community traditions that would have provided structure to individuals’ lives and
the bonds of collective responsibility that people would have had for the mentally
ill members of their families. As a result, the number of society’s outcasts grew to
the point that institutions were built to house them. For the next few centuries,
the inmates of these institutions were subjected to brutal confinement, torture,
and an almost complete lack of humane conditions. In fact, the modern word
bedlam derives from this time. In 1403, St. Mary of Bethlehem, a hospital in
London, England, began admitting patients with mental issues; the hospital’s
treatment of these patients was so awful and the hospital was so chaotic that
“bedlam” (a mispronunciation of Bethlehem) began to be used to refer to chaos
and madness in general (Foucault, 1975).
By the end of the 19th century, psychology was gaining credibility as a science,
and asylums were built both to house the mentally ill and to attempt to treat their
conditions. Unfortunately, these asylums quickly became overcrowded, and
there were not many effective treatments at the time for most disorders. Thus,
despite the good intentions, in practical terms the asylums became little more
than giant warehouses that separated the mentally ill from the rest of society,
only differentiated from the earlier mental institutions in that the most deplorable
of conditions had been improved and there was a more explicit emphasis on
finding treatments to help manage patients’ symptoms.
This pattern continued until the 1960s, when people started to take a dim view
toward merely housing those with disorders in dismal asylums. One major
contribution to the shift in attitudes was that effective treatments began to be
developed for some disorders, largely in the form of medications. As patients’
symptoms became more treatable, a society-wide movement toward
deinstitutionalization occurred, which involved the movement of large
numbers of psychiatric in-patients from their care facilities back into regular
society, generally after having their symptoms alleviated through medication. The
next three decades saw about an 85% decrease in the number of psychiatric
inpatients (Sealy & Whitehead, 2004), both in Canada and many other countries
(Fakhoury & Priebe, 2002). Although a small subset of people remained who
required inpatient care, the vast majority of patients who entered the hospital
stayed for a relatively short time before they were stabilized, given medication,
and sent back (ideally) to the care of their families.
In the decades since this movement began, mental health care providers have
amassed many resources and strategies to help people in distress. For example,
in as little as three or four days, a patient admitted after a suicide attempt may be
fully evaluated, begin medication and therapy, receive education about
emergency resources such as suicide hotlines, and then be released. Whereas
the goal in the past was to remove the mentally ill from society, now inpatient
treatment is geared toward protecting the individual patient from harm while
encouraging a quick and successful return to regular society.
Of course, some people still require intensive, long-term care. In place of

asylums, many chronic inpatients now live in residential treatment centres.
These centres allow inpatients to enjoy much more personal freedom, depending
on the severity of the patients’ symptoms. Low-level residential treatment
centres are housing facilities in which residents receive psychological therapy
and life skills training, with the explicit goal of helping residents become re-
integrated into society. Medium- to high-level centres have the same emphasis
as low-level centres, but also place restrictions on individuals’ freedoms for
reasons of safety and stability. These centres function like hospitals inside
medium-security prisons, with a high staff-to-resident ratio to ensure that
residents’ movements and freedom remain under control, with potential escapes
prevented by security systems and physical barriers (e.g., locked doors that bar
escape). These facilities are intended for individuals with more dangerous
histories—such as incidents of physical or sexual assault.
The Importance of Community Psychology

Outpatient therapy and inpatient housing simultaneously grew in popularity
through the early 20th century. However, many of the formerly imprisoned
patients who were released back into society did not have family or social
support structures in place to help them reintegrate successfully. As a result,
many mentally ill people faced problems with substance abuse, homelessness,
and being victimized or traumatized by people who took advantage of their
vulnerable state.
To deal with these issues, some psychologists began to place less emphasis on
individual, one-on-one therapy, in favour of working with the community at large.
This gave rise to a field known as community psychology , which focuses on
identifying how individuals’ mental health is influenced by the community in
which they live, and emphasizes community-level variables such as social
programs, support networks, and community resource centres to help those with
mental illness adjust to the challenges of everyday life.
Psych@ The University Mental Health
Counselling Centre
In many workplace or education-based communities, mental health
services are available to the population through the institution’s own
services. A good example is university campuses. The stresses of
university life can often bring about temporary struggles with mental well-
being. Students must deal with the stresses of managing a heavy
workload, beginning a career path, and developing an adult identity, and
also often juggle work and family obligations along with school. Some
students also face lifelong struggles with mental illness. Approximately
15% of university students exhibit symptoms of depression. One study on
first-year students at Acadia University found that 7% of male and 14% of
female students experienced a major depressive disorder in their first
year at school alone (Price et al., 2006)! In general, mental health issues
seem to be on the rise in university students; over the past two decades,
rates of depression have increased more than 50%, with anxiety
disorders and other issues also increasing (American College Health
Association, 2007).
University counselling centres typically employ a resident psychologist or

psychiatrist, along with a staff of trained counsellors. These centres are
in great demand and often have waiting lists. Counsellors are trained to
help with the more common student issues, such as stress, anxiety, time
management, depression, and relationship issues, but they also often
encounter students with more severe disorders than most counselling
centres are designed to accommodate (Gallagher, 2007; Voelker,
2003). In these cases, counsellors can help students find appropriate
mental health professionals and, potentially, advocate on their behalf.
Through working at a community level rather than narrowly focusing on

individuals, community psychologists hope to prevent or minimize the
development of disorders, seeking to enhance the factors (such as healthy family
relationships) that strengthen people and make them more resilient to the kinds
of stresses that can otherwise undermine mental health. For example, to prevent
depression, community psychologists may conduct research into the
environmental and neighbourhood factors that contribute to stress, anxiety, and
depression, and then work with community groups to resolve these problems. In
addition, they may develop programs to counter negative cognitive patterns and
bolster positive thinking in schools and afterschool programs.
Module 16.1b Quiz:
Mental Health Providers and Settings
Know . . .
1. Which type of provider is generally permitted to prescribe medications?
A. Psychiatrist
B. Clinical psychologist
C. Clinical social worker
D. Medical psychologist
2. study how individuals’ mental health is influenced by their

neighbourhood, economics, social groups, and other community-based
variables.
A. Residential treatment centres
B. Community psychologists
C. Psychiatrists
D. Social workers
3. The social movement against keeping the mentally ill in asylums is

known as .
A. empirically validated treatments
B. social work
C. deinstitutionalization
D. community psychology
Evaluating Treatments
Given the diversity of treatment approaches and settings that are available, it is
important to know which approaches are effective. Aside from the obvious
economic logic of society not wasting money on ineffective treatments, it is
important for individuals seeking help to get assistance that is effective. In the
mid-1990s, the American Psychological Association set up task forces to
evaluate different therapy practices and made their findings and
recommendations available online to the general public (APA, 2009). This led to
a call for more studies to examine the effectiveness of different therapeutic
approaches, so that “evidence-based” treatments could be identified and given
further financial support, such as being included in insurance companies’ health
insurance plans.
Empirically Supported Treatments

Empirically supported treatments (also called evidence-based therapies)
are treatments that have been tested and evaluated (Chambless & Ollendick,
2001; De Los Reyes & Kazdin, 2008). The most rigorous way of testing whether
a certain therapy works is through an experiment. An experiment generally
involves randomly assigning volunteers to a treatment group (e.g., a type of
therapy) and to a control group. Ideally, experiments are also double-blind, which
in this case means that neither the patient nor the individual evaluating the
patient is aware of which group the patient is in. However, this level of rigour is
often close to impossible to attain when evaluating therapies. One common
problem is that it is ethically problematic to place people into a control group that
receives no treatment of any kind, because it effectively denies them treatment
that they need. It is also generally impossible to use double-blind procedures,
given that a therapist, of course, knows which type of treatment she administers,
and many clients likely do as well.
Also, it can be very difficult to assess the general effectiveness of a therapeutic

approach if therapists themselves differ widely in their own level of relevant skills.
Furthermore, each client and therapist is unique, and much of the effectiveness
of therapy comes from the therapeutic alliance —the relationship that
emerges in therapy. In fact, the specific type of therapy used is actually less
important than the “common factors” of empathy, trust, and the like, which allow
the therapist and client to build an appropriately supportive relationship.
Establishing a positive relationship therefore depends on various qualities of the
therapist and client, as well as the “fit” between the two. Therapists who are
more socially skilled (who show warmth, concern, and empathy) tend to be more
effective. Similarly, clients who are more open to the process, more willing to
trust the therapist, and more willing to recognize and work on their issues are
more likely to benefit from therapy (Prochaska & Norcross, 2002).
Therefore, even though many therapists may provide the same therapy, each
therapist will have a slightly different personal approach, and each combination
of client and therapist will be unique. As a result, it is very difficult to adequately
test the effectiveness of many therapeutic approaches to the rigorous extent
required for empirical support (DeRubeis & Crits-Cristoph, 1998). This is one
rather ironic way in which the understandable desire for “evidence-based
treatments” may, in fact, create problematic biases that shift the field towards the
types of therapies whose efficacy is robust across different therapists and clients,
so is easy to measure. What if there are therapeutic approaches that may be
highly successful, but depend on subtle elements of the therapeutic situation?
For example, therapies that involve deep work on emotional patterns that stem
from childhood trauma or attachment insecurity may depend heavily on difficult-
to-measure variables such as the empathic connection between the therapist
and the client, or the extent to which the therapist is skilled at being emotionally
attuned and empathic, and these approaches may thus not fare as well in
attempts to identify evidence-based approaches.
This is, admittedly, a confusing and complex issue. On the one hand, of course
we want to have evidence that a particular therapy works, so that clients aren’t
subjected to (and paying for) the ineffective treatments, the particular biases of
therapists, or outdated practices. On the other hand, the very search for
“evidence” may bias the field towards particular forms of therapy whose
outcomes are reliable and easy to measure, and as a result, discourage people
from practising or exposing themselves to forms of therapy that may be
profoundly transformative in ways that are more difficult to rigorously evaluate
(Westen & Bradley, 2005).
The same challenges have held back research on the effectiveness of self-help
treatments. Nevertheless, some research has tried to address this issue, given
the explosion of self-help literature in the past few decades.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Can Self-

Help Treatments Be Effective?
Many people opt to address their psychological problems by

using resources that do not involve visiting an actual therapist,
such as self-help books, online information, or community
workshops. Are these approaches helpful?
What do we know about the availability of self-help

treatments?
There is a huge variety of self-help materials available to the
public. Just walk down to your local bookstore and check out the
psychology section, where you will find books on everything from
anxiety and depression to how to raise children, deal with
divorce, and optimize your well-being. A quick perusal will reveal
that many of these books are written by people with PhDs in the
relevant fields (although many are not), but the books also do not
always agree with one another on the best approach to whatever
issue they are discussing. For example, if you read the popular
literature on how to help children deal with emotional struggles,
you could catalogue several approaches that were not only
different, but actually would work against each other. Which
approach is right? How can we know whether self-help literature
is effective in general?
How can science test the effectiveness of self-help

treatments?
There is some research on this issue, examining whether
bibliotherapy , the use of self-help books and other reading
materials as a form of therapy, improves people’s symptoms. For
example, one study attempted to assess the effectiveness of
bibliotherapy over a three-month period in 170 elderly primary-
care patients who were experiencing depression. The patients
were evenly divided into two groups: both groups received a
“standard care” approach, but the self-help group also read a
self-help book on depression. After three months, the group who
read the self-help book in addition to the standard care showed
no signs of reduced depression compared to the control group
(Joling et al., 2010). However, as discussed earlier, this is hardly
a definitive test of the effectiveness of self-help. It’s possible that
particular book wasn’t effective for this population, but a different
one could have been. Or, different books may appeal to different
people, so testing a single book on a whole group may show no
overall improvement, even though a few individuals may have
benefited substantially.
A slightly stronger approach to this question is to perform a meta-

analysis, combining numerous studies testing a similar
hypothesis. One such analysis combined six separate studies
that had tested whether the book Feeling Good reduced
depressive symptoms. The researchers found that over four
weeks, those who read the book had reduced depression
compared to those who did not (see Figure 16.1 ; Anderson
et al., 2005). Thus, there may be reason to believe that
bibliotherapy can be helpful.
Figure 16.1 Results of Six Studies Evaluating the
Self-Help Book Feeling Good
Research on the book Feeling Good shows successful results in

reducing symptoms of depression. Comparisons across six
studies (identified by author name and publication date) indicate
statistically significant improvement in each case (Anderson et
al., 2005).
Source: Based on Anderson, L., Lewis, G., Araya, R., Elgie, R., Harrison, G., Proudfoot, J., Schmidt,
U., Sharp, D., Weightman, A, & Williams, C. (2005). Self-help books for depression: How can
practitioners and patients make the right choice? British Journal of General Practice, 55, 387–392.

The biggest strength of the self-help literature is also its biggest
weakness: there are so many books available that it is almost
impossible to ensure that they are all credible sources of
information. The research presented above used a single book,
Feeling Good, as the representative of self-help books.
Obviously, this is not sufficient evidence in favour of using self-
help books to cope with psychological disorders (an issue that the
authors of that research were quick to point out). People planning
to use self-help books should ensure that the authors have the
necessary qualifications to advise people about mental-health
issues. If possible, they should also see if the coping strategies
promoted in the book have been tested by scientists. Although
the dense methods and results sections of academic articles may
intimidate some readers, most articles also come with an
accessible summary (known as an abstract) that provides
readers with the take-home message of the study (i.e., did it
work?).
The reason that caution is necessary when using self-help books

is that many psychological disorders are both complex and
emotionally intense. Exploring the different symptoms of a
person’s psychological disorder—and examining their causes—
can sometimes be a difficult experience. Having a trained
therapist aid you in coping with these experiences is often helpful.
This is not to say that all self-help books should be avoided.
Rather, it is to warn people that these books do not always
prepare people for the emotions that can arise as they deal with
the symptoms of their psychological disorders.

Self-help options have major advantages over traditional
approaches to therapy, which means that if they do work, even in
part, this is important to know. For example, self-help options are
typically low in cost (e.g., compare $150 for an hour of therapy to
$20 for a book), are convenient, and can be accessed
anonymously, thereby reducing the barriers of stigma,
inconvenience, and cost that often prevent people from accessing
therapy. Furthermore, self-help options are extremely easy to find
in the self-help section in the bookstore or with a quick online
search for self-help programs. Indeed, many people consult
online resources to get help for depression, anxiety, substance-
abuse problems, and sexual health (Fox, 2005).
That said, research does suggest that self-help approaches,

relative to in-person therapy sessions, are less likely to lead
people to actually implement changes in their own lives
(O’Kearney et al., 2006). If you are experiencing psychological
distress, it is probably advisable to speak with a mental health
professional at least once—especially if symptoms are severe—
to find out whether self-help is appropriate for your situation. A
professional may also be able to suggest good resources, which
can save you a great deal of wasted energy wading through
stacks of self-help literature to find quality information.
Module 16.1c Quiz:
Evaluating Treatments
Know . . .
1. is the relationship that emerges in therapy between the therapist
and client, and is an important determinant of the therapy’s effectiveness.
A. Client insight
B. Bibliotherapy
C. Therapeutic alliance
D. Friendship
Understand . . .
2. What does it mean to say that a therapy has “empirical support”?
A. Insurance companies prefer it.
B. Therapists prefer to use it.
C. Research studies confirm that it is effective compared to no
treatment and possibly compared to other alternatives.
D. Research studies demonstrate that it can do a better job than
drugs.
3. Which of the following conclusions best summarizes the effectiveness of

bibliotherapy?
A. It has no benefit whatsoever.
B. It is more effective than other forms of therapy.
C. It works, but is addictive.
D. It may be helpful to many people, but its results are not
consistent.
Module 16.1 Summary

16.1a Know . . . the key terminology associated with mental health
treatment.
bibliotherapy
clinical psychologist
community psychology
counselling psychologist
empirically supported treatments
psychiatrist
residential treatment centre
therapeutic alliance
16.1b Understand . . . the major barriers to seeking help for psychological

disorders.
These barriers include expense, availability, gender, and attitudes toward

therapy, which are often influenced by the stigma against therapy that may be
held by a particular group (e.g., males in general).
16.1c Understand . . . the arguments for and against involuntary

treatment.
Proponents of involuntary treatment argue that it helps to protect innocent people
who may otherwise end up being victims of violence at the hands of a
psychologically disturbed individual. Proponents also argue that such treatment
improves mental health and ensures that people with severe disorders receive
appropriate treatment. Opponents argue that there is no good evidence that
involuntary treatment benefits the individual, and instead, receiving involuntary
treatment may result in the patient feeling coerced or resentful, suggesting that
such treatments are not without cost.
16.1d Apply . . . your knowledge to suggest what approach to therapy is

likely most appropriate for a given situation.
The appropriate kind of therapeutic setting depends on a host of factors, from

what is available and within the person’s means to afford, to what sorts of issues
the person is experiencing. For common problems such as stress and milder
forms of depression and anxiety, seeing a counselling psychologist is likely the
best first step; for students, most universities offer counselling services on
campus. For more severe and debilitating problems, such as severe anxiety,
depression, or schizophrenia, a clinical psychologist or psychiatrist is likely most
appropriate. A psychologist will likely engage in a form of psychological therapy,
whereas a psychiatrist will likely take a more physiological approach involving
prescribing medication.
16.1e Analyze . . . whether self-help options, such as popular books, are a

useful therapy option.
Self-help books alone are not likely to be life-changing or good stand-alone

treatments for serious problems such as major depression, anxiety, and
substance abuse. Even so, research on bibliotherapy indicates that in some
cases, when used in conjunction with other methods, reading self-help books
can bring about modest improvements. It is, of course, always possible that for a
specific individual, any specific self-help book may be profoundly helpful and
even life-changing; however, on average, reading self-help books has only a
small therapeutic benefit.
Module 16.2 Psychological
Therapies
wavebreakmedia/Shutterstock
Learning Objectives
16.2a Know . . . the key terminology related to psychological therapies.
16.2b Understand . . . the general approaches to conducting major types of
psychological therapy.
16.2c Apply . . . your knowledge to identify major therapeutic techniques.
16.2d Analyze . . . the pros and cons of the major types of psychological
therapy.
Medical doctors are generally required to follow the Hippocratic Oath—a
pledge that they will cause no harm to their patients. One way of
honouring this oath is to use the safest and most effective treatments.
Although we do not generally associate the Hippocratic Oath with
psychologists, they also follow the basic tenet, seeking to use techniques
that are safe and do not cause harm to their clients. If there is a
possibility that a specific type of treatment might worsen a condition, this
treatment should therefore be avoided, unless there are no better
options.
For example, Scared Straight was a program developed in the 1970s that
involved exposing at-risk youth to prisons and prisoners. The
interventions were based on the premise that shocking or scaring the
youths with the harsh realities of prison life would deter criminal activity.
These scare tactics involved blunt descriptions of prison violence, along
with verbal aggression directed at adolescents attending the sessions.
The program may have succeeded in scaring and shocking adolescents,
but the youths who attended these sessions did not necessarily go down
a straight path. Many were later convicted of crimes and incarcerated. In
fact, if anything, the program seemed to backfire; according to some
analyses, participants in the program showed an increased chance of
subsequently committing crimes (Petrosino et al., 2003).
Scared Straight and other methods for helping people can,

unintentionally, do more harm than good (Lilienfeld, 2007). Although a
rare case, this example reminds us that therapy can be done in many
different ways, and we should be cautious in determining which methods
are best.
Focus Questions
1. Which options for therapy are available?

