Nigeria's Afro-Centric Foreign Policy and Regional Stability in West Africa Region, 1999-2018

International Journal of
Development and Public Policy

| e-ISSN: 2792-3991 | www.openaccessjournals.eu | Volume: 2 Issue: 8
Nigeria’s Afro-Centric Foreign Policy and Regional Stability in West

Africa Region, 1999-2018
Akie Opuene Hart, (Ph.D.)

School of Public Health, Department of Environmental Health, University of Port Harcourt,
Nigeria
Abstract: The study examined Nigeria’s Afro-centric foreign policy and regional stability in West
Africa from 1999–2018.West Africa in the recent past has been embroiled in unprecedented
conflicts that threaten the peace and stability of the region. Thus, the manner and complexities of
these crises call for a robust regional actor, such as Nigeria, to mediate in the resolution to ensure
regional stability. To achieve the purpose of this study, research questions were advanced to
determine the study's primary aim, which is to evaluate the impact of Nigeria’s Afro-centric foreign
policy on regional stability in West Africa. Power theory is the theoretical framework used. The
study is anchored on qualitative, descriptive and historical research design methods of secondry
data collection. The findings showed that Nigeria's foreign policy has largely contributed to
regional stability. Conscious of the fact that the pursuits of economic development can only be
realized in a peaceful and stable region, Nigeria has shown an unwavering commitment to peace
and stability, as seen in Liberia, Cote D’Ivoire, Sierra Leone, and recently in the Gambia, where
potentially destructive conflicts were successfully mediated and resolved. The study also found that
Nigeria also stands to gain if her foreign policy is well-articulated and grounded in economic
considerations, as economic benefits of regional integration will flow into Nigeria, which is
undoubtedly the region's financial hub. The study recommends improving and continuing it's Afro-
centric foreign policy, especially prioritizing the welfare of the Nigerian citizenry, amongst other
National interests through idealism.
Keywords: Foreign Policy, Regional Stability, West Africa, Idealism.
INTRODUCTION
West Africa, in the recent past, has been embroiled in unprecedented conflicts that threatened
the peace and stability of the sub-region. Some analysts described sub-Saharan Africa as a theatre
for several large-scale conflicts, and civil wars, as well as festering low-intensity uprisings. One of
the main tasks Nigeria faces as a leading country in the sub-continent is how to settle the plethora
of conflicts raging in the area through idealist policy.
In addition, the increase in violent conflicts in West Africa since 2010 has prompted concerns that
rising risks may disrupt hard-won economic achievements and impede future development
(Balasuriya, 2012). Countries such as Liberia, Sierra Leone, Togo, Ivory Coast, Mali, Guinea
Bissau, Sao Tome, Principe, and the Gambia endured protracted conflicts that threatened their well-
being and stability, as well as that of the entire sub-region, if not for Nigeria's timely interventions.
According to Jacques Klein, the United Nations Secretary Gneral's Special Representative to
Liberia, Nigeria has contributed significant human, material, political, and diplomatic resources to
resolving the crises in the subregion, particularly in Liberia and Sierra Leone (News Watch October
2005).
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Looking at the nature of these crises shows that they are mostly rooted in their internal democratic
processes and violent religious extremism, and ethnic rivalry accentuated by selfish leaders’ intent
to cling to political power. This position is supported by H.E. Bassole, Foreign Affairs Minister of
Burkina Faso. He said, "it is in his landlocked country’s best interest to promote good neighbourly
relations, peace, and stability through dialogue." The Minister said, in West Africa the hostilities in
the area are often caused by people not being happy with their access to power and problems with
democracy and government. He thought that many of the current conflicts in West Africa were
caused by leaders who didn't want to give up power and were willing to use any means, like
manipulating ethnic and regional identities, to stay in power. This left people feeling like they
weren't a part of the political process and like they were left out.
The manner and complexities of this crisis call for a powerful regional actor, such as Nigeria, to
mediate in the management and resolution of these crises to ensure stability in the region. It is
against this backdrop that this study has been undertaken to shed light on Nigeria’s Afrocentric
Foreign Policy as a key determinant of regional stability in West Africa using ECOWAS as the
platform to address regional challenges. Generally, the actions of nations in the pursuit of their
foreign policies are often influenced by some factors which link external situations to domestic
considerations, thereby giving rise to series of policies. These actions and policies towards other
nations are what are interpreted as the national foreign policy.
