Unit 1 4

B.A.(Hons.) English/Political Science/Economics/B.Com.(Hons.
)
Semester-I
Course Credits-4
Generic Elective (GE) - History
As per the UGCF - 2022 and National Education Policy 2020

Editorial Board
Prof. Seema Bawa, Prof. Vipul Singh,
Dr. Archana Ojha, Sh. Prabhat Kumar,
Dr. Rajni Nanda Mathew
Content Writers
Dr. Ritika Joshi & Dr. Madhu Trivedi
Academic Coordinator
Deekshant Awasthi
© Department of Distance and Continuing Education

ISBN: 978-93-95774-42-0
Ist edition: 2022
E-mail: ddceprinting@col.du.ac.in
history@col.du.ac.in
Published by:
Department of Distance and Continuing Education under
the aegis of Campus of Open Learning/School of Open Learning,
University of Delhi, Delhi-110007
Printed by:
School of Open Learning, University of Delhi
B.A. (Hons.) English / Political Science/Economics/B.Com. (Hons.)
• The present study material is a modified version of the earlier study material by the same name under
the CBCS Semester system. Some of the content has been taken from the Discipline Centered Course
“Medieval Delhi” of the Annual Mode. However, Unit-I is written fresh.
• Corrections/Modifications/Suggestions proposed by Statutory Body, DU/Stakeholder/s in the Self
Learning Material (SLM) will be incorporated in the next edition. However, these
corrections/modifications/suggestions will be uploaded on the website https://sol.du.ac.in. Any
feedback or suggestions can be sent to the email- feedbackslm@col.du.ac.in
© Department of Distance & Continuing Education, Campus of Open Learning,

Delhi through the Ages: The Making of its Early Modern History
Table of Contents
Page No.
Unit-I : Ancient Delhi and Adjoining Sites: Indraprastha,
Ashokan Edicts, Mehrauli Iron Pillar, Lal Kot Dr. Ritika Joshi 01
Unit-II : From Settlements to Cityscape – Understanding
the 10th to 14th Century Cities of Delhi Dr. Madhu Trivedi 17
Unit-III : 16th to 17th Century Delhi Dr. Madhu Trivedi 39
1. Humayun’s Garden Tomb
2. Morphology of Shahjahanabad
Unit-IV : 18th Century Delhi – Understanding Political
and Social Changes Dr. Madhu Trivedi 55
Editor:
Dr. Rajni Nanda Mathew

Credit distribution, Eligibility and Pre-requisites of the Course

Course Credits Credit distribution of the Eligibility Pre- Department
title & course criteria requisite offering the
Code Lecture Tutorial Practical/ of the course
Practice course
Delhi 4 3 1 0
Through
the
Ages:
The
making
of its
early
Modern
History
Learning Objectives
The Learning Objectives of this course are as follows:
The objective of the paper is to explore the city of Delhi from its early history to the
eighteenth century. The city grew into one of the largest cities in the world and was the
capital of some of the great empires. As capital, Delhi profited from continuous immigration,
state patronage and vibrant cultural life. The city was not merely dependent upon its rulers
for cultural and political sustenance. The course also focuses on Sufis, litterateurs and
merchants who also gave the city its unique character and resilience in the face of political
turbulence.
Learning Outcomes
Upon completion of this course the students will be able to:
• Get acquainted with the history of Delhi till the early modern period.
• Analyse the processes of urbanization as shaped by political, economic and social
changes

Unit-I
ANCIENT DELHI AND ADJOINING SITES: INDRAPRASTHA,

ASHOKAN EDICTS, MEHRAULI IRON PILLAR, LALKOT
Dr. Ritika Joshi
STRUCTURE
1.0 Learning Objectives

1.1 Introduction
1.2 Sources for the Study of Delhi’s Past
1.3 The Earliest Settlement under the name of Indraprastha-Hastinapur, Panipat, Tilpat
1.4 Political History in Brief
1.5 Delhi as an Historical City
1.5.1 Ashokan Edicts
1.5.2 Lal Kot
1.5.3 Mehrauli Iron Pillar (4th Century)
1.6 Conclusion
1.7 Glossary/Keywords
1.8 Answers to In-Text Questions
1.9 Self- Assessment Questions
1.10 Suggested Readings
1.0 LEARNING OBJECTIVES
After reading this Unit students should be able to understand:

• The basic geographical features of ancient Delhi
• The elements that went into making of Early Delhi
• The role of myth and history in examining the importance of Indraprastha
• The basic features of Ashokan Edicts and Lal Kot
• The significance of the Iron pillar at Mehrauli
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1.1 INTRODUCTION
Delhi, as we all know, is one of the longest-serving capitals and perhaps one of the oldest
inhabited cities in the world. Although there is little record of Delhi’s ancient history, there is
no denying the fact that it was an important political centre, a conglomeration of many cities,
which was built, destroyed and rebuilt several times. Besides, the city’s immense importance
stems from the fact that it has been an important urban centre for so long. Ancient pilgrimage
places, abandoned cities, a huge medieval metropolis, a colonial capital, and urban
settlements are therefore contained within a quickly expanding and changing modern city.
An attempt will be made to understand the significance of Delhi’s geographical terrain and
Delhi’s political history which would help in comprehending the evolution that this city has
undergone over the ages. In short, the present unit will deal with the early history of Delhi
with special focus on Indraprastha and the Tomara and Chauhan constructions.
1.2 SOURCES FOR THE STUDY OF DELHI’S PAST
Delhi has been the site of human settlement from prehistoric times. Although stone tools
belonging to these times have been found at several places in Delhi, particularly in the rocky
stretches of the Delhi ridge and from Anangpur in Faridabad, no skeletal remains of the
prehistoric people have been unearthed so far. Unfortunately, not much can be known about
the prehistoric times in Delhi from the available archaeological evidence.
Similarly, the Late Harappan remains found at Bhorgarh (near Narela in North Delhi),
Mandoli (near Nand Nagari in east Delhi), etc. tell us little about early proto-historic
settlements in the Delhi region. Besides, the archaeological evidence of Delhi’s past suffers
from another major limitation i.e., the detailed and complete reports of most of the excavated
sites have not been published. For example, we all know that the Purana Qila is the only site
in Delhi where we get evidence of a continuous history of over 2500 years. Excavations were
carried out here in 1955, 1970s and subsequently in 2013-14. Yet the complete Purana Qila
report is still unpublished.
In the absence of ample archaeological data, we tend to rely on the ancient literature for
information regarding Delhi’s early history. However, “as dates of many of the texts are
uncertain and the information, they give is often a complex synthesis of mythology and
historical fact”, not much reliable evidence can be gleaned from them either.
Piecing together the evidence from stone tools, ancient mounds, pottery, monuments,
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sculpture, literature and local traditions, historian Upinder Singh in her work “Ancient Delhi”
has ably traced the history of Delhi from the Stone Age to the times of the Rajputs.
According to the scholar, the “history of Delhi includes the story of orally transmitted local
legends and traditions which are recorded not in written texts but in collective memory”.
The physical geography of Delhi region in ancient times is still obscure but we do know that
the settlements in the Delhi area were well connected with other ancient settlements of north
India such as those of Mathura, Taxila, Varanasi, Shravasti and Kausambi, with the help of
the two trade routes of the early historical period namely the Uttarapatha and the
Dakshinapatha. The easy access to water, in the form of the river Yamuna, and the city’s
strategic location on the old trade route helped the settlements of Delhi to flourish.
IN-TEXT QUESTIONS -1
1. Delhi has been the site of human settlement from 16th century. (True/False)
2. No skeletal remains of the prehistoric people have been unearthed so far.
(True/ False)
1.3 THE EARLIEST SETTLEMENT UNDER THE NAME OF

INDRAPRASTHA-HASTINAPUR, PANIPAT, TILPAT
Delhi is strategically placed on the Yamuna River, in a broad corridor between the mountains
and the desert, through which traffic between Central Asia and peninsular India traversed.
The rocky outcrops of Aravalli range were the sites of some of the city’s earliest villages.
Archaeological evidence indicates that the Delhi region has been populated since prehistoric
times; for example, stone age artefacts have been discovered at multiple sites. There is also
evidence in the region of the settlements belonging to the late Harappan (Indus Civilization)
period that dates to the middle of the second millennium BCE.
The river Yamuna is of the utmost importance to the study of Delhi’s ancient past. Extensive
excavations done by the Archaeological Survey of India revealed six paleochannels of the
river Yamuna. The river Yamuna is further known as a migrating river or temperamental
river. It is believed that the river once flowed into Saraswati. Later, as a result of tectonic
movements, it left Saraswati and began to flow east, eventually joining Ganga.
Approximately 4,000 years ago, Yamuna began moving eastward as it flowed through the
hillocks to the south of Delhi.
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Many ancient mounds located in the vicinity of the old and new channels of the
river Yamuna mark the ancient settlements located there. Explorations on the IV and V
paleochannels of the river Yamuna revealed thousands of stone tools. Further excavations
also yielded finished artefacts, waste materials and some materials at various stages of
production dating to the Harappan era.
Not only river Yamuna, but Delhi Ridge also has rich ecological history. Thomas Crawley in
his book Fractured Forest, Quartzite City: A History of Delhi and its Ridge, enunciates the
significance of Delhi Ridge. He states, “For the Paleolithic inhabitants of Delhi, one stone
would have held particular importance: quartzite. This is the stone from which so many tools
were crafted. Quartzite can be found in abundance throughout the Aravalli range, which
begins in Gujarat, traverses all of Rajasthan, and ends with the low hills of the Delhi
Ridge...quartzite is resistant to erosion, and so it remains important in many parts of the
range, including the Ridge. It would have been a beacon to early tribes.”
1. Delhi is located along the banks of river Ganga. (True/False)
2. Apart from river Yamuna which other geological features are prominent in
Delhi?
3. Aravalli range traverses through which places in India?
The origin of Delhi is lost in remote antiquity. Also, Delhi is not the oldest name of the town
that first came into existence. The first city of Delhi is believed to be Indraprat or
Indraprastha, a city fit for gods. According to legend, the town of Indraprastha was established
by Yudhishtara. It was so called, as it looked like Amaravati, the capital of Indra. It is
referred to in the Epic [Mahabharata] as Purottamam (chief of towns). It was also known
during this period under the alternative names of Sakraprastha, Sakrapuri, and
Khandavaprastha; the last owing its origin to the forest in which it came to be established. It
was there too that Vajra, the son of Aniruddha, was installed as the king of Yadavas. The
later history of the city is obscure though its name Indrapat survived.
Indraprastha is also mentioned as “Indapatta” or “Indapattana” in Pali-language Buddhist
texts, where it is described as the capital of the Kuru Kingdom. The Purana Qila is widely
believed to be on the site of old Indraprastha. However, there is lack of any conclusive
historical evidence in this regard. The "Purana Qila is an important site", says Upinder
Singh. She finds it plausible that “Indabara”, (possibly derived from the Prakrit form
“Indabatta”) which finds mention in Ptolemy’s Geography and is said to be probably in the
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vicinity of Delhi, was the same as Indraprastha. However, despite the finds of some odd
pieces of the pottery representing the PGW culture at the Purana Qila, it cannot be
conclusively proved to be the site of Mahabharata’s Indraprastha. Thus, the remains of the
fabled city are yet to be found.
Archaeological surveys were carried out at the Purana Qila in 1954-1955, between 1969 and
1973 and 2013-14. Archaeological digs have uncovered structures from the earliest historical
period (about the 3rd century BC onwards). Archaeology reveals that people lived in both
mudbrick and fired brick houses and had reasonably complex drainage, with terracotta ring
wells that may have served as soak-pits. There are numerous levels of human habitation, with
dwellings being constructed in a similar fashion and bricks frequently reused. The site was
inhabited, perhaps until Humayun’s Dinpanah was built there.
Archaeologist B.B. Lal conducted a trial excavation at Purana Qila, the contested site of
Indraprastha, in order to determine the age of the site and determine whether it was associated
with the Mahabharata. The 1954-1955 sessions revealed pottery of the Painted Grey
Ware (before c.600 BCE), Northern Black Polished Ware (c.600-200 BCE), Shunga,
and Kushan Empire periods. The oldest artefact unearthed was a Painted Grey Ware vessel
dating back to around 1,000 BCE. The excavations in 1969 and 1970 uncovered Northern
Black Polished Ware from the fourth/third century BCE. In contrast to the description of
Mahabharata, no structural remains from the Indraprastha have been discovered.
As stated above, the 1954-1955 sessions revealed pottery of the Painted Grey Ware (before
c.600 BCE), Northern Black Polished Ware (c.600-200 BCE), Shunga and Kushan
Empire periods. Interestingly, the 1969-1973 sessions and the subsequent excavations at the
site in 2013-14 by V.K. Swarnkar failed to reach the PGW levels. Evidence of continuous
occupation from the NBPW period to the 19th century has been found. The Maurya-period
settlement yielded mud-brick and wattle-and-daubhouses, brick drains, wells, figurines of
terracotta, a stone carving, a stamp seal impression, and a copper coin. Simple grey ware and
simple red ware belonging to a pre-Mauryan era settlement were also found suggesting that
there were human settlements in Delhi in the time of the 16 Mahajanapadas.
D. C. Sircar, on the basis of an analysis of a stone carving found in the Delhi area
at Sriniwaspuri which records the reign of the Mauryan emperor Ashoka, believed
Indraprastha was a significant city in the Mauryan period.
There are a number of literary references to the existence of this mythical city and in the
literary source its first mention is found in the sixteenth century, early modern source, Ain-i-
Akbari written by Abul Fazl indicated that Delhi was originally known as “Indrapat.” He also
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suggests that Humayun reconstructed the Indrapat citadel and renamed it “Din Panah.”
Shams-i Siraj Afif suggests in Tarikh-i-Firuz-Shahi that Indraprastha was the main
controlling centre of a Pargana. Thirdly, a 14th-century medieval inscription discovered in
the West Delhi village of Naraina, mentions that the village is located to the west of
Indraprastha. After performing the Asvamedha, Yudhishtira poured the oblations into the
sacrifice fire at Nigambodh, a site located on the banks of the Yamuna. Fifthly, it is known
that Yudhishtira was responsible for the construction of the Nili Chattri Temple in Delhi. In
Buddhist Jataka tales, Indraprastha is described as belonging to Yudhishtira Gotra, the clan or
Gotra of Yudhishtira. Small scale excavations conducted by the archaeologist B.B. Lal in
Tilpat, one of the five villages demanded by the Pandavas, uncovered PGW and NBPW
levels proving the site’s antiquity. The founder of Archaeological Survey of India, Alexander
Cunningham linked Indraprastha to the ‘Indrapat’ in Ptolemy’s Geography.
Two claims made between 1847 and 1950 regarding the origin of Delhi transformed the myth
of Indraprastha into history. Experts, historians, and archaeologists as well as non-experts,
authors, and tour guides made the initial claim. Both of these groups suggested that
Indraprastha was the origin of Delhi. The second claim was that the Purana Qila fort,
constructed in the 16th century, was built on top of the ancient but invisible city of
Indraprastha. Late 18th and early 19th century biographies of Humayun’s contemporaries
asserted that he built his fort over the ruins of Indraprastha. This theory gained considerable
momentum. Abul Fazl’s magnum opus, Ain-i-Akbari, provides the earliest evidence of the
phenomenon. Indologists including William Jones supported their arguments. William Jones’
18th-century presentation to the Asiatic Society of Bengal implied that Iran’s powerful Hindu
monarchy migrated to India and founded the ancient cities of Ayodhya and Indraprastha. It is
noteworthy that he just mentioned the cities without identifying their locations.
Asar-us-Sanadid (The Legacy of Heroes, 1854) by Syed Ahmed Khan substantiates the
existence of Indraprastha within the present-day Delhi borders. According to him,
Yudhishtira founded Indraprastha in 1450 BCE, but he ruled from Hastinapura. Dushyavana
moved the capital of the Kurus from Hastinapur to Indraprastha in 1212 BCE due to the
rising water level in the Ganges, he adds. In addition, he identifies Anangpala Tomara’s
Lalkot as the location of Indraprastha. Syed Ahmed Khan asserts that his conclusions are
supported by scraps of evidence from the Mahabharata, Shahjahanama, Ain-i-Akbari, and the
Old Testament, among others. In addition, he claims to have discovered a Pandava-era brick
in Hastinapura and remarked that similar bricks were discovered in various locations around
Delhi. The most unbelievable and unexpected fact is that he dated the recovered block to
2,607 BCE, even though the technology available at the time did not allow for such precise
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dating. In the days that followed, it was determined that 2607 BCE falls within the Harappan
civilization’s timeframe and not the epic period. Therefore, Syed Ahmed Khan’s claims can
be interpreted as an attempt to impress Europeans with his scholarship and knowledge of
Indian texts. In addition, he must have desired a position in the archaeological society and
public recognition. However, Syed Ahmed Khan’s claims were the first step in bringing
Indraprastha’s rhetoric into a quasi-historical and quasi-scientific realm. Syed Ahmed Khan
provided additional support for the division of Indian history into Hindu and Buddhist eras
for the ancient past, the age of Muslim intervention for the Medieval past, and the arrival of
the British as the start of modernity thereby heralding the periodization of Indian history on
the basis of religion that is no longer tenable.
A series of textual repetitions introduces the urban clamour of Indraprastha, ancient Delhi, to
the historical arena. Indraprastha’s existence was lent a certain gravitas by its mention in
administrative spaces such as history books, archaeological reports, and museums.
Indraprastha’s status as Ancient Delhi is supported by a variety of literary and inscriptional
evidence and brought up by renowned historians, authors, tour guides, bloggers, and even
commoners, despite the lack of archaeological evidence. A series of repetitions enabled the
relocation of this myth and chain of affective longings into the arena of history and archival
truths. The Indraprastha myth might be the most plausible illustration of the illusion of truth.
Tilpat
For the sake of peace and to avert a disastrous war, Krishna proposed that if Hastinapur
agrees to give the Pandavas only five villages named Indraprastha (Delhi), Swarnprastha
(Sonipat), Panprastha (Panipat), Vyaghrprastha (Baghpat), and Tilprastha (Tilpat), they
would be satisfied and make no further demands. Duryodhana vehemently refused, remarking
that he would not part with even the tip of a needle's worth of land. In this way, the stage was
set for the great war for which the Mahabharata is best known.
According to the Ain-i-Akbari, Tilpat was a pargana under Delhi sarkar that contributed
3,077,913 dams to the imperial treasury and supplied 400 infantry and 40 cavalry troopers. In
addition, a brick fort was mentioned at the time.
In the year 1658, during the reign of the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb, Tilpat was known as
Tilpat Garhi. In 1669, Tilpat became the epicentre of a Jat rebellion led by Tilpat's zamindar,
Gokula.
Panipat
Panipat was one of the five cities (prasthas) constructed by the Pandava brothers during the
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time of the Mahabharata; its historical name was Panduprastha.