2. Are all well-established options equally effective at treating
problems?
In Module 16.1 , we introduced psychological therapy as a set of processes

for resolving personal, emotional, behavioural, and social problems and
improving well-being. Psychological therapy is a broad term, and mental health
providers have a veritable smorgasbord of therapeutic approaches to choose
from. In this module, we will study several of these approaches. Although the
methods are diverse, they are all types of psychological therapy, rather than
biological or medical therapy. In psychological approaches, techniques for
resolving problems rely heavily upon communication between client and
therapist.
Insight Therapies
Psychologists have long believed that self-knowledge and understanding can

lead to positive changes in behaviour. This is certainly the case for insight
therapies , which is a general term referring to therapy that involves dialogue
between client and therapist for the purposes of gaining awareness and
understanding of psychological problems and conflicts. Historically, the formal
beginning of insight therapy came with the development of psychoanalysis by
Sigmund Freud and its evolution into psychodynamic therapies , forms of
insight therapy that emphasize the need to discover and resolve unconscious
conflicts.
Psychoanalysis: Exploring The Unconscious

Psychoanalysis sprang out of Freud’s understanding of consciousness. As
described in Module 12.3 , Freud hypothesized that much of our
consciousness occurs at the unconscious level, outside of our awareness. In
particular, many fundamental urges, such as sexuality and aggression, were
thought to constantly influence how we think and behave, although we are not
explicitly aware of these processes. In fact, because these urges are generally
socially unacceptable, we actively protect ourselves from becoming aware of
them through a variety of psychological defences. As a result, the true causes of
our behaviour, and thus of our psychological issues, are hidden in the
unconscious. This led Freud to emphasize the importance of “making the
unconscious conscious,” believing that the process of bringing material from the
unconscious into consciousness allowed clients to gain insight into their
problems and the past experiences from which they stem. This understanding
was believed to liberate clients from the grips of the previously unknown forces
that were impacting their lives.
Freud and his followers based their practice on some core ideas summarized in
Table 16.1 . These core ideas may sound straightforward, except for one
crucial point: Accessing the unconscious mind is tricky business. The client
cannot tell you much about it because, of course, they are not aware of it. As a
result, Freud and his followers invented several methods they believed would
help them access the mysterious unconscious realm.
Four of these techniques have been particularly important in the practice of

therapy, historically, and are still in use in many different ways today.
Table 16.1 Core Ideas Forming the Basis of Psychoanalysis
Adults’ psychological conflicts have their origins in early experiences.
These conflicts affect the thoughts and emotions of the individual, and their source
often remains outside of conscious awareness.
The unconscious conflicts and their effects are called neuroses (anxieties).
By accessing the unconscious mind, the analyst and client can gain a better
understanding of the early conflicts that lead to neuroses.
Once the conflicts are brought to the surface, the analyst and the client can work
through them together.
The first technique is free association , during which clients are encouraged
to talk or write without censoring their thoughts in any way; instead, the person
allows everything that pops into the mind to come spilling out, no matter how odd
or meaningless it may seem. Freud believed that this uncensored thought
barrage would reveal clues to the unconscious in ways that clients may not
normally have access to.
The second is dream analysis. Freud believed that in the relatively unguarded
dreaming mind, the unconscious would be better able to express itself; however,
because the unconscious doesn’t communicate through the same language-
based way of thinking that the conscious mind uses, it expresses itself through
symbols that need to be properly interpreted. Dream analysis is a method of
examining the details of a dream (the manifest content), in order to gain insight
into the true meaning of the dream, the emotional, unconscious material that is
being communicated symbolically (the latent content). Dreams take the form of
imagery (sometimes bizarre and nonsensical imagery) and loose storylines, but
within this confusing jumble, symbolic truths are believed to be hidden. The
psychoanalyst’s role was to help clients properly understand these symbolic
truths in order to gain insight into their unconscious conflicts.
For example, consider one of Freud’s dream analyses: A client dreamed he was
riding his bicycle down a street when suddenly a dachshund ran him down and
bit his ankle as he attempted to pedal away. Meanwhile, two elderly ladies sat by
and laughed at the incident.
The details described are the manifest content, but what might the dream mean
—what is the latent content? Freud pointed out that in his waking life the client
had repeatedly seen a woman walking a dog and, although he was very
attracted to her, he felt great anxiety about approaching her. The man had
consciously devised a plan to use the dog as an excuse to strike up a
conversation with the woman. Unfortunately, the anxiety caused by fear of
rejection manifested itself in an unpleasant dream about being attacked by a
dog, accompanied by the humiliation of being laughed at (Freud, 1920, pp. 165–
166).
The third strategy is to pay attention to signs of resistance . Resistance
occurs in therapy when unconscious material surfaces that the client wishes to
avoid. Resistance involves engaging in strategies that keep the information from
fully manifesting in conscious awareness. Resistance may be subtle, such as the
client using humour to avoid talking about something painful, or it may be
obvious, such as the client skipping sessions, becoming angry at the therapist, or
becoming cynical about the whole process. This is actually considered a
promising signal for the psychoanalyst because it means that they are beginning
to access the unconscious motives of clients’ present difficulties. Psychoanalysts
then attempt to push through the resistance by making clients aware of how and
what they are resisting.
A fourth tool used by psychotherapists involves transference , whereby

clients direct certain patterns or emotional experiences toward the therapist,
rather than the original person involved in the experiences (e.g., their parents).
For example, if a client is addressing a hidden sexual conflict, then transference
may occur through her developing sexual feelings for the analyst. Or as another
example, if a client’s mother made him feel excessively criticized during
childhood, he may tend to see the analyst’s behaviours as being critical in a
similar way, and respond defensively as though he’s being attacked or criticized.
Thus, the client’s interaction with the analyst becomes a kind of stage on which
conflicts with other people are revealed and explored. Transference is a
significant milestone in the process of psychotherapy. Once it is reached, the
therapist and client can begin to work through specific problems and discuss
ways of coping with them.
In sum, there are many different tools that psychotherapists draw upon, including
transference, resistance, dream analysis, and free association, that can help to
provide direct knowledge of the person’s otherwise inaccessible unconscious.
Once this material is brought to the light of the client’s conscious awareness,
then these patterns can begin to be examined and, ideally, changed.
Modern Psychodynamic Therapies

Today, Freudian-based psychoanalysis is practised by relatively few therapists.
Nevertheless, Freud’s ideas have remained influential and several newer
therapies have evolved from traditional psychoanalysis. In contrast to Freudian
methods, these new approaches are more concerned with the client’s conscious
rather than unconscious experience. They also acknowledge the effect of cultural
and interpersonal influences on individual behaviour, and the impact of important
needs such as love, power, belonging, and security. Finally, they are more
optimistic about people’s ability to reach healthy functioning.
One example is object relations therapy , a variation of psychodynamic

therapy that focuses on how early childhood experiences and emotional
attachments influence later psychological functioning(see Module 10.2 ). In
contrast to psychoanalysis, object relations therapy does not centre on
repressed sexual and aggressive conflicts. Instead, the focus is on “objects,”
which are the clients’ mental representations of themselves and important
others. The basic view is that the quality of the early relationship between the
child and these “objects” results in the development of mental models for the
child. These mental models act to shape the person’s perceptions and
interpretations in relationships, the general consequence being that the person
will tend to form and maintain relationships as an adult that are consistent with
the mental models that were formed in childhood. The mental models tell the
person what is “normal” and provide an interpretive framework within which to
make sense of relationships. The therapist’s job is to help the client understand
these mental models and the relationship patterns they represent and reinforce.
This generally leads to working with relational issues of trust, fear of
abandonment, dependence on others, and other relationship factors.
Humanistic–Existential Psychotherapy
An important new movement in psychotherapy arose during the 1950s, when
humanistic psychologists broke from psychoanalytic approaches over several
deep differences in their assumptions about people and the theoretical
foundation upon which they were building. This humanistic– existential approach
can be characterized by at least five key differences from the psychodynamic
approaches (listed in Table 16.2 ). Overall, this new orientation emphasized
individual strengths and the potential for growth, and assumed that human
nature is fundamentally positive, rather than the essentially negative perspective
advanced by psychoanalytic approaches. This shift toward the positive was
believed to help individuals access their own sense of personal agency for
overcoming their problems.
Table 16.2 Contrasting Psychoanalytic and Humanistic Views of Major

Psychological Issues and Debates
Issue Psychoanalysis Humanistic Therapy
Conscious Focuses on unconscious Focuses on conscious experience

versus drives
unconscious
Determinism Behaviour is determined by Behaviour is chosen freely

versus free repressed sexual and
will aggressive instincts
Weaknesses Everyone has neuroses Everyone has strengths

versus
strengths
Responsibility The analyst interprets and The therapist asks the client what is
for change explains to the client what wrong and attempts to help clarify
is wrong issues
Mechanism Insight into unconscious Unconditional positive regard allows a

of change conflicts allows problems to person to heal and become more
be worked through authentically themselves
Humanistic and existential therapies share many similarities: to help people

express their authentic selves, to overcome alienation, to become more loving,
and to take responsibility for their experiences so that they learn to dwell fully in
the present. The major difference between them is that humanistic therapists
focus on removing the obstacles that prevent self-actualization from unfolding
naturally, whereas existential therapists emphasize the importance of facing
painful experiences such as feelings about isolation, death, and
meaninglessness, believing that self-actualization involves transforming by
facing one’s fears and negativity. Even though attaining insight is still an
important aspect of these therapies, rather than interpreting the hidden meanings
of dreams and free associations, the therapist’s role is to listen empathically in
order to understand the clients’ internal world. This is referred to as a
phenomenological approach , which means that the therapist addresses the
clients’ feelings and thoughts as they unfold in the present moment, rather than
looking for unconscious motives or dwelling in the past.
American psychologist Carl Rogers (1902–1987) developed a version of

humanistic therapy called client-centred therapy (or person-centred
therapy ), which focuses on individuals’ abilities to solve their own problems
and reach their full potential with the encouragement of the therapist. As a
humanist, Rogers believed that all individuals could develop and reach their full
potential. However, people experience psychological problems when others
impose conditions of worth, meaning that they appear to judge or lose affection
for a person who does not live up to expectations. Conditions of worth are
imposed, for example, by a father who only pays attention or gives praise or
encouragement when his child is doing well at something, or who expresses
disappointment in the child herself if she does something wrong, focusing more
on the child’s character failings or lack of will than on the actual behaviour itself
and what caused it. If people give the impression that their respect and love for a
person are contingent upon the person behaving in certain ways or meeting
certain expectations, then they have imposed conditions of worth. Conditions of
worth can impact psychological health over the long term, because they increase
insecurities within the individual; as a result, the person is likely to change his
behaviour in an attempt to regain affection. If this happens frequently, then the
individual’s behaviour starts to be primarily about gaining affection and approval,
living in order to please others rather than being able to express his own
authentic self. That, to Carl Rogers, is a key aspect of most psychological
dysfunction.
Emotion-focused therapy (EFT) is one promising type of person-centred therapy
that has evolved from the humanistic–existential tradition; EFT is based on the
well-supported belief that it is better to face and accept difficult emotions and
thoughts rather than bottle them inside (Greenberg, 2004; Hayes et al., 2006).
Therapists employing this form of therapy aim to help clients overcome their
tendency to suppress disturbing thoughts and emotions, so that clients are less
defensive overall and have fuller access to their whole range of experiences and
emotions.
The most important aspect of all client-centred therapies lies within the dialogue
that unfolds between therapist and client. The therapist must show unconditional
positive regard through genuine, empathetic, and non-judgmental attention. If the
therapist can remove all conditions of worth, clients may begin to express
themselves without fear and begin to develop inner strength. Finally, with self-
confidence and strength, clients can accept disagreements with others and focus
on living their lives to the fullest.
Evaluating Insight Therapies

As discussed in Module 16.1 , from an evidence-based perspective, therapies
should be used only if there is empirical support that they actually work (although
it is worth remembering that an approach may work for some people, even if it
doesn’t work for most).
Psychodynamic therapies meet some of the criteria for empirically supported

therapies, though surprisingly few studies in this area have been conducted with
proper research design and control conditions. Ultimately, the effectiveness of
insight therapies depends on the condition being treated. The best-designed
studies have generally shown that psychodynamic therapy is not effective in
treating severe depression or schizophrenia, but it has shown promise for
treating panic disorder, dependence on opiate drugs (e.g., heroin), and
borderline personality disorder (Gibbons et al., 2008). Psychodynamic therapy
may help with major depression, particularly if combined with drug treatment—an
approach we will describe in greater detail in Module 16.3 .
For less severe conditions, such as mild depression and anxiety, behavioural
issues such as dysfunctional habits or motivation and goal-striving difficulties,
insight-focused therapies can often make a difference, helping individuals gain
understanding and awareness of the nature of their psychological problems.
Many people with psychological disorders are able to learn to functi Daniel
Siegon effectively without digging deeply into possible “root causes,” but instead,
by cultivating new, more adaptive behaviours (Weisz et al., 1995).
Research shows that Carl Rogers was accurate in emphasizing the importance
of the therapeutic relationship for successful therapy (Horvath & Bedi, 2002;
Wampold, 2001). In fact, a strong alliance is a good predictor of successful
therapy over and above the specific type of therapy delivered (Bohart et al.,
2002), and positive regard (Farber & Lane, 2002) and empathy (Bohart et al.,
2002) are both related to therapeutic success (Bohart, 2003).
Research is somewhat inconsistent on the effectiveness of person-centred

therapy more generally, although this therapy is reliably more effective than no
treatment at all (Greenberg et al., 1994). However, some studies have found it
to be no more effective than a placebo treatment (Smith et al., 1980), whereas
others have found it to be as effective as cognitive behavioural therapy (Elliott,
2002; Greenberg & Watson, 1998). As discussed earlier, one complicating
factor in this research may be the skill of therapists themselves; some therapists
may be highly skilled at connecting with clients and establishing good rapport in
therapy, whereas others may be less capable in these ways. This difference in
therapists’ skill could account for these mixed findings, and make it difficult for
research studies to then accurately assess the effectiveness of an approach like
Rogers’s.
Module 16.2a Quiz:
Insight Therapies
Know . . .
1. refers to a phenomenon of psychoanalysis in which the client
begins directing emotional responses toward the therapist.
A. Resistance
B. Befriending
C. Objectifying
D. Transference
2. In psychoanalysis, resistance occurs when

A. a client develops sexual attraction to the analyst.
B. a client begins to divert the analysis by joking, becoming cynical,
or perhaps refusing to answer questions.
C. a therapist begins to have the same feelings as the client.
D. the therapist refuses to continue a therapy session.
Understand . . .
3. In psychoanalysis, treatment for psychological problems seems to come
from
A. the client becoming more conscious of the workings of their
unconscious.
B. the client receiving unconditional positive regard.
C. the therapist understanding and explaining the manifest content
of a dream.
D. the therapist diagnosing the psychological disorder and providing
appropriate drug therapy.
Apply . . .
4. A kindergarten teacher (unintentionally) places conditions of worth on her
students. What does this mean?
A. She always lets her students know how much she values them.
B. She regularly tries to draw compliments out of her students.
C. She acts as if a student no longer matters to her or the school if
he misbehaves.
D. She provides monetary rewards for good behaviour.
Analyze . . .
5. What has research concluded in regard to the effectiveness of insight
therapies?
A. Insight therapies are always very effective.
B. Insight therapies are never effective.
C. Insight therapies do not help people gain awareness of the nature
of their psychological problems, so they tend to not be effective.
D. The effectiveness of insight therapies depends on the conditions
that are being treated.
Behavioural, Cognitive, and Group

Therapies
Behavioural therapies attempt to directly address problem behaviours and

the environmental factors that trigger them. At the heart of behavioural therapies
is the belief that patterns of behaviour are the result of conditioning and learning
that have led to the automatization of maladaptive habits. Thus, behavioural
approaches seek to recondition clients, training them to adopt different
behavioural responses to situations until they develop new, more functional,
habits.
Systematic Desensitization
How behavioural therapy works is clearly illustrated by its application to a very
common problem: fear of public speaking. Most people experience at least some
anxiety about public speaking, but for some, their reaction is so intense that even
thinking about making a speech can bring on major anxiety, arousal, and even
panic attacks.
To help people learn to handle such an anxiety-inducing situation, therapists will

often employ a behavioural technique known as systematic desensitization ,
in which gradual exposure to a feared stimulus or situation is coupled with
relaxation training (Wolpe, 1990). First, the client is guided towards being able to
identify and track their own feelings of anxiety versus relaxation, so that they
gain greater awareness “in the moment” of when they are feelings anxious and,
critically, what it feels like when those feelings subside. Once the client has this
kind of inner awareness, the therapist will expose them to a very mild version of
the fear-inducing situation, such as imagining walking up to the front of the room
where he is going to give the speech. As the client engages in this exercise and
feels his anxiety starts to rise, he practises relaxing or engaging in behavioural
strategies (e.g., pausing in his imagination, practising a breathing exercise in
order to calm down) in order to counteract the anxiety he may feel. With practice,
the anxious response to that particular trigger will lessen, and the client then
progresses to more realistic and concrete manifestations of the situation, each
time practising relaxing until he can learn to tolerate his feelings and counteract
them with a relaxation response. This escalation of the intensity of the triggering
experience continues slowly, step-by-step, until the client can eventually handle
the real thing. This process is described in detail in Table 16.3 .
Table 16.3 Applying Steps of Systematic Desensitization to Fear of Public

Speaking
1. Build an anxiety hierarchy. This involves the therapist assisting the client in creating a
list of stimuli that arouse fear responses, starting with the stimulus or situation that
evokes the least amount of anxiety and ending with the stimulus that elicits the most
anxiety.
Think about and visualize:
1. Thinking about the presentation topic
2. Writing down ideas for the presentation
3. Doing library research for a presentation
4. Preparing slides and note cards
5. Practising the presentation alone
6. Practising the presentation with a few friends

7. Travelling to campus to give the presentation
8. Sitting in the classroom waiting to be called for your turn
9. Walking up to the front of the room
10. Standing up at the podium and looking out at the audience
11. Beginning to speak; delivering the first couple of lines
2. Relaxation training. During this phase, the client learns to respond to relaxation
suggestions from the therapist as they begin to work through the hierarchy. This is
typically done using mental imagery while the client is visiting the therapist’s office;
actual props may be used in some cases (e.g., a podium that the person can stand in
front of).
3. Work through the hierarchy. Steps 1 and 2 are combined here as the therapist works
through the entire hierarchy, usually over several sessions, until the client is able to
manage the anxious feelings while continuing to engage in the relevant behaviours.
In some cases, clients may undergo a process called flooding, in which case the
client goes straight to the most challenging part of the hierarchy, exposing
himself to the scenario that causes the most anxiety and panic. For example, he
may elect to give a long speech in front of 100 strangers. By diving right in and
(one hopes) discovering that there are no truly negative consequences, the
person may find that they have “gotten over it” and lesser forms of the same
activity no longer give them anxiety; it should be noted that this is relatively rarely
used, as it can easily overwhelm the person instead and simply reinforce their
anxious response.
At the opposite end of the spectrum, clients may find it difficult to even begin to
expose themselves to the simplest steps of their anxiety hierarchy. Fortunately,
consistent with research showing that fear and anxiety responses can be
acquired through observing others (Olsson & Phelps, 2007), and with research
on observational learning or “modelling” (see Module 6.3 ; Bandura, 1977),
even less threatening steps of an anxiety hierarchy can be established using
other people instead of oneself in the anxiety-provoking situation. Watching
others engage in the anxiety-provoking situation without suffering negative
consequences can help people with severe anxiety reactions, such as phobias,
learn to tolerate some mild exposure to the feared stimulus.
Recent advances in virtual reality technology are providing new tools for
therapists; for example, it is becoming possible to help clients overcome fear
reactions in a virtual setting, an advance that holds exciting new possibilities.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Virtual

Reality Therapies
Systematic desensitization techniques have long been a part of

behavioural treatments for fear and anxiety. However, there are
some key barriers that can prevent them from being effective. For
one, people with fear and anxiety about a specific object or
situation usually avoid any contact with it—so even taking the first
step toward a therapist’s office can be challenging. Also, although
mental imagery is typically the method employed with these
therapeutic techniques, it may not transfer well to the actual
anxiety-provoking situation because mental imagery may not
have the same power as the much more vivid, real situation.
Virtual reality technology is offering one potential way around
these problems.
What do we know about virtual reality exposure?

Virtual reality exposure (VRE) is a treatment that uses
graphical displays to create an experience in which the client
seems to be immersed in an actual environment. This much more
vivid environment feels more like the real thing, and shows
promise for helping people learn to relax in the face of their fears.
Also, virtual reality therapy may help to reduce a person’s
tendency to use avoidance strategies. Over the past decade, this
technology has become increasingly common in helping soldiers
returning from military conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan—many of
whom have developed PTSD.
How can scientists study virtual reality exposure?

Psychologists at Emory University in Atlanta have been using a
simulator called Virtual Iraq, which was developed to deliver two
possible scenarios—being in a Middle Eastern city or driving a
Humvee through a desert road in simulated war conditions
(Figure 16.2 ). The weather, time of day, background noise,
civilians, aerial craft, and ground vehicles can be programmed by
the therapist to change as desired during the exposure sessions.
There is also the option to provide simulated gunfire and bomb
explosions. Smell cues are available using an air compressor that
pumps in odours of burning rubber, garbage, diesel fuel, and
gunpowder (Cukor et al., 2009).
Figure 16.2 Virtual Reality Exposure
Combat veterans diagnosed with PTSD have participated in

virtual reality therapies involving simulated exposure to traumatic
events. Therapists work with clients to help them process and
cope with their fears.
Erika Schultz/MCT/Newscom
In one set of trials, 20 soldiers who were diagnosed with PTSD

following combat activity underwent VRE therapy. Their PTSD
symptoms were measured before and after therapists guided
them through VRE treatment in the Virtual Iraq simulator. At the
conclusion of their therapy, the soldiers’ PTSD symptoms
declined by 50%, with 16 of the soldiers no longer meeting the
criteria for the disorder (Rizzo et al., 2010). The results included
fewer disturbing thoughts about stressful events that occurred
during military service; fewer disturbing dreams; reduced physical
reactions such as heart pounding, sweating, and trouble
breathing; and less avoidance of activities that triggered
memories of military service. VRE using the Virtual Iraq simulator
appears to work.