From a geopolitical standpoint, seeing Nigeria as the centrepiece of Nigeria's foreign policy should
be seen from a viewpoint that Nigeria is well-positioned as the most influential country in the
region. With a strong army, a large population, and vast petroleum resources, Nigeria is undeniably
the strongest country in the region. It is also in Nigeria's national interest to have a peaceful and
stable region given its cultural, geographical, and historical ties with other countries within the sub-
region. Due to transnational security concerns, Nigeria's security will be affected by what happens
in its neighbouring countries. This is very true considering the trend in other parts of the world. The
Middle East, Asia, and Africa have witnessed the scourge of conflicts and their destabilising effects
on the economies and stability of nations, and most times, spillovers across the regions.
Given this consideration, Nigeria has repeatedly mediated and promoted peace in many conflict
areas in West Africa through the setting up of national and sub-regional early warning response
mechanisms to avert conflicts. However, this undertaking has been of great cost in human and
material resources to Nigeria, making some people within the Nigerian foreign policy making
community to call for policy redirection from African affairs. Oppo (1999, p.3), averred that "our
national interests have to be re-defined. Does Africa still represent the cornerstone of our foreign
policy when we have more respect from other countries than we get from African nations despite
our whole-hearted commitment to them? If yes, what are the benefits we get from the choice". He
argued that in facing enormous domestic economic difficulties, Nigeria should draw back into its
shell and face its problems squarely. Corroborating this view, Pine (2011, p.10) observes that "the
foreign policy elite and political leadership of successive governments seem to be carried away by
its philosophical allure (Afrocentricity) rather than its rational idea." In this sense, economic
benefits, continental political leadership, national interest, military partnerships, and strategic
engagements are sacrificed on the altar of good neighbourliness and psychological gratification."
Similarly, Zabadi, cited in Alli (2001), corroborates this opinion that; "even though the world treats
Nigeria as a regional and sub-regional leader and listens to her opinion on African affairs and even
world issues, there is a contradiction because Nigeria is an underperformer in domestic affairs"
(p.21).
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This study, thus, brings to the fore an understanding of Nigeria's foreign policy as the basis for its
mediatory efforts. Noting that we live in an interconnected world where conflicts in some countries
affect others in many ways, as seen in the recent Greek economic crisis that challenged Western
European countries and their banking systems and the humanitarian concern in Iraq and Syria,
Spillovers from these crises, due to the migrant issue, have birthed serious security concerns in
Turkey and far away from Germany. Due to the nature and the broader impact of regional
instability; the United Nations Organization attached so much importance to regional efforts and
cooperation designed to bring about peace in the different regions of the world.
Statement of the Problem
Whereas Nigeria’s Afro-centric foreign policy can guarantee regional stability, the recurring
decimal of conflicts in the West African region is a challenge to Nigeria's foreign policy. It is also
incontrovertible that a conflict-prone region is inimical to development and investment prospects.
West Africa has severally been described as a conflict zone due to the plethora of crises bedevilling
the sub-region. From independence struggles in the 1960s and post-independence crises due to
power struggles and internecine strife accentuated by greed and mismanagement of public
resources, countries such as Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Guinea Bissau, Ivory Coast have
experienced civil wars and political crises in recent times. The Gambia recently experienced a
constitutional crisis. Togo is also in political turmoil between the incumbent President (Faure
Gnassingbe) and the opposition political parties, pushing for term limits to the constitution. There is
also the Tuareg rebellion in Northern Mali and the ongoing insurgency in the Maghreb. All of these
point to the fact that West African countries are so disposed to crises with all their attendant
consequences of underdevelopment and poverty in a region that accounts for the majority of the
twenty poorest countries in the world, following UNDP 2005 human development and human
security indices.
If crises in West African countries are allowed to fester, especially in neighbouring countries
bordering Nigeria, it will surely affect her in several ways, such as the influx of refugees into the
country, a hindrance to trade activities, and the free movement of people and goods, etc. These
were the views advanced by President Muhamadu Buhari of Nigeria to Alassane Ouattara of Ivory
Coast during a meeting between the two leaders. He said, "There will be regional consequences for
instability in Togo and this will surely come at a development cost" (Leadership Newspaper,
August 2, 2018). He further reiterates that Nigeria will continue to support efforts directed toward
peace-building, security, and stability, as well as the fight against terrorism and violent
extremism. Therefore, regional stability is key if the region is to make any meaningful
development.