The First Battle of Panipat was fought on April 21, 1526, between the Sultan of Delhi,
Ibrahim Lodhi, and the Timurid warlord, Zaheeruddin Babur. This First Battle of Panipat
ended the 'Lodi Rule' established by Bahlul Lodhi in India. Babur's force destroyed Ibrahim's
far bigger force of over one lakh (one hundred thousand) warriors.
On 5 November 1556, the Second Battle of Panipat was fought between the forces of Akbar
and Samrat Hemu Chandra Vikramaditya, a King of North India from Rewari in Haryana
who had captured the vast states of Agra and Delhi.
In 1761, the Afghan invader Ahmad Shah Abdali and the Marathas led by Sadashivrao Bhau
Peshwa of Pune engaged in the Third Battle of Panipat. Ahmad Shah was victorious, but at a
high cost of life on both sides. It culminated in the worst loss in the history of the Marathas.
The power vacuum caused by the conflict eventually led to the British invasion of India.
Hastinapur
Hastinapura translates to "the City of Elephants" in Sanskrit, from Hastina (elephant) and
pura (city). Its history dates back to the time of the Mahabharata. According to legend, the
city was named after King Hasti.
The earliest archaeological remains of the region date to the Bronze Age Ochre-Colored
Pottery culture of the Ganga Yamuna doab. The region transitioned to an Iron Age culture
around 1200 BCE. The region was inhabited by the Painted Grey Ware culture during the
Vedic Period.
Hastinapur is depicted as the capital of the Kauravas' Kuru kingdom in the Mahabharata.
Numerous Mahabharata events occurred in the city of Hastinapur. According to the
Mahabharata, their mother, Queen Gandhari, the wife of King Dhritarashtra, gave birth to
100 Kaurava brothers in this city. On the Budhi Ganga near Hastinapur, two locations-
Draupadi Ghat and Karna Ghat refer to Mahabharata figures.
The first mention of Hastinapur in the Puranas describes the city as the capital of the empire
of Emperor Bharata. During his reign, King Samprati (also known as Samrat Samprati),
grandson of the Mauryan Empire's Asoka the Great, constructed numerous temples here.
Archaeologist B.B. Lal commenced excavations at Hastinapur in the early 1950s. Although
the primary objective of this excavation, according to B. B. Lal himself, was to determine the
stratigraphic position of Painted Grey Ware in relation to other known ceramic industries of
the early historical period, Lal discovered correlations between the Mahabharata and the
material remains he unearthed at Hastinapur. This prompted him to historicize some of the
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Mahabharata's traditions and link the appearance of Painted Grey Ware with Aryans in the
upper Ganges basin regions.
According to information gleaned from Ain-i-Akbari, Hastinapur was a pargana under Delhi
sarkar that contributed 4,466,904 dams to the imperial treasury and 300 infantry and 10
cavalry troopers and the place was “an ancient Hindu settlement”.
1. The first city of Delhi is believed to be .................., a city fit for gods.
2. According to the ................., Hastinapur was a pargana under Delhi sarkar.
3. This First Battle of Panipat terminated the 'Lodi Rule' established by
.................. in India.
1.4 POLITICAL HISTORY IN BRIEF
If the written texts and fragmentary archaeological evidence is to be believed, Delhi was
under the name of Indraprastha or Indrapat- one of the earliest Hindu capitals. Delhi has a
fabulous antiquity of no less than 3000 years before the Christian era. Prior to the third
century B.C., India was ruled by several rival chiefs and monarchs, and it was during this
time that Pataliputra and other large urban centers flourished. This city served as the capital
of the mighty Mauryan empire. Ashoka (272-232 B.C.) governed from Pataliputra but
exercised influence throughout most of the Indian subcontinent. The presence of Northern
Black Polished Ware at various sites in the area, particularly the Purana Qila, suggests the
existence of Mauryan-era settlements. The most intriguing Mauryan discovery occurred in
1966, when an Ashokan rock edict was discovered at Kalkaji (east of Kailash) in South
Delhi, indicating that a significant settlement may have been nearby.
The Delhi-Meerut pillar, was shifted from Meerut, in Uttar Pradesh to Delhi by Sultan Firuz
Shah Tughlaq and erected at a location in the northern ridge of Delhi, close to his hunting
palace, between the Chauburji-Masjid and Hindu Rao Hospital.
After the decline of the Mauryan Empire, India re-splintered into a collection of powerful
provincial rulers. Archaeological excavations at Purana Qila indicate continued habitation
during this time period. From 320 to 540 CE, the Ganga Valley-based Guptas dominated all
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of India north of the Narmada through a coalition of tribute-paying states. The literature of
the period, which spanned from the plays of Kalidasa to intricate mathematical treatises,
provides insight into the sophistication of their court, while the iron pillar, now located in the
Qutb Minar complex, testifies their technological achievements.
In the post-Gupta period, the nation dissolved into warring states once more. From 606 to 647
CE, the great ruler Harsha established a tiny Gupta-like empire in Kanauj, roughly 80
kilometers upstream from Kanpur. He was able to solidify control and repel Hun and Arab
raids into the northwest for a time. These raids were primarily motivated by a desire for
plunder and were comparable to the warfare between neighbouring Rajput states. Three
hundred years later, Kanauj became the site of ceaseless conflict between the three principal
royal dynasties (Pratiharas, Rashtrakutas and the Palas). The Pratiharas ruled a vast territory
that included Delhi. The Tomars ruled under them and were likely situated in the Suraj Kund
region. Anangpur, a village near Suraj Kund, is believed to have been named after Anang Pal
Tomar, most likely the same Anang Pal who flourished in the eighth century.
By the eleventh century, the Tomars had attained autonomy from a greater authority. They
had also relocated their capital from Suraj Kund to a new citadel at Lal Kot (where the Qutb
Minar was afterwards constructed), where the remnants indicate that there were several
beautiful temples and a big tank within the walls. When the defenses were later extended to
the east, it is estimated that the city’s population increased to between five and six thousand
individuals. In 1160, the Tomars fell under the control of their Ajmer-based neighbours, the
Chauhans. Under the Chauhans, the Tomar city walls were significantly extended by the
construction of the relatively lower Qila Rai Pithora walls, giving the city a total perimeter of
approximately 8 kilometres.
1. .............., the form of pottery most strongly associated with the speakers of
the Indo-Aryan languages during the first millennium BCE, has been
unearthed across a significant portion of northern India.
2. From 606 to 647, the great ruler.............. established a tiny Gupta-like
empire in Kanauj.
3. .............. became the site of ceaseless conflict between the three principal
royal dynasties -Pratiharas, Rashtrakutas and the Palas.
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1.5 DELHI AS AN HISTORICAL CITY
1.5.1 Ashokan Edicts

It was discovered in 1966 and is a significant element of Delhi’s history and legacy, as it
suggests that a nearby 3rd-century BC community was significant enough to warrant an edict.
Among the cluster of religious institutions on the neighbouring hilltops, the Kalkaji Temple is
rumoured to be quite old and may have been surrounded by a settlement.
The edict does little more than emphasize the significance of the Buddhist lifestyle: “Two and
a half years have passed since I became a Buddhist layman. Initially, I exerted little effort,
but over the past year I have grown closer to the Buddhist order, exerted myself with zeal,
and enticed others to mingle with the gods. This objective is not exclusive to the powerful; a
lowly man who exerts himself can also reach heaven.”
The objective of this declaration is to inspire both the humble and the great to exert
themselves and to inform those who dwell beyond the borders of the kingdom. Effort in the
cause must persist forever, and it will spread among the populace.
Other Ashokan edicts, engraved on pillars, have been discovered at Delhi. The Delhi– Meerut
pillar (oposite Bara Hindu Rao Hospital, on the ridge near Delhi University) famously known
as Topra Ashokan pillar has already been briefly discussed above. Another one was the
Delhi– Topra Pillar found in the Feroz Shah Kotla Grounds. These pillars were shifted from
their orginal places (namely Meerut and Ambala respectively) by Feroz Shah Tughlaq (1351-
1388). The original inscription on the Delhi-Topra Ashokan obelisk is primarily in Brahmi
script, but the language was Prakrit, with some Pali and Sanskrit added later. The inscription
was successfully translated in 1837 by James Prinsep.
1.5.2 Lal Kot
Development of Delhi as an historical city cannot be said to date earlier than the middle of
the eleventh century when a Rajput king Anangpala of the Tomar dynasty founded a town, in
the area of present Suraj Kund. The Tomars later shifted their capital ten kilometers west
where Ananagpal raised the citadel of Lal Kot in AD 1060. It was around the place where the
Qutb Mosque now stands.
However, the name Dhilli, or any other ‘phonetically’ similar version of the city is not
traceable in this period. The earliest epigraphic reference to Dhillika, from which the Delhi
derived its name, is found in the Bijolia rock inscription in district Udaipur (Rajasthan) issued
by the Chahaman Someshwara in Vikrama Samvat 1226 (AD 1169- 70). It mentions about
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the capture of Dhillika by the Chahman ruler Vigraharaj IV.

It suggests that the Tomar capital was originally named Dhillika which gradually became
Dhilli.
The oldest city of Delhi, of which traces remain to this day, is enveloped in the city of Rai
Pithora. The Chauhan ruler of Ajmer Vigraharaj IV captured Dhillika of the Tomars. His
grandson Prithviraj, the famous Rai Pithora extended the ramparts of the Lal Kot, which is
known in the Persian sources as Qila-i Rai Pithora. The walls of his city can be traced round
the Qutb Mosque. This fort was occupied by Qutbuddin Aibak in 1192. It is here the
foundation of Medieval Delhi was laid.
Remains of Lal Kot and Qila Rai Pithora bear testimony to Delhi’s past glory. According to
Rana Safvi, an author of Where Stones Speak: Historical Trails in Mehrauli: “If there is one
place in Delhi which gives one a sense of experiencing a thousand years of history at once, it
is Lal Kot”. She goes on to add that “Lal Kot was Delhi’s original ‘red fort’. What we call
Red Fort or Lal Qila today was called Qila-i-Mubarak”.
Lal Kot, literally ‘red fort’, is a walled bastion or military garrison erected by Anangpal II,
the Tomar ruler in the middle of the eleventh century. Excavations were carried out at Lal
Kot between 1957 and 1961 and subsequently between 1991 and 1995. While the earlier
ones concentrated mainly on the fortification walls, the latter under the direction of
Archaeologist B.R. Mani yielded a number of antiquities including pottery, sculptures,
copper coins, beads made of terracotta, semi-precious stones, etc. According to historian
Upinder Singh, “two cultural phases were identified- Period I belonging to the Rajput phase
(the mid-11th century to the end of the 12th century), and Period II to the Sultanate phase
(the end of the 12th century to the mid-14th century)”, each one further divided into three and
four structural phases respectively. All that remains of it are a few mounds and ruins which
lie in present-day Sanjay Van, Mehrauli. Most parts of the fortification walls have
completely collapsed.
Prithviraj Chauhan extended and fortified Lal Kot as a defence against the Turks; the city
then came to be known as Qila Rai Pithora. Qila Rai Pithora literally means “Rai Pithora’s
Fort”. The term was first used by the 16th century historian Abu’l-Fazl in his Ain-i-Akbari,
who presents Delhi as the Chahamana capital. In the mid-19th century, archaeologist
Alexander Cunningham made a distinction between the ruins at the site, classifying them into
older “Lal Kot” fortification built by the Tomaras and the newer “Qila Rai Pithora” built by
the Chahamans. This classification was however, challenged by certain historians notable
among them being Catherine B. Asher. She describes Qila Rai Pithora as Lal Kot enlarged
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with rubble walls and ramparts. According to her, Qila Rai Pithora served as a city, while Lal
Kot remained the citadel. Qila Rai Pithora, which was twice as large as the older citadel, had
more massive and higher walls, and the combined fort extended to six and a half km.
Catherine Asher states that Prithviraj lost the Chahamana kingdom in 1192 CE to the Turks.
It is at this time that the Ghurid governor Qutb al-Din Aibak occupied Qila Rai Pithora, and
renamed it “Dhilli” (modern Delhi), reviving the site’s older name.
Upinder Singh, too, is of the view that Qila Rai Pithora is much larger than Lal Kot (which
forms its south-western part). According to her, “the walls, 5-6 metres thick and 18 metres
high at places, were interrupted by several gates, only a few of which survive”. Excavations
carried out in 1956-58 revealed well laid structures, including an oven and floors of houses.
1.5.3 Mehrauli Iron Pillar (4th Century)
It is 23ft. 8 inches high and is in the Qutb complex. The diameter of the column at Mehrauli
is 40 cm at the base and 30 cm at the top. At the top of the column is an inverted lotus capital,
which was probably crowned with a Garuda, Vishnu’s vehicle, or another Vaishnavite
symbol.
There are several inscriptions on this column, each referring to different kings. The longest
inscription found on the west face of the iron pillar talks of a king named Chandra who is said
to have originally erected the pillar on the Vishnupada Hill. This king has come to be
identified with the Gupta emperor Chandragupta II (375-413 AD). From the inscription (a
translation of which is on the wall of the northern colonnade), it is amply clear that the pillar
was not built under the patronage of the Delhi Tomars. However, the name of the location
remains unidentified. While the difficulty of transferring such a heavy load suggests that
Vishnupada was nearby, we would expect an artefact of this calibre to have been created at a
major power centre, and we know of none nearby. Therefore, it is likely that the column was
shifted from a considerable geographical distance. It may have been an important political,
aesthetic, or religious symbol of a prior ruler’s domain that was captured by a Tomar to
bolster his own authority. The Tomars certainly viewed it as a significant artefact, as did the
Turks, who placed it in the middle of their mosque’s courtyard.
We can be even more awestruck by the pillar than the Tomars or Turks were, given that the
craftsmanship required to purify the iron and cast it could not have been accomplished in the
West before the 19th century. It has been established that the column is made of unusually
pure wrought iron. Recently, it was discovered that the early iron-making process resulted in
a high phosphorus content, which allowed the iron to react with oxygen and hydrogen to form
a protective film of misawite, which has been slowly accumulating since its creation.
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A legend claims that an early Tomar king, Anangpala dug up the pillar to test the veracity of
a story claiming that the pillar rested on the head of Vasuki, the king of serpents and was
immovable. Also, it was prophesied that Anangpala’s reign would last if the pillar would
stand. When it was drawn up covered in blood, the story was authenticated. The king
attempted to re-fix the pillar, but it remained unstable (dhilli) – thus originated the name of
the city of Delhi.
Alexander Cunningham, the British colonial archaeologist of the nineteenth century and first
director of what is now India’s Archaeological Survey (ASI), was told a second, more
credible-appearing myth. He was reassured that the pillar’s depth had been investigated. It
had been found continuous at 35 feet. The base was discovered to be bulbous after a check
was ordered, extending only twenty inches beneath the surface.
1. ................ was the first director general of ASI
2. Mehrauli Iron pillar is in the ................ complex
3. At the top of the column is an inverted lotus capital, which was probably
crowned with a Garuda, Vishnu’s vehicle, or another ................ symbol.
1.6 CONCLUSION
Summing up, it is evident that the area in and around present-day Delhi was a site of many
ancient settlements, Indraprastha and Lal Kot being the better-known ones. Though it is
generally accepted that Tomar Rajput established the first known city of Delhi more than a
thousand years ago, one must bear in mind that the story of Delhi goes beyond the Rajputs,
both in history and legend. If mythology is to be believed, “Delhi was built on what was once
a forest and was home to Pandavas from the epic Mahabharata”. The historicity of
Indraprastha still remains to be corroborated by the archaeological evidence.
1.7 GLOSSARY/KEYWORDS
• Paleochannel– Remnants of once active rivers or streams

• Uttarapatha– Northern high road, the main trade route that followed along the river
Ganges
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• Dakshinapatha– Ancient south of the Indian subcontinent

• Rock edict–History/ announcement carved onto cliff rock.
1.8 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

In-Text Questions-1
1. False
2. True
In-Text Questions -2
1. False
2. Aravalli ranges and Delhi Ridge
3. Gujarat, Rajasthan, Delhi, Haryana
1. Indraprastha
2. Ain-i-Akbari
3. Bahlul Lodhi
1. NBPW
2. Harsha
3. Kanauj
1. Alexander Cunningham
2. Qutb
3. Vaishnavite
1.9 Self-Assessment Questions
1. Describe the literary and archaeological evidence for Indraprastha. (Section 1.3)
2. Discuss the significance of Mehrauli Iron pillar. (Section 1.5.3)
3. How do you assess the significance of mythology while studying ancient Delhi.
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(Section 1.1,1.2)
4. Throw light on the political history of early Delhi. (Section 1.3)
5. Elaborate the various structures constructed under the Tomara and Chauhan dynasty.
(Section 1.5)
6. Short notes: Ashokan edict, Suraj Kund Dam, Stone age sites (Section 1.3, 1.5, 1.2)
7. What are the literary references regarding mythical city of Indraprastha? (1.3)
8. What does archaeology reveal about Indraprastha? (1.3)
9. Short notes– a) Panipat b) Indraprastha (1.3)
1.10 SUGGESTED READINGS
• Richard J. Cohen, “An Early Attestation of the Toponym Ḍhillī”, Journal of the
American Oriental Society, Vol. 109 (1989), pp. 513-519.
• Singh, Upinder. (2006). Ancient Delhi, Delhi: Oxford University Press
• Mani, B.R. (1997). Delhi: Threshold of the Orient; (Studies in Archaeological
Investigations), Aryan Books International
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Unit-II
FROM SETTLEMENTS TO CITYSCAPE – UNDERSTANDING

THE 10TH TO 14TH CENTURY CITIES OF DELHI
Dr. Madhu Trivedi
STRUCTURE

2.1 Introduction
2.2 Development of Cities in Delhi:
2.2.1 Anangpur Fort
2.2.2 Dehli-i Kuhna’s Masjid-i Jami
2.2.3 Ghiyaspur - Kilukhari
2.2.4 Siri
2.2.5 Tughlaqabad
2.2.6 Firuzabad
2.3 Factors Responsible for the Growth of Delhi as a commercial Metropolis
2.4 Delhi as Imperial Camp during the Reign of Khalji and Tughlaq Sultans
2.4.1 Siri – The Imperial Camp under Alauddin Khalji
2.5 The Qutb Complex
2.5.1 The Qutb Mosque as the Focal Point in the Social Life of Delhi
2.5.2 Various Interpretations regarding the Qutb Complex
2.5.3 The Sacred Aura of the Qutb Mosque
2.6 Conclusion
2.9 Suggested Reading
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This unit familiarizes the students with:
• The cities of Sultanate Delhi in the 10th to 14th centuries
• The various reasons for the shift of capitals
• The changing character of the city of Delhi
This unit will study the cities of Sultanate Delhi in the 10th to 14th centuries. It will discuss
the various reasons for the shift of capitals and the changing character of the city. Case
studies of any two of these cities will be undertaken. Students will be encouraged to plan
field trips related to the themes and readings.
2.1 INTRODUCTION
As has been stated in the earlier unit, Delhi is not just one urban settlement, but a
conglomeration of many urban settlements belonging to different periods. This trait of Delhi
was noticed well by an Arab traveler Shihab-al Din al-Umari who visited India during the
fourteenth century. He says: Delhi is composed of many towns (integrated into one).
Everyone is known by its own name. Delhi, being one of them, has given its name to all of
them. It is extensive in length and breadth and covers an area of forty miles…At present,
Delhi consists of twenty-one towns.1We will briefly discuss the 10th to 14th century cities of
Delhi.
2.2 DEVELOPMENT OF CITIES IN DELHI
2.2.1 Anangpur Fort

Anangpur, also known as Anekpur or Arangpur, was founded by one of the two rulers of the
Tomar dynasty, who went by the same name– Anang Pal. While Syed Ahmed opines that it
was founded by Anang Pal-I, Cunningham subscribes to the view that Anangpur was founded
by Anang Pal-II in the eleventh century. However, on the basis of the fragmentary remains
(which included a few palaeolithic tools, a circular copper coin, Redware potsherds, etc.)
found during the exploration of the site in 1992, it is difficult to assign an exact date to the
1
Shaikh Shihab al-Din al-Umari, Masalik al absar fi-mamalik al-Amsar ,English transl. I. H.Siddiqi and Q. M.
Ahmad,‟A Fourteenth century Arab Account of India under Sultan Mmuhammad bin Tughlaq,‟ pp. 14-15, 35-
36.
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construction of the fort.