From an experimental standpoint, this study should have used a
placebo (control) group that received no treatment, or a
comparison group that received some other treatment method. In
fact, such studies have recently occurred; in one study of U.S.
veterans who had served in Iraq or Afghanistan, the effectiveness
of VRE sessions was compared to the standard approaches
(e.g., prolonged exposure therapy, among other standard
treatments), and the VRE approach outperformed the standard
approaches (McLay et al., 2011).
It is not clear from this one study whether VRE therapy would be
beneficial for disorders other than PTSD. However, other
research has shown that virtual reality approaches are useful for
helping people in many different types of circumstances,
including symptom reduction in people with various phobias
(Opriş et al., 2012; Powers & Emmelkamp, 2008), stress
management in patients with cancer (Schneider et al., 2011),
and body image issues in clients with eating disorders (Riva,
2005).

Virtual reality technologies seem to help overcome key barriers to
therapeutic effectiveness. As discussed earlier regarding PTSD,
clients typically avoid any stimuli associated with the original
trauma, and therefore may be resistant to therapy that will expose
them to the trauma. VRE approaches can get around this
resistance because the therapist has precise control over the way
the client will be exposed to the feared situation and can
therefore easily tailor the approach to the client’s needs (Hodges
et al., 2001).
Aversive Conditioning
Most people have at least one behaviour they would like to reduce or eliminate,
perhaps a nervous habit such as fingernail biting, or an unhealthy behaviour
such as smoking. Behavioural principles tell us that these habits are maintained
because they bring rewards in some fashion, and thus, changing their rewarding
nature can lead to changing the behaviour itself.
Aversive conditioning is a behavioural technique that involves replacing a

positive response to a stimulus with a negative response, typically by using
punishment. One aversive conditioning treatment involves using the drug
Antabuse (disulfiram) to reduce problem alcohol consumption. Antabuse causes
nausea and vomiting when combined with alcohol, so the drug classically
conditions an aversion to alcohol. Antabuse works for some individuals, but there
are several reasons why it is not entirely effective (Garbutt, 2009). As you can
imagine, the client must have a fairly strong motivation to quit, and must be
willing to take the drug knowing that it would make her ill. If she cheats and skips
the drug one day, then the treatment will not have much chance of working.
Thus, even though aversive conditioning can help people quit, it can require a
great deal of willpower to use effectively.
Cognitive–Behavioural Therapies
Behavioural therapies, despite their effectiveness at changing problem
behaviours, do not directly address problematic thoughts. This is extremely
important because some disorders, such as depression, are caused and
maintained, in part, by dysfunctional habits of thinking. Two psychodynamically
trained psychologists, Albert Ellis (1962) and Aaron Beck (1963), found that
people with depression tend to interpret and think about their lives in a negative
light. As Ellis, Beck, and others learned more about these thought patterns, it
became apparent that therapies should be directed at changing negative
cognitions into more realistic and rational thought patterns, as well as helping
people learn to control the physiological processes (e.g., arousal) that reinforce
negative thinking. Over time, this new approach became known as cognitive–
behavioural therapy.
Cognitive–behavioural therapy (CBT) is a form of therapy that consists of

procedures such as cognitive restructuring, stress inoculation training, and
exposing people to experiences they may have a tendency to avoid, as in
systematic desensitization (NIMH, 2009). Because avoiding thoughts and
stressful situations tends to reinforce the negative feelings that would arise,
helping clients to face negativity allows them the opportunity to gain insight into
their feelings, to practise a courageous response to negativity, and to learn
methods for coping when negativity arises. This type of therapy is far more about
the present than about the past. Rather than excavating past traumas or
conflicts, CBT therapists help clients become more aware of the thought,
emotion, and behaviour patterns that arise in their current lives; through this
heightened self-awareness, clients learn to identify their habitual dysfunctional
tendencies, and then work on building more functional cognitive and behavioural
habits.
The drug Antabuse is used in aversive conditioning for alcohol consumption.

When it is taken and the person subsequently consumes alcohol, Antabuse
causes nausea and vomiting. If successful, Antabuse treatment leads to a
conditioned aversion to alcohol.
Monika Olszewska/Shutterstock
At the behavioural end of CBT, clients are given exercises and guidance in
gaining skills they may be lacking. For example, as with systematic
desensitization, clients may learn relaxation techniques, enabling them to better
tolerate negative feelings when they arise. A person with social anxiety who has
difficulty integrating into social situations may learn and practise certain social
skills, such as making “small talk” with people at parties or learning to be more
responsive to people’s non-verbal cues.
At the cognitive end of CBT, clients are given exercises and strategies to build
more functional cognitive habits. Cognitive restructuring involves learning to
challenge negative thought patterns, to question self-defeating beliefs, and to
view situations in a different light. For example, people with depression or
anxiety disorders often hold extreme and irrational beliefs, such as “I can’t do
anything right,” “I have nothing worthwhile to say,” “If I fail, it’s going to be a total
disaster.” As they become more aware of these negative beliefs, they can
question or dispute them, helping themselves appreciate that these beliefs are
far more negative than reality warrants. After all, nobody can do everything
wrong; nobody has literally nothing worthwhile to say; and a failure is not “the
end of the world,” so to speak, but is also an opportunity to learn and improve.
An example of applying CBT strategies to the cognitive symptoms of depression
is shown in Table 16.4 .
Table 16.4 Applying Cognitive–Behavioural Therapy to the Cognitive

Symptoms of Depression
Cognitive Symptoms Example of CBT Coping Strategy
Internal Attributions: blaming Recognize the role that a person contributed to his
oneself excessively for problem, but also examine the role of other
negative things that happen. contextual factors (e.g., the situation, the behaviour
of other people).
Stable Attributions: assuming In order to highlight the temporary nature of a

that situations are permanent person’s difficulties, provide examples of how things
and irreversible. that were true in the past are no longer the case.
Global Attributions: assuming Challenge the person to explain exactly how the
that the results of one negative effects of one negative event will spill over into other
event will apply to all aspects parts of his life; provide examples of situations when
of a person’s life. spillover did not occur.
Of course, it falls to the client to put the behaviours learned in therapy into
practice—noting her automatic thought tendencies as they occur, and then
actively practising her cognitive strategies. As the client practises interrupting old
thought patterns and actively cultivating new, healthier ones, the healthier
patterns should become more easily activated, until eventually they become
automatic themselves. In contrast, the depressive thought patterns should fade
with disuse, becoming less easily activated over time.
The fact that these exercises change people’s functioning has been dramatically
demonstrated through neuroimaging studies, which show substantial changes to
neurological function after CBT (Frewen et al., 2008). For example, one study at
L’Institut Universitaire de Gériatrie de Montréal showed that, before being treated
with CBT, people suffering from spider phobia showed activation in certain brain
areas when viewing pictures of spiders: part of the prefrontal cortex involved with
controlling emotional responses, and part of the hippocampus involved in
contextual fear memories. The activation of these two areas likely reflects the
automatic reactivation of fear memories that underlie the phobia, plus the
person’s attempt to override the fear response. After receiving CBT, these areas
were no longer active when subjects viewed spider pictures. These
neuroimaging results provide us with further evidence that CBT can change a
person’s thought processes (Paquette et al., 2003).
Mindfulness-Based Cognitive Therapy

One of the biggest recent advances in therapeutic practice, spearheaded by
researchers at the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health in Toronto, is the
integration of meditation-based practices, such as mindfulness, with traditional
cognitive–behavioural approaches. In this groundbreaking area of research, East
meets West and ancient meets modern, as traditional spiritual practices merge
with modern psychological therapies and neuroscientific understanding.
Mindfulness practice and cognitive–behavioural therapy begin in somewhat

similar ways—the goal of each is to get the client better acquainted with her
thoughts and feelings, in the present moment of experiencing them. But after this
emphasis on increased self-awareness, the two approaches differ significantly.
In CBT, there is a basic orientation of “fixing oneself.” The purpose of becoming
aware of one’s patterns of thoughts, feelings, and behaviours is to gain greater
control so that the negative patterns get replaced with more positive ones. In
contrast, the practice of mindfulness involves consciously adopting an orientation
of “accepting” oneself fully. Strictly speaking, from a mindfulness perspective,
you don’t necessarily have to “do” anything about problematic thoughts and
feelings; instead, you make the active choice to accept them as they are, to
simply observe them without reacting.
It may sound like “just watching yourself” isn’t doing very much. However, it is in
fact a highly active and intentional process. In order to be able to watch yourself
without reacting to the different thoughts and feelings that arise, you must
consciously choose, again and again, to take an attitude of openness and
acceptance toward yourself. Dr. Daniel Siegel (2007) describes this attitude as
COAL—curious, open, accepting, and loving. COAL is, essentially, the same
attitude that parents take toward children in order to help them develop
emotional security.
As people develop emotional security by being involved in loving and accepting

relationships, this is reflected in the development of certain brain areas that
Siegel calls the social circuitry. These areas, including parts of the medial
prefrontal cortex, are involved in experiencing and managing emotions, feeling
empathy and taking the perspective of others, and, generally speaking, reflect an
interpersonal attunement between oneself and other people. The practice of
mindfulness is believed to be a kind of intrapersonal attunement, a relationship
between oneself and oneself; it seems to involve the same social circuitry, and
lead to the same emotional and neurological outcomes as the development of
secure attachment. Basically, by practising attending openly and non-reactively
to yourself, you become like your own healthy parent. As Siegel describes it,
mindfulness is like re-parenting yourself, actually changing your own biological
structures that are involved in emotional security. The key insight here is that
security comes from having good relationships, and mindfulness offers a specific
technique for building a healthier relationship with yourself.
A second key way in which mindfulness affects a person is through the

experience of decentring , which occurs when a person is able to “step back”
from their normal consciousness and examine themselves more objectively, as
an observer. You have no doubt experienced decentring many times, such as
when you become aware that you are “talking to yourself” as though there is a
private voice in your mind that you can “speak” with, or you may have had the
experience of becoming aware of yourself having an experience while you are
having the experience. For example, you may be dancing but then you suddenly
become acutely aware of yourself dancing, as though you are looking at yourself
from a third-person perspective.
The ability to decentre is a powerful antidote to difficult thoughts and feelings. By

stepping back from your own thoughts and feelings and observing them
dispassionately, you detach yourself from the damaging or troubling
consequences of your thoughts. This can be similar to watching a young child
have a temper tantrum. Because you are not “attached” to the child’s thoughts
and feelings (let’s assume), their anger doesn’t affect you in the same way. You
have some distance from it, which allows you to think more clearly and decide on
the best way to respond to the situation, whereas the child is too caught up in
emotion to be able to gain that cognitive control.
Mindfulness-based cognitive therapy (MBCT) involves combining

mindfulness meditation with standard cognitive–behavioural therapy tools. The
goals are to reap the benefits of mindfulness practice described above, and then
to work on changing dysfunctional patterns using CBT. Many carefully controlled
trials have shown that MBCT has powerful effects on people who have
experienced a major depressive disorder. After the person emerges from a
depressive episode, the practice of MBCT substantially reduces the likelihood of
experiencing a relapse, lengthens the amount of time that passes between
depressive episodes, and reduces residual depressive symptoms for years after
treatment (Bondolfi et al., 2010; Kuyken et al., 2008, 2010).
MBCT seems to have great promise as a therapy for many different conditions.
Initial studies suggest it is beneficial for social anxiety disorder and generalized
anxiety (Evans et al., 2008; Piet et al., 2010), bipolar disorder (Weber et al.,
2010; Williams et al., 2007), depression (Kingston et al., 2007; Williams et al.,
2006), hypochondriasis (McManus et al., 2012), and suicidal ideation (Crane &
Williams, 2010). Mindfulness exercises are excellent tools for encouraging
people to become more growth-oriented, and they are adaptable to both
individual therapy and therapy in group settings.
Group and Family Therapies

In some situations, clients may benefit by participating in group therapy sessions.
Group members share their personal stories and experiences, and the bonding
and support that occur in this context can be very powerful. To encourage people
to open up to each other, therapists may group people together based on the
issue that they are dealing with (e.g., alcohol addiction, divorce), or other
similarities (e.g., age, ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, etc.). A final, logistic
advantage to group therapy is the cost, which is usually much cheaper than
individual therapy. This makes group therapy accessible to a broad range of
people across society.
In other situations, psychologists may conduct family therapy. This may occur if a
client’s difficulties stem from or are reinforced by unhealthy dynamics within the
family; for example, people with schizophrenia are far less likely to have their
symptoms stay in remission if their families exhibit negative patterns of
communication and emotional involvement (Hooley, 2007). Thus, family therapy
may be extremely effective for helping people with schizophrenia, generally in
conjunction with anti-psychotic drug treatments. Family therapy may also be
used to help families deal with specific family members who are highly
dysfunctional in some way, such as being addicted or having poor emotional
control.
Family therapists generally take a systems approach , an orientation that
encourages therapists to see an individual’s symptoms as being influenced by
many different interacting systems; one important system is the family system,
which can play a big role in the development and maintenance of psychological
disorders. For example, imagine a family in which one person is emotionally
abusive and controls the other family members by becoming excessively angry.
A therapist taking a systems approach would see that behaviour pattern as
stemming not only from the individual themselves, but also from the other family
members. For example, the other family members may constantly monitor that
person and carefully choose their own behaviours so as to avoid making that
person angry. Or, the family may stop inviting other people to the house, allowing
the angry person to isolate the family within the community. Or, the family
members may be too quick to forgive or to apologize themselves and accept the
blame whenever the angry person loses his temper, rather than challenging the
person and being clear about what the family will and will not tolerate. There are
many different ways in which family members contribute to the maintenance of a
dysfunctional pattern of behaviour, and a family systems therapist would
therefore treat the individual by also working with the other family members to
change the larger patterns that reinforce the problematic behaviours.
Evaluating Cognitive–Behavioural Therapies

Behavioural therapies have been shown to be particularly effective at treating
symptoms associated with anxiety disorders, such as obsessive-compulsive
disorder and specific phobias (Chambless & Ollendick, 2001). They have also
proved useful for increasing behavioural skills (e.g., social skills) and decreasing
problematic behaviours (e.g., social withdrawal).
Cognitive–behavioural therapy has been quite effective in treating depression,

which is not too surprising given that this method of therapy was specifically
developed for this purpose (Hollon et al., 2002). CBT has also been successful
in treating conditions like anxiety, obesity, and eating disorders. In fact, CBT is
the most effective treatment currently available for anxiety disorders,
particularly over the long term, even outperforming anti-anxiety medications for
most adult anxiety disorders (Hofmann & Smits, 2008); furthermore, the effects
last much longer than the effects of drugs, which often are effective only so long
as the person remains on the medication (Hollon et al., 2006). Neuroimaging
research on people with obsessive–compulsive disorder showed that both
antidepressant drug (SSRI) and CBT treatments effect the same changes in
neural activity (Schwartz et al., 1996), suggesting that these different
approaches target similar neural processes. In many cases, rather than taking an
either/or approach, the best outcomes have been found by combining drug
treatments with cognitive behavioural therapy; this has been found for several
different disorders, including panic disorder with agoraphobia (Starcevic et al.,
2004), and depression (McCullough, 2000).
Generally speaking, cognitive and behavioural therapies are the workhorses of

psychological treatments; they are quite versatile in their applications and can
help to treat a wide variety of disorders. They also take much less time (and are
therefore much less expensive) than psychodynamic approaches, and have
none of the undesirable side effects of drug treatments. Nevertheless, different
treatments work better for different people, and it is worth remembering that for
any given person, it is currently impossible to know ahead of time which
treatment or combination of treatments may work the best.
Module 16.2b Quiz:
Behavioural, Cognitive, and Group Therapies
Know . . .
1. involves a process in which the client faces feared situations
gradually and under controlled conditions.
A. Client-centred therapy
B. Family therapy
C. Insight therapy
D. Exposure therapy
2. consists of key procedures including exposure, cognitive

restructuring, and stress inoculation training.
A. Cognitive–behavioural therapy
B. Family therapy
C. Virtual reality exposure therapy
D. Exposure therapy
Understand . . .
3. The key difference between mindfulness and cognitive behavioural
therapy is that
A. only CBT involves decentring.
B. CBT is supported by empirical research, whereas mindfulness is
just a practice that comes from Buddhism but has little empirical
support.
C. in CBT, clients practise replacing their dysfunctional thoughts with
more functional thoughts; whereas in mindfulness practice, clients
simply watch their thoughts and accept them as they are.
D. CBT can be combined with drug treatments, but mindfulness
cannot.
Apply . . .
4. Neil is facing difficulties with anger and depression. His parents are
having trouble managing his behaviours and responding appropriately.
To address all of these concerns, the most beneficial treatment in this
situation would likely be .
A. cognitive–behavioural therapy
B. family therapy
C. virtual reality exposure therapy
D. exposure therapy
Analyze . . .
5. Cognitive–behavioural therapies seem to be effective because they
A. help individuals restructure their maladaptive thoughts and
beliefs.
B. teach individuals to brood over problems effectively.
C. systematically desensitize phobias.
D. are easier for the therapist to implement.
Module 16.2 Summary
16.2a Know . . . the key terminology related to psychological therapies.
aversive conditioning
behavioural therapy
client-centred therapy (or person-centred therapy)
cognitive-behavioural therapy (CBT)
decentring
dream analysis
free association
insight therapy
mindfulness-based cognitive therapy (MBCT)
object relations therapy
phenomenological approach
psychodynamic therapy
resistance
systematic desensitization
systems approach
transference
virtual reality exposure (VRE)
16.2b Understand . . . the general approaches to conducting major types

of psychological therapy.
Psychoanalysis works by uncovering hidden conflicts, whereas humanistic

therapy focuses on removing conditions of worth that can hinder a person’s
growth. Behavioural and cognitive therapies target dysfunctional thought and
behaviour patterns, seeking to replace undesirable patterns with more functional
ones that clients then practise regularly. Group and family therapies have also
been developed and work with social systems that are larger than one individual.
16.2c Apply . . . your knowledge to identify major therapeutic techniques.
Apply Activity
Imagine you are helping someone who has a phobia to find a therapist for
treatment. You speak with three professionals about the approach each would
take. Match their response with the corresponding school of thought. Note: Not
all the schools of therapy will be used.
1. I would ask the individual to describe his train of thought when he

encounters the feared object. Then I would ask him to explain why it is
irrational to think that way, and we would try to replace his irrational
thoughts with more reasonable, less anxiety-provoking beliefs.
2. I would ask the patient to think about his earliest childhood experiences
with the object, and then to speak freely about those memories at length.
We would try to discover the significance of that object in his early
development.
3. We would take an active approach. One important step is to teach the
client how to be calm and relaxed while gradually introducing the feared
stimulus.
A. Humanistic therapy
B. Cognitive–behavioural therapy
C. Psychodynamic therapy
D. Family therapy
E. Behavioural therapy
16.2d Analyze . . . the pros and cons of the major types of psychological
therapy.
Table 16.5 summarizes the pros and cons of the major forms of therapy
discussed in this module.
Table 16.5 Pros and Cons of the Major Types of Therapy
Pros Cons
Insight Can provide deep Often (but not always) involve

therapies understanding of the self long-term therapy, often very
Can facilitate substantial expensive
personal growth and Can have limited application to
personal transformation people with serious disorders
Behavioural Typically time- and cost- Do not necessarily offer deeper

and efficient understanding of psychological
cognitive Address immediate problems
therapies thoughts and behavioural When used alone, may not be
problems effective for some severe cases
Address both mild and and certain disorders (e.g.,
severe problems schizophrenia)
Group/family Allows individuals to Does not fully address individual

therapies empathize and relate to issues (although group and
others with similar family therapies are often used
problems in combination with
Gives family members individualized therapy)
insight into how each
individual contributes to
both positive and negative
aspects of family life
Can change the larger
social dynamics that
reinforce and maintain the
disorder
Module 16.3 Biomedical
Therapies
Dennis Hallinan/Alamy Stock Photo
Learning Objectives
16.3a Know . . . the key terminology associated with biological treatments.
16.3b Understand . . . how the drugs described in this module affect brain
functioning.
16.3c Understand . . . the other major medical approaches to therapy.
16.3d Apply . . . your knowledge of drug therapies to different psychological
conditions.
16.3e Analyze . . . whether St. John’s wort, a popular herbal remedy for
depression, works.
The word “depression” used to be taboo; people didn’t want to admit to