This conception in her foreign policy has earned her praise within the international community as
well as some local condemnation for the ways and manner in which it has performed. This study
will have its thrust on Nigeria’s ability to manage internecine conflicts within the sub-region using
her leadership role and regional organisations such as ECOWAS to bring about peace,
development, and stability to this crisis-prone region.
This study aims to evaluate Nigeria’s Afro-centric foreignpolicy and its impact on regional stability
in West Africa. Specifically, this study will aim at the following research objectives: to show the
positive contributions of Nigeria’s Afro-centric foreign policy on regional stability in West Africa;
and examine the impediments to the efficacious implementation of the idealist Afro-centric foreign
policy of Nigeria.
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Research Questions
1) What are the positive contributions of Nigeria's Afrocentric foreign policy to regional stability
in West Africa?
2) What are the challenges to the successful implementation of Nigeria's African centered Idealist
foreign policy in the maintenance of peace and security in the Subregion?
LITERATURE REVIEW
Foreign Policy
According to Merriam-Webster (2017), a policy is a clear plan of action chosen from different
options and based on current conditions to guide and decide what to do now and in the future. Note
(2016) defined policy as a broad spectrum of planned activities or step-by-step procedures geared
towards achieving formulated goals. The policy also entails what to do and what not to do. It
involves a careful plan of action geared towards achieving set objectives.
Therefore, the foreign policy of every nation consists of decisions and acts that significantly affect
ties between one nation and another (Frankel, 1975, p.9). Foreign policy, according to Ayah (1999),
is a state's government's plan of action regarding its ties with other sovereign nations and non-state
actors. It is also stated to refer to the set of laws, regulations, and guiding principles by which a
sovereign state develops ties with other nations. States design their foreign policy through high-
level decision-making procedures. In international politics, only national interests are permanent,
not friendships or enemies. The principles are often adjusted to changing circumstances while
retaining some key elements of major importance. Foreign policy is formulated domestically and
projected externally to achieve some desired objectives by other state actors in the international
system.
Therefore, any strategy that a government intentionally implements to attain certain aims and
objectives in the international system might be referred to as foreign policy. A state's foreign policy
consists of three specified basic components: the guiding principles, the desired outcomes, and the
available tools to attain the desired outcomes. These objectives represent the national interest and
serve as the basis for political activity (Ogwu, 1986).On a seminal note, foreign policy simply
entails the actions and interactions of State actors in the international system. This activity is
viewed from the domestic and external environment. Furthermore, Rourke (2008) in his analysis
opined thus;
Foreign policy is the goal sought, values, set decisions made, and actions that were
taken by states and national societies and it constitutes an attempt to design,
manage and control theforeign relations of national societies.
The preceding suggests that foreign policy is a mechanism through which nations affect their
interactions with other states and attain their goals within the global system. These policymakers'
primary responsibility is to arbitrate between these two realms (Evans & Newnham, 1999).
Morgenthau (1951), the renowned power theorist, more often recognised as the founder of post-
World War II realist theory in international relations, defines foreign policy within the context of
national interest, where he is of the view that it is concerned with the pursuit of national interests by
states. Holsti (1970) in his paper "National Role Conception in the study of Foreign Policy" defines
"foreign policy as the actions of states towards the external environment and the conditions—
usually domestic—under which those actions are formulated."
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States often seek social, cultural, political, and economic objectives in the international system that
cannot be realised within the borders of the national state. Occasionally, nations require the active
participation or even aid of other system states in order to accomplish their national objectives.
Consequently, a state must unavoidably interact with the external world. This communication is
generally referred to as foreign policy in its entirety (Ojo & Sesay, 2002, p.113). Foreign policy
assumes, fundamentally, a separation between within and outside, or the internal and external
environments. This sort of political interaction occurs between these two parties.
As an analytical instrument, foreign policy acts as a conceptual guide by offering the objectives
frequently evaluated by a state when considering a proposed foreign policy decision. As an
instrument for political activity, it serves to defend or reject a state's foreign policy options and
international activities. This demonstrates the relationship between national interests and foreign
policy. Furthermore, (Rosenau, 1969 in Ofoegbu,1980, p.4) has this to say about foreign policy;
Foreign policy is the category, which deals with defense, security, international
political relations, and international economic relations. It deals with the relations
between one actor in the international system and other actors in the international
system. These other actors, as we said earlier, maybe states international
organizations, some types of individuals, or the environment of the system
irrespective of whether the elements involved are social, cultural, orstructural
(Rosenau, 1969 in Ofoegbu, 1980, p.4).