The topic has been discussed in the earlier unit. In brief, in the middle of the eleventh century
a Rajput king Anangpala of the Tomar dynasty founded a town, in the area of present Suraj
Kund. The Tomars later shifted their capital ten kilometers west where Anang Pal raised the
citadel of Lal Kot in AD 1060. It was around the place where the Qutb Mosque now stands.
Prithviraj Chauhan extended and fortified Lal Kot as a defence against the Turks; the city
then came to be known as Qila Rai Pithora. Qila Rai Pithora literally means “Rai Pithora’s
Fort”.
Thus, the oldest city of Delhi, of which traces remain to this day, is enveloped in the city of
Rai Pithora. The Chauhan ruler of Ajmer Vigraharaj IV captured Dhillika of the Tomars. His
grandson Prithviraj, the famous Rai Pithora extended the ramparts of the Lal Kot, which is
known in the Persian sources as Qila-i Rai Pithora. The walls of the city can be traced round
the Qutb Mosque. This fort was occupied by Qutbuddin Aibak in 1192. It is here the
foundation of Medieval Delhi was laid.
Inscriptions of the Sultanate period dated 1276, 1316, and 1328 mention the city of Dhilli as
part of the country known as Hariyanaka, Haritana and Hariyana. Similarly, a Sufi poet Mull
Daud also mentions Firoz Shah as the Sultan of Dhilli, which suggests that the name Dhilli
continued in the inscriptions as well as in the vernacular literature for a very long period
during the Sultanate period. Dhilli became Dilli/ Dehli because in Arabic and Persian
languages there is no provision for compound words like dh, th, etc.
2.2.2 Dehli-i Kuhna's Masjid-i Jami
The settlement-history of Delhi during the Sultanate period dates from 12th century, when it
was occupied by Qutbuddin Aibak on behalf of Shahabuddin of Ghor in AD 1192. The oldest
city of Delhi, of which traces remain to this day, was enveloped in the Lal kot which is
known in the Persian sources as Qila-i Rai Pithora. The walls of this city can be traced around
the Qutb Mosque. After the Turkish conquest the city underwent a complete transformation.
The Ghorian-Turkish conquerors started building their city around the fortress they had
captured. The ramparts of the Qila-i Rai Pithora were pierced with thirteen gates. The
principal entrance was known as Badaun Gate. An inscription under the arch of the eastern
entrance to the Masjid-i Jami records:
“This fortress (hisar) was conquered (fateh kard) and this mosque was built during the
months of AH 587 by the great and mighty commander-in-chief Qutb-ul-Dawlat-wa-ul- Din,
(the pivot of the kingdom and the faith), the commander of commanders, Aibek Sultan. May
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God exalt his helpers.

Material from 27 idol temples (but-khana), each of which cost twice thousand into thousand
Diliwals (do bar hazar bar hazar diliwaal), have been used (sarf shuda bud) in this Masjid.
May Almighty God send mercy on him, who prays for the rest of the builder (baani).”
With the foundation of the “Masjid-i-Jami” (popularly known as Qutb Mosque and Quwwat ul
Islam), the Qutb Minar and a new fort (hisar-i Nau) close to the north of the mosque, Delhi
gained its “central” or “imperial” status. It was this fort, remarks M. Athar Ali, “which became
the nucleus of the Delhi of his successor Iltutmish – the Delhi known Dihli-i Kuhna or Old
Delhi in the fourteenth century.”2 It was also known as Qutb Delhi or simply as Shahr. It
was at about eighteen kilometers from the river Yamuna.
In his Tarikh-i ‘Alai Amir Khausrau says that Sultan Ala-ud Din Khalji resolved to make a
pair of the lofty Minar of the Jami Masjid, and to raise it so high that it could not be
exceeded. He first directed that the area of the square before the Masjid should be increased
that there might be ample room for the followers of Islam. “He ordered the circumference of
the Minar to be made double that of the height of the old one, and to make it higher in the
same proportion, and directed that a new casing and cupola should be added to the old one”3
As the population in the city grew, the city faced the problem of water-supply. As a result,
suburbs became to grow closer to the bank of the Yamuna. A suburb first developed at
Ghayaspur probably during the reign of Sultan Ghayasuddin Balban. Shaikh Nizamuddin
Chishti established his Jamaat Khana in this suburb.
2.2.3 Ghayaspur and Kilokhari
The new city of Sultan Ghiyasuddin Balban (ce 1266-1287) known as Ghayaspur where Sufi
Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya established his Jammat Khana became Kubba-i Islam. Sultan
Balban built many check posts (thanas) and posted Afghans there. But in the succeeding
decades when Delhi cities began to shift, the layout pattern began to change. The new cities
were divided into mohallas, through the system of kuchahs or lanes and by lanes and each
mohalla named after individuals also had state granaries and storehouses that kept war
weapons and other machines used during the time of war.
Successor of Balban, Sultan Muizzuddin Kaiqubad (1287-1290) built a new fortified palace
city where there is mention of use of marble to break the monotony of stones. From historical
2
M. Athar Ali, “Capital of the Sultans Delhi during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries”, in Delhi through
the Ages, Essays in Urban History, Culture and Society, edited by R. E. Frykenberg, p 34.
3
Shaikh Shihab al-Din al-Umari, Vol. III, p. 353.
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point of view this marks the growth of ‘New City’ the Shahr-i Nau while the earlier cities that
had developed in the thirteenth century came to be referred to as Dihli-i kuhna or ‘Old Delhi’
in the fourteenth century.
Sultan Jalau-d-din Firoz Khilji (CE 1290-1296) ascended the throne in the palace city of
Kilokhari that eventually came to be known as Shahr-i Nau or the ‘New City’ and he
introduced paintings in his palace city and landscaped gardens and various types of bazaars
along with a walled enclosure to protect the city.
2.2.4 Siri
In order to protect Delhi from the ravages of Mongols, Sultan Alauddin Khalji fortified a
camp at Siri in 1299. As the sources point out, Siri was a plain waste ground (sahra) almost
adjoining the old city of Delhi to its north-east; One may point out here that the local memory
about the location of such an important military encampment was lost. Cunningham has,
however, identified this place with a vast area enclosed by raised mounds of earth and
containing the village of Shahpur Jat.
Initially, the settlement of Siri was called Lashkar or Lashkargah (army encampment), while
the Qutb Delhi was known as Shahr (city). Later, however, the Lashkargah situated in Siri
was named Darul-Khilafa. Yazdi, a fourteenth century historian, has described the location of
Siri in his Zafarnama to the north-west of Jahanpanah, while Qutb Delhi or Dehli-i Kuhna
was located to its south-west. According to him the walled enclosure (Sura) of Siri is roughly
“circular”. Timur also writes in his memoirs: “Siri is a round city. Its buildings are lofty. They
are surrounded by fortifications built of stone and bricks, and they are very strong.” This fact
is broadly correct to the extent, remarks Athar Ali that it was not rectangular in contrast to the
other settlements of Delhi.
That Alauddin Khalji and his successor Qutbuddin Mubarak lived in the palace of Hazar
Sutun which had been built by Alauddin Khalji outside the Siri fortress is clear from the
account of Ibn Battuta. However, Siri always remained “an isolated extension of Qutb Delhi”.
2.2.5 Tughlaqabad
The increase in the population of Delhi and Siri was probably the primary cause that led
Sultan Ghayasuddin Tughlaq to lay out another city – Tughlaqabad between the year 1321
and 1323 AD. It is situated about nine miles almost due south of Delhi. Its stupendous size,
solidarity, and massive strength give it an air of impressive dignity. Unfortunately, the fort is
now in such a dilapidated condition that it is difficult to reconstruct the plan of Tughlaqabad.
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Only the fortress wall and a huge entrance have survived the vicissitudes of the time. An idea
of its former grandeur may be formed from Fanshawe’s account about the Fort. He writes:
“The great size of the stones used in the wall, the triple storied towers, the high parapet,
backed inside by terraces with rooms and the lofty gates, are all very imposing. Perhaps the
most impressive bit of all is the south-east bastion of the citadel and the east wall above it.
The path through the above-mentioned leads past a large reservoir hewn in the rock; beyond
it are the ruins of the palace and stables and of a fine mosque. On the west was a very deep
(baoli) tank for the use of the defenders of the citadel, and all around are underground
passages, off which the servants and the slaves had quarters…The red sandstone gateway,
with its sloping face and jambs and head in the earlier Pathan style contrasts finely with the
dark walls and rounded towers in which it stands…”
Although Tughlaqabad was planned in a way that it sheltered the palace, the office
complexes as well as the city, it only remained a “detached complex to house the Sultan, his
retinue and personal troops”. The urban activities were concentrated in “Old Delhi” which
still retained its status as a commercial as well as an administrative Centre. Tughlaqabad
ceased to be the seat of the ruler after the accession of Muhammad bin Tughlaq and it was
finally abandoned after the city of Firuzabad was founded by Sultan Firuz Shah Tughlaq (r.
1351-88).
2.2.6 Firuzabad
A shift may be witnessed in the location of the capital from the rocky zone along the river
during the reign of Sultan Firuz Shah Tughlaq, who fixed his capital Firuzabad on the banks
of the Yamuna in 1358 AD. Firuzabad was thus a large city which probably spread two miles
north and south and appears to have occupied all the ground between Indrapat (Indraprastha,
Purana Qila) and the Ridge. It may, however, be pointed out here that “the population
extended along the Yamuna River in a fairly narrow belt”.4 Shams-i Siraj Afif, the chronicler
of the reign of Firuz Shah tells us:
By the grace of God, the population of Delhi increased so much that the entire space between
Indrapat and the Kaushak-i Shikar had been inhabited, the distance between the limits of
Indpat [Indrapat] and the Kaushak-i Shikar is five kurohs.5
4
M. Athar Ali, “Capital of the Sultans Delhi during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries”, in Delhi through
the Ages, p. 42
5
A kuroh indicates the distance of roughly two and a half mile.
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The Kotla or fortress (Kotla Firuz Shah) was built about 1350-70 on the bank of the Yamuna,
the lofty ruins of which are seen adjoining the Ashokan pillar popularly known as Lat. It is
one of the two stone pillars of Ashoka which were removed from Topra seven miles south-
west of Jagadhari (Umballa district) and planted by Firuz Shah on this spot; the other pillar is
planted on the Ridge in the Kaushak-i Shikar. The palace is also known as Jahannuma or the
World displayer.
The most notable building in Firuzabad is the picturesque mosque known as the Chausath-
khamba (sixty-four pillared), and Kalan Masjid, situated in a part of Firuzabad where the city
is overlapped by the present Shahjahanabad; the mosque is now within the walls of this city
to the south-west of the Jama Masjid of Shah Jahan. It was built by Khan Jahan, the Wazir of
Firuz Shah and was the chief mosque of Firoz Shah’s time.
As M. Athar Ali remarks: “Firuz Shah shifted Delhi to a more suitable terrain; henceforth its
settlements were to adjoin the Yamuna rather than the Aravalli ridge. Sher Shah’s Delhi and
Salim Garh, Humayun’s tomb and Shahjahanabad, even New Delhi are situated within the
alluvial zone. In a geographical sense, as much as historical, Firuzabad set the seal on the
decline of Delhi of the Sultanate with its site upon and around the rocky wastes and shifted it
compellingly to the lower lands to the north and north-east.”6
From the foregoing discussion it is evident that Delhi became to grow enormously after it
became the capital of the Turkish Empire, popularly known as Delhi Sultanate, under Sultan
Iltutmish (1211 –1236). By the third quarter of the thirteenth century, Delhi emerged as a
mega city. It was a conglomerate of many settlements, and “the term ‘Delhi’ was equally
applied to the old city conquered from its Hindu rulers in the twelfth century and to the entire
complex towns that had grown up since.”7
2.3 FACTORS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE GROWTH OF DELHI AS

A COMMERCIAL METROPOLIS
Many factors contributed to the growth of Delhi. Before we move on to the case study two of
the many cities of Delhi in the 13th and 14th century, it would be in order to briefly outline the
6
M. Athar Ali, “Capital of the Sultans, Delhi during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries”, in Delhi through
the Ages, p. 42.
7
Masalik ul Absar. edited and translated by Otto Spies, text, pp. 11-12, transl, p. 36; The Arab traveller Shihab-
al Din al-Umari, who visited India during the fourteenth century, remarks: Delhi is composed of many towns
(integrated into one). Everyone is known by its own name. Delhi, being one of them, has given its name to all of
them. It is extensive in length and breadth and covers an area of forty miles…At present, Delhi consists of
twenty-one towns.
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several advantages that Delhi had to its credit, which facilitated its growth as a commercial
metropolis, as well as an imperial camp. As Athar Ali puts it: “The outspurs of the Aravalli
range reaching deep into the great alluvial plains of north India have their terminal point in
the Delhi Ridge. The Yamuna River is thereby diverted from its seemingly natural south-
westerly course (parallel to the Indus tributaries) to an easterly one (parallel to the Ganga) by
the interposition of the Ridge under which it flows. Thus, heights for commanding positions,
rocks for stone-quarries, and the river for water supply, navigation and defense from the east,
all should have combined to attract the attention of rulers and merchants alike.”8 There was an
added advantage too, that the Yamuna was navigable the year around as far as Delhi which
facilitated the growth of a flourishing riverine trade.
However, it was the Mongol pressure which “contributed in a more positive fashion to
Delhi’s primacy as the largest city of Islamic East”. Sultan Iltutmish extended patronage to
men of learning and skills who arrived here from all directions and from all renowned centres
of Islamic culture. Through the large number of grants and his unbounded munificence Sultan
Iltutmish “gathered together in Delhi”, writes Minhaj, “people from various parts of the
world…and it became the retreat and resting place for the learned, the virtuous and the
excellent [people] of the various parts of the world”. The distress caused by Chingiz Khan,
who overran in 1220–21 all the major cities of Khurasan: Balkh, Nishapur, Ray, Hirat, Marv,
Isfahan, Shiraz, Hamadan, and Tirmiz precipitated this exodus and drove many renowned
princes and other men of excellence to the court of Iltutmish from these distinguished centres
of art and culture because Delhi had emerged as the safest place in the Islamic East. Isami
says that the celebrities from Arabia, Khurasan, China, Bukhara, and other places made a
bee-line to the newly founded city of Delhi “as moths cluster round a candle”. Juzjani, the
author of Tabaqat-i Nasiri, records that Delhi “fast became the refuge of those in Khurasan
and Central Asia – bureaucrats, soldiers, scholars, craftsmen, and performing artists – who
fled from the Mongol terror; and Iltutmish followed the policy of actively encouraging them
to settle in his capital”.9 Delhi’s growth during the thirteenth century is largely attributed to
this influx.
8
M. Athar Ali, “Capital of the Sultans, Delhi during the thirteenth and Fourteenth centuries”, in Delhi Through
the Ages, Essays in Urban History, Culture and Society, p. 34.
9
Tabaqat-i Nasiri, 2nd edition, edited, Abd al-Hayy Habibi, Kabul, 1342-3/1963-4, Vol. I, pp. 417, 444.
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State whether True or False:
1. The “Masjid-i-Jami” is popularly known as Qutb Mosque and Quwwat ul
Islam.
2. In order to protect Delhi from the ravages of Mongols, Sultan Alauddin
Khalji built a walled palace (qasr) which was named Kilokhari.
3. Sultan Firuz Shah Tughlaq shifted his capital to Firuzabad on the banks of
the Yamuna in 1358 AD.
4. Muhammad Tughlaq linked together Old Delhi, Siri and Jahanpanah.
5. The Mongol pressure contributed to Delhi’s primacy as the largest city of
Islamic East.
2.4 DELHI AS IMPERIAL CAMP DURING THE REIGN OF