being depressed and have others think they were weak-willed or simply
needed “to get it together.” Then in 1987 Prozac hit the market, and
everything changed. Suddenly there seemed to be a miracle cure for a
silent epidemic of depression. Millions of dollars were spent on marketing
campaigns that targeted both doctors and the public at large. Rates of
depression diagnoses skyrocketed, and sales of Prozac kept pace.
Within a decade, Eli Lilly, the company that owned Prozac, was making
$2.5 billion per year from Prozac sales alone (Couzin, 2004).
But then people started to voice concerns about this wonder drug and its
“sister” drugs, the selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) known
by brand names like Paxil and Zoloft. People alleged that these drugs
caused many different side effects, from relatively “mild” problems such
as sexual dysfunction, weight gain, and skin rashes, to very serious
problems such as seizures, breathing problems, and even thoughts of
committing suicide.
The side effect that really got the public’s attention (and which Eli Lilly
denied), was the increased risk of suicidal thoughts. Dr. David Healy,
author of the book Let Them Eat Prozac, even went so far as to allege
that Eli Lilly’s own research showed that Prozac led to increased risk for
suicidal behaviours, but that they had suppressed the findings. In 2005,
documents were leaked to CNN purporting to show that Eli Lilly knew, all
the way back in the 1980s, that Prozac users were more than 1200%
more likely to attempt suicide than people using several other
antidepressants.
Around the same time, a meta-analysis called into question the

usefulness of SSRIs in general. This study concluded that the effects of
SSRIs were only slightly better than a placebo (Kirsch et al., 2008).
Although later meta-analyses found more positive results (Hieronymus
et al., 2016), questions about these medications still exist.
Where does this leave you, as a potential consumer of these drugs? We

hope that it leaves you with the awareness that it is important to ask
questions and find good research concerning the effectiveness of
prescription drugs, as well as their side effects, and to appreciate that
there are many different treatment options available for most disorders.
The informed “consumer” can, hopefully, make the wisest choice for
themselves.
Focus Questions
1. What medical techniques are available for influencing

psychological disorders and how do they work?
2. What are the risks and benefits associated with different
biomedical approaches?
The biomedical approach to treating disorders involves using drugs, surgery, or

other medical procedures in order to alter the functioning of the central nervous
system and correct what is believed to be the underlying biological problem.
Psychopharmacotherapy —the use of drugs to manage or reduce clients’
symptoms—is by far the most frequently used biomedical option, and is often
employed in conjunction with some form of psychological therapy. Other options,
such as surgery or electrically stimulating the brain, are typically used only in
situations where no other available treatments have succeeded. In this module,
we explore and evaluate each of these biomedical treatment options and
examine how they may be used in conjunction with other forms of therapy.
Drug Treatments
Psychotropic drugs are medications designed to alter psychological

functioning. Drug approaches were first predominantly used in institutional and
clinical settings, generally targeting very severe cases. However, in more recent
decades, drug treatments have become mainstream practice for many people
experiencing even mild psychological problems and symptoms. This expansion
has made certain psychotropic drugs, such as those used to treat depression,
among the most prescribed forms of medicine (Olfson & Marcus, 2009).
Psychotropic drugs have been developed to take many different courses of

action. First, all psychotropic drugs are designed to cross the blood–brain
barrier , a network of tightly packed cells that only allow specific types of
substances to move from the bloodstream to the brain in order to protect delicate
brain cells against harmful infections and other substances (see Figure 16.3 ).
After crossing this barrier, psychotropic drugs then affect one or more
neurotransmitters. The specific neurotransmitter(s) targeted by a drug will
determine which disorders will be responsive to that medication.
Figure 16.3 How Psychotropic Drugs Reach the Brain

In order to affect the brain in the desired way, psychotropic drugs must cross the
blood–brain barrier, a network of densely packed cells that restrict the flow of
substances between the capillaries and brain cells.
Antidepressants
As the name suggests, antidepressant drugs are medications designed to
reduce symptoms of depression. In general, antidepressant drugs target areas of
the brain that, when functioning normally, are rich in monoamine
neurotransmitters—serotonin, norepinephrine, and dopamine. Since multiple
neurotransmitters are involved, antidepressants come in several varieties, each
with its own way of altering brain chemistry (Figure 16.4 ).
Figure 16.4 Antidepressant Effects at the Synapse

The major antidepressant drugs have different ways of increasing the
transmission of neurotransmitters such as serotonin, dopamine, and
norepinephrine at the synapses.
Monoamine oxidase inhibitors (MAOIs) were the first type of

antidepressant to be developed and widely used. They work by deactivating
monoamine oxidase (MAO), an enzyme that breaks down serotonin, dopamine,
and norepinephrine at the synaptic clefts of nerve cells (see Figure 16.4 ).
When MAO is inhibited, fewer dopamine, serotonin, and norepinephrine
neurotransmitters are metabolized, which in turn leaves more of them available
for synaptic transmission. Although MAOIs often effectively relieve symptoms of
depression, they are used less frequently than other antidepressants, in part
because they can cause many side effects, some quite dangerous, especially
when they interact with other medications and certain types of foods (e.g., aged
cheeses, smoked meats, alcoholic beverages).
Tricyclic antidepressants were among the earliest types of antidepressants

on the market and appear to work by blocking the reuptake of serotonin and
norepinephrine (Figure 16.4 ). Unfortunately, they also seem to cause many
undesirable side effects, including nausea, weight gain, sexual dysfunction, and
even seizures.
Given the severity of the side effects associated with MAOIs and tricyclic
antidepressants, it should come as no surprise that both patients and physicians
were eager for a new form of antidepressant to become available. In 1987, one
such drug arrived: fluoxetine (also known as Prozac). Prozac is a selective
serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI) , a class of antidepressant drugs that
block the reuptake of serotonin. These antidepressants alleviate some proportion
of the symptoms of depression in some clients, although they also come with
certain side effects, as discussed in the opening vignette of this module.
Interestingly, it is not yet clear exactly through which mechanisms SSRIs seem
to have their effect. The notion that they work by enhancing mood directly is only
a hypothesis; there may be other mechanisms involved. For example, serotonin
also causes the brain stem to reduce overall arousal, which could be one way of
reducing the magnitude of negative emotions in general (Maier & Watkins,
2005). SSRIs also lead to decreased activation of parts of the amygdala, which
may reduce the person’s negative emotional response to various stimuli
(Sheline et al., 2001). SSRIs have also been shown to lead to neurogenesis—
the growth of brand-new neurons—in the hippocampus. Reduced hippocampal
volume has been connected to depression, so this may be one route through
which SSRIs affect depression (Jacobs, 2004). It is important to remember that
any drug usually has multiple effects on the brain, and it is difficult to determine
exactly which effect may be responsible for the overall impact that the drug has
on the person.
Myths in Mind Antidepressant Drugs Are
Happiness Pills
A common belief is that antidepressants are happiness in pill form—that
their chemical magic can not only cause depression to disappear, but
can also bring on optimism and a rush of positive emotion. In reality,
antidepressant drugs can alleviate depression (in some individuals), but
they do not make people happier than they were before becoming
depressed.
The “happiness pill” misconception about antidepressants has led some

individuals to believe that taking a high dose of antidepressants will
induce a euphoric high, much like cocaine or heroin. This is also a myth.
Although some people have attempted to abuse antidepressants by
taking high doses (even crushing and snorting them for quicker delivery
to the brain), there is no evidence that an intense rush of happiness
results. In fact, SSRIs typically take a couple of weeks to work. Taking a
high dose, or snorting crushed-up pills, neither magnifies their effects nor
reduces the two-week waiting period before effects become evident.
In short, antidepressants are not “happiness pills” and should not be

taken by people who are merely looking to boost their mood.
At this point, we have discussed both the mechanisms and the limitations of
antidepressants. But, this discussion has been limited to the types of
medications that are prescribed by physicians. As you will see in the next
section, these are not the only types of remedies available to people trying to
cope with depression.
Working the Scientific Literacy Model Is St.

John’s Wort Effective?
People often make the assumption that biomedical therapies are

limited to prescription drugs or to procedures provided by a
physician. In reality, people often self-prescribe and administer
treatments for depression. One popular home remedy is the
herbal treatment St. John’s wort, found in many health food
stores and pharmacies.
What do we know about St. John’s wort?
Herbal remedies are often associated with a “hippie” lifestyle or
discounted as “unscientific.” It is important to remember that any
drug—even so-called natural products—will affect the levels of
neurotransmitters in your brain. This is how they affect your
behaviour. St. John’s wort (Hypericum perforatum) appears to
influence several of the neurotransmitter systems that are altered
by traditional antidepressant medications, including serotonin
(Butterweck, 2003). However, its most prominent effect appears
to be on the levels of epinephrine, a chemical associated with
emotional arousal and stress responses. Several studies have
shown that St. John’s wort causes epinephrine receptors to
down-regulate (move further away from the synapse; De Marchis
et al., 2006; Jakobs et al., 2013). This reduces the impact that
epinephrine has on the nervous system. St. John’s wort also
inhibits the release of glutamate, the brain’s primary excitatory
neurotransmitter (Chang & Wang, 2010). As you can see, this
seemingly simple herbal remedy has fairly complicated effects on
the brain.
What have scientific studies found about St. John’s wort and
depression?
The goal of scientists investigating St. John’s wort is to determine
if it can be used as an alternative treatment for depression. In
order to do this, researchers must demonstrate that St. John’s
wort reduces depressive symptoms more than a placebo. Several
groups of researchers have examined this research question.
Researchers using animal participants have found that St. John’s

wort reduces a number of different behaviours linked with
depression and anxiety (Schmidt & Butterweck, 2015). For
example, in the forced swimming test, rodents are placed in an
inescapable tank of water. Researchers can measure how long
the rodents actively swim versus how long they remain
motionless. The amount of time spent immobile is viewed as a
behavioural measure of hopelessness or depression.
Researchers have found that antidepressants reduce the amount
of time spent motionless; St. John’s wort has similar positive
effects (Bukhari & Dar, 2013).
Tests involving humans use less-aquatic methods to measure

depression; most studies use standardized questionnaires. In
order to get the “big picture” of these studies, we can examine
meta-analyses that combine the results of the different
experiments. A recent meta-analysis of 35 experiments involving
6993 patients found that St. John’s wort led to reduced levels of
depression when compared to placebos. Importantly, it was just
as effective as traditional antidepressants, but with fewer side
effects (Apaydin et al., 2016).

St. John’s wort is not a cure for everyone’s depression. Similar to
prescription antidepressants, St. John’s wort will work for some
people while having no effect on others. To date, we have little
ability to predict and understand who will benefit from this
remedy. There is also uncertainty as to the correct dose of this
medication.
Research into St. John’s wort is also limited by a lack of human

brain-imaging studies. These studies would help identify the
specific brain areas affected by this treatment, which would
provide researchers with more insight into what cognitive
processes are altered when people consume this medication.
Finally, a major limitation of this research is that the quality of the

samples of St. John’s wort is not standardized or carefully
regulated by government agencies. Thus, different samples of the
drug might have quite different levels of active ingredients. This
adds a lot of uncertainty to the data and makes it more difficult to
test the drug’s effectiveness (Klaus et al., 2008). Until these
uncertainties are controlled for, physicians will likely be hesitant
to recommend St. John’s wort to patients unless other
medications have already been ineffective.

Knowledge about alternative treatments such as St. John’s wort
can help people with depression make informed choices about
what treatment is best for them. The results of studies of St.
John’s wort appear promising. Indeed, the Canadian Network for
Mood and Anxiety Treatments (CANMAT) states that St. John’s
wort is an effective treatment for mild to moderate depression
(Ravindran et al., 2016).
However, individuals should still consult with their doctor. St.

John’s wort may interact poorly with other medications,
particularly other antidepressants (Borrelli & Izzo, 2009).
Therefore, it is important for healthcare providers to know all of
the substances that a patient is taking. It is also worth noting that
although St. John’s wort is as effective as many antidepressants,
research has not thoroughly tested how it compares to
psychological therapies such as cognitive–behavioural therapy.
Mood Stabilizers
In contrast to antidepressants, which are primarily used to treat depression
(unipolar disorder), mood stabilizers are drugs used to prevent or reduce the
severity of mood swings experienced by people with bipolar disorder. Lithium
was one of the first mood stabilizers to be prescribed regularly in psychiatry, and
from the 1950s to the 1980s was the standard drug treatment for depression and
bipolar disorder. Lithium, a salt compound, can be quite effective, but it can also
be toxic to the kidneys and endocrine system. Today, doctors generally prefer to
prescribe other drugs because they seem to be more effective and safer than
lithium (Thase & Denko, 2008). For example, people with bipolar disorder now
often take anticonvulsant medications such as valproate or anti-psychotic
medications. Although these medicines can be effective in preventing manic
episodes, they are also associated with side effects like weight gain, nausea,
and fatigue, and in rare cases, very serious side effects occur including brain
damage due to elevated levels of ammonia in the blood (Wadzinski et al.,
2007).
Antianxiety Drugs
Sometimes referred to as tranquilizers, antianxiety drugs affect the activity
of gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), an inhibitory neurotransmitter that reduces
neural activity. These drugs are prescribed to alleviate nervousness and tension,
and to prevent and reduce panic attacks. Widely prescribed examples include
Xanax (alprazolam), Valium (diazepam), and Ativan (lorazepam). These drugs
appear to temporarily alter the structure of GABA receptors, allowing more
GABA molecules to inhibit neural activity. The effects of antianxiety drugs are
relatively short-lived. They take effect within minutes of ingestion and may last
for only a few hours. Given that these drugs facilitate inhibition of the nervous
system, it is not surprising that their side effects include drowsiness, tiredness,
and impaired attention, especially when they are taken at high doses. More
serious side effects include memory impairments, depression, and decreased
sex drive. These drugs also have the potential to induce abuse and withdrawal
symptoms.
Antipsychotic Drugs
Antipsychotic drugs are generally used to treat symptoms of psychosis,
including delusions, hallucinations, and severely disturbed or disorganized
thought. Antipsychotics are the common treatment for schizophrenia and are
sometimes prescribed to people with severe mood disorders. There are several
classes of antipsychotic drugs.
The first generation of antipsychotic medications (e.g., Thorazine, Halodol) was

designed to block dopamine receptors, because symptoms of schizophrenia are
related to dopamine activity in the frontal lobes and basal ganglia. However,
these drugs had significant side effects, such as seizures, anxiety, nausea, and
impotence. One of the more severe and often permanent side effects, tardive
dyskinesia , is a movement disorder involving involuntary movements and
facial tics.
Newer antipsychotic medications are referred to as atypical antipsychotics

or second-generation antipsychotics. These drugs are less likely to produce side
effects including movement disorders (like tardive dyskinesia) that commonly
occur with first-generation antipsychotics. Different atypical antipsychotics vary in
their exact effects, but generally speaking they seem to work by affecting
dopamine and serotonin transmission. These medications work for
approximately half of the people who take them, reducing the severity of
symptoms but not necessarily eliminating them altogether (Leucht et al., 2009).
Unfortunately, their effects tend to weaken over time, and also come with some
risk. For example, Clozapine, a very effective antipsychotic drug, compromises
the body’s white blood cells. People who take Clozapine must have their blood
regularly monitored or the consequences can be extremely severe, potentially
even leading to death.
A major challenge for healthcare providers is ensuring that the drugs being
provided to patients are safe. Unfortunately, there have been instances in which
pharmaceutical companies make some questionable decisions. One of the
bigger scandals in the pharmaceutical industry in recent years involved another
of the atypical antipsychotic drugs, Zyprexa. Initially, Zyprexa was hailed as a
major breakthrough for people with schizophrenia and enjoyed widespread
distribution (eventually prescribed to more than 20 million people around the
world). Then allegations emerged that Zyprexa caused drastic weight gain and
was linked to the onset of diabetes, hyperglycemia, and pancreatitis. Although Eli
Lilly officially denied that Zyprexa caused these consequences, as of 2007, the
company had paid more than $1.2 billion to settle lawsuits brought against it by
almost 30 000 people (Berenson, 2007).
Much of the testing of drugs, and their promotion and marketing to physicians,
occurs behind a curtain of secrecy, making it difficult for the public to always
know whether drugs are being used appropriately. Again, Zyprexa is a good
example. In 2009, Eli Lilly pled guilty to charges involving the “off-label
marketing” of Zyprexa (i.e., promoting its use for conditions it wasn’t designed to
treat). To understand just how much potential harm can occur due to such
practices, first consider the possible side effects that were discussed above.
Then consider some of the details of this case:
Although Zyprexa was approved in the U.S. by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA)
as a treatment for schizophrenia and bipolar disorder, Eli Lilly admitted that they
marketed the drug illegally, promoting it to doctors as a treatment for other conditions;
this is known as “off-label marketing.”
The U.S. Department of Justice concluded that Eli Lilly concentrated these illegal
marketing efforts to encourage doctors to prescribe Zyprexa for elderly patients for
several conditions, including dementia, Alzheimer’s, agitation, aggression, hostility,
depression, and generalized sleep disorder, all of which are common symptoms in
elderly populations, and none of which were covered under FDA approval. Zyprexa also
carries the common side effect of sedation, which was promoted as a therapeutic
benefit for the elderly that could help to deal with any “behavioural issues.” In fact, using
Zyprexa essentially as a sleep aid was captured by the company’s sales slogan, “5 at
5,” which symbolized how 5 milligrams of Zyprexa given at 5 p.m. would help put elderly
patients to sleep for the night. Then Eli Lilly expanded its marketing efforts to
recommend that doctors prescribe Zyprexa to adults across the age spectrum for a
wide variety of disorders. The company was fined a total of $1.4 billion. It is worth
putting this in perspective though: in only one year (2010), Eli Lilly made more than $5
billion from Zyprexa (Stastna, 2013).
Evaluating Drug Therapies

Many people believe that drugs are designed to target the root physical causes
of psychological disorders, and that they should therefore be more effective than
psychological approaches to therapy. However, these beliefs are not warranted.
In many cases, drugs are not more effective than psychological therapies. For
example, with regard to depression, the use of antidepressants has become
increasingly accepted among the general public, in part due to well-funded
marketing campaigns. However, these drugs are not as effective as they are
widely believed to be. Approximately 50% to 60% of people who take
antidepressants improve within a few months—compared to 30% of people who
improve after taking a placebo (Hollon et al., 2002). Interestingly, about 50% to
60% of people also improve from psychological therapy. Thus, we cannot
conclude that drugs are more effective or should replace other approaches to
therapy.
In other cases, such as most anxiety disorders, psychological treatments such as

cognitive–behavioural therapy (Module 16.2 ) are generally the most effective
treatment (Hofmann & Smits, 2008). A key advantage of CBT is that the effects
last long after the treatment is completed (Hollon et al., 2006), whereas
antianxiety medications typically are effective only as long as the client maintains
the drug regimen (and of course, come with side effects). The superior long-term
effect of CBT over drugs has been found for generalized anxiety disorder
(Hofmann & Smits, 2008) and panic disorder (Barlow et al., 2000).
In many situations, a combination of treatment approaches may work best; for

example, combining psychological therapy with antidepressants has been shown
to be more effective in treating major depression than medication alone
(Burnand et al., 2002; de Jonghe et al., 2001). A similar pattern is found for
some anxiety disorders; combining drugs with CBT is more effective for panic
disorder with agoraphobia than either treatment on its own (Starcevic et al.,
2004).
Even schizophrenia, which is often viewed to be an organic “brain disease,” is

more effectively treated by combined approaches. People with schizophrenia
tend to have difficulty in self-reflecting, projecting themselves into the past and
future (D’Argembeau et al., 2008), engaging in basic self-care, and integrating
into regular social life. Although drugs may reduce many symptoms, additional
therapy using psychological approaches has been shown to have a huge impact
on reducing the likelihood of experiencing further schizophrenic episodes.
Some research has shown that the likelihood of experiencing future
schizophrenic episodes is affected even more strongly by social factors, such as
how much negative emotion and hostility are expressed in the family, than even
by whether the person with schizophrenia takes their medication (Hooley &
Gotlib, 2000). Clearly, even disorders that are generally viewed as
predominantly biological are better understood from a biopsychosocial
perspective, because they involve not only straightforward biological
mechanisms, but also thoughts, feelings, behaviours, and social relationships.
Module 16.3a Quiz:
Drug Treatments
Know . . .
1. Tardive dyskinesia is
A. a side effect of antipsychotics that involves motion control
problems.
B. an antidepressant that breaks down enzymes in the synapse.
C. the growth of new neurons in the adult brain.
D. a side effect of antidepressant drugs.
Understand . . .
2. affect the nervous system by blocking reuptake of serotonin in
neurons.
A. MAOIs
B. Antianxiety medications
C. Mood stabilizers
D. SSRIs
3. Monoamine oxidase inhibitor drugs work by