However, like other concepts in international relations, universal The definition of foreign policy
still lacks legitimacy. And scepticism is raised on the likelihood of any definition of the field
gaining general approval. Intriguingly, prominent and preeminent researchers in the field of
international affairs have offered useful and applicable elucidation of the notion in their writings.
According to Adeniji (1968, p.15), it is a projection of the country's national interest into the trans-
national arena and the interaction between one and the other as a result.
Nigeria’s Afrocentric Foreign Policy
Afrocentric policy, or Africa-centeredness in Nigeria’s foreign policy, is a key principle in
Nigeria's foreign relations doctrine. The underlying principle governing the policy gives primacy
and priority attention to African issues in Nigeria's foreign relations. According to Gambari's
(1985) "Concentric Circle theory’, West African affairs came second on the priority list of Nigeria's
national interests. Writing on the concept, Professor Akinyemi (former Nigerian Foreign Affairs
Minister), has this to say: "If we imply by Africa being the focal point of our foreign policy that
Nigeria should identify with and defend Africa's legitimate interests, it also means that African
governments should collectively identify with and protect Nigeria's interests" (cited in Iganga,
2010, p.125).
Generally speaking, Nigeria’s Afrocentric foreign policy simply means doctrine or practise
whereby Nigeria gives African-related matters have the topmost attention, especially as compared
to other matters and issues. Scholars such as Olusanya and Akindele (1990, p.4) have tried to
describe the motivation for Nigeria’s Afrocentric foreign policy principle. They succinctly stated
that,
Nigeria is geo-politically located on the continent of Africa and because she is
undeniably Africa’s and Black race’s most populous country with abundant
resources, Nigeria carried the burden of history.
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Africa as the centerpiece of Nigeria's foreign policy is based and influenced by the fact that Nigeria
over the years has sought to place African issues at the top of her priorities better than any other
country in Africa (Iganga 2010). Interestingly, studies reveal that virtually all of Nigeria’s leaders’
pre-and post-independence era have ensured that Nigeria’s foreign policy is hinged on the
promotion of the national interest of the federation and the promotion of Africa-centered foreign
policy. The recognition of the historical and socio-geographical position of Nigeria vis-a-vis her
foreign policy orientation before independence in 1960, most likely influenced the Afro-centric
conception and direction of Nigerian foreign policy immediately after independence (Chazan et al.,
1988; Fawole, 2000). Therefore, before independence, eminent Nigerians, such as Ayo Rosiji, Jaja
Nwachukwu, Chief Femi Fani-Kayode, and Nnamdi Azikiwe, had expressly voiced their opinion
that Nigeria was destined to play an important and leading role within the context of African
politics. For example, while making his contribution to the January 1960 Parliamentary motion, he
went ahead to argue that Nigeria’s independence was necessary and essential as "the whole Black
continent is looking to this country (Nigeria) to liberate it; the whole Negroid race is looking to
Nigeria to be free from slavery" (House of Representatives Debates (Independence Motion, 4
January, 1960, p.89).
Fawole (2003, p.106) further argued that a similar sentiment had earlier been expressed by Chief
Hon. Nnamdi Azikiwe, who was Nigeria’s first ceremonial President when he opined that:
It should be the manifest destiny of Nigeria to join hands with other progressive
forces in the world to emancipate the people of Africa and other people of African
descent from the scourge of colonialism. Nigeria should be in the vanguard of the
struggle to liberate Africans from theyoke of colonialism (Azikiwe, 1961).
Thus, it is pertinent to note that the very first Prime Minister of Nigeria; Sir Abubakar Tafawa
Balewa gave a submission to the position of the country’s foreign policy plans which he laid before
the parliament on August 30, 1960. In that policy speech, Balewa noted that;
Very particular attention will be devoted to adopting clear and practical policies
about Africa. We shall make every effort to find a way to unite our efforts and
prevent Africa from becoming an area of crisis and world tension.
This position was further explained by the Prime Minister in his keynote address to the United
Nations General Assembly in New York on the 7th of October 1960 and which later formed the
major principles of Nigeria`s Afro-centric foreignpolicy.