KHALJI AND TUGHLAQ SULTANS
We find that Delhi not only developed as an administrative centre and a commercial
metropolis, but a vast military camp, especially during the fourteenth century. The settlement
of Siri and Tughlaqabad, were primarily the imperial camps created under Alauddin Khalji
and Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq respectively. Of the two, we will now case study Siri.
2.4.1 Siri – The Imperial Camp under Alauddin Khalji
The Imperial camp – Siri – is the creation of the reign of Alauddin Khalji (1296 –1316). The
combination of the Ogetai and Chaghatai hordes in Central Asia under the leadership of
Qaidu, gave a new intensity to the Mongol raids into India. There was a sudden increase in
the Mongol striking power from Alauddin’s reign and the entire Doab, and even territories
beyond Ganga, lay within the range of Mongol attacks. Delhi itself became the target of the
Mongol attack and was subjected to siege twice. It became necessary to keep the population
within fortified walls and for it the vicinity of some rocky zone where the supply of stone was
easier would have been an ideal option. Siri had served Alauddin Khalji as headquarters at
the time of recent Mongol attacks. Hence, he decided to build here a new fortress which was,
however, completed by his successor Qutbuddin Mubarak. Ziauddin Barani mentions in his
Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi, about it in the following words:
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The terror of the Mongols became all pervasive. Mughal horsemen began to come up to the
platform (chabutara) of Subhani, and the villages of Mori and Hadhi, and the banks of the
Hauz-i Sultani (Hauz-i Shamsi) – after the disaster of Targhi’s invasion – which was a great
disaster – Sultan Alauddin woke up from his sleep of negligence and gave up the projects of
taking away the army on campaigns and reducing forts (in India). He now built his palace
(Kaushak) in Siri and began to reside at Siri; he designated Siri his capital (Darul Khalifa)
and made it well populated. He also built up the fort of Old Delhi.10
As the sources point out, Siri was a plain waste ground (sahra) almost adjoining the old city
of Delhi to its north-east; Alauddin had stationed his army here before entering the walled
capital in 1296. He had also come out of the walled capital (Old Delhi), and pitched his tent
on this plain at the time when the Mughal commander Qutlugh Khwaja came to make an
attempt on the capital.11 One may point out here that the local memory about the location of
such an important military encampment was lost. Cunningham has, however, identified this
place with a vast area enclosed by raised mounds of earth and containing the village of
Shahpur Jat. His “description meets all the indications of the position of Siri in our sources:
an expanse of level ground between Qutb Delhi and Kilokhari. This enclosed area amounts to
some 1.7 square kilometers.”12
Initially, the settlement of Siri was called Lashkar or Lashkargah (army encampment), while
the Qutb Delhi was known as Shahr (city). This is borne out by two facts: Shaikh Nzamuddin
made a comment regarding the distance between Shahr and Lashkar and is recorded by his
disciple Amir Hasan Sijzi in the collection of the Saint’s sayings in Fawaid ul Fuad.
Secondly, Amir Hasan Sijzi, himself an army officer, had built a house in Lashkar, and this
enabled him to offer his Friday prayers at the Jami‟ Mosque in Kilokhari. Later, however, the
Lashkargah situated in Siri was named Darul-Khilafa. This fact is recorded by The Arab
traveller Ibn Battuta in his Rehla, and Ziauddin Barani in Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi. Yazdi, a
fourteenth century historian, has described the location of Siri in his Zafarnama to the north-
west of Jahanpanah, while Qutb Delhi or Dehli-i Kuhna was located to its south-west.
According to him the walled enclosure (Sura) of Siri is roughly “circular”. This fact is
broadly correct to the extent that it was not rectangular in the fashion of other settlements of
Delhi.
10
Barani, pp. 301-2.
11
Ibid, pp. 246, 254.
12
For details see Athar Ali, op. cit. pp. 37-38.
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A tank, the Hauz-i Alai or Hauz-i Khas was excavated by Alauddin Khalji to meet the water
requirements of Siri and Qutb Delhi. It was located two miles south of Qutb Delhi and was
“at some distance from the more closely inhabited parts of the city”. Yazdi calls it a “small
sea” (daryacha), and he also mentions that it was filled during the rainy season and served to
supply the needs of the inhabitants of Delhi for the whole year.13 An idea of the vast
dimensions of the tank may be gathered from the size of its banks which are still traceable in
the present day Hauz Khas village. It is square in shape, each side some sixty metre in length,
and the total space enclosed by its banks amounted to over seventy acres.14
Even though Siri was proclaimed the Darul-Khilafa by Aluddin Khalji, it always remained
“an isolated extension of Qutb Delhi”. This is supported by the vast extensions made by him
in the Jami‟ Mosque as there was enormous increase in the population of Qutb Delhi since
the time of Iltutmish, and the space in the Jami‟ mosque was no longer sufficient. It is
significant to note that he decided to extend the Jami‟ mosque at Qutb instead of building a
new mosque in Siri, which shows that his attention remained focused on Qutb Delhi, where
the major part of the population resided. It also shows that Siri mainly remained in the
capacity of an Imperial camp, the rest of the activities were stilled centered in the old city.
Qutb Delhi was still the “Shahr par excellence in contrast to the Darul-Khilafa that was Siri
and Shahr-i Nau (the new city) that was Kilokhari”. Contemporary sources reveal this fact
very well. Qutb Delhi i.e. Shahr was the major commercial centre. The grain market (mandi)
was situated here.
However, Alauddin Khalji and his successor Qutbuddin Mubarak lived in the palace of Hazar
Sutun which had been built by Alauddin Khalji outside the Siri fortress is clear from the
account of a fourteenth century traveller Ibn Battuta. The same traveller also tells us that later
Muhammad bin Tughlaq (1325 –1351) linked the old Delhi to Siri in 1327 by means of walls
which enclosed an area known as Jahan-panah.15
13
Zafarnama, vol. II, pp. 108-9.
14
Carr Stephan, p. 83
15
Rehela, transl by Gibb, Vol. III, pp.220, 399.
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Fill in the Blanks:
1. ............ and ..................., were primarily the imperial camps created under
Alauddin Khalji and Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq respectively.
2. A tank, ...................................... was excavated by Alauddin Khalji to meet
the water requirements of Siri and Qutb Delhi.
3. .................................... was the successor of Alauddin Khalji.
4. ............, a fourteenth century historian, has described the location of Siri in
his Zafarnama to the north-west of Jahanpanah.
2.5 THE QUTB COMPLEX
Qutb Complex has a host of structures that enjoy eminence not only for initiating a building
style presenting a blend of Indian and Turko-Persian art traditions and for producing a
magical effect on the viewers by the beauty and delicacy of their workmanship, but they also
embody the cultural ambience of a period wherein these were created. Amongst the Qutb
monuments the Masjid-i jami (Delhi’s first congregational mosque), the Qutb Minar, and the
Alai Darwaza are particularly significant in the context of the socio-political history of the
Sultanate period. The Qutb complex is one of those historical sites that have stimulated
scholars to come forward with numerous interpretations regarding its significance as the
symbol of the might of Islam, as the evidence of the plunder and proof of the Muslim
iconoclasm, and as proclaiming the establishment of new political order. Although new
important settlements, Kilokhari and Shahr-i Nau, and Siri came into existence, the city
around the Qutb complex retained its importance as the center of urban activities, and as the
focal point of the socio-religious life of Delhi. It continued to remain associated with the
authority of the rulers of Delhi Sultanate till the early years of the fourteenth century.
2.5.1 The Qutb Mosque as the Focal Point in the Social Life of Delhi
The Masjid-i jami, popularly known as Masjid-i Qutb al-Islam or Qutb Mosque, was the
“focal point in the social life of the city‟s Muslim inhabitants. Apart from its importance as a
place of Friday prayer, it was also the place where protests were voiced, teaching and
adjudication heard, and festivals celebrated”. The main commercial areas, the bazar-i
bazzazan or the market of the cloth merchants, was in the south of the Masjid-i Jami, and the
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grain market (mandi) was also in its vicinity. As a result, it was frequented by the Delhi
residents in large number in one way or the other in the daily course of their lives. It was a
“site of community socialization”.16
The Qutb Mosque underwent constructions on three different stages. The first mosque was a
relatively small rectangular, with a small courtyard, surrounded by colonnaded arcades and it
was built of the material derived from plundered temples. Qutbuddin Aibek commenced the
construction of the mosque immediately after the capture of Delhi in 1191 –92 and it was
completed around 1196. Sometimes later, perhaps in 1199, the huge arched screen was built
in front of the west wall of the mosque. The east face of the screen was decorated with Arabic
calligraphy in the Kufi and Naskh scripts and verses from the Qur‟an and the traditions of the
Prophet were interspersed with floral and geometric patterns. This work was evidence of the
artistic skill of the native craftsmen who used indigenous tradition for fulfilling the artistic
requirements of their masters.
It was about this time that work on the ground floor of the minaret – the Qutb Minar – was
also completed. The inspiration of the Minar came from the Ghoride minaret of Khwaja
Siyah Posh in Sistan. It was built of red sandstone and inscribed with Quranic inscriptions
and eulogies of conquest, and was built to cast the shadow of Islam in the east and the west. It
served as a memorial of victory and a vantage point (mazinah) to call the faithful to prayer.
Since the tower was singular, and a detached construction rather than being a part of the main
edifice of the mosque, Saiyid Ahmad Khan a nineteenth century educationist, does not
consider it a mazinah. Saiyid Ahmad Khan is an advocate of the Hindu origin of the tower.
Cunningham, however, opines that it was built as a mazinah. In support of his view, he says
that Muslims built singular towers in the early phases of the history of Islam, and this practice
continued till the early part of the eleventh century.
The second phase of construction within the Masjid-i Jami commenced during the reign of
Sultan Iltutmish and was completed around 1229–30, which doubled the width of the
mosque. New cloistered courtyards were added to the north, south and the east, in a form,
which maintained the overall stylistic symmetry of the mosque. Hence the arches and the
additions to the minaret harmonized with the existing architecture. Iltutmish also made his
tomb in its close vicinity that goes well with the whole architectural scheme. These additions,
however, are largely in ruins today. Only the extended minaret towering over the environs
with three additional stories provides an idea of the huge transformation introduced by
16
Sunil Kumar, “Assertions of Authority: A Study of the Discursive Statements of Two Sultans of Delhi,”, in
The Making of Indo-Persian Culture: Indian and French Studies, eds. Muzaffar Alam, Françoise 'Nalini'
Delvoye and Marc Gaborieau, pp. 41-44.
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Iltutmish in the architectural landscape of the Masjid-i Jami. There is a great debate amongst
the scholars whether Iltutmish built the Qutb Minar or “completed” it.
The third phase of building began during the reign of Sultan Alauddin Khalji. The additions
and alterations introduced in the architectural scheme are also nearly lost today. However, an
entrance hall (today called the “Alai Darwaza”), and an unfinished minaret survive providing
an idea of the ambitious building plans of Alauddin Khalji. Archaeological evidence also
clarify that he extended the mosque until it was twice the size of Iltutmish’s, and that the
arches on its west wall towered over the older constructions. The girth (belt) of the unfinished
minaret also indicates that it would also have been twice the size of the old. The Alai
Darwaza stands as a testimony to the quality of construction during the period, and as a
superb specimen of the Indo-Islamic style of architecture that developed in Delhi about the
beginning of the fourteenth century. It was constructed under the supervision of the
immigrant Muslim architects, but it also carried well the indigenous working techniques and
motifs which were by then integrated into the vocabulary of the building art. It is built of red
sandstone and has a square shape pierced with evenly spaced rectangular windows and doors,
which are outlined with marble trimmings and epigraphs carrying Quranic verses and
statements commemorating the achievements of the Khalji Sultan Alauddin Khalji.
For Alauddin Khalji the congregational mosque was a symbol of the power and unity of
Muslim community. The inscriptions contain Alauddin’s most focused ideological statements,
“ his dramatic public claims to the right to lead and command his subjects most clearly
articulated in his monumental architecture and inscriptions.”17 As people in large number
frequented this mosque, it was an extremely judicious site for such an endeavour. Three
separate inscriptions on the entrance “informed visitors that God has chosen Alauddin as
Sultan because he possessed the attributes of the Moses and Solomon, the great keepers of the
law in the past.”18 They emphasize on his role as the “reviver” and the “protector of the
Sharia”, and that God has specially blessed him with his favour.
2.5.2 Various Interpretations regarding the Qutb Complex
As has been mentioned earlier, the monuments of the Qutb complex are significant in many
ways in the context of Delhi Sultanate. The temple columns, the Hindu and Jain iconic motifs
used in the Masjid-i jami appear to be the spoils of war and they provide evidence of pillage
and victory in a conflict by people from diverse cultural background and religion. The Masjid
opines Sunil Kumar, “conveys the act of destruction. It confirms images of Islamic
17
Ibid., p. 40.
18
Yazdani, p. 26
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iconoclasm, and fanaticism, and resurrects memories of communal distinctions and strife
which became a part of the social history from the period of the Turkish conquest.”19 The
deployment of Hindu and Jain temple material within the “Muslim” mosque was the focal
point in the writings of the scholars such as Saiyid Ahmad Khan It was also highlighted in the
reports of the Archeological Survey of India written in the 1860s, and some years later in the
Epigraphica Indo-Moslemica, a journal devoted to the study of Persian and Arabic
inscriptions, and also in the excavations and conservation efforts of the Archaeological
survey of India narrated by J.L. Page in 1920s.
Saiyid Ahmad Khan, Cunningham and Page’s analysis suggested that in the usage of the
plundered material, which was defaced, inverted, or plastered over, the military commander
Qutbuddin Aibek made a statement of conquest and hegemony over an infidel population in
north India. The presence of the temple material in their opinion was evidence of a swift
transposition of “Muslim Rule” in India; it did not merely proclaim Qutbuddin’s conquest of
Delhi in 1192, it also served as a statement of Islam’s victory over idolaters. As a proof of this
assertion Saiyid Ahmad Khan, Horowitz, Page, and other scholars have recorded in their
scholarly publications that this congregational mosque was known in the past as Quwwat al-
Islam, or the “Might of Islam”. It may, however, be added here that medieval Indian sources
and inscriptions do not mention this mosque by the name of Quwwat al-Islam.
A shift may be noticed in the methodology regarding the study of the Qutb monuments in the
writings of historians like Michael W. Meister, Mohammad Mujeeb, and A. B. M. Husain in
the 1060s. They focused upon the architectural characteristics of the monuments and
emphasized on the fact that “Islamic inspiration” was dependent upon “indigenous
craftsmanship”. They thus tried to sideline the effect of plunder and image reflected in these
structures. The adaptation of Indian techniques for executing Islamic motifs, arch and dome
were taken as examples of “inter-community cooperation and amity”. They awarded utmost
significance to the presence of Hindu hand in designing and constructing the mosque.
However, they continued to accept the interpretation of the mosque as the “Might of Islam”.
Scholars like Anthony Welch and Robert Hillenbrand though did not disagree with the
“secular” interpretations of the mosque, but they also emphasized on the fact that Muslim
patrons never compromised with the indigenous practices and Hindu craftsmen in their
service had to conform to a “Muslim aesthetic”. According to Welch, who studied the
monuments “from the native’s point of view”, the Qutb Minar performed the “symbolic
function of marking the Dar-al-Islam (the land of Islam)” that was newly conquered from the
19
Sunil Kumar, “The Present in Delhi’s Pasts,” p. 4.
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infidels. This towering structure, “most visible to believers and non-believers outside the city
walls”, carried Qur’anic statements of conquest and warning to the heathen population. It is
significant to note that the Qur’anic and hadis inscriptions within the mosque stressed upon
the “importance of worship, of adherence to the principles of Islam, and of recognition of the
obligations performed by the believers. However, Welch's analysis of the congregational
mosque and its epigraphs makes it clear that his approach was not much different from that of
Saiyid Ahmad, Cunningham or Page who “emphasized the theme of Muslim conquest and
victory symbolized by the Qutb monuments”. Welch developed the hypothesis further and
argued that the congregational mosque also related the political context in which it was
created. The monument was an uncompromising Muslim celebration of conquest, and the
building material, architectural forms and epigraphic texts of the congregational mosque
asserted the unity and cultural uniqueness of the “Muslims”. It distanced the Hindu subjects
while creating familiar, reassuring landmarks of Islam’s superiority for Muslim resident in a
foreign land. From a different methodological track, Welch confirmed that the Qutb complex
needed to be understood as the “Might of Islam”.20 The nature of early Sultanate society and
polity, to a certain extent, supports this view.
The Qutb monuments are important in yet another way that they symbolically establish the
superiority of Qutbuddin’s over other military commanders in India. The Persian chronicler
Fakhr-i Mudabbir, whose work is dedicated to Qutbuddin, clearly states that Qutbuddin, the
favourite competent military slave of Muizzuddin Ghuri was appointed as the sole authority,
the viceroy of his master’s dominion, in north India. Further, that he was made “the wali ahd,
to Hindustan, and the lands from the gates of Peshawar to the limits of Hind were given to
him… Muizzuddin Ghuri left [him] as his deputy and heir in the capital of Hindustan and
sent him back to Delhi.”21 Another chronicler Minhaj Siraj also supported Qutbuddin’s
claims to be the Amir al-Umara, the chief of the military commanders, in north India. It
should be added here that all the commanders of Muizzuddin Ghuri were brave and
ambitious, yet there was considerable rivalry and conflict amongst them. Hence Qutbuddin
made it a point that his claim as supreme commander should be proclaimed in various ways.
Chronicler Fakhr-i Mudabbir recorded this fact clearly. The inscriptions on the main entrance
to the congregational mosque, which eulogized his unique prowess and piety as a military
commander destroying infidel temples, were aimed at displacing the claims of his rivals.
Thus, the Masjid-i Jami served as effective statement of the Turkish conquest.
20
Ibid, p. 12.
21
Tarikh-i Fakhruddin Mubarak Shah, ed. E.D.Ross, pp. 28-29.
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2.5.3 The Sacred Aura of the Qutb Mosque

By the second quarter of the thirteenth century Delhi had emerged as a mega-city, a refuge
for various professional groups from all over the centres of Islamic culture of West Asia
especially Khurasan, which were overrun by Chingiz Khan in 1220-21. Urban life came to a
standstill here forcing scholars, artisans and performing artists to seek refuge at places less
badly affected. Delhi had emerged as the safest places for them to go. Sultan Iltutmish
extended lavish patronage to them, and as Minhaj writes he “gathered together in Delhi,
people from various parts of the world which became the retreat and resting place for the
learned, the virtuous and the excellent of the various parts of the world.” It became the dais of
Muslim community, the sanctuary of Islam in the eastern world.22
In the new scenario, when Muslim community expanded in Delhi enormously, there was a
need to extend the dimensions of the masjid-i jami. Iltutmish improvised it in a way that its
size was doubled. Later, Alauddin Khalji invested huge sums of money in its construction
and extension added to and reconstructed it. Their epigraphs show that both took their role as
the “preservers of the Sharia very seriously”. That Alauddin Khalji tried to develop the
sacred aura of the mosque may be witnessed in his inscription on the left pier of the south
door to the mosque:
He (Alauddin) built this mosque, which is the mosque of the paradise, for saints…and men of
piety and a place of assembly of the eminent angels, and an edifice inhabited by the souls of
the chief prophets.23
Shaikh Nizamuddin Chishti also acknowledged the fact that “Delhi Masjid-i Jami had so
much tranquility”, though he attributes its credit not to Alauddin Khalji but to the fact that
“the feet of so many saints and pious [people] have trod there…”24 His comment, however,
depicts well that Delhi Masjid-i Jami remained a great center of attraction and a revered place
for people. During the fourteenth century, however, the tomb of Nizamuddin Chishti emerged
as the most venerated shrine in Delhi which overshadowed the importance of Masjid-i Jami.
The dargah of Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki, an important Sufi saint, near the old Masjid-i Jami
also emerged as a pilgrimage site during the late fourteenth century.
It is in fact an interesting phenomenon that the term Qubbat al-Islam (sanctuary of Islam)
which is figuratively used by Minhaj Siraj in Tabaqat-i Nasiri for Delhi during Iltutmish‟s
22
Tabaqat- i Nasiri, Vol., I, pp. 441-42; also see Muhammad Habib & K. A. Nizami The Comprehensive
History of India, vol. V, p. 224.
23
J. A. Page, An Historical Memoir on the Qutb, p. 37.
24
Amir Hasan Sijzi, Fawa’id ul Fu’ad, pp. 18-19.
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time and afterwards to define the spiritual domain of Bakhtiyar Kaki, was somehow
“transformed” into Quwwat al-Islam or the Might of Islam.25 While describing the
congregational mosques of Delhi Saiyid Ahmad Khan mentions that one of the names of the
minaret was “Qutb Sahib ki Lath”, and among other names Masjid was also called Quwwat
al-Islam. These names, as has been pointed out earlier, are nowhere mentioned in the
medieval Persian sources, and apparently “belonged to the realm of popular culture”.26
However, this interpretation of the mosque persisted in the popular memory.
We may sum up by saying that Qutb monuments represent their age in many ways. They
were associated with the might and power of the Delhi Sultans and represent their ideologies
in an effective manner. These also reflect two distinct trends – change and assimilation
arising out of coming together of two highly developed cultural traditions.
1. Which of the following emerged as the most venerated shrine in Delhi in the
fourteenth century?
a) the tomb of Nizamuddin Chishti; b) Masjid-i Jami; c) the dargah of
Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki.
2. Which of the following terms denotes the “Might of Islam”?
a) Qubbat al-Islam; b) Quwwat al-Islam
2.6 CONCLUSION
One important feature may be witnessed in the lay-out of the cities of the Sultanate period
that the sultans of Delhi avoided going further north towards ridge since they wanted to be in
the close vicinity of the river. They also took notice of the fact that the Ridge, the
northernmost spur of the Aravalli Mountains, affords natural protection to the city from
erosion by the river Yamuna. These factors were also considered in the lay-out of the Mughal
capital Shahjahanabad which was founded in 1638 AD by Mughal emperor Shah Jahan. The
area of Shahjahanabad was much larger than any of the earlier cities of the Sultans of Delhi
or any other rulers on the subcontinent. Shahjahanabad extended for two and a quarter mile
along the right bank of Yamuna, the material being procured from the deserted cites of
Firuzabad and the Sher Shah’s new city. According to Tevernier while the king and
25
Sunil Kumar, ‘The Present in Delhi’s Past,’ p. 47.
26
Ibid., p. 46.
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merchants lived here, the poor and most of the nobles lived in the old city – called in those
days as Dehli.
The establishment of the Turkish rule in India while gave rise to a new socio-political system,
it also marked the beginning of a new expression in art. The monuments of Delhi depict an
uninterrupted development of architectural styles for almost three hundred years under the
patronage of the Delhi Sultans.
The style of architecture that evolved during the thirteenth century is called the Indo- Islamic
style which was a fusion of two distinct Hindu and Islamic tradition of arts. The Turkish
patrons put into effect their own concept and beliefs with the help of the artistry of Indian
masons who for centuries were seen in the erection of stone temples of spectacular designs.
They had their own ideas about the methods of construction. With the help of their artistic
genius, they were able to introduce into the Islamic buildings their own expertise.
The Indian building technique was based on the trabeated system where main openings are
made by beams supported on pillars. Stone was used for building purposes. Sculpture of
human and animal figures played an important role in the ornamentation of the buildings. On
the contrary the Islamic architecture was based on the arcuate system with an emphasis on the
use of arches, domes, vaults, and squinches etc. Islam prohibited the depiction of living
beings in any form. Hence it gave rise to the art of mural calligraphy, and it also employed
arabesque patterns for decorating the buildings.
Under the arcuate system arch and dome were conspicuous. For building a true arch stones or
bricks were to be laid as voussoirs in the shape of a curve and bound together firmly by a
good building material. This was possible due to the use of lime mortar as the basic
cementing material. The arcuate system was introduced in Delhi as early as the close of the
twelfth century. However, it also employed the trabeated system. And this is what contributed
to the emergence of the new style, the Indo-Islamic style.
The monuments of the Qutb complex provide an excellent study in this regard. The
Quwwatul Islam mosque, the first Islamic building constructed in north India, stands here. It
represents the first stage of the evolution of the Indo-Islamic style wherein the materials from
pre-existing twenty-seven Hindu and Jain temples was used. It is considered by a renowned
art historian Percy Brown a “rearranged temple” and a “miscellany of art”. The arched façade
inside the courtyard of the mosque displays the Islamic calligraphic ornamentation at its best.
The Qutb Minar is the most spectacular building of its kind and reflects the grandeur of mural
calligraphy and the majesty of building art as it developed under the patronage of the Delhi
Sultans. The unfinished tomb of Iltutmish is another impressive example of building art of
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the early thirteenth century which represents the second stage in the evolution of the Indo-
Islamic architecture. This style was perfected after the arrival of the artisans from West Asia.
Buildings of this phase represent the third and the last stage of the evolution of the Indo-
Islamic style. Alai Darwaza, constructed by Alauddin Khalji (12-13) is a perfect example of
it. As has been pointed out earlier, the Hindu art traditions did not disappear. They were
incorporated in the vocabulary of Indian art. Tombs, mosques, dargahs, and forts were
constructed in large numbers during the Sultanate period.
In-Text-Questions-1
1. True 2. False 3. True 4. True 5. True
In-Text-Questions -2
1. Siri; Tughlaqabad 2. The Hauz-i Alai or Hauz-i Khas
3. Qutbuddin Mubarak 4. Yazdi
In-Text-Questions -3
1(a) the tomb of Nizamuddin Chishti; 2(b) Quwwat al-Islam
2.8 SELF- ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS
Write Short Notes on the following.