A. boosting the ability of an enzyme to break down serotonin,
dopamine, and norepinephrine molecules.
B. inhibiting the ability of an enzyme to break down serotonin,
dopamine, and norepinephrine molecules.
C. selectively blocking the reuptake of serotonin.
D. creating new dopamine molecules.
Analyze . . .
4. Generally speaking, which of the following is the most accurate statement
about psychotropic drugs?
A. They are superior to talking therapy.
B. Their effects are rarely evident until weeks after taking them.
C. They are usually more effective if combined with some form of
psychological treatment.
D. Although drugs often had bad side effects in the past, modern
drugs have largely fixed those problems.
5. Imagine that a friend asks you what you have heard about St. John’s wort
because he is considering using it to alleviate his depression. What
would you say, based on the research?
A. St. John’s wort is as effective as antidepressant drugs for treating
depressive symptoms for many people.
B. St. John’s wort is superior to prescription antidepressant
medications.
C. Your friend may as well take a placebo: St. John’s wort has never
been proven effective at reducing symptoms of depression.
D. St. John’s wort is superior to cognitive–behavioural therapies.
Technological and Surgical Methods
People working in the mental health field have a variety of biomedical

approaches available in addition to drugs, ranging from direct surgical
interventions to stimulation of brain areas using magnetic pulses. Today, these
types of procedures tend to be quite safe and are carefully tested and
scrutinized, although this has not always been the case.
You have likely heard of the frontal lobotomy , surgically severing the
connections between different regions of the brain; however you may not know
the full, rather chilling, story behind it. Back as far as the 1800s, neurologists
experimented with this practice in the hope of “curing” psychological problems.
By the 1930s, researchers discovered that by damaging the prefrontal areas of
aggressive chimpanzees, the animals would become calmer and more
controllable. When Portuguese surgeon Antonio Moniz heard about this at a
conference, he thought it might be useful for helping people with severe
psychoses and other disorders. He helped to develop the leucotomy , the
surgical destruction of brain tissues in the prefrontal cortex. Drilling small holes
into the skull, Moniz would typically insert a small wire loop, a leucotome,
through the holes and into the brain matter; a few flips of the wrist later, the
surgery is complete and the patient is left to “recover.”
Moniz himself had some success with the procedure, reporting a general
improvement in the symptoms of several severely depressed, anxious, or
otherwise disturbed people, and recommended it as a treatment of last resort
when all other methods have failed. But then the technique was popularized and
turned into a veritable industry by an enterprising American surgeon, Dr. Walter
Freeman. Freeman and his collaborator, Dr. James Watts, further refined the
“lobotomy” (as he called the procedure) for about a decade, until he learned of a
new method, developed in Italy, for getting into the brain without having to drill
holes in the skull. The secret entrance was right through the eye sockets.
Based on this insight, Freeman developed the trans-orbital lobotomy, which

became known as the “icepick lobotomy.” Freeman would insert a slender metal
shaft, like an icepick, in between the eyeball and eyelid, then with a hammer,
would tap it through the bony roof of the eye socket and into the brain. Then he
would move it around until the frontal lobes were detached from the rest of the
brain (Valenstein, 1973). He was even able to perform this brain-slicing without
anesthesia, by first inducing a seizure in the patient through an electroconvulsive
shock. Freeman believed the procedure to be miraculously successful. He
became a passionate advocate for the lobotomy, and because he was able to
perform them so quickly, often more than a dozen in a single day, he travelled
around the country in his van, the “lobotomobile,” lobotomizing several thousand
people in total. His procedure was always controversial, seen as a miraculous
cure by some and as a barbaric practice by others, committing unknown
amounts of harm and sometimes even ending in the patient’s death from
cerebral hemorrhaging. Nevertheless, Freeman was a medical celebrity for a
while, and toured the country teaching his technique to many doctors and
psychiatrists. In total, approximately 40 000 lobotomies are believed to have
been performed in the United States and thousands more in western Europe.
Freeman was eventually barred from practising, although not until 1967. And
despite the protestations of many people, the man who started it all, Antonio
Moniz, was awarded the Nobel Prize in Medicine in 1949.
Walter Freeman performing a frontal lobotomy surgery.

Bettmann/Getty Images
By the 1950s, the popularity of the frontal lobotomy was dwindling rapidly. The
inconsistent and often very negative results of the procedure, and the
effectiveness of new psychotropic medications, convinced most of the field to
move away from the lobotomy. Nevertheless, the basic practice of
therapeutically destroying brain tissue survives to this day, although the
techniques are now vastly more refined and precise.
Focal Lesions
One set of techniques involves performing focal lesions , which are small
areas of brain tissue that are surgically destroyed. These brain lesions are only
used in some severe cases, when all other treatments have not worked to
satisfaction. For example, in some cases of depression and anxiety disorders,
lesion surgery has been targeted at a cluster of cells in the anterior cingulate
cortex, an area that is overactive in people with these disorders (Cosgrove &
Rauch, 2003; Fitzgerald et al., 2005; Steele et al., 2008). This procedure,
which is called an anterior cingulotomy, has no more risks or side effects than do
many of the drugs used to treat these disorders, and it can reduce symptoms
successfully despite other treatments being ineffective. Focal-lesion techniques
have only become possible in recent years due to the surgical precision allowed
by the use of brain-imaging technology, which allows surgeons to precisely
target desired brain areas.
Electroconvulsive Therapy
Electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) involves passing an electrical current
through the brain in order to induce a temporary seizure. This procedure was
introduced in the 1930s and has been viewed negatively for much of its history,
in part because in its early days it was generally unsafe and easily abused. This
procedure was famously, and chillingly, depicted in the book and movie One
Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest. Many people believe that ECT causes lasting
cognitive impairments, but in fact the majority of research on people who have
been treated with it suggests that this is not true (Rose et al., 2003).
Over the years, ECT techniques have improved dramatically. Patients’

experiences are much less negative; they are now given sedatives and muscle
relaxants to reduce the discomfort they may experience and to prevent injury
related to the convulsions. ECT has gone from being viewed as a torturous
“shock treatment” to a relatively safe procedure, although it is still reserved for
the most severe cases of disorders such as depression and bipolar disorder. The
side effects are relatively mild, typically consisting of some amnesia for events
occurring around the time of the treatment.
People with depression or bipolar disorder may elect to undergo
electroconvulsive therapy if other treatments have not been successful.
Will & Deni McIntyre/Photo Researchers, Inc./Science Source
Why does ECT work? Neuroimaging research suggests that ECT might alter
how different brain areas work together as networks. These changes are most
pronounced in the frontal lobes (Beall et al., 2012; Perrin et al., 2012),
particularly in areas along the midline of the brain (Argyelan et al., 2016). One
possible interpretation of this emerging literature is that ECT may alter the
patient’s tendency to habitually engage in negative thoughts, thereby disrupting
the dysfunctional thinking patterns that are characteristic of depression. More
research is needed before we will fully understand why ECT works as
mysteriously well as it does.
Repetitive Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation

Repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation (rTMS) is a therapeutic
technique in which a focal area of the brain is exposed to a powerful magnetic
field across several different treatment sessions. The magnetic field can be used
to stimulate or inhibit the activity of particular brain areas. Researchers have
found that stimulating the left prefrontal cortex, which is typically associated with
positive emotional experiences, improves some symptoms of depression. They
have also found that reducing the activity of the right prefrontal cortex, which is
associated with negative emotional experiences, has the same effect (Berlim et
al., 2014). Importantly, rTMS does not have immediate effects. Treatment
typically involves between 10 and 25 rTMS sessions, although some accelerated
programs are being tested (George et al., 2014). Patients must also return for
follow-up appointments every few months.
rTMS has a number of advantages over other treatments. It does not involve
anesthesia, induce a seizure, or produce cognitive impairments (Serafini et al.,
2015). Additionally, rTMS may hold considerable promise for reducing symptoms
of other mental disorders, such as schizophrenia (Slotema et al., 2010; Zaman
et al., 2008).
Deep Brain Stimulation

Deep brain stimulation (DBS) is a technique that involves electrically
stimulating specific regions of the brain. The procedure involves inserting thin
electrode-tipped wires into the brain and carefully routing them to the targeted
brain regions. A small battery connected to the wires is then inserted just
beneath the skin surface. Unlike many of the drugs reviewed previously, DBS
produces instantaneous results, and seems to work on even severe cases of
depression that have been unresponsive to other treatments. As reported by
researchers at the Rotman Research Institute in Toronto, who pioneered the
application of DBS on depression, the effects seem almost miraculous; patients
who are severely depressed report relief from their symptoms instantaneously,
as soon as the electricity is applied (Mayberg et al., 2005; McNeely et al.,
2008). Other researchers have shown DBS to be effective on symptoms of OCD
as well (Aouizerate et al., 2009).
Nevertheless, the technique does come with some risk, most obviously the risk
of some internal bleeding and infection from the surgical insertion of the wires.
DPS can also cause unintended behavioural effects; most are relatively benign
and temporary experiences, such as spontaneous laughter and penile erections,
but in some cases it may trigger troublesome states of depression or aggression
(Kringelbach et al., 2007).
It is important to note that there are additional therapeutic techniques that are still
in development and therefore have not been discussed in this module. Advances
in gene therapies, neuroimaging, neurostimulators, and computer science will
soon influence how many psychological disorders are treated. These innovations
should provide patients with a number of high-quality treatment options. The
future of psychology should be exciting.
Delivering brief pulses of a strong magnetic field to specific regions of the
cerebral cortex has been shown to help alleviate symptoms of severe depression
and possibly other disorders.
Bonnie Weller/staff/Newscom
Module 16.3b Quiz:
Technological and Surgical Methods
Understand . . .
1. If a doctor wanted to activate a very specific brain region in the hope of
alleviating symptoms of a mental disorder, she would most likely use
which of the following procedures?
A. Focal lesion
B. Cingulotomy
C. Electroconvulsive therapy
D. Deep brain stimulation
2. Which of the following techniques results in intentionally destroying brain

cells?
A. Deep brain stimulation
B. Electroconvulsive therapy
C. Focal lesion
D. Repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation
Apply . . .
3. Amy has been suffering from depression for many years. She has tried a
number of antidepressant medications but suffered so many side effects
that her doctor suggested that she stop taking them. Instead, her doctor
has recommended that Amy try a new procedure in which a device
emitting a magnetic field is placed against Amy’s scalp. This device
would affect the activity of Amy’s frontal lobes. Which technique is Amy’s
doctor recommending?
A. Deep brain stimulation
B. Repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation
C. Electroconvulsive therapy
D. Magnetic resonance imaging
Module 16.3 Summary
16.3a Know . . . the key terminology associated with biological treatments.
antianxiety drugs
antidepressant drugs
antipsychotic drugs
atypical antipsychotics
blood–brain barrier
deep brain stimulation (DBS)
electroconvulsive therapy (ECT)
focal lesions
frontal lobotomy
leucotomy
lithium
monoamine oxidase inhibitors (MAOIs)
mood stabilizers
psychopharmacotherapy
psychotropic drugs
repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation (rTMS)
selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI)
tardive dyskinesia
tricyclic antidepressants
16.3b Understand . . . how the drugs described in this module affect brain
functioning.
Antidepressant drugs typically target monoamine neurotransmitter activity, with

differing mechanisms of action (review Figure 16.4 ). Many of the
antipsychotic drugs on the market reduce dopamine activity in the brain.
Antianxiety drugs tend to target GABA receptors and increase activity of this
inhibitory neurotransmitter.
16.3c Understand . . . the other major medical approaches to therapy.
Other procedures available for treating mental illness include electroconvulsive

therapy, repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation, deep brain stimulation, and
focal lesions. In some cases, particularly ECT, researchers are still unsure what
aspect of the treatment produces the therapeutic results. Stimulation techniques
increase the brain activity in targeted areas, whereas lesions prevent brain
activity. By targeting the areas responsible for specific behaviours, thoughts, or
emotions, treatments can have dramatic effects on the experience of someone
with a psychological disorder.
16.3d Apply . . . your knowledge of drug therapies to different

psychological conditions.
Apply Activity
Match the drugs listed in the left column with the condition they are typically
prescribed to treat on the right.
Drug Condition
1. Lithium a. Anxiety
2. SSRI b. Depression
3. Xanax c. Schizophrenia
4. Clozapine d. Bipolar disorder
16.3e Analyze . . . whether St. John’s wort, a popular herbal remedy for
depression, works.
Research into the effects of St. John’s wort suggests it may be an effective
treatment for many people. The herb works about as well as prescription
antidepressants for at least mild to moderate levels of depression, but its efficacy
for severe depression is not well established. Using St. John’s wort carries the
significant advantage of not exposing the person to nearly the same range of
potential side effects as prescription drugs, although it is also advisable to
consult with a mental health professional rather than self-medicating without any
professional support.
Glossary
absolute threshold
the minimum amount of energy or quantity of a stimulus required for it to be
reliably detected at least 50% of the time it is presented
accommodation
a creative process whereby people modify their belief structures based on
experience
acetylcholine
one of the most widespread neurotransmitters within the body, found at the
junctions between nerve cells and skeletal muscles; it is very important for
voluntary movement
achievement motivation
the drive to perform at high levels and to accomplish significant goals
acquisition
the initial phase of learning in which a response is established
acronyms
pronounceable words whose letters represent the initials of an important
phrase or set of items
action potential
a wave of electrical activity that originates at the beginning of the axon near
the cell body and rapidly travels down its length
activation–synthesis hypothesis
suggests that dreams arise from brain activity originating from bursts of
excitatory messages from the pons, a part of the brainstem
active phase
phase of schizophrenia during which people typically experience delusional
thoughts, hallucinations, or disorganized patterns of thoughts, emotions, and
behaviour
adrenal glands
a pair of endocrine glands located adjacent to the kidneys that release stress
hormones, such as cortisol and epinephrine
affiliation motivation
see need to belong
agonists
drugs that enhance or mimic the effects of a neurotransmitter’s action
agoraphobia
often associated with panic disorder, agoraphobia results from an intense
fear of having a panic attack in public; as a result of this fear, the individual
may begin to avoid public settings and increasingly isolate him- or herself
algorithms
problem-solving strategies based on a series of rules
all-or-none principle
individual nerve cells fire at the same strength every time an action potential
occurs
allostasis
motivation is not only influenced by current needs, but also by the
anticipation of future needs
Alzheimer’s disease
a degenerative and terminal condition resulting in severe damage of the
entire brain
amnesia
a profound loss of at least one form of memory
amotivational
a feeling of having little or no motivation to perform a behaviour
amygdala
a group of nuclei in the medial portion (near the middle) of the temporal lobes
in each hemisphere of the brain that facilitates memory formation for
emotional events, mediates fear responses, and appears to play a role in
recognizing and interpreting emotional stimuli, including facial expressions
analytic system
operates at the explicit level of consciousness, is slower and methodical, and
uses logic and discursive thinking (i.e., reasoning using language)
analytical psychology
focuses on the role of unconscious archetypes in personality development
anchoring effect
occurs when an individual attempts to solve a problem involving numbers
and uses previous knowledge to keep (i.e., anchor) the response within a
limited range
anecdotal evidence
an individual’s story or testimony about an observation or event that is used
to make a claim as evidence
anorexia nervosa
an eating disorder that involves (1) self-starvation, (2) intense fear of weight
gain and dissatisfaction with one’s body, and (3) denial of the serious
consequences of severely low weight
antagonists
inhibit neurotransmitter activity by blocking receptors or preventing synthesis
of a neurotransmitter
anterograde amnesia
the inability to form new memories for events occurring after a brain injury
anthropometrics
(literally, “the measurement of people”) methods of measuring physical and
mental variation in humans
antianxiety drugs
affect the activity of gamma-aminobutyric acid (GABA), an inhibitory
neurotransmitter that reduces neural activity
antidepressant drugs
medications designed to reduce symptoms of depression
antipsychotic drugs
generally used to treat symptoms of psychosis, including delusions,
hallucinations, and severely disturbed or disorganized thought
antisocial personality disorder (APD)

a profound lack of empathy or emotional connection with others, a disregard
for others’ rights or preferences, and a tendency toward imposing one’s own
desires, often violently, onto others regardless of the consequences for other
people or, often when younger, other animals
anxiety disorders
a category of disorders involving fear or nervousness that is excessive,
irrational, and maladaptive
APD
see antisocial personality disorder
aphasia
a language disorder caused by damage to the brain structures that support
using and understanding language
appeal to authority
the belief in an “expert’s” claim even when no supporting data or scientific
evidence is present
appeal to common sense

a claim that appears to be sound, but lacks supporting scientific evidence
appraisal
the cognitive act of assessing and evaluating the potential threat and
demands of an event
approach goal
an enjoyable and pleasant incentive that a person is drawn toward, such as
praise, financial reward, or a feeling of satisfaction
ARAS
see ascending reticular activating system
archetypes
images and symbols that reflect common “truths” held across cultures, such
as universal life experiences or types of people
arousal theory of extraversion

extraversion is determined by people’s threshold for arousal
ascending reticular activating system (ARAS)

plays a central role in controlling the arousal response
assimilation
a conservative process, whereby people fit new information into the belief
systems they already possess
asylums
residential facilities for the mentally ill
attachment
the enduring emotional bond formed between individuals
attachment behavioural system

focused on meeting our own needs for security
attention
selects which information will be passed on to STM
attitude inoculation
a strategy for strengthening attitudes and making them more resistant to
change by first exposing people to a weak counter-argument and then
refuting that argument
atypical antipsychotics
drugs that are less likely to produce side effects including movement
disorders (like tardive dyskinesia) that commonly occur with first-generation
antipsychotics
autonomic nervous system

the portion of the peripheral nervous system responsible for regulating the
activity of organs and glands
autonomous sensory meridian response (ASMR)

a condition in which specific auditory or visual stimuli trigger tingling
sensations in the scalp and neck, sometimes extending across the back and
shoulders
availability heuristic
entails estimating the frequency of an event based on how easily examples
of it come to mind
aversive conditioning
a behavioural technique that involves replacing a positive response to a
stimulus with a negative response, typically by using punishment
avoidance goal
an attempt to avoid an unpleasant outcome such as shame, embarrassment,
losing money, or feeling emotional pain
avoidance learning
a specific type of negative reinforcement that removes the possibility that a
stimulus will occur
axon
transports information in the form of electrochemical reactions from the cell
body to the end of the neuron
BAS
see behavioural activation system
basal ganglia
a group of three structures that are involved in facilitating planned
movements, skill learning, and integrating sensory and movement
information with the brain’s reward system
BDNF
see brain-derived neurotrophic factor
behavioural activation system (BAS)

a “GO” system, arousing the person to action in the pursuit of desired goals
behavioural genetics
the study of how genes and the environment influence behaviour
behavioural genomics
the study of how specific genes, in their interactions with the environment,
influence behaviour
behavioural inhibition system (BIS)

a “danger” system, motivating the person to action in order to avoid
punishments or other negative outcomes
behavioural therapies
therapies that attempt to directly address problem behaviours and the
environmental factors that trigger them
behaviourism
an approach that dominated the first half of the 20th century of North
American psychology and had a singular focus on studying only observable
behaviour, with little to no reference to mental events or instincts as possible
influences on behaviour
belief perseverance
occurs when an individual believes he or she has the solution to the problem
or the correct answer for a question and accepts only evidence that will
confirm those beliefs
between-subjects design
an experimental design in which we compare the performance of participants
who are in different groups
bibliotherapy
the use of self-help books and other reading materials as a form of therapy
binocular depth cues

distance cues that are based on the differing perspectives of both eyes
biofeedback
a therapeutic technique involving the use of physiological recording
instruments to provide feedback that increases awareness of bodily
responses
biopsychosocial model
a means of explaining behaviour as a product of biological, psychological,
and sociocultural factors
bipolar disorder
characterized by extreme highs and lows in mood, motivation, and energy
BIS
see behavioural inhibition system
blood–brain barrier
a network of tightly packed cells that only allow specific types of substances
to move from the bloodstream to the brain in order to protect delicate brain
cells against harmful infections and other substances
BMI
see body mass index
body mass index (BMI)

a statistic commonly used for estimating a healthy body weight given an
individual’s height
borderline personality disorder (BPD)

a disorder characterized by intense extremes between positive and negative
emotions, an unstable sense of self, impulsivity, and difficult social
relationships
bottom-up processing
occurs when we perceive individual bits of sensory information (e.g., sounds)
and use them to construct a more complex perception (e.g., a message)
BPD
see borderline personality disorder
brain death
a condition in which the brain, specifically including the brainstem, no longer
functions
brainstem
the “stem” or bottom of the brain and consists of two structures: the medulla
and the pons
brain-derived neurotrophic factor (BDNF)

a protein in the nervous system that promotes survival, growth, and formation
of new synapses
Broca’s area
a region of the left frontal lobe that controls our ability to articulate speech
sounds that compose words
bulimia nervosa
an eating disorder that is characterized by periods of food deprivation, binge-
eating, and purging
bystander effect
the presence of other people actually reduces the likelihood of helping
behaviour
Cannon-Bard theory of emotion

the brain interprets a situation and generates subjective emotional feelings,
and these representations in the brain trigger responses in the body
caregiving behavioural system