Accordingly, section 19 sub-sections (1) of Nigeria’s 1999 constitution as amended, listed the five-
major foreign policy concerns of Nigeria to include;
1. Strong commitment to the principles of non-alignment;
2. Increased respect for the legal equality, political, independence, sovereignty, and territorial
integrity of all states;
3. Principle of non-interference in the affairs of other Nation-States;
4. To seek the membership of international organizations as a means of promoting functional
cooperation and importantly;
5. Africa to become the centerpiece of Nigeria’s foreign policy.
The aforementioned clauses represent a reaffirmation of Nigeria's foreign policy emphasis from
1960 to the present. Nigeria's efforts to securing unity, prosperity, peace, and security on the
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African continent must be properly acknowledged in light of this strategic objective (Ashiru &
George, 2013). However, it should be noted that the realities of African politics at the time of
Nigeria's independence prevented the country from gaining a broader perspective on African
affairs.
Concept of Regional Stability
Brauer and Dunne (2016) define a region as a territorial sub-system of the global system whose
basis might be geological (based on earth formations such as plains or coastline), geographical,
political, cultural, or geo-climatic.
At the 1945 meeting in San Francisco, the Egyptian delegation proposed an amendment to the
draught language of the United Nations Charter that restricts the term' region' or 'region
arrangement' to the following:
organizations of a permanent nature grouping in a given geographical area,
several countries using their proximity, community of interests, or cultural-
linguistic, historical, or spiritual affinities, make themselves jointly responsible
for the peaceful settlement of any disputes which may arise between them and for
the maintenance of peace and security in their region, as well as for the
safeguarding of their interests (Palmer and Perkins, 2004).
Furthermore, a region within the context of International Relations could be said to mean a
geographical area embracing the territories of three or more states which are bound together by ties
and shared interests. Stability in the assertion of Hedley Bull (1977), "seems most applicable in
broad systemic terms – i.e., the non-existence of major war; avoidance of too much concentration
of power in any one state; and upholding the political independence and territorial confines of
extant actors in the system".
Stability often presupposes adherence to agreed-upon laws and norms within a specific
international system or subsystem, which presupposes moderation in the unilateral use of force.
Inimical to regional integration and stability, the antithesis of stability is conflict. According to
Coser (1956), conflict arises when two or more parties engage in a fight over ideals and claims to
status, power, and resources in which they seek to neutralize, harm, or eliminate their opponents.
Conflicts in West Africa have consequently grown and escalated to various levels of full-scale
violence, with all the concomitant repercussions of damage, stoppage of economic activity, refugee
issues, and environmental catastrophe. According to research conducted by Conflict Resolution
Stakeholders Network (CRESENT) in 2001, the term "conflict" conjures up images of war,
fighting, misunderstandings, disagreements, anarchy, stress, crisis, and aggressiveness.
According to Elliot's "A Case Study in Conflict Study" (1989), the true causes of many of the
world's most severe conflicts are the denial of fundamental rights to food, employment, shelter, and
cultural life, as well as large-scale prejudice and exclusion from society's decision-making
processes. Therefore, peace, security, stability, and good governance are prerequisites for attaining
sustainable economic development. Challenges and challenges to stability, security, peace, and
robust institutions of government are consequently varied. Regional cooperation has historically
been advantageous in many regions of the world in terms of reducing armed and non-armed
conflicts and maintaining regional stability (Asiwaju, 1990).As part of various international
agreements, African Union member states are obligated to promote good governance and
democratisation processes in their respective nations.
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Consequently, stability denotes the absence of significant conflict, the avoidance of an excessive
concentration of power in any one state, and, most crucially, the maintenance of the political
independence and sovereignty of state players within the system. Intriguingly, stability is seen as
conformity with agreed-upon laws and norms inside a separate international system or sub-system,
which presupposes restraint in the unilateral use of force. It is evident from the preceding that order
and stability are key and essential components of every nation's foreign strategy. Therefore,
governments and foreign officials explain their ambitions, objectives, etc. based on regional
stability.
Theoretical Frameworks
Power theory
Hobbes (1588-1679) argued that humans had a natural desire to dominate. He defined power as a
man's current means to achieve some apparent future good (leviathan Ch:10). He argued
convincingly that if two individuals sought the same thing, they could not both have it; they would
use every possible methods to either conquer or entirely kill themselves (Rourke and Boyer,
2004:15). The reckless use of power to achieve national interests by states is not new. Power
according to realists, is the central theme in international relations and, as such, synonymous with
realism. Realism is a philosophical worldview that regards the power struggle among States as a
constant feature of international politics. Proponents of power theory include Morgenthau (1962),
Dahl (1961), Waltz (1986), Spykman (1942), and Carr (1946).