1. Siri (City of Siri)
2. Qubbat-al Islam mosque
Long Questions
1. Discuss the changing urban landscape of Delhi during the 10th to the 14th centuries.
2. Examine medieval Delhi's role as a vast military encampment.
3. The meaning of the Qutb complex changed over time. Elucidate.
4. Examine the gradual growth of Anangpur fort based on the information gleaned from
the textual and archaeological sources.
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5. Give a brief account of Ghiyaspur and Kilokhari cities of the 13th century
6. Explain the development of Tughlaqabad as an unique urban city of the 14th century
7. Is it appropriate to call Firuz Shah Tughlaq the restorer of the Delhi city? Evaluate from
the perspective of development of Firuzabad
• B.R. Mani and I.D.Dwivedi (2006). ‘Anangpur Fort: The Earliest Tomar Settlements
Near Delhi’, in Upinder Singh, ed., Delhi: Ancient History, Social Science Press, New
Delhi, pp 200-204.
• Ali, Athar. (1985). “Capital of the Sultans: Delhi through the 13th and 14th
Centuries”, in R.E. Frykenberg, ed., Delhi Through the Age: Essays in Urban History,
Culture and Society, Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp. 34-44
• Kumar, Sunil. (2019) “The Tyranny of Meta-Narratives; Re-reading a History of

Sultanate Delhi”, in Kumkum Roy and Naina Dayal. (Ed.). Questioning Paradigms,
Constructing Histories: A Festschrift for Romila Thapar, Aleph Book Company, pp
222-235.
• Kumar, Sunil. (2011). “Courts, Capitals and Kingship: Delhi and its Sultans in the
Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries CE” in Albrecht Fuess and Jan Peter Hartung.
(eds.). Court Cultures in the Muslim World: Seventh to Nineteenth Centuries,
London: Routledge, pp. 123-148
• Kumar, Sunil. (2009) ‘Qutb in Modern Memory’. In: Kaul, Suvir, (ed.), Partitions of
Memory. Delhi: Permanent Black, pp. 140-182.
• Jackson, Peter. (1986). ‘Delhi: The Problem of a Vast Military Encampment’, in: R.E.
Frykenberg (ed.). Delhi Through the Ages: Essays in Urban History, Culture, and
Society, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1986), pp.18-33.
• Haidar, Najaf. (2014). ‘Persian Histories and a Lost City of Delhi', Studies in People's
History, vol. 1, pp. 163–171
• Aquil, R. (2008). “Hazrat-i-Dehli: The Making of the Chishti Sufi Centre and the
Stronghold of Islam.” South Asia Research 28: 23–48.
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• Welch, Anthony and Howard Crane. (1983). “The Tughluqs: Master Builders of the
Delhi Sultanate “: Muqarnas, vol. 1 pp. 123-166.
• Welch, Anthony. (1993). Architectural Patronage and the Past: The Tughluq Sultans
of India: Muqarnas, Vol. 10, Essays in Honor of Oleg Graber, pp. 311-322, Published
by Brill. https://www.jstore.org/stable/1523196
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Unit-III
16TH TO 17TH CENTURY DELHI

Dr. Madhu Trivedi
STRUCTURE

3.1 Introduction
3.2 Humayun’s Garden Tomb
3.3 Morphology of Shahjahanabad:
3.3.1 Dominating Ideas in the Founding of Shahjahanabad
3.3.2 Town planning
3.3.3 The City Walls and Gates
3.3.4 The Palace-Fortress
3.3.5 The Principal Buildings in the Palace Fortress
3.3.6 The Jharokha
3.3.7 The Important Places and Bazaars in the City
3.3.8 The Palaces and Mansions of the Nobility
3.3.9 The Gardens
3.6 Conclusion
After studying this Unit, student will be able to know about:

• The structure and meaning of Humanyun’s Garden Tomb
• The morphology of Shahjahanabad in the 16th and 17th centuries.
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This unit will explore the structure and meanings of Humayun’s Garden Tomb and
morphology of the imperial city of Shahjahanabad, in the 16th and 17th centuries.
3.1 INTRODUCTION
Amongst the Mughal rulers it was Humayun who founded his own city in Delhi and named it
Din Panah. The construction of Purana Qila, on the site of historical Indrapat was also
commenced by Humayun which was, however, later completed by Sher Shah. The mosque of
his time within the fort is architecturally important as it represents a style which forms a
connecting link between the styles which developed under the Delhi Sultans and the Mughal
rulers. Another building of note was his tomb, constructed by his queen.
In the short period, commencing from 1539 to 1545 Sher Shah built his own city between
Din Panah, the city founded by Humayun and Firuzabad encircling it with a stone and mortar
city wall. The most striking structure was the north gate of the city, known as the Lal
Darwaza, which is a testimony of the ambitious layout of the city. There is a corresponding
gate (jawab) on the south side, opposite the southwest corner of the Purana Qila. It was
probably the entrance to some royal bazaar under the citadel called Purana Qila or the old
Fort.
As stated earlier, the Purana Qila is constructed on the site of historical Indrapat. Its
construction was commenced by Humayun, and it was completed by Sher Shah. There are
two significant buildings within the fort, the mosque and the Sher Mandal. The mosque is
architecturally important as it represents a style which forms a connecting link between the
styles which developed under the Delhi Sultans and the Mughal rulers. Instead of the sloping
buttressed walls and very flat domes and the stern gloomy looks that characterized the
structures of the late fourteenth century, the mosques during this period are “generally
distinguished by a profusion of decoration and richness of colour, vying in their splendour
with some of the masterpieces of the Mughal art…”.27 His son and successor Islam Shah built
the fortress of Salimgarh on the bank of Yamuna.
The imperial capital Shahjahanabad was built by Mughal Emperor Shahjahan (1628-58)
between 1639 and 1648 and it spread out over a large area along the banks of river Yamuna
in the southeastern parts of the Delhi triangle. The out spurs of the Aravalli range reaching
deep into the great alluvial plains of north India have their terminal point in the Delhi Ridge
which afforded natural protection to the city from erosion by the river Jamuna. Thus, heights
27
Delhi the Capital of India, p. 77.
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for commanding positions, rocks for stone-quarries, and the river for water supply were the
factors which should have combined to attract Shah Jahan for the creation of his capital city
that virtually overlapped the cities of Sher Shah and Firuz Shah. Other reasons for selecting
Delhi were that it enjoyed a reputation as the imperial city and served as the capital of the
Muslim rulers for about three hundred years. It also acquired an aura of sanctity as a religious
centre.
3.2 HUMAYUN’S GARDEN TOMB
The Indo-Islamic architectural style that developed in north India under the sultans of Delhi
received fresh inspiration during the sixteenth century from Persian as well as Central Asian
centres of art and culture, especially Bukhara and Herat under the Mughal rulers. The Central
Asian influence is more pronounced in Humayun’s tomb, the first of the grand dynastic
mausoleums of the Mughals which was constructed in the early years of Akbar’s reign and
located on the flat plain of Delhi near the banks of the Jamuna. It is an outstanding landmark
in the development of the Mughal style and one of the most beautiful Mughal monuments
that stands second only to the Taj mahal in merit. It may be noted here that the formal
concept of Taj mahal goes back to that of Humayun’s tomb.
The architect of the Humayun’s tomb, Mirak Sayyid Ghiyas, also known as Mirak Mirza
Ghiyas, was of Iranian descent who worked extensively in Herat and the last bastion of the
Timurid art tradition Bukhara, as well as India, before undertaking this project. There is an
emphasis in this structure on symmetry in motifs as well as well-proportioned geometrical
combinations in accordance with the Persian and Central Asian architectural styles. It set the
style of the earlier buildings of Agra, which were constructed during Akbar’s reign.
The architectural style of this monument represents ‘an interpretation of a Persian
conception’ which were positively incorporated in the architecture of the Mughals. While the
dome and the great arched alcoves in the façade are of Persian origin, the fanciful kiosks with
their elegant cupolas depicting excellent stone masonry combined artistically with the finer
marble are indigenous in style. According to Percy Brown, ‘In spirit and in structure
Humayun’s tomb stands as an example of the synthesis of two of the great building tradition
of Asia- the Persian and the Indian.’
According to Percy Brown the construction of this tomb, appears to have been begun in 1564,
eight years after the emperor’s death. The selection of this site was no doubt because the city
of Dinpanah, or ‘World Refuge’ founded by Humayun lay in its vicinity.
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The tomb is surrounded by an immense square enclosed garden, which provided seclusion
and secured an appropriate setting to the structure. In the middle of the each of the four sides
of the enclosure an imposing gateway was introduced, that on the west side being the main
entrance, and consisting of a large structure presenting a pleasing view of the tomb structure.
Passing through this entrance gateway into the garden its larger area is seen to be laid out in a
formal arrangement of square and rectangular compartments with flowered parterres, canals
and pathways dividing it into a chahâr-bâgh or four-part garden. These are carefully designed
and proportioned to form an integral part of the architectural composition. This elaborate
garden setting is one of the most remarkable features of this tomb.
The central building stands on a wide and lofty sandstone terrace. The plinth is 6.5 m. tall and
99 m. wide, and the elongated drum and double domes of the monument tower 42.5 m. above
the ground. In the middle of the upper surface of the ample platform stands the tomb
structure. The interior of this tomb building is not comprised of a single cell, rather it has
several compartments; the largest in the centre has the cenotaph of the emperor. The many
cells of the monument’s plinth and the large corner rooms, however, indicate that the building
was designed to accommodate not one but several graves, thus establishing it as a dynastic
centre. Light is conveyed in all parts of it by windows fitted with perforated screens. The red
sandstone and the white marble are blended well in this monument. The perfection of its
proportions, the graceful and bold curves of the arches and above all the grand volume of its
double dome make it ‘a great work of art’. It synthesized well the Timurid traditions with
those developed under the Delhi Sultans.
It may be added here that the use of red sandstone and white marble was not ‘an isolated
incident’ witnessed in Humayun’s tomb; its use started long back during the period of Sultan
Alauddin Khalji during the fourteenth century, and that it was used liberally in the buildings,
which were constructed during the Tughlaq period especially those of Sultan Firuz Shah
Tughlaq. Its use may also be seen in the buildings of Sultan Shershah. The fact, however,
remains that it was adopted in Humayun’s tomb in a more judicious and artistic manner, and
gradually it became a distinguishing feature of the Mughal style of architecture that
developed during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Another curious aspect of the tomb
is its extremely conservative decoration. Stucco and inlaid stone, the principal techniques
used to ornament the buildings in the earlier period, are used here sparingly. Compared to the
elaborate designs that characterize the decoration of both Sultanate and Timurid monuments,
the work at Humayun’s tomb is rather austere.
Symbolic associations may also be found in the structure. The most noteworthy of these are
the six-pointed stars that mark the spandrels of all the major gates and arches of the tomb.
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The large size and prominence of the stars suggest that they are more than purely decorative.
Some have argued that they are tantric symbols of the union of Sakti and Siva. It may be
pointed out that its auspicious symbolism in Islamic astrology as a sign reflecting the union
of opposing elements was greatly appealing to the Mughals. Even though six-pointed stars
appear on many of fifteenth and sixteenth century monuments both in India and elsewhere in
the Muslim world, it is only under the Mughals that they are consistently used as isolated
motifs invariably placed on entrances to buildings.
The status and the significance of Humayun’s tomb is borne by the fact that it was treated
ceremonially like the tomb of a Muslim saint. The visit to it was termed as ziyarat. From
1568 onwards, even before the completion of the tomb Akbar’s historian Nizamuddin Ahmad
in Tabaqat-i Akbari refers to it as ‘the site of the holiest of the tombs.’ According to Glenn D.
Lorry ‘the impressive dimensions of Humayun’s tomb can be seen both as a direct response
to the vision of kingship expressed by these monuments and as an affirmation of the Mughals
power and permanent presence in India.’
To sum up it may be said that Humayun’s tomb is a sophisticated and extremely well-
executed structure. The combination of boldness and refinement as well as strength, are its
distinguishing features.
State whether True or False:
1. Mirak Sayyid Ghiyas, also known as Mirak Mirza Ghiyas, was the architect
of the Humayun’s tomb.
2. The architectural style of the Humayun’s tomb represents ‘an interpretation
of a Persian conception’ which were positively incorporated in the
architecture of the Mughals.
3. The garden setting is one of the most remarkable features of the
Humayun’s tomb.
4. The use of red sandstone and white marble was ‘an isolated incident’
witnessed only in the Humayun’s tomb.
5. Compared to the austere decoration of both Sultanate and Timurid
monuments, the work at Humayun’s tomb is rather elaborate.
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3.3 MORPHOLOGY OF SHAHJAHANABAD
The second phase of building activities in Delhi by the Mughal rulers started under
Shahjahan. He had most intense interest in architecture. He replaced many of the structures of
Akbar’s period in sandstone in the palace fortress of Agra with those of his own design in
marble. As Muhammad Salih Kamboh, a contemporary historian tells us, during his daily
darbar nobles and princes exhibited their plans for buildings and gardens, and he also used to
see in the evening the designs of buildings which were under construction.28 In 1639, he
decided to found a new capital and his choice fell on Delhi.
Shahjahan imposed his own vision on the new capital. Its cityscape centered on the structures
of the ruler and his nobles. In this way it resembled Isfahan, the capital of the Safavids which
was designed by the Safavid ruler Shah Abbas at the close of the sixteenth century. The area
of Shahjahanabad was much larger than any of the earlier cities of the Sultans of Delhi or any
other rulers on the sub-continent.
The Palace-fortress of Shahjahan, called the Qila-i Mubarak (auspicious Fort, popularly
known as Lal Qila) was an overpowering structure which took nine years to complete. It was
built on a larger and much comprehensive scale than any other of its kind. It was the
residence of the emperor, and the seat of the governmental as well as cultural activities, and
contained a variety of buildings, thus forming a city within city. In all there were 32 buildings
in the palace-fortress.
The next important structure in Shahjahanabad is the Jami Masjid, which is the largest of its
kind in the sub-continent, and one of the finest monuments of Shahjahan’s reign.
Shahjahanabad is a gallery of architectural grandeur. Mughal architecture attained its highest
degree of perfection and impressiveness during Shahjahan’s reign. The ornamentation
becomes judicious in his buildings. The buildings of Shahjahanabad also denote a change in
the form of arch and dome. The arch is engrailed, the curves of which are foliated by means
of nine cusps. This arch later came to be denoted as the Shahjahani Mehrab. The full
developed form of dome became a common sight in the buildings of Shahjahanabad. It is
bulbous in its outlines and constricted at its neck. Other important architectural developments
of the period are the introduction of pillars with tapering or baluster shafts, vaulted brackets,
capitals with foliated basis.
According to Stephen P. Blake like many other capital cities such as Istambul, Isfahan,
28
Amal-i Salih, ed. G. Yazdani, Vol. I, p. 248.
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Tokyo, and Peking, Shahjahanabad was also the “exemplar” of the sovereign city model. The
sovereign city, Blake opines, was the “capital of the patrimonial – bureaucratic empire, a type
of state which characterized the Asian empires from about 1400 to 1750…The patrimonial –
bureaucratic emperor dominated the social, economic, and cultural life of the city, and he
dominated its built form as well.”29
Blake further explains that from the micro-perspective the sovereign city was an enormously
extended patriarchal household, and the centre of power lay in the imperial palace-fortress.
The city was an extension of the imperial mansion as the layout of the buildings and gardens,
and the shops in the city copied the layout of the buildings within the palace complex.
Similarly, the organization of production and exchange in the city, by and large, followed the
same system as was prevalent in the palace-fortress. In respect of social interaction of the
inhabitants of the city also the imperial palace set the model. From the macro-perspective the
sovereign city was the kingdom in miniature. The emperor intended that his command of the
city in respect of power, obedience, resources, and influence should be “symbolic” of the
influence that he and his subordinates exercised over empire.30
The structure of society in the sovereign cities, states Blake, also followed the pattern
prevalent in the imperial palace. There was a pattern-client relationship between the emperor
and his nobles, then between the nobles and the members of their household bound the city in
a kind of vast extended family. These ties were reviewed and strengthened in the daily rituals
of the palace fortress. The cultural life also revolved round the households of the emperors,
princes, and great nobles who were well versed in the various arts and crafts, and they
provided patronage to arts and crafts, literature, painting, music, and architecture.
Whether these characteristics were present in Shahjahanabad, and the city reflected the power
of the Mughal emperor, or how much influence the ruler exercised on the inhabitants of the
city is a subject of discussion amongst the scholars. One may point it out here that the great
cities in Mughal India were not merely princely camps as Max Waber has visualized based
on the account of the French traveller Bernier. Instead, they had a logic and structure of their
own. There were certain principles that guided their construction that manifested the power of
the ruler in various ways. The capital stood as a symbol of his power and wealth. The
planning of Shahjahanabad, undoubtedly, reflected the power of the ruler as many other cities
of medieval India, but it also had certain distinguishing features denoting an independent
29
Stephen P. Blake, Shahjahanabad: The Sovereign City in Mughal India, 1639- 1739.Cambridge University
Press, Cambridge, 1991, p. XII.
30
Ibid., pp. XII-XIII.
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urban growth in many respects.