focused on meeting the needs of others
case study
an in-depth report about the details of a specific case
catatonic schizophrenia
symptoms include episodes in which a person remains mute and immobile—
sometimes in bizarre positions—for extended periods. Individuals may also
exhibit repetitive, purposeless movements
categories
clusters of interrelated concepts
CBT
see cognitive–behavioural therapy
cell body
the part of a neuron that contains the nucleus that houses the cell’s genetic
material
central executive
the control centre of working memory; it coordinates attention and the
exchange of information among the three storage components
central nervous system (CNS)

consists of the brain and the spinal cord
central route to persuasion

occurs when people pay close attention to the content of a message,
evaluate the evidence presented, and examine the logic of the arguments
central tendency
a measure of the central point of a distribution
cerebellum
(Latin for “little brain”) the lobe-like structure at the base of the brain that is
involved in the monitoring of movement, maintaining balance, attention, and
emotional responses
cerebral cortex
the convoluted, wrinkled outer layer of the brain that is involved in multiple
higher functions, such as thought, language, and personality
chameleon effect
people copy others’ behaviours even without realizing it
chromosomes
structures in the cellular nucleus that are lined with all of the genes an
individual inherits
chunking
organizing smaller units of information into larger, more meaningful units
circadian rhythms
internally driven daily cycles of approximately 24 hours affecting
physiological and behavioural processes
classical categorization
a theory that claims that objects or events are categorized according to a
certain set of rules or by a specific set of features
classical conditioning
a form of associative learning in which an organism learns to associate a
neutral stimulus (e.g., a sound) with a biologically relevant stimulus (e.g.,
food), which results in a change in the response to the previously neutral
stimulus (e.g., salivation)
client-centred therapy
focuses on individuals’ abilities to solve their own problems and reach their
full potential with the encouragement of the therapist
clinical psychologists
have obtained PhDs and are able to formally diagnose and treat mental
health issues ranging from the everyday and mild to the chronic and severe
clinical psychology
the field of psychology that concentrates on the diagnosis and treatment of
psychological disorders
cochlea
a fluid-filled membrane that is coiled in a snail-like shape and contains the
structures that convert sound into neural impulses
cognitive–behavioural therapy (CBT)

a form of therapy that consists of procedures such as cognitive restructuring,
stress inoculation training, and exposing people to experiences they may
have a tendency to avoid
cognitive development
the study of changes in memory, thought, and reasoning processes that
occur throughout the lifespan
cognitive dissonance theory

when we hold inconsistent beliefs, it creates a kind of aversive inner tension,
or “dissonance”; we are then motivated to reduce this tension in whatever
way we can
cognitive psychology
a modern psychological perspective that focuses on processes such as
memory, thinking, and language
cohort effect
differences between people that result from being born in different time
periods
collective unconscious
a separate, non-personal realm of the unconscious that holds the collective
memories and mythologies of humankind, stretching deep into our ancestral
past
coma
a state marked by a complete loss of consciousness
community psychology
an area of psychology that focuses on identifying how individuals’ mental
health is influenced by the community in which they live, and emphasizes
community-level variables such as social programs, support networks, and
community resource centres to help those with mental illness adjust to the
challenges of everyday life
companionate love
related to tenderness, and to the affection we feel when our lives are
intertwined with another person
compensatory control
psychological strategies people use to preserve a sense of nonrandom order
when personal control is compromised
computerized tomography (or CT scans)

a structural neuroimaging technique in which x-rays are sent through the
brain by a tube that rotates around the head
concept
the mental representation of an object, event, or idea
concrete operational stage

(ages 7 to 11 years) developmental stage at which children develop skills in
logical thinking and manipulating numbers
conditioned emotional responses

consist of emotional and physiological responses that develop to a specific
object or situation
conditioned response (CR)

the learned response that occurs to the conditioned stimulus
conditioned stimulus (CS)
a once-neutral stimulus that later elicits a conditioned response because it
has a history of being paired with an unconditioned stimulus
conditioned taste aversion

acquired dislike or disgust for a food or drink because it was paired with
illness
cones
photoreceptors that are sensitive to the different wavelengths of light that we
perceive as colour
confirmation bias
occurs when an individual searches for only evidence that will confirm his or
her beliefs instead of evidence that might disconfirm them
confounding variable
a variable outside of the researcher’s control that might affect or provide an
alternative explanation for the results
conjunction fallacy
reflects the mistaken belief that finding a specific member in two overlapping
categories (i.e., a member of the conjunction of two categories) is more likely
than finding any member of one of the larger, general categories
conscious mind
your current awareness, containing everything you are aware of right now
consciousness
a person’s subjective awareness, including thoughts, perceptions,
experiences of the world, and self-awareness
conservation
the knowledge that the quantity or amount of an object is not the same as the
physical arrangement and appearance of that object
consolidation
the process of converting short-term memories into long-term memories in
the brain
construal-level theory
describes how information affects us differently depending on our
psychological distance from the information
constructive memory
a process by which we first recall a generalized schema and then add in
specific details
contact hypothesis
social contact between members of different groups is extremely important to
overcoming prejudice
context-dependent memory
the idea that retrieval is more effective when it takes place in the same
physical setting (context) as encoding
every response made results in reinforcement
control group
the group that does not receive the treatment or stimuli targeting a specific
behaviour; this group therefore serves as a baseline to which the
experimental group is compared
control processes
shift information from one memory store to another
convenience samples
samples of individuals who are the most readily available
conventional morality
regards social conventions and rules as guides for appropriate moral
behaviour
convergence
occurs when the eye muscles contract so that both eyes focus on a single
object
coping
the processes used to manage demands, stress, and conflict
core knowledge hypothesis

the theory that infants have inborn abilities for understanding some key
aspects of their environment
cornea
the clear layer that covers the front portion of the eye and also contributes to
the eye’s ability to focus
coronary heart disease

a condition in which plaques form in the blood vessels that supply the heart
with blood and oxygen, resulting in restricted blood flow
corpus callosum
a collection of neural fibres connecting the two brain hemispheres
correlational research
involves measuring the degree of association between two or more variables
cortisol
a hormone secreted by the adrenal cortex (the outer part of the adrenal
gland) that prepares the body to respond to stressful circumstances
counselling psychologists
mental health professionals who typically work with people who need help
with more common problems such as stress and coping; issues concerning
identity, sexuality, and relationships; anxiety and depression; and
developmental issues such as childhood trauma
CR
see conditioned response
critical thinking
involves exercising curiosity and skepticism when evaluating the claims of
others, and with our own assumptions and beliefs
cross-fostered
being raised as a member of a family that was not of the same species
cross-sectional design
used to measure and compare samples of people at different ages at a given
point in time
crystallized intelligence (Gc)

a type of intelligence that draws upon past learning and experience
CS
see conditioned stimulus
CT scan
see computerized tomography
dark adaptation
the process by which the rods and cones become increasingly sensitive to
light under low levels of illumination
Dark Triad
three traits—Machiavellianism, Psychopathy, and Narcissism—that describe
a person who is socially destructive, aggressive, dishonest, and likely to
commit harm in general
DBS
see deep brain stimulation
debriefing
when researchers explain the true nature of the study, and especially the
nature of and reason for any deception
decentring
occurs when a person is able to “step back” from their normal consciousness
and examine themselves more objectively, as an observer
deception
misleading or only partially informing participants of the true topic or
hypothesis under investigation
declarative (explicit) memories

memories that we are consciously aware of and that can be verbalized,
including facts about the world and one’s own personal experiences
deep brain stimulation (DBS)

a technique that involves electrically stimulating specific regions of the brain
deep processing
memory processing related to an item’s meaning or its function
default mode network

a network of brain regions including the medial prefrontal cortex, posterior
cingulate gyrus, and medial and lateral regions of the parietal lobe that is
most active when an individual is awake but not responding to external
stimuli
defence mechanisms
unconscious strategies the ego uses to reduce or avoid anxiety
the movement of large numbers of psychiatric in-patients from their care
facilities back into regular society
delaying gratification
putting off immediate temptations in order to focus on longer-term goals
delusions
beliefs that are not based on reality (at least from the perspective of the
person’s general culture)
demand characteristics
inadvertent cues given off by the experimenter or the experimental context
that provide information about how participants are expected to behave
dementia
mild to severe disruption of mental functioning, memory loss, disorientation,
poor judgment, and decision making
dendrites
small branches radiating from the cell body that receive messages from other
cells and transmit those messages toward the rest of the cell
dependent variable
the observation or measurement that is recorded during the experiment and
subsequently compared across all groups
descriptive statistics
a set of techniques used to organize, summarize, and interpret data
determinism
the belief that all events are governed by lawful, cause-and-effect
relationships
developmental psychology
the study of human physical, cognitive, social, and behavioural
characteristics across the lifespan
deviation IQ
calculated by comparing a person’s test score with the average score for
people of the same age
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM)

a standardized manual to aid in the diagnosis of disorders
diasthesis–stress model
the interaction between a genetic predisposition for a disorder and life stress
DID
see dissociative identity disorder
difference threshold
the smallest difference between stimuli that can be reliably detected at least
50% of the time
diffusion of responsibility
the responsibility for taking action is spread across more than one person,
thus making no single individual feel personally responsible
diffusion tensor imaging (or DTI)

a form of structural neuroimaging allowing researchers or medical personnel
to measure white-matter pathways in the brain
discrimination
(1) occurs when an operant response is made to one stimulus but not to
another, even if the stimuli are similar; (2) behaviour that disfavours or
disadvantages members of a certain social group in some way
discriminative stimulus
a cue or event that indicates that a response, if made, will be reinforced
dishabituation
the recovery of responsiveness to a habituated stimulus as the result of the
presentation of a new stimulus
disorganized behaviour
the considerable difficulty people with schizophrenia may have completing
the tasks of everyday life
disorganized schizophrenia
symptoms include thoughts, speech, behaviour, and emotions that are poorly
integrated and incoherent; people with disorganized schizophrenia may also
show inappropriate, unpredictable mannerisms
display rules
the unwritten expectations we have regarding when it is appropriate to show
a certain emotion
dispositional attribution
see internal attribution
dissociation theory
explains hypnosis as a unique state in which consciousness is divided into
two parts: a lower-level system involved with perception and movement and
an “executive” system that evaluates and monitors these behaviours
dissociative disorder
a category of mental disorders characterized by a split between conscious
awareness from feeling, cognition, memory, and identity
dissociative identity disorder (DID)

a person experiences a split in identity such that they feel different aspects of
themselves as though they were separated from each other; this can be
severe enough that the person constructs entirely separate personalities,
only one of which will generally be in control at a time
divided attention
paying attention to more than one stimulus or task at the same time
dizygotic twins
fraternal twins who come from two separate eggs fertilized by two different
sperm cells that share the same womb; these twins have approximately 50%
of their genetics in common
DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid)

a molecule formed in a double-helix shape that contains four amino acids:
adenine, cytosine, guanine, and thymine
doctrine of specific nerve energies

first proposed in 1826 by the German physiologist Johannes Muller, the
doctrine states that the different senses are separated in the brain
door-in-the-face technique
involves asking for something relatively big, then following with a request for
something relatively small
dopamine
a monoamine neurotransmitter involved in such varied functions as mood,
control of voluntary movement, and processing of rewarding experiences
double-blind study
a study in which neither the participant nor the experimenter knows the exact
treatment for any individual
dream analysis
a method of examining the details of a dream (the manifest content), in order
to gain insight into the true meaning of the dream, the emotional,
unconscious material that is being communicated symbolically (the latent
content)
drive
a biological trigger that tells us we may be deprived of something and causes
us to seek out what is needed, such as food or water
DRM procedure
participants study a list of highly related words called semantic associates
DSM
see Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders
DTI
see diffusion tensor imaging
dual coding
occurs when information is stored in more than one form
dual-process models
models of behaviour that account for both implicit and explicit processes
dualism
the belief that there are properties of humans that are not material (a mind or
soul separate from the body)
echoic memory
the auditory form of sensory memory
ecological validity
the results of a laboratory study can be applied to or repeated in the natural
environment
ecstasy (MDMA)
a drug that is typically classified as a stimulant, but also has hallucinogenic
effects
ECT
see electroconvulsive therapy
EEG
see electroencephalogram
ego
the decision maker, frequently under tension, trying to reconcile the opposing
urges of the id and superego
egocentric
seeing the world only from one’s own perspective
elaboration likelihood model (ELM)

a model of persuasion that states when audiences are sufficiently motivated
to pay attention to a message (i.e., they care about the issue) and they have
the opportunity for careful processing (i.e., they have the cognitive resources
available to understand the message), they will be persuaded by the facts of
the argument, the substance; when either of these two factors (motivation
and opportunity) is missing, people will tend to be persuaded by other factors
elaborative rehearsal
prolonging exposure to information by thinking about its meaning
electroconvulsive therapy (ECT)

involves passing an electrical current through the brain in order to induce a
temporary seizure
electroencephalogram (or EEG)

measures patterns of brain activity with the use of multiple electrodes
attached to the scalp
embryonic stage
spans weeks two through eight of the gestational period, during which time
the embryo begins developing major physical structures such as the heart
and nervous system, as well as the beginnings of arms, legs, hands, and feet
emotion
a behaviour with the following three components: (a) a subjective thought
and/or experience with (b) accompanying patterns of neural activity and
physical arousal and (c) an observable behavioural expression (e.g., an
emotional facial expression or changes in muscle tension)
emotional dialects
variations across cultures in how common emotions are expressed
empirically supported treatments

treatments that have been tested and evaluated
empiricism
a philosophical tenet that knowledge comes through experience
encoding specificity principle

retrieval is most effective when it occurs in the same context as encoding
encoding
the process of storing information in the LTM system
endogenous rhythms
biological rhythms that are generated by our body independent of external
cues such as light
endorphin
a hormone produced by the pituitary gland and the hypothalamus that
functions to reduce pain and induce feelings of pleasure
entity theory
the belief that intelligence is a fixed characteristic and relatively difficult (or
impossible) to change
entrainment
when biological rhythms become synchronized to external cues such as light,
temperature, or even a clock
epigenetics
changes in gene expression that occur as a result of experience and that do
not alter the genetic code
episodic buffer
a storage component of working memory that combines the images and
sounds from the other two components into coherent, story-like episodes
episodic memories
declarative memories for personal experiences that seem to be organized
around “episodes” and are recalled from a first-person (“I” or “my”)
perspective
escape learning
occurs if a response removes a stimulus that is already present
etiology
origins or causes
evidence-based therapies
see empirically supported treatments
evolution
the change in the frequency of genes occurring in an interbreeding
population over generations
evolutionary psychology
attempts to explain human behaviours based on the beneficial function(s)
they may have served in our species’ development
experiential system
operates implicitly, quickly, and intuitively and is predominantly emotional
experimental group
the group in the experiment that receives a treatment or the stimuli targeting
a specific behaviour
experimental hypothesis
assumes that any differences are due to a variable controlled by the
experimenter
explicit memories
see declarative memories
explicit processes
correspond to “conscious” thought: deliberative, effortful, relatively slow, and
generally under our intentional control
exposure
repeatedly and in stages exposing an individual to the object of his fear so
that he can work past his emotional reactions
external (situational) attribution

the observer explains the actor’s behaviour as the result of the situation
extinction
(1) in classical conditioning, the loss or weakening of a conditioned response
when a conditioned stimulus and unconditioned stimulus no longer occur
together; (2) in operant conditioning, the weakening of an operant response
when reinforcement is no longer available
extrinsic motivation
motivation geared toward gaining rewards or public recognition, or avoiding
embarrassment
facial feedback hypothesis

our emotional expressions can influence our subjective emotional states
factor analysis
(1) a statistical technique that examines correlations between variables to
find clusters of related variables, or “factors”; (2) in personality analysis,
grouping items that people respond to similarly; for instance, the terms
friendly and warm
FAE
see fundamental attribution error
false consensus effect

tendency to project the self-concept onto the social world
false memory
remembering events that did not occur, or incorrectly recalling details of an
event
falsifiable
the hypothesis is precise enough that it could be proven false
fast mapping
the ability to map words onto concepts or objects after only a single exposure
fetal alcohol syndrome

abnormalities in mental functioning, growth, and facial development in the
offspring of women who use alcohol during pregnancy
fetal stage
spans week eight through birth of the gestational period, during which time
the skeletal, organ, and nervous systems become more developed and
specialized
fight-or-flight response
a set of physiological changes that occur in response to psychological or
physical threats
first-letter technique
uses the first letters of a set of items to spell out words that form a sentence
Five Factor Model (FFM)

a trait-based theory of personality based on the finding that personality can
be described using five major dimensions
fixation
becoming preoccupied with obtaining the pleasure associated with a
particular Freudian stage as a result of not being able to adequately regulate
oneself and satisfy needs at that stage
fixed-interval schedule
reinforces the first response occurring after a set amount of time passes
fixed-ratio schedule
reinforcement is delivered after a specific number of responses have been
completed
flashbulb memory
an extremely vivid and detailed memory about an event and the conditions
surrounding how one learned about the event
fluid intelligence (Gf)

a type of intelligence used in learning new information and solving new
problems not based on knowledge the person already possesses
Flynn effect
the steady population level increases in intelligence test scores over time
fMRI
see functional magnetic resonance imaging
focal lesions
small areas of brain tissue that are surgically destroyed
foot-in-the-door technique
involves making a simple request followed by a more substantial request
forebrain
the most visibly obvious region of the brain, consists of all of the neural
structures that are located above the midbrain, including all of the folds and
grooves on the outer surface of the brain; the multiple interconnected
structures in the forebrain are critical to such complex processes as emotion,
memory, thinking, and reasoning
formal operational stage

(ages 11 to adulthood) the development of advanced cognitive processes
such as abstract reasoning and hypothetical thinking
fovea
the central region of the retina
free association
clients are encouraged to talk or write without censoring their thoughts in any
way
frequency
the number of observations that fall within a certain category or range of
scores
frequency theory
the perception of pitch is related to the frequency at which the basilar
membrane vibrates
frontal lobes
important in numerous higher cognitive functions, such as planning,
regulating impulses and emotion, language production, and voluntary
movement
frontal lobotomy
surgically severing the connections between different regions of the brain
functional fixedness
occurs when an individual identifies an object or technique that could
potentially solve a problem, but can think of only its most obvious function
functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI)

measures brain activity by detecting the influx of oxygen-rich blood into
neural areas that were just active
functional neuroimaging
a type of brain scanning that provides information about which areas of the
brain are active when a person performs a particular behaviour
functionalism
the study of the purpose and function of behaviour and conscious experience
fundamental attribution error (FAE)

the tendency to over-emphasize internal (dispositional) attributions and
under-emphasize external (situational) factors when explaining other
people’s behaviour
g
see general intelligence factor
GABA (gamma-amino butyric acid)

the primary inhibitory neurotransmitter of the nervous system, meaning that it
prevents neurons from generating action potentials
GAD
see generalized anxiety disorder
GAS
see general adaptation syndrome
gate-control theory
explains our experience of pain as an interaction between nerves that
transmit pain messages and those that inhibit these messages
Gc
see crystallized intelligence
gender roles
the accepted attitudes and behaviours of males and females in a given
society
gene knockout (KO) studies

involve removing a specific gene and comparing the characteristics of
animals with and without that gene
general adaptation syndrome (GAS)

a theory of stress responses involving stages of alarm, resistance, and
exhaustion
general intelligence factor (g)

a person’s “mental energy,” reflecting Spearman’s belief that some people’s
brains are simply more “powerful” than others
generalizability
the degree to which one set of results can be applied to other situations,
individuals, or events
generalization
takes place when an operant response occurs in response to a new stimulus
that is similar to the stimulus present during original learning
generalized anxiety disorder (GAD)

involves frequently elevated levels of anxiety, generally from the normal
challenges and stresses of everyday life
genes
the basic units of heredity; genes are responsible for guiding the process of
creating the proteins that make up our physical structures and regulate
development and physiological processes throughout the lifespan
genotype
the genetic makeup of an organism—the unique set of genes that comprise
that individual’s genetic code
germinal stage
the first phase of prenatal development, which spans from conception to two
weeks
gestalt psychology
an approach emphasizing that psychologists need to focus on the whole of
perception and experience, rather than its parts
Gf
see fluid intelligence
glial cells
specialized cells of the nervous system that are involved in mounting immune
responses in the brain, removing waste, and synchronizing the activity of the
billions of neurons that constitute the nervous system
glucose
a sugar that serves as a primary energy source for the brain and the rest of
the body
glutamate
most common excitatory neurotransmitter in the brains of vertebrates
graded membership
the observation that some concepts appear to make better category
members than others
groupthink
the stifling of diversity that occurs when individuals are not able to express
their true perspectives, instead having to focus more on maintaining harmony
in the group and on not being evaluated negatively
gustatory system
functions in the sensation and perception of taste
habituation
a decrease in responding with repeated exposure to a stimulus or event
hallucinations
alterations in perception, such that a person hears, sees, smells, feels, or
tastes something that does not actually exist, except in that person’s own
mind
hallucinogenic drugs
substances that produce perceptual distortions
haptics
the active, exploratory aspect of touch sensation and perception
Hawthorne effect
behaviour change that occurs as a result of being observed
heritability
a statistic, expressed as a number between zero and one, that represents
the degree to which genetic differences between individuals contribute to
individual differences in a behaviour or trait found in a population
heuristics
problem-solving strategies that stem from prior experiences and provide an
educated guess as to what is the most likely solution
HEXACO model of personality