The core argument of power theory is that states in international relations are "occupied" by their
"national interest," and that in order to achieve this, nations must enhance the aspects of their
national power in comparison to those of other states. States conduct their internal and foreign
agendas through the use of some form of power (Palmer and Perkins, 2004:31).
Scholarly works by Waltz (1979) and Mearshemer (1995) exemplified the prevalent notion that
power relations decide who fights whom and when. According to Waltz (2000, p.52), "the most
significant international political events are explained by variations in state capacity." According to
Appadurai (2004, p.229), Niccolo Machiavelli emphasised mathematical variables that may aid in
addressing political issues based on interest, prudence, and expedience in his work The Prince.
Notably, states in the international system do not always pursue complimentary interests, and again,
the extent to which a state may obtain from the system or other states is mainly determined by its
power disposition. This is possibly why Morgenthau (1948, p.39) asserts that the primary concern
of states in the international system is the acquisition of power, defining the term as the control of
the minds and actions of other men, and that states strive to increase their power in order to pursue
and protect their national interests. To this purpose, power theory or realism transfers the emphasis
from conventional diplomacy, international law, and morality to power as the primary explanation
for why nations act as they do within the system. He summed up by asserting that:
While the individual has a moral right to sacrifice himself in defense of a moral
principle, the State has no right to let its moral disapprobation … get in the way of
successful political action, itself inspired by the moral principle of national
survival (Morgenthau, 1948, p.39).
According to Zakaria (1998:9), foreign policy is determined by the government and not the nation
as a whole. Therefore, state power counts more than national power. State power is the part of
national authority that the government may extract for its own purposes; it indicates the ease with
which central decision-makers can achieve their objectives.
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Waltz (1979) asserts that the international system is comprised of structures and units (states).
States are always confronted with insecurity due to the anarchic structure of the international
system and the absence of a central authority (Jervis, 1979, p.169). States tend to grow their power,
the primary variable in realist theory, to secure their existence.
This study considers power theory useful despite the fact that it places too much focus on force and
conflict, overlooking collaboration in some areas of mutual interest between nations, as idealist
philosopher’s advocate. Nigeria's Afrocentric Foreign Policy demonstrates the use of power as a
foreign policy tool in contemporary world politics. This position is rightly captured by Alli (2012):
Nigeria’s approach to sub-regional security and conflict resolution is often seen as
inextricably tied to its international role conception by its leaders. This role
conception has become the defining paradigm for the country’s foreign policy
engagement and has conferred on it the role of a natural leader with manifest
destiny and theresponsibility to promote and protect the interest of Africa.
From the power perspective, Nigeria's mediatory role in West Africa could be viewed from the
power perspective as a regional hegemony or continental leader in Africa. Nigeria played this role
using all elements of her national power, which included a strong military, population, abundant
petroleum resources, and buoyant economy compared to other countries in the region. This position
is captured succinctly by Magnowski (2014).
The choice of Africa as the focal point of Nigerian foreign policy is influenced by a number of
other factors, including Nigeria's strategic location within the West African sub-region, its status as
the most populous black nation in the world with an estimated population of over 170 million, and
its contribution to more than 51% of the entire West African gross domestic product (GDP) with an
estimated GDP of $1.1 trillion. Power theory is relevant in the analysis of this study considering the
way and manner Nigeria deployed its Alpha jets and newly acquired naval ship (NNS) Unity to The
Gambia in (Operation Restore Democracy), a show of force in the political stalemate between
former President Yaya Jammeh and Adama Barrow that won the disputed election of December 1,
2016. This was purely from a hegemonic/stability standpoint that sees Nigeria as a regional force in
the sub-continent with a responsibility to lead in the promotion of peace, political stability, and the
entrenchment of democracy. It is equally the quest to exert power that led to the motive behind
Nigeria’s self-acclaimed, Giant of Africa, which, of course, must be demonstrated in terms of
relative power (Osuji, 2013). Hence, Nigeria, as an actor in the international system, without
exception, portrays itself as a state that aspires to dominate others in Africa.