3.3.1 Dominating Ideas in the Founding of Shahjahanabad
Shahjahan had most intense interest in architecture. He replaced many of the structures of
Akbar’s period in sandstone in the palace fortress of Agra with those of his own design in
marble. As Muhammad Salih Kamboh, a contemporary historian tells us, during his daily
darbar nobles and princes exhibited their plans for buildings and gardens, and he also used to
see in the evening the designs of buildings which were under construction.31 In 1639, he
decided to found a new capital not only for the reason that he wanted to distinguish himself
from his predecessors, it was also because due to erosion the scope for the expansion of the
imperial capital Agra became difficult, and on festive occasions it was difficult to manage the
crowd in the palace-fortress and so on. Shahjahan instructed the architect-planners and
astrologers to select a site for his new capital and his choice fell on a spot in the Delhi
triangle where the spurs of Aravalli controlled the course of the river Yamuna in such a way
that it would not change.
In order to understand the founding of Shahjahanabad one must consider the fact that Mughal
rulers conceived the city as the meeting place of the heaven and earth. Their belief originated
in accordance with the traditional theories of Islamic architecture, which held that the city lay
between the two major poles of man and the cosmos and incorporated the principles of both.
The city was therefore a sacred centre that was considered “to encompass the empire and the
universe”. It was “an organic analogy that controlled the plan and functioning of the urban
system”. Accordingly, the emperor also had a hallowed significance; he was the “symbolic
centre of a nested hierarchy: city, empire and universe.”32 This view is reflected in
contemporary historian Muhammad Salih’s comment that the four walls of Shahjahanabad
“enclosed the centre of the earth”.33
These ideas were not merely confined to the Islamic architecture only, Hindu architects and
builders also nurtured the belief that the capital city was located at the centre of the kingdom,
the palace-fortress at the centre of the city, and the throne of the king at the centre of the
universe. Many of them were associated with the construction activities of Shahjahanabad.
3.3.2 Town planning
Shahjahan imposed his own vision on the new capital. Its cityscape centered on the structures
of the ruler and his nobles. In this way it resembled Isfahan, the capital of the Safavids which
31
Amal-i Salih, ed. G. Yazdani, Vol. I, p. 248.
32
Blake, Preface, p. XIV.
33
Muhammad Salih, Bahar-i Sukhan, Persian Manuscript Collection, Or. 178, British Museum, fol. 203b.
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was designed by the Safavid ruler Shah Abbas at the close of the sixteenth century. The area
of Shahjahanabad was much larger than any of the earlier cities of the Sultans of Delhi or any
other rulers on the sub-continent.
The construction work on the site commenced under the supervision of two renowned
architects Ustad Ahmad and Ustad Hamid. However, Shahjahan kept a close watch on the
entire project including the locations and building plans of the mansions of the empire. After
two weeks, when initial spate work was completed, princes and high-ranking nobles also
received plots of land so that work may also start on their mansions. Work on the imperial
structures was carried under the supervision of three subadars – Ghairat Khan, Allah Vardi
Khan and Makramat Khan. When finally completed the city was magnificent and it was
regarded as one of the largest and most populous city in the world. Muhammad Salih is all
praise for the city and opines that neither Constantinople nor Baghdad could compare with
Shahjahanabad which lacked none of the amenities of life.34
The Mughal emperors were consummate masters of town planning especially Shahjahan who
had a very highly cultivated aesthetic sense. He planned everything on a large and noble
scale. Long before Paris set the fashion (1670 AD) of having the principal streets of the city
flanked with avenues, and boulewards became the attractive features of the modern towns in
modern Europe, Shahjahan had planned in 1638 a beautiful bouleward in the Chandni Chowk
of Delhi. It had a marked similarity with Unter-den-Linden in Berlin founded by Fredrick the
Great about 1740, the “grandest example of a bouleward in Europe”.35
The plan of Shahjahanabad reflects both Hindu and Islamic influences. It seems to have
followed a design from Manasara, an ancient treatise on architecture which contains a semi-
elliptical design called karmuka or bow for a site fronting a river or seashore. There was,
however, a variation devised in it that on the most auspicious spot i.e. the juncture of the
two main streets, the place was occupied by the palace-fortress. In the original karmuka plan
the most auspicious place in a settlement was to be occupied by a temple. The selection of
karmuk plan symbolically suggests the power of the king.
The planning of Shahjahanabad also reflects the traditional Islamic city plan. According to it
the concept of the city lies between the two poles – man and universe – and that incorporates
the symbolic principles of both. The city drew on the images of men and universe in a
symbolic form. The plan of the city was also seen to emulate the anatomy of men which
34
Amal-i Salih, ed. G. Yazdani, Vol. III, pp. 49-50.
35
For details see Anonymous author, Delhi the capital of India, Revised and enlarged edition of All about
Delhi; first published in 1918, reprint, New Delhi, 1997, p. 212.
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“contained all the possibilities of the universe within himself”.36 Elements of cosmological
concept of the city found vogue in the working of the Iranian architects of Shahjahan’s court.
As Blake opines the walled city “symbolized the cosmos and the eight gates the four cardinal
directions plus the four gates of heaven.”37
3.3.3 The City Walls and Gates
The city was fortified on three sides by a strong wall and the fourth – on the eastern side –
partly by the Fort and partly by the wall. The northern wall of the city extended just three
quarters of a mile from the Water Bastion in the east to the Mori Bastion in the west. It was
encircled by a massive wall more than 8 metre high and 3.5 metres wide. The total length of
the walls exceeded 9 kilometres. The wall was surmounted by twenty-seven towers and
interspersed with a number of big gates and entryways at regular intervals. The major
gateways pointed to the direction of the important places and regions of the empire, such as
Lahori Gate, Kashmiri Gate, Ajmeri Gate, Akbarabadi Gate, etc. Towards the river, where
Rajghat and Nigambodh ghat are located, smaller gates were provided for the Hindu
inhabitants of the city to visit their places of worship and perform ceremonial functions.
Overlooking these gates were chaukis (posts) and quarters for the security personnel. There
were two hillocks within the area enclosed by the citadel. On one of these, known as Bhujalal
pahari, was constructed the Jami Masjid. It is about 500 metres south-west of the fortress.
3.3.4 The Palace-Fortress
The Palace-fortress of Shahjahan, called the Qila-i Mubarak (auspicious Fort, popularly
known as Lal Qila) was an overpowering structure which took nine years to complete.
According to the French traveller Bernier it was “the most magnificent palace in the East-
perhaps in the world”. It is built on a larger and much comprehensive scale than any other of
its kind. It was the residence of the emperor, and also the seat of the governmental as well as
cultural activities, and contained a variety of buildings, thus forming a city within city. In all
there were 32 buildings in the palace-fortress.
The extent of the wall of the palace-fortress comes to about 3 kilometres, and it encloses an
area of about 124 acres, which is twice the size of the fort at Agra. It is nearly a regular
parallelogram with the angles slightly canted off. The high walls are relieved at intervals with
towers surmounted by shapely kiosks.
Thousands of stone-cutters, masons, stone carvers, carpenters, gardener-designers, and others
36
For details see Blake, pp. 33-36.
37
Ibid., p. 36.
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craftsmen worked on it. The craftsmanship was of such an order that, as Muhammad Salih
remarks, “a sharp nail could not be pushed between the stones of the buildings”.38 A large
moat, 23 metres wide and 9 metres deep surrounded the fort. It was faced with rough stone
and filled with water. And as Bernier tells us, it served to further isolate and protect the
imperial household. The palace fortress was separated from the city proper by three gardens
namely Buland Bagh, Gulabi Bagh, and Anguri Bagh. None of these can be seen any more.
The palace fortress had four massive gateways: Lahori Gate facing Chandini Chowk was the
principal entrance. Behind its deep recessed portal was a massive, vaulted hall which opened
into a courtyard. The hall was connected with a square-shaped structure, called naubat-khana
through a covered corridor. Shops were constructed on both sides of the corridor and
expensive luxury items were available here. It accommodated the entire royal apartments,
palace, and pavilions. Outside it were located the quarters, for the armed retainers and
edifices for miscellaneous purposes. An important building was Diwan-i Am, a large pavilion
measuring about 61 metres by 24 metres. It was divided into two parts with a marble
baldachin (canopy) set into niche in the eastern wall facing the window. The niche was
originally adorned with precious stones. The entire surface of the building was covered with
fine shell plaster and ivory polish which gave it the semblance of marble structure.
3.3.5 The Principal Buildings in the Palace Fortress
Interior of the fortress was divided into two rectangles. The harem and private apartments
occupied the whole area eastward of the bazaar. There used to be at least six marble
structures rising above the ramparts and imparting it a picturesque appearance to the front
through their balconies, oriel windows, and turrets. The largest structure in this group was
Rang Mahal. To its north was located the Aramgah (sleeping quarters). The quarters for the
widows and dependents of the former rulers within the fortress were located in a place called
Khawaspura.
Adjacent to Rang Mahal was Diwan-i Khas. It was certainly the most ornamented building of
Shahjahanabad. It was decorated with inlay of precious stones. Only selected grandees were
allowed admission in this building. The imperial fortress contained thousands of persons that
included, apart from the household troops of the emperor, merchants, artisans, servants,
painters, musicians, and secretarial staff and many more. It also contained workshops,
stables, stores, treasury, mint, and weapons. The palace fortress was, thus, a city in miniature
as it contained all the elements of a town or city, and it served as the model for the city. The
layout of the streets in the city was also in the similar fashion as it was within the fortress.
38
Amal- i Salih, Vol. III, p. 82.
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3.3.6 The Jharokha

On the eastern wall of the fort on the riverfront a delicately carved structure (jharokha) was
devised where the emperor showed himself every day in the early morning to the people who
gathered there in large numbers. Later in the day the contingents of nobles and the rajas
passed in review.
The early morning ritual of appearing on the balcony, jharokh-darshan as it is called, had
great significance as it brought the emperor in direct contact with his subjects especially the
Hindus, “enfolding them into the great household that was empire”. Any person, even the
meanest or the poorest, could participate in this ritual. This ceremony inspired tremendous
awe and respect in the heart of his audience. The Mughal rulers understood the value of the
ritual and this custom was followed. The ceremonial in the audience halls strengthened the
ties of patron-client relationship.
3.3.7 The Important Places and Bazaars in the City
The most important road was one connecting the Lahori Gate of the city wall and the Lahori
Gate of the palace-fortress with a minor diversion near the Fatehpuri mosque. The Nahr-i
Faiz39 flowed through the centre of the road between the Fatehpuri mosque and the palace-
fortress, and a square was constructed around the central part of the canal. The beautiful
reflections on the moonlit nights soon gave it the popular name Chandni Chowk. It is
apparent that Chandni Chowk was laid, though on a large scale, on the same plan on which
chamans or flower gardens are arranged in front of the Mughal palaces. 40 Both sides of the
road were lined with the trees and more than 1500 shops on it, which were either owned by
Princess Jahan Ara or Nawab Fatehpuri Begum (one of the queens of Shahjahan). Starting
from the side of the palace-fortress the markets were called Urdu Bazar, Jauhri/ Asharfi
Bazar and then Fatehpuri Bazar. Another straight road connected the Akbarabadi Gate of the
palace-fortress with the Akbarabadi Gate (now called the Delhi Gate) of the city wall, and the
market here was called the Faiz Bazar. The road to the Nahr-i Faiz flowed through the centre
and both sides of the road were strewn with shops. It is now known Darya Ganj. This road
was joined, near the fortress by the road coming from the Kashmiri Gate, on which the main
sections of the havelis and mansions of the nobility located. Yet another straight road came
39
In order to ensure adequate supply of water for the palace and city Shahjahan re- excavated, deepened and
extended the canal which was originally constructed by Sultan Firuz Shah Tughlaq during 1355-58, and later on
cleaned and extended during Akbar‟s time. It was now called Nahr-i Faiz which entered Shahjahanabad near the
Kabuli Gate in the north-west. Inside the city this canal measured approximately 8 metres wide and 8 metres
deep. It was divided into 2 main channels and 8 sub- channels to provide waters to residences and a number of
gardens which were in the city and the suburbs.
40
For details see, Delhi the capital of India, Revised and enlarged edition of All about Delhi, p.113.
50 | P a g e

from the Kabuli Gate, running parallel in the north to the Chandni Chowk, it joined the
Kashmiri Gate road.41
3.3.8 The Palaces and Mansions of the Nobility
In the social hierarchy the position of the members the ruling class was next to the emperor.
They tried to imitate the imperial establishments in all its departments, though at a much
lower scale. Thus, the common features that could be located in these palaces and mansions
include naqqar-khana (drummer’s chamber), provision of the token-force of armed retainers,
gardens, and the harem or the residential apartments for the family of the nobles. These
mansions were, however, not the private property of the nobles and could be acquired by the
state any time. The residences of the rich merchants and hakims, most of these were havelis
or multi-storied structures, were their private properties.
The palaces and mansions of the princes and great nobles dominated the cityscape of
Shahjahanabad. The residential complexes were surrounded by high walls and they contained
gardens, and beautiful apartments. The account of William Franklin of the mansion of a great
noble Khan-i Dauran, the wazir of Muhammad Shah during the eighteenth century, provides
an idea of the “size and the complexities” of the residences of these nobles. Generally, a lofty
gateway (also called the naqqar khana) housed the soldiers of the daily guard and the
household musicians. A large forecourt surrounded by a row of rooms under an arcade lay
immediately inside. It contained places for the soldiers and servants of the household and for
the horses, elephants, and attendants of visitors. They also contained apartments for servants,
clerks, artisans, soldiers, store rooms for different commodities, record offices, treasuries,
workshops and so on. The living quarters of the princes and amirs used to be in the inner
quadrangle, which was separated from the public area by a high wall.
These mansions were quite large and some of these have space for thousands of people. They
were so vast that as Muhammad Salih figuratively says “in the courtyard of each one the area
of a city is empty”.42 As Blake remarks, “By virtue of their size and population, these
mansions dominated the sectors of the city just as the palace-fortress dominated the urban
area as a whole.”43 These households also dominated the urban economy and the process of
consumption as well.
41
For details see, Madhu Trivedi, “Shahjahanabad” in Historic Delhi, published by Indian History Congress, 52
Session, 1992.
42
Ibid, p. 45.
43
Shahjahanabad: The Sovereign City…‟, p. 49.
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3.3.9 The Gardens

Besides the walled area the urban complex extended several miles into the countryside. As
Bernier tells us these suburbs were interspersed with extensive gardens and open space. 44 The
gardens occupied an important place in the plan and build of the city in Islamic tradition
which was introduced here more markedly by the Mughal rulers. Mughal gardens were
rectangular, surrounded by high walls broken by gateways, and topped with towers. These
were cut by four swiftly flowing canals which divided them into four sections and this devise
endowed them the name chahar-bagh. On three sides Shahjahanabad was surrounded by
several gardens and mansions of the Mughal princes and nobles. Mention may be made here
of Shalimar Bagh, Mubarak Bagh, Roshanara Begum’s Bagh, Talkatora Bagh, and Kudsia
Bagh.
3.4 CONCLUSION
The plan of Shahjahanabad followed that of the palace-fortress. Like it the city was divided
into two parts. The palace was the exclusive area and the seat of power. The rest of the urban
area was the centre of widespread activities. The streets and markets also followed the pattern
of the palace-fortress.45
The planning of the city of Shahjahanabad was done in a manner that it symbolizes the hold
of the ruler in many ways. However, Shahjahanabad was not solely dependent on the emperor
for its growth or sustenance. The urban communities retained “their own distinctive style and
character”. This is the reason that despite the decline in the power of the Mughal emperor
from the middle of the eighteenth century Shahjahanabad continued to flourish as a busy
commercial centre. The culture it had evolved continued to thrive. One can see strong traces
of this even today in the walled city.

In-Text Questions-1
1. True 2. True 3. True 4. False 5. False
44
Francois Bernier, Travels in the Mogul Empire, Delhi, 1972, p. 242.
45
For details see Stephen P. Blake, “Cityscape of an Imperial Capital: Shahjahanabad in 1739”, in Delhi
Through the Ages, edited by R. E. Frykenberg, p. 185.
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3.6 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Humayun's Garden Tomb
2. Town planning of Shahjahanabad
Long Questions
1. The planning of Shahjahanabad reflected the might of the Mughal emperor.
Comment.
2. Examine the significance of Qila-i Mubarak and its relation with Jama Masji
3. Evaluate the role of mosques, bazaars and gardens in the planning and development of
Shahjahanabad
4. Discuss the importance of Humayun’s tomb as the beginning of new style of tomb
architecture with elements borrowed from Timurid traditions
5. Explain how Humayun’s tomb represents the dynastic and spiritual powers of the
Mughal Emperor
• Chandra, Satish. (1991). “Cultural and Political Role of Delhi, 1675-1725”, in R.E.
Frykenberg, Delhi through the Ages: Essays in Urban History, Culture and Society,
Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp. 106-116.
• Blake, Stephen, (1985). “Cityscape of an Imperial City: Shahjahanabad in 1739”, in
R.E. Frykenberg, Delhi Through the Ages: Essays in Urban History, Culture and
Society, Oxford University Press, pp. 66-99.
• Hasan, Nurul, S. (1991). “The Morphology of a Medieval Indian City: A Case Study
of Shahjahanabad”, In Indu Banga (ed.). The City in Indian History, Delhi: Manohar,
pp. 87- 98.
• Gupta. Narayani. (1993). “The Indomitable City,” in Eckart Ehlers and Thomas
Krafft, eds., Shahjahanabad / Old Delhi: Tradition and Change. Delhi: Manohar, pp.
29-44.
• Koch, Ebba. (1994). “Diwan-iʿAmm and Chihil Sutun: The Audience Halls of Shah
Jahan”. Muqarnas, vol. 11, pp. 143-165.
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• Lowry, Glenn D. (1987). Humayun’s Tomb: Form Function, and Meaning in Early
Mughal Architecture. Muqarnas, Vol. 4, pp. 133-148
• Dickie, James (Zaki, Yakub), (1985). The Mughal Garden: Gateway to Paradise,
Muqarnas, Vol. 3, pp. 128-137.
• Koch, Ebba. (1997). ‘Mughal Palace Gardens from Babur to Shahjahan (1526-1648),
Muqarnas, pp. 143-165.
• Rezavi, Syed Ali Nadeem, (2010). “The Mighty Defensive Fort’: Red Fort at Delhi
Under Shahjahan -- Its Plan and Structures as Described by Muhammad Waris.”
Proceedings of the Indian History Congress 71, pp. 1108–1121.
54 | P a g e

Unit-IV
18TH CENTURY DELHI: UNDERSTANDING POLITICAL

AND SOCIAL CHANGES
Dr. Madhu Trivedi
STRUCTURE

4.1 Introduction
4.2 Development of Art and Culture in Delhi under the Mughals
4.2.1 Painting
4.2.2 Music
4.2.3 The Literary Culture
4.3 Delhi as a Flourishing Commercial Centre (Late Seventeenth and Eighteenth Century)
4.3.1 The Bazaars of Delhi
4.3.2 Faiz Bazaar and Chandni Chowk
4.3.3 Craft Production
4.3.4 Chhattas
4.4 Development of Musical Arts in Shahjahanabad
4.4.1 Change in Patronage Pattern
4.4.2 Decline in the Popularity of Dhrupad
4.4.3 The Khayal-gayaki
4.4.4 Kabitt (Kavitt)
4.4.5 Tarana
4.4.6 Jangla
4.4.7 Qawwali
4.4.8 Marsiya-khwani
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4.5 Instrumental Music

4.6 Dance Forms
4.7 Bhandeti
4.8 Conclusion
4.9 Answers to In-text Questions
After reading this unit the students will be able to understand:

• The developments in Shahjahanabad in the 18th Century.
• The changes that took place in the society as a result of the changing political
scenario.
This unit will discuss the developments in Shahjahanabad in the 18th century. The ‘decline’
in the authority meant turbulence in the city, but it also empowered new groups of people
and created a cultural and social dynamism that was embraced by some and seen as a
challenge by others.
4.1 INTRODUCTION
There was a temporary setback to Delhi’s glory as an Imperial city after the shift of capital to
Agra by Sultan Sikandar Lodi, which assumed significance as the cultural node under the
great Mughals. However, from about the middle of the seventeenth century, artistic and
cultural activities again shifted from Agra to Shahjahanabad, the new capital city founded by
Shahjahan (1628 –1658) in the year 1638. The shift of the capital paved the way for the
confluence of the rich classical traditions of the Mughal court with the cultural traditions of
Delhi region. The Mughal rulers inherited Persian and Timurid sense of artistic appreciation
and valued Indian legacies as well, which were synthesized to produce a distinct Mughal
identity. These traditions were transmitted in Delhi during the reign of Muhammad Shah
(1719 –1748).
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4.2 DEVELOPMENT OF ART AND CULTURE IN DELHI UNDER

THE MUGHALS
During Muhammad Shah's reign the Qila-i Mubarak (Lal Qila) had become the centre of
cultural activities, and Shahjahanabad, popularly known as Dehli, emerged as the leading
centre of Mughal culture in north India during the early eighteenth century. The percolation
of court culture and elevation of popular culture were the important factors which contributed
to the cultural setting of the period. While some of the arts, and music also, lost their
sophistication and elitism to a certain extent, the exclusive court techniques and performance
traditions became accessible to a wider group.
There was, undoubtedly, a crucial diminution in court patronage after the invasion of Nadir
Shah (1739) who deprived the Mughal ruler of his immense riches. The emperor
consequently abstained from musical soirees and cultural gatherings and suspended them at
court. However, there was no dearth of cultural activities and festivities in the city.
4.2.1 Painting
The reign of Muhammad Shah is also noted for the revival of Mughal painting and the
development of a style known as Dehli qalam. The paintings of this phase show that Mughal
painting got a second life in the post-Aurangzeb period. The finest and most original
examples of qalam are the official portraits and court scenes in which the emperor appears to
be the focus of attention. Churaman is the leading painter of his reign. The artists of the
eighteenth century concentrated mainly in preparing the copies of the paintings of the earlier
period in an excellent manner. Preparation of albums and illustrated manuscripts was a
profitable trade. Towards the middle of the eighteenth century many Mughal painters shifted
to provincial kingdoms such as Murshidabad, Faizabad. The Mughal tradition during its
decay gave way to the emergence of a new style which represented the influence of the west
and it catered mainly to the demands of the Europeans.
4.2.2 Music
Music played its own role in enlivening the cultural atmosphere. The musical arts received
patronage of an exceptional nature not only from the court and the elite circles but also from
a large section of the local populace. Dancing and singing became a favourite pastime as well
as an integral part of all the festivities. No occasion of mirth or festivity was ever wanting in
these two arts. Sufi Assemblies (mehfil-i sama) were regularly arranged at the tombs and
shrines of saints on Urs and certain dates of the month, especially the nauchandi. Even for
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ceremonies of sorrow such as Muharram there had developed a special kind of music
recitation called marsiya-khwani. As a result, the number of professional artistes burgeoned.
Many outstanding singers flourished during this period. The number of popular artistes was
beyond count.
During this period dhrupad declined considerably in popularity, while khayal singing gained
in vogue. Other popular musical forms were kavitt, jangla, tarana and many more. Qawwali
was integral to Sufi assemblies (mehfil-i sama), Urs and other festivities. This period
witnessed a full fruition of the skill of qawwals. Marsiya khwani attained the status of a
musical and literary form during the eighteenth century.46
This period witnessed a great rise in the status of performing women. They were no longer
supportive artistes to the male performers of their communities. Instead, they began to
perform independently, and their talents were recognized. The courtesans were highly
sophisticated and most of them commanded enormous respect in high society. These
courtesans lived in great style and most of them were well versed in the manners and
courtesies to be observed in the mehfils. Many of the courtesans were learned and subtle
orators, eloquent in speech and they began to dominate social life in the manner of the
courtesans of the early medieval period.
4.2.3 The Literary Culture
The reign of Muhammad Shah also witnessed the emergence of Urdu as a literary language
which is an example of cultural synthesis. Amongst the early promoters of Urdu poetry, the
name of Sirajuddin Ali Khan Arzu (popularly known as Khan-i Arzu) is worth mentioning.
He was a great Persian scholar of the early eighteenth century. Although he himself did not
compile any divan in Urdu, but he encouraged his numerous pupils like Abru, mazmun,
Yakrang, and Tek Chand Bahar etc. to shift from Persian to Urdu. The popularity of Urdu as
a literary language arose to such an extent that it undermined the status of Braj Bhasha and
Persian as a medium of poetry. Persian, however, continued to be used for scholarly and other
serious compositions in prose wherein sophistication and elitism was maintained. Even the
biographical accounts (tazkiras) of poets were written by the accomplished poets in Persian.
Urdu poetry bloomed in Delhi during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The institution
of mushaira (literary gathering) greatly facilitated the growth of Urdu poetry. These were
held in the residences of the poets, in the fairs, and in the qahva-khanas. The Urdu poetry was
46
Marsiya was the funeral eulogium or oration sung during Mahurram in commemoration of Imam Hasan and
Husain. The tuneful recitation of marsiya is called marsiya-khwani.
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nurtured by poets like Mir Taqi Mir, Mirza Rafi Sauda, and Khwaja Mir Dard. They took
great pain in refining the language. Urdu ghazal attained a status of its own in their hands.
Other popular literary during the eighteenth century were qasida, and masnavi. During the
nineteenth century, however, ghazal was taken to unprecedented heights in terms of
expression as well as the grandeur of language by Ghalib, Dagh, and Momin and many more
poets of the Delhi school.
Fill in the Blanks:
1. The reign of ........................... is also noted for the revival of Mughal
painting and the development of a style known as Dehli qalam.
2. The institution of literary gathering known as ........................ greatly
facilitated the growth of Urdu poetry.
3. The Urdu poet Sirajuddin Ali Khan Arzu was popularly known as
.........................
4. Sufi Assemblies regularly arranged at the tombs and shrines of saints on
Urs and certain dates of the month, especially the nauchandi were called
........................
5. ........................, popularly known as Dehli, emerged as the leading centre of
Mughal culture in north India during the early eighteenth century.
4.3 Delhi as a Flourishing Commercial Centre (Late Seventeenth and

Eighteenth Century)
Delhi was not merely the cultural hub of north India; it was also a busy commercial centre.
The elements of a “highly charged economy”, which include capital accumulation, long
distance trade, and a large money market with a highly developed mechanism of bill of
exchange, may be witnessed at its best in the Mughal capital Shahjahanabad, popularly
known as Purani Dehli.
The reasons for this prosperity were numerous. The city became the administrative centre
after Shahjahan (1628-1658) transferred his capital here from Agra which meant that the
trading community, artistes, and artisans also shifted from Agra to the new capital which
provided them sustenance. Next emperor Aurangzeb too had his court and camp here till
1679. This half a century of peace “coupled with imperial care and attention” proved a boon
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to the capital city for its growth as a flourishing commercial centre. 47 Another reason for the
prosperity of Shahjahanabad was that its hinterland was rich with alluvial soil and “the city
lay within easy reach of major sources of agricultural production. From such granaries,
during normal years banjaras could carry harvests to supply the needs of urban population.”48
Besides, the city was also connected to important places through major highways, which
commenced from here through its city gates named after their respective point of destination.
Thus, all the important urban centres commanding the produce and markets of adjoining
areas as well as their own were well- connected with the capital by road. There was an added
advantage too, that the Yamuna was navigable the year around as far as Delhi which
facilitated the growth of a flourishing riverine trade.
Hamida Khatoon Naqvi observes: “The dazzling display of splendour and wealth at
Shahjahanabad, together with legacies of the urban settlement left by earlier Sultans of Delhi,
attracted multitudes of newcomers to the city. Lakhs of enterprising people, many of them
artisans and traders eager for profit converged upon the city. Descendants of the Sahans of
the old Sultanate were still in the vicinity. Prior to 1785, at least one important Nagarseth, or
ceremonial head of a house of merchant-bankers, flourished within the city proper.”49 Apart
from the Banyas, the local shopkeepers and merchants, the Armenians, Central Asians,
Persians, and Kashmiris also frequented the city which provided all sort of merchandise to
them. Arab ki Sarai, an inn in the vicinity of Humayun’s tomb, was often full of these
transient visitors. Money changers, writers, transporters, and other skilled and unskilled
labourers were found in abundance in the city.
4.3.1 The Bazaars of Delhi
Delhi had numerous bazaars; some were general markets, while some dealt in specific
commodities, and some were wholesale markets. Nakhas was a daily market where people
from the neighbouring areas came to sell their produce. These Nakhas were held in several
places in the city. Then, there were the bazaars, which catered to people of different areas of
the city for some or the other specialized commodity. Besides these there were two other
bazaars, which provided “the most unique things to the entire population of the city”. Apart
from these there were many retail shops. These shops were situated in various place providing
47
Hamida Khatoon Naqvi, Urban Centres and Industries in Upper India11556 –1803, Asia Publishing House,
Delhi, 1968, p. 12.
48
Hamida Khatoon Naqvi, “Shahjahnabad, the Mughal Delhi, (1638-1803) An Introduction” in Delhi Through
the Ages, p. 143.
49
Ibid.
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both luxuries and necessities of life.50

These markets which were intelligently laid out in the time of Emperor Shahjahan gradually
expanded out of their premises due to a rise in population as well as the expansion of the city,
especially towards the middle of the eighteenth century. Dargah Quli Khan’s travelogue,
Muraqqa-i-Dehli, provides the glimpses of this development. Some of these bazaars existed
on the pavements where vendors sold goods more attractive than found in the shops.51 There
was a proliferation of shops in the residential areas also.
Katra was a kind of market centre, which functioned as a wholesale market. These trading
centres were located on the farther side of the Lal Qila mainly due to heavy traffic associated
with them. In other words, the working place and the residential quarters of the artisan classes
were located within the city, though some of them came from the suburbs of the city
Four bazaars emanated from the four sides of Jama Masjid. Mention may be made here of the
famous bazaar which emanated towards the west side. Intoxicating liquors and drugs like
opium were marketed here. The cloth merchants had their kothis in this area. This bazaar led
to a famous bazaar Chaura. Copper and brass utensils were sold here. It was also the trading
centre of handicrafts and paper. This bazaar was punctuated with several streets leading to
localities and other bazaars known as kuchas. The Chaura Bazaar terminated at the crossing
known as Qazi-ka-hauz and from this point several roads diverged to different parts of the
city.
On the southern steps of Jama Masjid was the market known as Chitli Qabr where the shops
of vendors of small wares, shoemakers, and famous handicraftsmen were located. Adjacent to
it were the habitations and establishments of the artisans, such as chhatta-i momgaran. The
locality of the butchers or Qassabpura was located at the end of this bazaar; it was close to
Dehli Darwaza.
Close to the northern steps of Jama Masjid were the shops of jewelers, shops of enamellers of
the ornaments, and similar other industrial arts which included pachchikari, an art of
polishing on precious stones, engraving and setting pieces of various colours into other stones
such as marble; khurdakari or inlay work on boxes or mirrors with ivory, and khattamkari, an
art of engraving or inlay work done on ebony wood by means of ivory or some other
material. Bazar Dariba kalan had the outlets of various kinds of crafts such as seal engraving.
50
For details see Shama Mitra Chenoy, Shahjahanabad A city of Delhi, 1638-1857, New Delhi, 1998, Chapter
VII, pp. 118-138.
51
See Muraqqa-i Delhi, pp. 21-25.
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On both sides of the kucha were shops of sarrafs.52

The eastern steps of Jama Masjid led to the Khas Bazar which had the shops of the
handicraftsmen and sellers of other goods. The greatest attraction in this part was Chawk
Sa’adullah Khan. Dargah Ali Khan mentions in his travelogue that “the variety of goods that
are available would easily make a man lose himself here and the poor eyes would smart at the
constant exercise of looking at the abundant display of novelties…Arm sellers display a
variety of uncovered weapons to attract the customers who can gauge their sharpness. The
cloth merchants display their wares on their arms making the entire atmosphere colourful and
outbidding each other in attracting the customers… Thus, the goods of human needs and
conspicuence are available in this melee of people.”53
4.3.2 Faiz Bazaar and Chandni Chowk
One of the two main markets in Shahjahanabad was the Faiz bazaar. It was located on the
road which connected the Akbarabadi Gate (now called Delhi Gate) of the city wall. It was
planned in the time of Shahjahan and described by the contemporaries as a place of great
charm and beauty. Nahr-i Faiz flowed through the centre of it and its both sides were strewn
with shops. The other bazaar was located on the road which connected the Lahori Darwaza of
the city with the Lahori Darwaza of the Lal Qila. The Nahr-i Faiz flowed through the centre
of this road between the Fatehpuri mosque, and a square was connected around the central
part of the canal. Both sides of the roads were lined with trees and more than 1500 shops
were constructed. These were either owned by Princess Jahanara or Nawab Fathpuri Begam
(one of the queens of Shahjahan). Starting from the side of Lal Qila the markets on this side
were called Urdu Bazaar, Jauhri/Ashrafi Bazaar, Chandni Chawk, Fathpuri Bazaar and Khari
Baoli.
Dargah Quli Khan is all praise for Chandni Chowk which was famous for unique articles and
artifacts available in Delhi. He describes it in the following words:
Chandni Chowk is the most beautiful and profusely decorated passage in the city. It is a
centre of recreation for the pleasure seekers and a gallery of rarities for the interested buyers.
Displayed in the shops….Rubies and gems from Badakhshan adorn the shops [of the
jewelers] and their counters abound with pearls and precious stones…On the other side are
cloth merchants beckoning loudly in their sing-song voices to attract the customers…The
52
Madhu Trivedi, “Shahjahanabad” in Historic Delhi, Indian History Congress Felicitation Volume, pp 28-
29.
53
Dargah Quli Khan, Muraqqa-e- Dehli, (Persian) English transl. Chander Shekharn & Shama Mitra Chenoy as
Muraqqa-e- Dehli, The Mughal Capital in Muhammad Shah’s Time, Delhi, 1989, pp. 21-23.
62 | P a g e

attars selling varieties of perfumes and essence carry out a brisk trade with the help of their
agents and smooth talks….All the self-control one imposes here on oneself melts away at the
sight of the China crockery and a variety of colourful and gilded huqqas of glass. Bowls, jugs
and exquisite wine cups are displayed in the shops which are displayed in the shops which
attract even the aged pious to savour a drink…The assortment of rare and unique goods
available in this market cannot be bought at one time even if the treasury of Qarun was at
one’s disposal.54
Near Chandni Chowk was the Kucha natawan. This place was perhaps originally devised for
the natawas, the trainers of the dancing girls for the royal courts and the nobles, and other
performing artistes. During the early nineteenth century, however, it has been described as
occupied by the Hindus and Muslim artisans such as fashioners, painters, and sculptors and
other handicraftsmen.
The fruit market contained many shops which during the summer were well supplied with dry
fruit from Persia, Balkh, Bukhara, and Samarqand, and in winter with excellent fresh grapes,
black and white brought from the countries mentioned above. As Bernier tells us fruits were
very dear and formed the chief expense of the Nobles.55 Bakers were numerous according to
his description. He also tells us about the shops where meat is sold roasted and dressed in a
variety of ways.56
The bazaars of Delhi had all the hustle-bustles of a busy urban centre where one could
procure the best available articles of all kinds.
4.3.3 Craft Production
Shahjahanabad was highly renowned for its craft production especially for cotton textiles.
According to a foreign traveler Manrique, Shahjahanabad craftsmen were renowned for the
excellence of their chintzes, quilts, and tie-dyed stuffs. Its chintzes were reported to have
been inferior only to those of Masulipattam and it was a major object of export. The
Arminian and Persian traders were chiefly interested in this commodity. Carpet weaving was
also one of the flourishing industries of Delhi. The carpet weavers of Delhi were extremely
prosperous as they catered to a large market at home. These carpets were used for various
purposes as bedding or as a cover of seats, and it was also used for its normal purpose of
covering the floor, and occasionally as screen in some of the tents. 57 The carpet weavers of
54
Muraqqa-e-Dehli, pp. 24-25.
55
Francois Bernier, Travels in the Mogul Empire, reprint, Delhi, 1972, p. 249.
56
Ibid., p. 250.
57
Bernier saw the interior “of a good house whose floor was covered with a cotton mattresses four inches thick
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Delhi produced rich silken, woolen, and cotton carpets in accordance with the demand.
Shamyanahs and qanats were also manufactured here in large numbers. The indigo
manufactures of Delhi occupied a full ward which was also a hot item of trade. The Delhi
craftsmen also produced fine copper utensils, weapons, paper, leather goods, sugars and
indigo. Book binding was also a flourishing craft of Delhi.
The immense building activities in Shahjahanabad provided employment to thousands of
masons and stonecutters; the number of unskilled workers employed in the building industry
was beyond count. The quarries of red, yellow stones were worked and extensively employed
in the magnificent edifices of Delhi. The workmanship of the masons, stonecutters, and
carpenters was of such a high order that Nadir Shah, who invaded Delhi in 1739, took along
with him 300 masons, 100 stone cutters, and 200 carpenters to Iran.
The rulers required a large supply of luxury articles to meet the demand of the royal
establishment and to maintain the splendour of the court. The bulk of these articles especially
the silk and other textiles were produced in these royal workshops (karkhanas), which were
best equipped and most efficiently organized. As a modern scholar remarks: In Mughal India
the state was the largest manufacturer or rather the only manufacturer on a large scale in
respect of several commodities.”58
4.3.4 Chhattas
Many manufactories and production centres were spread in almost all parts of the city of
Shahjahanabad which have been termed as craft muhallas by some historians. Smaller in size
and, perhaps, restricted to one craft, and located under covered space, were some production
units which were known as chhatta (cover) such as Chatta Lala Tansukh Rai and Chatta Jan
Nisar Khan. These were perhaps private commodity production units where hired labour was
employed. The city had provision for quarters for different craft communities, for instance
chamar ka hata. Sometimes, members of a particular profession or craft occupied an entire
lane which were named after them such as kucha naiwalan (barber’s lane), and kucha
Charkhewalan and many more.
By the middle of the eighteenth century the fortunes of Delhi began to eclipse due to a variety
of reasons. Delhi became feeble owing to Nadir Shah’s invasion, the occasional attacks of
Marathas, and Ahmad Shah Abdali’s repeated incursions. The emergence of successor states
over which a fine cotton cloth is spread during the summer and a silk carpet in the winter” (see his Travels pp.
247-8).
58
Tripta Verma, Karkhanas Under the Mughals from Akbar to Aurangzeb, Pragati Publications, Delhi, 1994, p.
17.
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established by powerful nobles in northern India further weakened the Mughal empire. The
city became too insecure which led the merchants of substance to migrate to other cities such
as Agra. The artisans also shifted to less troubled areas like Murshidabad, Patna, Faizabad
and Lucknow and other capital cities and commercial centres. As a result, many industries
declined owing to the strained condition of the imperial treasury, while some retained their
vitality. Despite these adverse circumstances Delhi remained known for many crafts and
industries. It offered a variety of merchandise that attracted merchants from far and wide.
Even as late as 1793, the once-a-year visiting caravans from the north brought Kabul
Kashmir horses, shawls, and fruits; the last two commodities could be procured at Delhi at
reasonable rates. Delhi enjoyed the reputation of being a rich emporium of trade during the
eighteenth century.
4.4 DEVELOPMENT OF MUSICAL ARTS IN SHAHJAHANABAD
From about the middle of the seventeenth century, artistic and cultural activities shifted from
Agra to Shahjahanabad, the new capital city founded by the Mughal emperor Shah Jahan
(r.1628-1658). The capital city remained without the head of the state for a considerable
period, from 1679 to 1707, due to Mughal involvement in the Deccan, and the political
situation diverted the resources and activities elsewhere. The rhythm of cultural activities
was, however, not hampered for want of patronage during this period.
During the reign of Muhammad Shah (1729-1748), the Qila-i Mubarak (the palace-fortress,
popularly known as Lal Qila) had become the centre of cultural activities. A modern scholar
remarks: “The brilliance of Mughal culture, as described in non-political sources of
information, stands out sharply against the background of political turmoil and the gloom and
the depression caused by it.”59 In this perspective music played its own role in enlivening the
cultural atmosphere. The musical arts received patronage of an exceptional nature not only
from the court and the elite circles but also from a large section of the local populace.
Dancing and singing became a favourite pastime as well as an integral part of all the
festivities. No occasion of mirth or festivity was ever wanting in these two arts. Sufi
Assemblies (mehfil-i sama) were regularly arranged at the tombs and shrines of saints on Urs
and certain dates of the month, especially the nauchandi. Even for ceremonies of sorrow such
as Muharram there had developed a special kind of music recitation called marsiya-khwani.
As a result, the number of professional artistes burgeoned. Many outstanding singers
flourished during this period. The number of popular artistes was beyond count.
59
Zahiruddin Malik, The Reign of Muhammad Shah, 1729-1748, Delhi, 1977, p. 345.
65 | P a g e