a six-factor theory that generally replicates the factors of the Five Factor
Model and adds one additional factor: Honesty–Humility
hippocampus
critical for learning and memory, particularly the formation of new memories
histrionic personality disorder (HPD)

characterized by excessive attention seeking and dramatic behaviour
homeostasis
the body’s physiological processes that allow it to maintain consistent internal
states in response to the outer environment
hormones
chemicals secreted by the glands of the endocrine system
HPA axis
see hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal axis
HPD
see histrionic personality disorder
humanistic psychology
focuses on the unique aspects of each individual human, each person’s
freedom to act, his or her rational thought, and the belief that humans are
fundamentally different from other animals
humourism
explained both physical illnesses and disorders of personality as resulting
from imbalances in key fluids in the body
hunter-gatherer theory
links performance on specific tasks to the different roles performed by males
and females over the course of our evolutionary history
hypnosis
a procedure of inducing a heightened state of suggestibility
hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal (HPA) axis

a neural and endocrine circuit that provides communication between the
nervous system (the hypothalamus) and the endocrine system (pituitary and
adrenal glands)
hypothalamus
a brain structure that regulates basic biological needs and motivational
systems
hypothesis
(plural: hypotheses) a testable prediction about processes that can be
observed and measured
hypothesis test
a statistical method of evaluating whether differences among groups are
meaningful, or could have been arrived at by chance alone
IAT
see Implicit Associations Test
iconic memory
the visual form of sensory memory
id
a collection of basic biological drives, including those directed toward sex
and aggression
identifiable victim effect

people are more powerfully moved to action by the story of a single suffering
person than by information about a whole group of people
identity
a clear sense of what kind of person you are, what types of people you
belong with, and what roles you should play in society
idiographic approach
creating detailed descriptions of a specific person’s unique personality
characteristics
illusory correlations
relationships that really exist only in the mind, rather than in reality
imagination inflation
the increased confidence in a false memory of an event following repeated
imagination of the event
imitation
recreating someone else’s motor behaviour or expression, often to
accomplish a specific goal
Implicit Associations Test (IAT)

measures how fast people can respond to images or words flashed on a
computer screen
implicit memories
see nondeclarative memories
implicit processes
correspond to “unconscious” thought: intuitive, automatic, effortless, very
fast, and operate largely outside of our intentional control
inattentional blindness
a failure to notice clearly visible events or objects because attention is
directed elsewhere
incentives
the stimuli we seek out in order to reduce drives
incremental theory
the belief that intelligence can be shaped by experiences, practice, and effort
independent variable
the variable that the experimenter manipulates to distinguish between two or
more groups
individual zone of optimal functioning (IZOF)

a range of emotional intensity in which an individual is most likely to perform
at his or her best
inductive discipline
involves explaining the consequences of a child’s actions on other people,
activating empathy for others’ feelings
inferiority complex
the struggle many people have with feelings of inferiority, which stem from
experiences of helplessness and powerlessness during childhood
informational influence
occurs when people internalize the values and beliefs of the group, coming to
believe the same things and feel the same ways themselves
informed consent
a potential volunteer must be informed (know the purpose, tasks, and risks
involved in the study) and give consent (agree to participate based on the
information provided) without pressure
ingroup bias
positive biases toward the self get extended to include one’s ingroups and
people become motivated to see their ingroups as superior to their outgroups
ingroups
groups we feel positively toward and identify with
insight therapies
a general term referring to therapy that involves dialogue between client and
therapist for the purposes of gaining awareness and understanding of
psychological problems and conflicts
insomnia
a disorder characterized by an extreme lack of sleep
intelligence
the ability to think, understand, reason, and adapt to or overcome obstacles
intelligence quotient, or IQ
a measure of intelligence computed using a standardized test and calculated
by taking a person’s mental age, dividing it by his or her chronological age,
and then multiplying by 100
intermittent reinforcement
see partial reinforcement
internal (dispositional) attribution

the observer explains the behaviour of the actor in terms of some innate
quality of that person
intersexual selection
a situation in which members of one sex select a mating partner based on
their desirable traits
intrasexual selection
a situation in which members of the same sex compete in order to win the
opportunity to mate with members of the opposite sex
intrinsic motivation
the process of being internally motivated to perform behaviours and
overcome challenges (e.g., a genuine desire to master a task rather than
being motivated by a reward)
introjection
the internalization of the conditional regard of significant others
iris
a round muscle that adjusts the size of the pupil; it also gives the eyes their
characteristic colour
IZOF
see individual zone of optimal functioning
James-Lange theory of emotion

our physiological reactions to stimuli (e.g., a racing heart) precede the
emotional experience (e.g., the fear)
jet lag
the discomfort a person feels when sleep cycles are out of synchronization
with light and darkness
kinesthesis
the sense of bodily motion and position
language
a form of communication that involves the use of spoken, written, or gestural
symbols that are combined in a rule-based form
latent content
the actual symbolic meaning of a dream built on suppressed sexual or
aggressive urges
latent learning
learning that is not immediately expressed by a response until the organism
is reinforced for doing so
law of effect
the idea that responses followed by satisfaction will occur again in the same
situation whereas those that are not followed by satisfaction become less
likely
learned helplessness
an acquired suppression of avoidance or escape behaviour in response to
unpleasant, uncontrollable circumstances
learning
a process by which behaviour or knowledge changes as a result of
experience
lens
a clear structure that focuses light onto the back of the eye
lesioning
a technique in which researchers intentionally damage an area in the brain
leucotomy
the surgical destruction of brain tissues in the pre-frontal cortex
libido
the motivation for sexual activity and pleasure
limbic system
an integrated network involved in emotion and memory
linguistic relativity
the theory that the language we use determines how we understand the
world
lithium
one of the first mood stabilizers to be prescribed regularly in psychiatry, and
from the 1950s to the 1980s, was the standard drug treatment for depression
and bipolar disorder
locked-in syndrome
a disorder in which the patient is aware and awake but, because of an
inability to move his or her body, appears unconscious
longitudinal studies
studies that follow the same set of individuals for many years, often decades
long-term memory (LTM)

holds information for extended periods of time, if not permanently
long-term potentiation (LTP)

demonstrated that there is an enduring increase in connectivity and
transmission of neural signals between nerve cells that fire together
LTM
see long-term memory
LTP
see long-term potentiation
magnetic resonance imaging (MRI)

a structural imaging technique in which clear images of the brain are created
based on how different neural regions absorb and release energy while in a
magnetic field
magnetoencephalography (MEG)
a neuroimaging technique that measures the tiny magnetic fields created by
the electrical activity of nerve cells in the brain
maintenance rehearsal
prolonging exposure to information by repeating it
major depression
a disorder marked by prolonged periods of sadness, feelings of
worthlessness and hopelessness, social withdrawal, and cognitive and
physical sluggishness
maladaptive
a behaviour that causes distress to oneself or others, impairs day-to-day
functioning, or increases the risk of injury or harm to oneself or others
manifest content
the images and storylines that we dream about
MAOIs
see monoamine oxidase inhibitors
marijuana
a drug comprising the leaves and buds of the Cannabis plant that produces a
combination of hallucinogenic, stimulant, and relaxing (narcotic) effects
mastery motive
see intrinsic motivation
materialism
the belief that humans, and other living beings, are composed exclusively of
physical matter
MBCT
see mindfulness-based cognitive therapy
MBSR
see mindfulness-based stress reduction
MCS
see minimally conscious state
MDMA
see ecstasy
mean
the arithmetic average of a set of numbers
median
the 50th percentile—the point on the horizontal axis at which 50% of all
observations are lower, and 50% of all observations are higher
medical model
sees psychological conditions through the same lens as Western medicine
tends to see physical conditions—as sets of symptoms, causes, and
outcomes, with treatments aimed at changing physiological processes in
order to alleviate symptoms
meditation
any procedure that involves a shift in consciousness to a state in which an
individual is highly focused, aware, and in control of mental processes
MEG
see magnetoencephalography
menarche
the onset of menstruation
menopause
the termination of the menstrual cycle and reproductive ability in women
mental age
the average intellectual ability score for children of a specific age
mental disorder defence

claims that the defendant was in such an extreme, abnormal state of mind
when committing the crime that he or she could not discern that the actions
were legally or morally wrong
mental set
a cognitive obstacle that occurs when an individual attempts to apply a
routine solution to what is actually a new type of problem
method of loci
a mnemonic that connects words to be remembered to locations along a
familiar path
midbrain
resides just above the hindbrain, primarily functions as a relay station
between sensory and motor areas
mimicry
taking on for ourselves the behaviours, emotional displays, and facial
expressions of others
mind-wandering
an unintentional redirection of attention from one’s current task to an
unrelated train of thought
mindfulness-based cognitive therapy (MBCT)

involves combining mindfulness meditation with standard cognitive–
behavioural therapy tools
mindfulness-based stress reduction (MBSR)

a structured relaxation program based on elements of mindfulness
meditation
minimally conscious state (MCS)

a disordered state of consciousness marked by the ability to show some
behaviours that suggest at least partial consciousness, even if on an
inconsistent basis
misinformation effect
when information occurring after an event becomes part of the memory for
that event
mnemonic
a technique intended to improve memory for specific information
mode
the category with the highest frequency (that is, the category with the most
observations)
monoamine oxidase inhibitors (MAOIs)

work by deactivating monoamine oxidase (MAO), an enzyme that breaks
down serotonin, dopamine, and norepinephrine at the synaptic clefts of nerve
cells
monocular cues
depth cues that we can perceive with only one eye
monozygotic twins
twins who come from a single ovum (egg), which makes them genetically
identical (almost 100% genetic similarity)
mood-dependent memory
people remember better if their mood at retrieval matches their mood during
encoding
mood stabilizers
drugs used to prevent or reduce the severity of mood swings experienced by
people with bipolar disorder
morphemes
the smallest meaningful unit of a language
motivation
concerns the physiological and psychological processes underlying the
initiation of behaviours that direct organisms toward specific goals
MRI
see magnetic resonance imaging
multimodal integration
the ability to combine sensation from different modalities such as vision and
hearing into a single integrated perception
multiple intelligences
a model claiming that there are eight (now updated to at least nine) different
forms of intelligence, each independent from the others

see dissociative identity disorder
myelin
a fatty sheath that insulates axons from one another, resulting in increased
speed and efficiency of neural communication
naive realism
the assumption that the way we see things is the way that they are
narcissistic personality disorder (NPD)

characterized by an inflated sense of self-importance and an excessive need
for attention and admiration, as well as intense self-doubt and fear of
abandonment
narcolepsy
a disorder in which a person experiences extreme daytime sleepiness and
even sleep attacks
natural selection
the process by which favourable traits become increasingly common in a
population of interbreeding individuals, while traits that are unfavourable
become less common
naturalistic observations
observations that unobtrusively observe and record behaviour as it occurs in
the subject’s natural environment
nature and nurture relationships

the inquiry into how heredity (nature) and environment (nurture) influence
behaviour and mental processes
need to belong
the motivation to maintain relationships that involve pleasant feelings such as
warmth, affection, appreciation, and mutual concern for each person’s well-
being
negative affectivity
the tendency to respond to problems with a pattern of anxiety, hostility,
anger, guilt or nervousness
negative punishment
occurs when a behaviour decreases because it removes or diminishes a
particular stimulus
negative reinforcement
involves the strengthening of a behaviour because it removes or diminishes a
stimulus
negative symptoms
the absence of adaptive behaviour, such as absent or flat emotional
reactions, lack of interacting with others in a social setting, and lack of
motivation
negatively skewed distribution
a distribution in which the curve has an extended tail to the left of the cluster
neurodevelopmental hypothesis
the adult manifestation of what we call “schizophrenia” is the outgrowth of
disrupted neurological development early in the person’s life
neurogenesis
the formation of new neurons
neurons
one of the major types of cells found in the nervous system, which are
responsible for sending and receiving messages throughout the body
neuroplasticity
the capacity of the brain to change and rewire itself based on individual
experience
neurotransmitters
the chemicals that function as messengers allowing neurons to communicate
with each other
night terrors
intense bouts of panic and arousal that awaken the individual, typically in a
heightened emotional state
nightmares
particularly vivid and disturbing dreams that occur during REM sleep
nociception
the activity of nerve pathways that respond to uncomfortable stimulation
nomothetic approach
examines personality in large groups of people, with the aim of making
generalizations about personality structure
nondeclarative memories
include actions or behaviours that you can remember and perform without
awareness
nootropic substances
substances that are believed to beneficially affect intelligence
noradrenaline
see norepinephrine
norepinephrine
(also known as noradrenaline) a monoamine synthesized from dopamine
molecules that is involved in regulating stress responses, including
increasing arousal, attention, and heart rate
normal distribution
a symmetrical distribution with values clustered around a central, mean value
normative influence
a social pressure to adopt a group’s perspective in order to be accepted,
rather than rejected, by a group
null hypothesis
assumes that any differences between groups (or conditions) are due to
chance
NPD
see narcissistic personality disorder
obesity
a disorder of positive energy balance, in which energy intake exceeds energy
expenditure
object permanence
the ability to understand that objects exist even when they cannot be directly
perceived
object relations therapy

a variation of psychodynamic therapy that focuses on how early childhood
experiences and emotional attachments influence later psychological
functioning
objective measurements
the measure of an entity or behaviour that, within an allowed margin of error,
is consistent across instruments and observers
observational learning
involves changes in behaviour and knowledge that result from watching
others
obsessive–compulsive disorder (OCD)

plagued by unwanted, inappropriate, and persistent thoughts (obsessions),
and tending to engage in repetitive, almost ritualistic, behaviours
(compulsions)
occipital lobes
located at the rear of the brain and are where visual information is processed
OCD
see obsessive–compulsive disorder
olfactory bulb
a structure on the bottom surface of the frontal lobes that serves as the
brain’s central region for processing smells
olfactory epithelium
a thin layer of cells that are lined by sensory receptors called cilia
olfactory system
involved in smell—the detection of airborne particles with specialized
receptors located in the nose
operant conditioning
a type of learning in which behaviour is influenced by consequences
operational definitions
statements that describe the procedures (or operations) and specific
measures that are used to record observations
opiates
(also called narcotics) drugs such as heroin and morphine that reduce pain
and induce extremely intense feelings of euphoria
opponent-process theory
a theory of colour perception stating that we perceive colour in terms of
opposing pairs: red to green, yellow to blue, and white to black
optic nerve
a dense bundle of fibres that connect to the brain
optimism
the tendency to have a favourable, constructive view on situations and to
expect positive outcomes
outgroups
those “other” groups that we don’t identify with
oxytocin
a stress-sensitive hormone that is typically associated with maternal bonding
and social relationships
panic attacks
brief moments of extreme anxiety that include a rush of physical activity
paired with frightening thoughts
panic disorder
an anxiety disorder marked by occasional episodes of sudden, very intense
fear
paranoid schizophrenia
symptoms include delusional beliefs that one is being followed, watched, or
persecuted, and may also include delusions of grandeur or the belief that one
has some secret, insight, power, or some other characteristic that makes one
particularly special
parasitic processing
mutually reinforcing feedback loops linking different cognitive and neural
processes together
parasympathetic nervous system

helps maintain homeostatic balance in the presence of change; following
sympathetic arousal, it works to return the body to a baseline, nonemergency
state
parietal lobes
involved in our experiences of touch as well our bodily awareness
partial reinforcement effect

a phenomenon in which organisms that have been conditioned under partial
reinforcement resist extinction longer than those conditioned under
partial reinforcement
only a certain number of responses are rewarded, or a certain amount of
time must pass before reinforcement is available
passionate love
associated with a physical and emotional longing for the other person
Pavlovian conditioning
see classical conditioning
peer review
a process in which papers submitted for publication in scholarly journals are
read and critiqued by experts in the specific field of study
perception
involves attending to, organizing, and interpreting stimuli that we sense
perceptual constancy
the ability to perceive objects as having constant shape, size, and colour
despite changes in perspective
performance motive
see extrinsic motivation
peripheral nervous system (PNS)

a division of the nervous system that transmits signals between the brain and
the rest of the body and is divided into two subcomponents, the somatic
system and the autonomic system
peripheral route to persuasion

depends upon features that are not directly related to the message itself,
such as the attractiveness of the person delivering the information
persistent vegetative state

state of minimal to no consciousness in which the patient’s eyes may be
open, and the individual will develop sleep–wake cycles without clear signs
of consciousness
person perception
the processes by which individuals categorize and form judgments about
other people
personal unconscious
a vast repository of experiences and patterns that are absorbed during the
entire experiential unfolding of the person’s life
personality
a characteristic pattern of thinking, feeling, and behaving that is unique to
each individual, and remains relatively consistent over time and situations
personality disorders
particularly unusual patterns of behaviour (relative to one’s cultural context),
that are maladaptive, distressing to oneself or others, and resistant to change
personality psychology
the study of how different personality characteristics can influence how we
think and act
personality trait
a specific psychological characteristic that makes up part of a person’s
personality
person-centred perspective
founded on the assumption that people are basically good, and given the
right environment their personality will develop fully and normally
person-centred therapy
see client-centred therapy
pessimism
the tendency to have a negative perception of life and expect negative
outcomes
pessimistic explanatory style

the tendency to interpret and explain negative events as internally based
(i.e., as being due to that person rather than to an external situation) and as
a constant, stable quality
PET
see positron emission tomography
phantom limb sensations

frequently experienced by amputees, who report pain and other sensations
coming from the absent limb
phenomenological approach
the therapist addresses the clients’ feelings and thoughts as they unfold in
the present moment, rather than looking for unconscious motives or dwelling
in the past
phenotype
the physical traits and behavioural characteristics that show genetic variation,
such as eye colour, the shape and size of facial features, intelligence, and
even personality
phobia
a severe, irrational fear of a very specific object or situation
phonemes
the most basic of unit of speech sounds
phonological loop
a storage component of working memory that relies on rehearsal and that
stores information as sounds, or an auditory code
phrenology
the theory that personality characteristics could be assessed by carefully
measuring the outer skull
physical dependence
the need to take a drug to ward off unpleasant physical withdrawal symptoms
pitch
the perceptual experience of sound wave frequencies
pituitary gland
the master gland of the endocrine system that produces hormones and
sends commands about hormone production to the other glands of the
endocrine system
place theory of hearing

how we perceive pitch is based on the location (place) along the basilar
membrane that sound stimulates
placebo effect
a measurable and experienced improvement in health or behaviour that
cannot be attributable to a medication or treatment
pluralistic ignorance
occurs when there is a disjunction between the private beliefs of individuals
and the public behaviour they display to others
polysomnography
a set of objective measurements used to examine physiological variables
during sleep
population
the group that researchers want to generalize about
positive psychology
uses scientific methods to study human strengths and potential
positive punishment
a process in which a behaviour decreases in frequency because it was
followed by a particular, usually unpleasant, stimulus
positive reinforcement
the strengthening of behaviour after potential reinforcers such as praise,
money, or nourishment follow that behaviour
positive symptoms
the presence of maladaptive behaviours, such as confused and paranoid
thinking, and inappropriate emotional reactions
positively skewed distribution

a distribution in which the long tail is on the right of the cluster
positron emission tomography (or PET)

a type of scan in which a low level of a radioactive isotope is injected into the
blood, and its movement to regions of the brain engaged in a particular task
is measured
postconventional morality
considers rules and laws as relative
post-traumatic growth
the capacity to grow and experience long-term positive effects in response to
negative events
post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD)

is a common psychological illness involving recurring thoughts, images, and
nightmares associated with a traumatic event; it induces symptoms of
tension and anxiety and can seriously interfere with many aspects of a
person’s life
pragmatics
the study of nonlinguistic elements of language use
preconventional morality
characterized by self-interest in seeking reward or avoiding punishment
prejudice
affective, emotionally laden responses to members of outgroups, including
holding negative attitudes and making critical judgments of other groups
preoperational stage
(ages two to seven) the stage of development devoted to language
development, using symbols, pretend play, and mastering the concept of
conservation
preparedness
the biological predisposition to rapidly learn a response to a particular class
of stimuli
preserve and protect hypothesis

suggests that two adaptive functions of sleep are preserving energy and
protecting the organism from harm
preterm infant
an infant born earlier than 36 weeks of gestation
primary auditory cortex