This domineering posture is quite evident in the fear, uncompromising and uncooperative attitude
of Francophone West African countries. For instance, in ECOWAS vis-à-vis ECOMOG and their
respective peacekeeping operations in the sub-region. However, proponents of the economic
diplomacy/hegemonic stability school of thought view the assumption of such a role as capable of
meaningfully contributing to the resolution of the multitude of intra-state and inter-state crises that
have become the defining characteristics of the majority of states in the West African sub-region
and Africa (Ploch, 2013, p.1).
As a result, Nigeria has upheld the principles of sovereignty and nationalism as central to its
Afrocentric foreign policy since its political independence in 1960. Therefore, it can be logically
asserted that the country’s foreign policy is wholly consistent with this paradigm because all its
actions are predicated on the preservation of dominance in West Africa specifically and the African
continent in general. Thus, according to Akinboye (2002, p.75):
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The pursuit of power, no doubt is the guiding philosophy of realism that
statesmen must vigorously pursue, conserve, consolidate and demonstrate at all
times. This is the only condition for ensuring national security, order, and peace in
any political system such as Nigeria.
Because the essence of politics is a power struggle, Nigeria, in all its ramifications, has the moral
justification to defend its perceived national interest with all available means—military, economic,
and so on. In the course of this research endeavor, therefore, an attempt shall be made to unravel
the reasons why Balewa, the first Prime Minister of successive political leaders, has consistently
made Afro-centric foreign policy a cornerstone of Nigeria’s foreign policy.
The Role Approach
The "role approach" is another theory that helps to explain the Afrocentric nature of Nigeria's
foreign policy. The Role Approach is a framework for the study of behavior based on the concept
of roles (Sekhri, 2009). In the realm of foreign policy, decision-makers envision and assume that
governments should embrace and fulfill a variety of responsibilities, obligations, and commitments
within the international or subordinate regional system. Holsti pioneered the application of the role
method to the study of foreign policy and international relations in 1970. He analyzed the
relationships between national role ideas and participation models in international political affairs
(Holsti, 1987). In his essay titled "National Role Conceptions in the Study of Foreign Policy,"
Holsti identified many notions applicable to foreign policy analysis. "Role Performance" comprises
the government's attitude, choices, and actions to implement their self-defined national role
conceptions or the role prescription resulting from various conditions. Holsti (1987) finds, then,
that "activities always occur inside a position that is a system of role prescriptions." Other
advocates for the role approach include Walker (1979), Johnson & Westerlund (1982), and
Campbell & Aggestam (1999).
The Role Approach is a functional theoretical paradigm in which states are viewed as fulfilling a
range of functions. Of them, the most well-known are liberation supporters, regional leaders,
regional guardians, active independents, anti-imperialist agents, mediators, peacemakers, and anti-
terrorism agents (Sekhri, 2009). Both Holsti and Walker believe that policymakers' role
conceptions are the primary source of foreign policy choices and actions. Factors such as domestic
needs and demands, critical events or trends in the external environment, the expectations of other
governments, legal norms, and general usage (and) treaties shape "foreign policy orientation,"
create role perceptions, and place the state in a position where certain role performances are
expected of the government (Holsti, 1987).
Goldstein and Keohane (1993) characterized role conceptions as a collection of rules that indicate
anticipated foreign policy behavior and action orientation. It may be viewed as a road map that
foreign policymakers use to simplify and facilitate their comprehension of a complicated political
reality. Culturee, history, domestic laws and institutions, national values, personality, the political
needs of policymakers, capabilities, resources, location, traditional roles, ideology, domestic needs,
and demand, or external circumstances and resources conducted with the international maker, such
as treaty commitments, the structure of the international system, or a sense of danger from enemies
and neighbours, can serve as sources and circumstances. According to the Role Approach (Sehkri,
2009), these circumstances and sources influence a policymaker's perception of a country's
orientations and responsibilities within the international system or subordinate regional systems.
This leads to specific state positions, which are called role perceptions or role conceptions.
32
The Power Approach
It is either the scramble by the ruling elites to hold on to power at the national and regional level or
the ambition for territorial expansion because of the location of strategic natural resources that
leads to conflict in the African sub-region.
Mareike (2013) said that conflict is when different groups want different things. West Africa has
16 countries, according to the United Nations: Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Ivory Coast,
Gambia, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, and Togo (United Nation statistics
division, 2012). The post-cold-war era, from the end of the 1980s until now, is called the "post-
generation." He went further to say:
The causes for West Africa’s tendency to conflict are diverse and highly
interlinked. Jackson talks about the accumulation of political, economic,
structural, historical, and cultural factors (2006:22) and Williams emphasizes that
there is no single element to blame (2011, p.5).