It is often maintained that music began to lose its grandeur and refinement during the
eighteenth century, and pure classical music declined considerably. General debasement is
said to have set in during the period. A closer examination of the available literature,
however, makes it clear that the expression ‘decline’ implies a decrease in the popularity of
some of the elite styles such as dhrupad and the growing vogue for khayal, tarana, tappa, and
other dhun based musical forms. This departure was not due to lack of any skill as
outstanding singers from the family of Tansen, and nayaks (super musicians) flourished in
large numbers during this period. Instead, it was due to the emergence of new patrons who
came to prominence in the changed social and political conditions and demanded such forms
which had the backing of the popular musical traditions of Delhi. They insisted on their own
distinct tastes and traditions. Thus, the period was not one of decline but rather one of
transition with some important changes and modifications.
4.4.1 Change in Patronage Pattern
The growth of fine arts and literature was associated with patronage during the medieval
period which motivated the artistes to produce what the patrons wanted. The taste and
munificence of the patrons influenced the standard of creativity. In fact, there was a crucial
reduction in court patronage after the invasion of Nadir Shah (1739), who deprived the
Mughal ruler of the immense treasures and riches. Dargah Quli Khan, the author of a
contemporary Persian travelogue Muraqqa-i-Dehli, pointedly remarks that “since the invasion
of Nadir Shah, His Majesty Din Panah abstains himself from the musical soirees and has
suspended them at court”. As Mughal emperor and his nobility were losing fortune, the elite
artistes were obliged to seek patronage from the patrons who had leisure but no refinements.
A significant feature of the period was that music, by and large, had come under the domain
of the dancing girls and courtesans. Most of them were well-versed in this art and were
trained by accomplished musicians of the time. Dargah Quli Khan has mentioned several
dancers and singers of the royal court who were as authentic and acclaimed as many master
musicians of the time with whom they used to compete. For instance, in the singing of tarana
the skill of Chamni was recognized by her contemporaries as well as the court circle. Rahman
Bai of the Dhadhi community was versatile in her art and well known for it. Through
constant practice Kamal Bai mastered the art of singing and dancing to perfection. These
courtesans were highly respected and most of them commanded respect in high society.60
These courtesans used to live in great style and most of them were well versed in the manners
60
Dargah Quli Khan, Muraqqa-i Dehli, English Trans. Chander Shekhar and Shama Mitra Chenoy, Muraqqa`-
e- Dehli: The Mughal Capital in Muhammad Shah's Time, Delhi, 1989, pp. 104, 109, 110.
66 | P a g e

and courtesies to be observed in the mehfils (tehzib-i akhlaq). The professional artistes were
numerous and prosperous is asserted by contemporary literature.
Musical assemblies attracted large audience. As Dargah Ali Khan tells us, people started
arriving at these gatherings since morning. The Festival of Basant, celebrated at the onset of
Spring, was a great occasion for the performing artists of Delhi. The qawwals and the groups
of singers used to exhibit their art in the Qadam Sharif of the Holy Prophet as a kind of
worship on the first day. On the second and the third day they used to visit the dargah of
Hazrat Bakhtiyar Kaki and the mausoleum of Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya respectively and
pay their tribute in the form of vocal and instrumental renderings. On the sixth day they used
to pay a customary visit to the Badshah and the nobles. On the night of the seventh day, all
the dancers of the city used to assemble at the grave of a person named Azizi in Ahadipura,
wash it with wine and take it in turn to dance. Gradually the qawwals also joined in and
enlivened the atmosphere
4.4.2 Decline in the Popularity of Dhrupad
As we have noticed earlier, dhrupad declined considerably in popularity during the period
under review. This was for a variety of reasons. The style of dhrupad was difficult in
technique and its high pitched and vigorous tonal expressions had no appeal to the untrained.
This form, as compared to other musical forms could not be adapted well to dance. One also
comes across observations that a tendency of concealment was growing among the
drupadiyas (dhrupad singers) for the protection of their skill and knowledge. They were
jealous as well as afraid of the new artistes outside their families. All these factors restricted
the audience of dhrupad. It did not disappear, it only lost adequate patronage. The techniques
of dhrupad-gayaki were adopted in other musical forms.
4.4.3 The Khayal-gayaki
This period is especially important for the development of the khayal-gayaki. In the initial
stages, khayal existed as regional musical genre and rose to classical status at the Sharqi court
during the late fifteenth century. Khayal was further developed during the reign of Shahjahan.
It was brought to perfection and popularized by Niyamat Khan Sadarang who was a master
musician attached to the court of Muhammad Shah and was considered at par with the nayaks
of old days. Nayak was the highest title during the medieval period given to a musician, one
who performed all musical forms. Niyamat Khan renovated the khayal and modulated it in
different rag-raginis. Due to his efforts, Khayal-gayaki became a distinctly recognized form
of music. The slow moving (vilambit) khayal, which has strong bearing of dhrupad, owes its
origin to him. It, however, gained currency towards the later years of the eighteenth century.
67 | P a g e

Firuz Khan Adarang, a nephew of Sadarang, also enriched this musical form. He composed
several khayals and modulated them in new ragas. It is believed that Muhammad Shah also
composed khayals under his pen name “Rangila piya”.
The popularity of khayal increased due to a number of factors mainly because it showed
greater adaptability for rhythmic variations. It was open to every rhythmic variation and
could be sung in a variety of tals. It could be sung in slow tempo like dhrupad and brisk
tempo like tarana, so that it went well along with dance. The khayal-gayaki gained
respectability to the extent that even the most sophisticated musicians, began to perform it.
4.4.4 Kabitt (Kavitt)
Kabitt was next to khayal in popularity. Rahim Sen and Tansen, descendents of legendry
singer Miyan Tansen and attached to the Mughal court, were unsurpassed in the art of
rendering kabitt. Some of the courtesans, too, had command over it: for instance, Uma Bai
whose singing was recognized as flawless. It seems that two styles flourished in the rendering
of kabitt: the traditional or the classical style and the improvised one. We are told that Uma
Bai and Asapura Ramjani had mastery over the traditional kalawant style which was probably
similar to dhrupad. The other style probably incorporated some changes in accordance with
the tastes of the patterns and imbibed some features of the other musical forms current during
this period. Later on, this form was also used as one of the song accompaniments in the
kathak form of dance.
4.4.5 Tarana
Another popular musical style was tarana. It was similar to git in its rhythmic structure. It
gained currency along with khayal and had the same raga pattern and rhythmic variations as
that of khayal, with the exception that it was sung in brisk tempo and included bols (rhythmic
syllables) from other instruments.
4.4.6 Jangla
Jangla was another musical style current among the musicians of Delhi during the eighteenth
century. According to some scholars Jangla was an Indian version of the Persian mode
zangulah which was developed as a musical genre by Sultan Husain Shah Sharqi (r. 1458-
1505). Others opine that jangla was a folk music genre of the doab region and flourished as a
courtesan dance-song from the sixteenth century onwards. It was the precursor of thumri
which emerged out of zangula’s blending with khayal.61 Nur Bai Domni and Jani Hajjam
excelled in this style.
61
See Peter Manuel, Thumri in historical and stylistic perspective, Delhi, 1989, pp. 50, 61.
68 | P a g e

4.4.7 Qawwali
Qawwali was integral to Sufi assemblies (mehfil-i sama), urs and other festivities. The music
of sama originally belonged to the khanqahs where it was performed for the attainment of
spiritual ecstasy. Gradually it began to be influenced by Indian classical music for which
credit goes to Shaikh Bahauddin Zakaria Multani. He is said to have modulated it to some
classical ragas, especially Multani and Kafi. The process of Indianisation of sama’ music,
initiated by Shaikh Zakaria, culminated in the musical innovations of Amir Khusrau in the
forms of qaul, tarana, tillana, sohla, and other allied variants. These song forms were
integrated into a composite performance tradition in Shahjahanabad during the eighteenth
century and came to be known as qawwali after the qawwals, with whom qaul-tarana and
other allied variants were associated. Qawwali incorporated the stylistic features of khayal in
many ways.
4.4.8 Marsiya-khwani
The art of marsiya-khwani was developed during the period under study. Marsiya was the
funeral eulogium or oration sung during Mahurram in commemoration of Imam Hasan and
Husain. The tuneful recitation of marsiya is called marsiya-khwani. It developed as an
established art during the eighteenth century.
4.5 INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC

Several changes appeared in instrumental music, too. There was a decrease in the number of
binkars (vina players), while the popularity of sitar increased day by day. Sarangi became the
standard accompanying instrument for courtesan’s dance songs. Some new instrumental
styles were also evolved.
One explanation for the popularity of the new instruments was that like dhrupad singers, the
binkars were also becoming increasingly sensitive and protective of their family music.
Training was imparted to a selected few and that too to the direct descendants. Besides,
playing the bin was a difficult art. As a result, it was known to a very limited number of
artists. Under these circumstances the sitar, which was relatively a new instrument, gained
popularity.
Sitar, most probably, developed out of sehtar (a Persian three-stringed instrument) and
tambur (a lute). In the beginning, the technique employed in sitar was similar to those
employed in dhrupad and bin, and it had emphasis on rhythmic complexities. It retained some
of these techniques even after the introduction of the new khayal style during the nineteenth
century, known as Masit-khani Baj. Adarang, the renowned sitar player, made some
69 | P a g e

innovations in the playing technique by using the notations of other instruments on it. Due to
this capacity that techniques of other stringed instruments could be easily applied on it, sitar
gradually overshadowed the popularity of bin and rubab.
It is interesting that not a single tabla player is mentioned in our sources of this period,
although we are told about those who played on pakhawaj, dholak and dhamdhami (a folk
percussive instrument). In fact, the use of tabla as a dance accompaniment is associated with
the evolution of kathak at the Awadh court during the nineteenth century.
Dargah Ali Khan had mentioned about a number of noted and talented instrumentalists of
Shahjahanabad: Baqir Tamburchi, whose performance could move “even the animals and
inanimate objects”; Hasan Khan Rababi and Ghulam Muhammad Saranginawaz, who were
incomparable in playing their instruments; Husain Khan Dholaknawaz, who had taken “the
art to its peak and that a better player of dholak is yet to make its mark on Delhi.” An
instrument was fashioned by an instrumentalist Shahnawaz from which “the sound of dholak,
pakhawaj and tambura could be pronounced.
4.6 DANCE FORMS
The information about the dance forms of this time is scanty. However, some inferences
could be drawn based on the accounts of the individual dancers furnished by the sources.
There were some who showed exceptional skill in the techniques of nritya and in the
execution of rhythm as well as swift and forceful footwork. Some specialized in quick tempo
and exercised perfect control over the dance steps, body movement and postures howsoever
quick and brisk the tempo may be. One Durgahi was the master of rattling, and could produce
the sound of one, two or all rattles (ghunghru) as he wished.
The term kathak does not appear in the context of the dances. The techniques of classical
dance forms such as tandava, lasya, chindu and sudhang (shuddh-ang) also have not found
mention the sources. Instead, a term thai naach in a Urdu literary work, Bagh u Bahar, by Mir
Amman Dehalwi to denote a classical performance by male dancers.
4.7 BHANDETI
Besides being comedians and mimic artistes, the bhands (also known naqqals) used to be
good dancers and musicians. Their performance bhandeti was as integral to a gathering as
dance and music. Bhandeti was a composite item of dance, music and mimicry. Their dance
style was based on the depiction of various chorographical compositions characterized by
70 | P a g e

brisk movements. The participants were males. Usually the mujra (show) consisted of eight
persons but the number could be less. One young performer in a female attire used to dance
and the others contributed to the climax by means of clapping and encouraging the dancer.
This style of encouragement in the professional parlance is called chugga dena. In between
they used to show their witticism and mimicry. The music was provided by sitar and small
drums, and sarangi. Khawasi and Anuthad bhands at the royal court were highly
accomplished in singing and dancing.
Above description reflects it well that Shahjahanabad was a leading centre of musical arts in
north India. The trends set here were perfected further in other places especially at Lucknow
which emerged as the cultural hub of northern India during the late eighteenth century.
4.8 CONCLUSION
Summing up, it may be said that the growth of fine arts and literature during the medieval
period was intimately connected with patronage, and there was considerable change in the
patronage pattern during the eighteenth century. The Mughal ruler was stripped of his riches
due to the sack of Delhi by Nadir Shah in A D 1739. The Mughal court had become a stage
for the intrigues of various factions of nobles who were busy protecting their interests. There
were new claimants for power and resources. In the changed social and political conditions,
the court and the established nobility were impoverished, and new patrons became important.
In other words, the early eighteenth century was a period of transition. The fortunes of the
aristocracy and the established nobility was on decline due to a variety of reasons, especially
the sack of Delhi by Nadir Shah, and the rise of diverse groups as claimants in the resources
of the Mughal Empire which virtually led to its decline. There was, however, a boom in the
trading activities at Delhi and the surrounding area. It led to the emergence of a new and
effluent section in society which aped the way of the nobility. The description of a
contemporary author Dargah Quli Khan reveals the prosperity of these people. They are
described as razil (upstart) by these poets who appear to be deeply moved with these
developments. A few lines from Hatim’s poem are worth mentioning here:
Those who once rode elephants now go barefooted.
(While) those who yearned for parched grain once are today owners of prosperity, palaces,
and elephants as mark of rank. The Jackals have usurped the place of lions.62
62
As cited by Muhammad Sadiq, History of Urdu Literature, p. 104.
71 | P a g e

Muhammad Husain Azad refers to one of the mukhammas (a five-line verse) of Shakir Nazi
where he describes the indolence and debauchery of the nobility, the decline of the great, and
the rise of the upstarts.63
In-Text Questions-1
1. Muhammad Shah 2. mushaira 3. Khan-i Arzu
4. mahfil-i sama 5. Shahjahanabad
4.10 SELF-ASSESSMENT QUESTIONS

1. Jama Masjid (Masjid-I Jami)
2. Development of Musical Arts in Shahjahanabad
3. Bazaars of Shahjahanabad
Long Questions
1. Evaluate the 18th century from the perspective of social and cultural changes taking
place in the city of Delhi.
2. Critically examine the 18th century city of Delhi not as the city in decline but
witnessing a new era of political and social changes.
• Alam, Muzaffar. (2013) “Introduction to the second edition; Revisiting the Mughal
Eighteenth Century” in The Crisis of Empire in Mughal North India: Awadh and the
Punjab 1707-1748, Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp. xiii-xiv
• Ataullah. (2006-2007). “Mapping 18th Century Delhi: the cityscape of a pre-Modern
sovereign city” proceedings of the Indian History Congress, vol, 67 pp. 1042-1057.
• Chenoy, Shama Mitra. (1998). Shahjahanabad, a City of Delhi, 1638-1857. New
Delhi-Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers.
63
Ab-i Hayat, p. 105. It is no longer extant.
72 | P a g e

• Raziuddin Aquil, (2017) “Violating Norms of Conduct” in The Muslim question:

understanding Islam and Indian History, Delhi: Penguin Random House, pp. 133-156.
• Anonymous author, Delhi the capital of India, Revised and enlarged edition of “All
About Delhi”; First published in 1918, reprint, New Delhi, 1997.
• Catherine B. Asher, Architecture of Mughal India, Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge, 1992.
• Dargah Quli Khan, Muraqqa-e-Delhi, (Persian) English transl. Chander Shekharn &
shama Mitra Chenoy as Muraqqa-e-Delhi, The Mughal Capital in Muhammad Shah’s
Time, Delhi, 1989.
• Madhu Trivedi, ‘Medieval Delhi as Cultural Node of North India’ in Delhi through
the Ages, Published by Indian History Congress, 28-30 December, 2007.
• Madhu Trivedi, ‘Shahjahanabad’ in Historic Delhi, Published by Indian History
congress, 52 Session 21-23 February, 1992.
• Madhu Trivedi, ‘An Appraisal of the Musical Arts at Shahjahanabad During the First
half of the Eighteenth Century’, Art and Culture, (Felicitation Volume in Honour of
Profession S. Nurul Hasan), eds. Ahsan Jan Qaisar and Som Prakash Verma, Jaipur,
1993.
• Madhu Trivedi, ‘Hindustani Music and Dance: An Examination of Some Texts in the
Indo-Persian Tradition’, in the making of Indo-Persian Culture: Indian and French
Studies, eds. Muzaffar Alam, Francoise ‘Nalini’ Devoye and Marc Gaborieau, New
Delhi, 2000.
• Madhu Trivedi, Amir Khusrau’s contribution to North Indian Music Culture, Paper
presented in an International Seminar on Amir Khusrau, In Jamia Milia Islamia, in
March 2006.
• Hamida Khatoon Naqvi, ‘Shahjahanabad, the Mughal Delhi, (1638-1803) An
introduction’ in Delhi through the Ages, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1986.
• Shama Mitra Chenoy, Shahjahanabad A city of Delhi, 1638-1857, Munshiram
Manoharlal Publishers, New Delhi-1998
73 | P a g e

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B.A.(Hons.) English/Political Science/Economics/B.Com.(Hons.

As per the UGCF - 2022 and National Education Policy 2020

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Credit distribution, Eligibility and Pre-requisites of the Course

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ANCIENT DELHI AND ADJOINING SITES: INDRAPRASTHA,

1.0 Learning Objectives

1.0 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

After reading this Unit students should be able to understand:

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1.2 SOURCES FOR THE STUDY OF DELHI’S PAST

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1.3 THE EARLIEST SETTLEMENT UNDER THE NAME OF

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time of the Mahabharata; its historical name was Panduprastha.

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1.4 POLITICAL HISTORY IN BRIEF

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1.5 DELHI AS AN HISTORICAL CITY

1.5.1 Ashokan Edicts

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the capture of Dhillika by the Chahman ruler Vigraharaj IV.

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• Paleochannel– Remnants of once active rivers or streams

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• Dakshinapatha– Ancient south of the Indian subcontinent

1.8 ANSWERS TO IN-TEXT QUESTIONS

1.9 Self-Assessment Questions

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1.10 SUGGESTED READINGS

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FROM SETTLEMENTS TO CITYSCAPE – UNDERSTANDING

2.0 Learning Objectives

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2.0 LEARNING OBJECTIVES

2.2 DEVELOPMENT OF CITIES IN DELHI

2.2.1 Anangpur Fort

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construction of the fort.

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God exalt his helpers.

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2.3 FACTORS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE GROWTH OF DELHI AS

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2.4 DELHI AS IMPERIAL CAMP DURING THE REIGN OF

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