a major perceptual centre of the brain involved in perceiving what we hear
primary reinforcers
reinforcing stimuli that satisfy basic motivational needs—needs that affect an
individual’s ability to survive (and, if possible, reproduce)
primary sex traits

changes in the body that are part of reproduction
priming
the activation of individual concepts in long-term memory
principle of parsimony
the simplest of all competing explanations (the most “parsimonious”) of a
phenomenon should be the one we accept
proactive interference
a process in which the first information learned (e.g., in a list of words)
occupies memory, leaving fewer resources to remember the newer
information
problem solving
accomplishing a goal when the solution or the path to the solution is not clear
problem-solving theory
the theory that thoughts and concerns are continuous from waking to
sleeping, and that dreams may function to facilitate finding solutions to
problems encountered while awake
procedural memories
patterns of muscle movements (motor memory)
processing fluency
the ease with which information is processed
prodromal phase
phase of schizophrenia during which people may become easily confused
and have difficulty organizing their thoughts, they may lose interest and begin
to withdraw from friends and family, and they may lose their normal
motivations, withdraw from life, and spend increasing amounts of time alone,
often deeply engrossed in their own thoughts
projective tests
personality tests in which ambiguous images are presented to an individual
to elicit responses that reflect unconscious desires or conflicts
prototypes
mental representations of an average category member
pseudoscience
an idea that is presented as science but does not actually utilize basic
principles of scientific thinking or procedure
psychiatrists
medical doctors who specialize in mental health and who are allowed to
diagnose and treat mental disorders primarily through prescribing
medications
psychoactive drugs
substances that affect thinking, behaviour, perception, and emotion
psychoanalysis
a psychological approach that attempts to explain how behaviour and
personality are influenced by unconscious processes
psychodynamic therapies
forms of insight therapy that emphasize the need to discover and resolve
unconscious conflicts
psychological dependence
occurs when emotional need for a drug develops without any underlying
physical dependence
psychology
the scientific study of behaviour, thought, and experience, and how they can
be affected by physical, mental, social, and environmental factors
psychoneuroimmunology
the study of the relationship between immune system and nervous system
functioning
psychopharmacotherapy
the use of drugs to attempt to manage or reduce clients’ symptoms
psychophysics
the study of the relationship between the physical world and the mental
representation of that world
psychotropic drugs
medications designed to alter psychological functioning
PTSD
see post-traumatic stress disorder
punisher
a stimulus that is contingent upon a response, and that results in a decrease
in behaviour
punishment
a process that decreases the future probability of a response
pupil
regulates the amount of light that enters the eye by changing its size; it
dilates (expands) to allow more light to enter and constricts (shrinks) to allow
less light into the eye
qualitative research
examining an issue or behaviour without performing numerical
measurements of the variables
quantitative research
examining an issue or behaviour by using numerical measurements and/or
statistics
quasi-experimental research
a research technique in which the two or more groups that are compared are
selected based on predetermined characteristics, rather than random
assignment
random assignment
a technique for dividing samples into two or more groups in which
participants are equally likely to be placed in any condition of the experiment
random sample
a sampling technique in which every individual of a population has an equal
chance of being included

an intelligence test that is based on pictures, not words, thus making it
relatively unaffected by language or cultural background
recall
retrieving information when asked but without that information being present
during the retrieval process
reciprocal determinism
behaviour, internal (personal) factors, and external (situational) factors
interact to determine one another, and our personalities are based on
interactions among these three aspects
recognition
identifying a stimulus or piece of information when it is presented to you
recovered memory
a memory of a traumatic event that is suddenly recovered after blocking the
memory of that event for a long period of time
recovered memory controversy

a heated debate among psychologists about the validity of recovered
memories
reflexes
involuntary muscular reactions to specific types of stimulation
refractory period
(1) brief period in which a neuron cannot fire; (2) a time period during which
erection and orgasm are not physically possible
rehearsal
repeating information until you do not need to remember it anymore
reinforcement
a process in which an event or reward that follows a response increases the
likelihood of that response occurring again
reinforcer
a stimulus that is contingent upon a response, and that increases the
probability of that response occurring again
reliability
consistent and stable answers across multiple observations and points in
time
REM sleep
a stage of sleep characterized by quickening brain waves, inhibited body
movement, and rapid eye movements (REM)
repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation (rTMS)

a therapeutic technique in which a focal area of the brain is exposed to a
powerful magnetic field across several different treatment sessions
replication
the process of repeating a study and finding a similar outcome each time
representativeness heuristic
making judgments of likelihood based on how well an example represents a
specific category
research design
a set of methods that allows a hypothesis to be tested
research ethics board (REB)
a committee of researchers and officials at an institution charged with the
protection of research participants
residential treatment centres

housing facilities in which residents receive psychological therapy and life
skills training with the explicit goal of helping residents become re-integrated
into society
residual phase
phase of schizophrenia during which people’s predominant symptoms have
disappeared or lessened considerably, and they may simply be withdrawn,
have trouble concentrating, and generally lack motivation
residual schizophrenia
This category reflects individuals who show some symptoms of
schizophrenia but are either in transition to a full-blown episode or in
remission
resilience
the ability to effectively recover from illness or adversity
resistance
engaging in strategies that keep information from fully manifesting in
conscious awareness
response styles
characteristic ways of responding to questions
resting potential
relatively stable state during which the cell is not transmitting messages
restless legs syndrome

a persistent feeling of discomfort in the legs and the urge to continuously shift
them into different positions
restore and repair hypothesis

the idea that the body needs to restore energy levels and repair any wear
and tear experienced during the day’s activities
retina
lines the inner surface of the eye and consists of specialized receptors that
absorb light and send signals related to the properties of light to the brain
retinal disparity
(also called binocular disparity) the difference in relative position of an object
as seen by both eyes, which provides information to the brain about depth
retrieval
brings information from LTM back into STM
retroactive interference
the most recently learned information overshadows some older memories
that have not yet made it into long-term memory
retrograde amnesia
a condition in which memory for the events preceding trauma or injury is lost
reuptake
a process whereby neurotransmitter molecules that have been released into
the synapse are reabsorbed into the axon terminals of the presynaptic
neuron
Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA)

a problematic set of personality characteristics that also predisposes people
to certain types of violent or anti-social tendencies: (1) obeying orders and
deferring to the established authorities in a society; (2) supporting aggression
against those who dissent or differ from the established social order; and (3)
believing strongly in maintaining the existing social order
rods
photoreceptors that occupy peripheral regions of the retina; they are highly
sensitive under low light levels
Rorschach inkblot test

a test in which people are asked to describe what they see on an inkblot, and
psychologists interpret this description using a standardized scoring and
interpretation method
rTMS
see repetitive transcranial magnetic stimulation
RWA
see Right-Wing Authoritarianism
sample
a select group of population members
satiation
the point in a meal when we are no longer motivated to eat
savant
an individual with low mental capacity in most domains but extraordinary
abilities in other specific areas such as music, mathematics, or art
scaffolding
a highly attentive approach to teaching in which the teacher matches
guidance to the learner’s needs
schedules of reinforcement
rules that determine when reinforcement is available
schemas
organized clusters of memories that constitute one’s knowledge about
events, objects, and ideas
schizophrenia
a brain disease that causes the person to experience significant breaks from
reality, a lack of integration of thoughts and emotions, and problems with
attention and memory
scientific literacy
the ability to understand, analyze, and apply scientific information
scientific method
a way of learning about the world through collecting observations, developing
theories to explain them, and using the theories to make predictions
sclera
is the white, outer surface of the eye
secondary reinforcers
stimuli that acquire their reinforcing effects only after we learn that they have
value
secondary sex traits

changes in the body that are not part of reproduction
sedative drugs
sometimes referred to as “downers,” depress activity of the central nervous
system
selective attention
involves focusing on one particular event or task
selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs)

a class of antidepressant drugs that block the reuptake of the
neurotransmitter serotonin
self-actualization
the drive to grow and fulfill one’s potential
self-awareness
the ability to recognize one’s individuality
self-determination theory
an individual’s ability to achieve their goals and attain psychological well-
being is influenced by the degree to which he or she is in control of the
behaviours necessary to achieve those goals
self-efficacy
an individual’s confidence that he or she can plan and execute a course of
action in order to solve a problem
self-fulfilling prophecies
a first impression (or an expectation) affects one’s behaviour, and then that
affects other people’s behaviour, leading one to “confirm” the initial
impression or expectation
self-reference effect
occurs when you think about information in terms of how it relates to you or
how it is useful to you; this type of encoding will lead to you remembering
that information better than you otherwise would have
self-reporting
a method in which responses are provided directly by the people who are
being studied, typically through face-to-face interviews, phone surveys, paper
and pencil tests, and web-based questionnaires
self-serving biases
biased ways of processing self-relevant information to enhance our positive
self-evaluation
semantic memories
declarative memories that include facts about the world
semantic network
an interconnected set of nodes (or concepts) and the links that join them to
form a category
semantics
the study of how people come to understand meaning from words
semicircular canals
three fluid-filled canals found in the inner ear that respond when the head
moves in different directions (up-down, left-right, forward-backward)
sensation
the process of detecting external events with sense organs and turning those
stimuli into neural signals
sensitive period
a window of time during which exposure to a specific type of environmental
stimulation is needed for normal development of a specific ability
sensorimotor stage
from birth to two years, a time during which infants’ thinking about and
exploration of the world are based on immediate sensory (e.g., seeing,
feeling) and motor (e.g., grabbing, mouthing) experiences
sensory adaptation
the reduction of activity in sensory receptors with repeated exposure to a
stimulus
sensory memory
a memory store that accurately holds perceptual information for a very brief
amount of time
serial position effect

in general, most people will recall the first few items from a list and the last
few items, but only an item or two from the middle
serotonin
a monoamine involved in regulating mood, sleep, aggression, and appetite
set point
a hypothesized mechanism that serves to maintain body weight around a
physiologically programmed level
sex guilt
negative emotional feelings for having violated culturally accepted standards
of appropriate sexual behaviour
sexual orientation
the consistent preference for sexual relations with members of the opposite
sex (heterosexuality), same sex (homosexuality), or either sex (bisexuality)
sexual response cycle

the phases of physiological change during sexual activity, which comprises
four primary stages: excitement, plateau, orgasm, and resolution
sexual scripts
the set of rules and assumptions about the sexual behaviours of males and
females
shallow processing
encoding more superficial properties of a stimulus, such as the sound or
spelling of a word
shaping
reinforcing successive approximations of a specific operant response
short-term memory (STM)

a memory store with limited capacity and duration (approximately 30
seconds)
signal detection theory

whether a stimulus is perceived depends on both sensory experience and
judgment made by the subject
single-blind study
a study in which participants do not know the true purpose of the study, or
else do not know which type of treatment they are receiving (for example, a
placebo or a drug)
situational attributions
see external attribution
sleep apnea
a disorder characterized by the temporary inability to breathe during sleep
sleep deprivation
occurs when an individual cannot or does not sleep
sleep displacement
occurs when an individual is prevented from sleeping at the normal time
although she or he may be able to sleep earlier or later in the day than usual
social anxiety disorder

a very strong fear of being judged by others or being embarrassed or
humiliated in public
social contagion
the often subtle, unintentional spreading of a behaviour as a result of social
interactions
social desirability (or socially desirable responding)

research participants respond in ways that increase the chances that they
will be viewed favourably
social facilitation
occurs when one’s performance is affected by the presence of others
social loafing
occurs when an individual puts less effort into working on a task with others
social norms
the (usually unwritten) guidelines for how to behave in social contexts
social psychology
the study of the influence of other people on our behaviour
social resilience
the ability to keep positive relationships and to endure and recover from
social isolation and life stressors
social roles
are more specific sets of expectations for how someone in a specific position
should behave
social-cognitive theory
explains hypnosis by emphasizing the degree to which beliefs and
expectations contribute to increased suggestibility
socioemotional selectivity theory

describes how older people have learned to select for themselves more
positive and nourishing experiences
soma
see cell body
somatic nervous system

consists of nerves that control skeletal muscles, which are responsible for
voluntary and reflexive movement; it also consists of nerves that receive
sensory input from the body
somnambulism
or sleepwalking, a disorder that involves wandering and performing other
activities while asleep
sound localization
the process of identifying where sound comes from
specific phobia
an intense fear of a specific object, activity, or organism
spermarche
during puberty, a male’s first ejaculation of sperm
spontaneous recovery
the reoccurrence of a previously extinguished conditioned response, typically
after some time has passed since extinction
SSRIs
see selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors
standard deviation
a measure of variability around the mean
Stanford-Binet test
a test intended to measure innate levels of intelligence
state
a temporary physical or psychological engagement that influences behaviour
state-dependent memory
memory retrieval is more effective when your internal state matches the state
you were in during encoding
statistical significance
the means of the groups are farther apart than you would expect them to be
by random chance alone
stem cells
a unique type of cell that does not have a predestined function
stereotype
a cognitive structure, a set of beliefs about the characteristics that are held
by members of a specific social group; these beliefs function as schemas,
serving to guide how we process information about our social world
stereotype threat
occurs when negative stereotypes about a group cause group members to
underperform on ability tests
stimulants
a category of drugs that speed up the nervous system, typically enhancing
wakefulness and alertness
STM
see short-term memory
storage
the time and manner in which information is retained between encoding and
retrieval
stores
retain information in memory without using it for any specific purpose
strange situation
a way of measuring infant attachment by observing how infants behave when
exposed to different experiences that involve anxiety and comfort
stress
a psychological and physiological reaction that occurs when perceived
demands exceed existing resources to meet those demands
structural neuroimaging
a type of brain scanning that produces images of the different structures of
the brain
structuralism
an attempt to analyze conscious experience by breaking it down into basic
elements, and to understand how these elements work together
superego
comprised of our values and moral standards
sympathetic nervous system

responsible for the fight-or-flight response of an increased heart rate, dilated
pupils, and decreased salivary flow—responses that prepare the body for
action
synapses
the microscopically small spaces that separate individual nerve cells
synaptic cleft
the minute space between the axon terminal (terminal button) and the
dendrite
synaptic pruning
the loss of weak nerve cell connections
synaptogenesis
the forming of new synaptic connections
syntax
the rules for combining words and morphemes into meaningful phrases and
sentences
systematic desensitization
gradual exposure to a feared stimulus or situation is coupled with relaxation
training
systems approach
an orientation that encourages therapists to see an individual’s symptoms as
being influenced by many different interacting systems
tardive dyskinesia
a movement disorder involving involuntary movements and facial tics
TAT
see Thematic Apperception Test
temporal lobes
located at the sides of the brain near the ears and are involved in hearing,
language, and some higher-level aspects of vision such as object and face
recognition
teratogens
substances, such as drugs or environmental toxins, that impair the process
of fetal development
terror management theory (TMT)

a psychological perspective asserting that the human fear of mortality
motivates behaviour, particularly those that preserve self-esteem and our
sense of belonging
testing effect
the finding that taking practice tests can improve exam performance, even
without additional studying
testosterone
a hormone that is involved in the development of sex characteristics and the
motivation of sexual behaviour
thalamus
a set of nuclei involved in relaying sensory information to different regions of
the brain
Thematic Apperception Test (TAT)

a test in which respondents are asked to tell stories about ambiguous
pictures involving various interpersonal situations
theory
an explanation for a broad range of observations that also generates new
hypotheses and integrates numerous findings into a coherent whole
theory of mind
the ability to understand that other people have thoughts, beliefs, and
perspectives that may be different from one’s own
therapeutic alliance
the relationship between the therapist and the patient that emerges in
therapy
thin slices of behaviour

very small samples of a person’s behaviour
third variable problem

the possibility that a third, unmeasured variable is actually responsible for a
well-established correlation between two variables
tip-of-the-tongue (TOT) phenomenon

when you are able to retrieve similar sounding words or words that start with
the same letter but can’t quite retrieve the word you actually want
TMT
see terror management theory
tolerance
when repeated use of a drug results in a need for a higher dose to get the
intended effect
top-down processing
when our perceptions are influenced by our expectations or by our prior
knowledge
transduction
takes place when specialized receptors transform the physical energy of the
outside world into neural impulses
transference
a psychodynamic process whereby clients direct certain patterns or
emotional experiences toward the therapist, rather than the original person
involved in the experiences (e.g., their parents)
transgender
individuals who experience a mismatch between the gender that they identify
with and their biological sex
transsexual
the subset of transgender individuals who wish to permanently transition from
their birth sex to the gender with which they identify
triarchic theory of intelligence

a theory that divides intelligence into three distinct types: analytical, practical,
and creative
trichromatic theory
maintains that colour vision is determined by three different cone types that
are sensitive to short, medium, and long wavelengths of light
tricyclic antidepressants
appear to work by blocking the reuptake of serotonin and norepinephrine
trigger foods
affect the selection of healthy and unhealthy foods simply by being present
among possible food alternatives
two-factor theory
patterns of physical arousal and the cognitive labels we attach to them form
the basis of our emotional experiences
Type A personality
people who tend to be impatient and worry about time, and are easily
angered, competitive, and highly motivated
Type B personality
people who are more laid back and characterized by a patient, easygoing,
and relaxed disposition
unconditioned response (UR)

a reflexive, unlearned reaction to an unconditioned stimulus
unconditioned stimulus (US)

a stimulus that elicits a reflexive response without learning
unconscious mind
a vast and powerful but inaccessible part of your consciousness, operating
without your conscious endorsement or will to influence and guide your
behaviours
undifferentiated schizophrenia
This category includes individuals who show a combination of symptoms
from more than one type of schizophrenia
unit bias
the tendency to assume that the unit of sale or portioning is an appropriate
amount to consume
UR
see unconditioned response
US
see unconditioned stimulus
validity
the degree to which an instrument or procedure actually measures what it
claims to measure
variability
the degree to which scores are dispersed in a distribution
variable
the object, concept, or event being measured
variable-interval schedule
the first response is reinforced following a variable amount of time
variable-ratio schedule
the number of responses required to receive reinforcement varies according
to an average
vestibular sacs
structures that influence your ability to detect when your head is no longer in
an upright position
vestibular system
a sensory system in the ear that provides information about spatial
orientation of the head as well as head motion
video deficit
young children do not learn very much from information presented on
screens
virtual reality exposure (VRE)

a treatment that uses graphical displays to create an experience in which the
client seems to be immersed in an actual environment
visuospatial sketchpad
a storage component of working memory that maintains visual images and
spatial layouts in a visuospatial code
Weber’s law
states that the just noticeable difference between two stimuli changes as a
proportion of those stimuli
Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS)

the most common intelligence test in use today for adolescents and adults
Wernicke’s area
the area of the brain most associated with finding the meaning of words
Whorfian hypothesis
see linguistic relativity
within-subjects design
an experimental design in which the same participants respond to all types of
stimuli or experience all experimental conditions
working memory
a model of short-term remembering that includes a combination of memory
components that can temporarily store small amounts of information for a
short period of time
Young-Helmholtz theory
see trichromatic theory
zeitgeist
refers to a general set of beliefs of a particular culture at a specific time in
history
zone of proximal development

the concept that development is ideal when children attempt skills and
activities that are just beyond what they can do alone, but they have
guidance from adults who are attentive to their progress
zygote
the initial cell formed when the nuclei of egg and sperm fuse
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Name Index
Subject Index

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An Introduction to

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Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication

Krause, Mark A. (Mark Andrew), 1971-, author

An introduction to psychological science / Mark Krause, Daniel Corts,

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 978-0-13-430220-1 (hardback)

1. Psychology—Textbooks. I. Corts, Daniel Paul, 1970-, author II. Smith,

I cannot thank you enough.

To Kim, Sophie, and Jonah, for your patience, understanding,

To my brilliant wife, Jenn, and our hilarious children, Oliver and

To my children, Alexandra, Kate, and Geoff, who love this world

2 Reading and Evaluating Scientific Research 29

4 Sensation and Perception 125

8 Thought and Language 313

9 Intelligence Testing 349

10 Lifespan Development 385

11 Motivation and Emotion 439

13 Social Psychology 531

14 Health, Stress, and Coping 578

15 Psychological Disorders 614

About the Canadian Authors xvii

From the Authors xviii

Content and Features xxi

For Instructors xxvi

1 Introducing Psychological Science 1

Theories: Explaining Phenomena 4

The Biopsychosocial Model 5

Building Scientific Literacy 6

Working the Scientific Literacy Model: Planning When to Study 7

Myths in Mind Abducted by Aliens! 9

Module 1.2 How Psychology Became a Science 11

Influences from Physics: Experimenting with the Mind 13

Influences from Evolutionary Theory: The Adaptive Functions of

Influences from Medicine: Diagnoses and Treatments 15

The Influence of Social Sciences: Measuring and Comparing

The Beginnings of Contemporary Psychology 18

The Rise of Behaviourism 19

Humanistic Psychology Emerges 21

The Brain and Behaviour 21

The Cognitive Revolution 21

Social and Cultural Influences 23

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