This article argues that West African governments have been so prone to violence after the end of
the cold war as a result of weak state institutions and the politics of the governing elites to maintain
power, which has caused discontent among the public.
I will add that in addition to all these expansionist desires and the attempt to grab the natural
resources in neighboring towns, states, and nations, there is also another factor and to confront
these challenges, there is a need for a strong power in the sub-region and region to promote peace.
Nigeria by its population, Natural Resources endowments, and military power added to the cultural
links to its neighbors, is in a vantage position to encourage peace and it has been doing that through
shuttle diplomacy and peace missions. It provides economic assistance to some of its neighbors and
power supply at a reduced rate. All these are done to guarantee its security as any armed conflict in
neighboring countries is bound to affect Nigeria in the uncontrollable and unmanageable refugee
crisis and also in the bringing in of arms through its porous border, thereby increasing criminality
in Nigeria.
Nigeria, therefore, cannot profit from conflict in West Africa and it is in its national interest to be
involved in covert and overt operations to protect its territorial integrity.
Born in the decades after independence, Sierra Leoneans and Liberians have never known anything
except conflict. Thus, the civil wars of the post-cold war era were only more violent and murderous
than those of the preceding decades, as a result of poor administration, autocratic authority, and the
exploitation of the populace (Adebajo, 2002:15). The Liberian civil war lasted from 1989 until
2003, including a period of relative calm between 1996 and 1999. I must add that this was not
isolation from the sufferings that the people went through that led them to go to neighbouring
countries as refugees, which created security challenges in the countries. In the same vein, other
scholars also talked about the spillover effect of conflict in West Africa. The Sierra Leonean civil
war spilled over from its warring neighbour in 1991 and ended in 2002 (Ken, 2005, p.267).
Methodology
The study adopted qualitative method of data analysis. Secondary sources such as include books,
journals, newspapers, internet sources, etc. are the major sources of data collections.
Study Area
The history of West Africans begins approximately 4,000 BCE with the earliest human settlements.
West Africa was first settled by humans approximately 12,000 BCE. As the ancestors of current
33
West Africans entered the region in the fifth millennium, sedentary agriculture began to evolve in
West Africa. Iron industries, including smelting and forging for tools and weapons, appeared in
Sub-Saharan Africa by 1200 BCE. By 400 BCE, contact with the Mediterranean civilizations had
been established, and a regular trade included the export of gold, cotton, metal, and leather in
exchange for copper, horses, salt, textiles, and beads. The Nok civilization (1000 BCE to 200 or
300 BCE), the ancient history of the Serer people, and the creation of the Sene-Gambian stone
circles (between the third and sixteenth centuries C.E.) all contributed to the development of culture
(World Bank, 2011).
Source: theenergycollective.com
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
Nigeria’s mediatory role in West African conflicts
This section will analyse how Nigeria's Afrocentric foreign policy has affected regional stability in
West Africa. The crucial question is whether or not Nigeria's Afrocentric Foreign Policy has
contributed to regional stability. Yes, Nigeria's Afro-centric foreign policy has significantly helped
to regional stability in the West African sub region, hence the question posed above may be
answered in the affirmative. Peace and stability in the area are the consequence of Nigeria's
mediation efforts, which are backed by her foreign policy. Indeed, Nigeria has contributed
positively to regional security via mediation, which has been a true weapon of its diplomacy to
date.
The Use of the Role Approach in Liberia.
Nigeria played the critical and crucial roles of a big brother, mediator, peace builder, and peace
enforcer, and these are key visible roles played by it, which goes to show that it was actively
involved as an agent of stability, a platform for peace in its participation in multiple peace missions
in the under listed countries and the success it recorded.
Nigeria played a key role as a visible player by offering Asylum to Charles Taylor when his
presence in Liberia was a threat to the peace process. Nigeria’s use of role approach did not end
with providing Asylum to Charles Taylor in Calabar-Nigeria, Nigeria handed him over to the
International Court of Justice when he attempted to illegally flee Nigeria, which found him guilty
of eleven charges of war crimes, grievous crimes against humanity, and other serious violations of
34
international law, including murder, slavery, forced labour that resulted in child’s soldiers, and
rape. If he had escaped, he would have threatened the government in Liberia.
This trial took place in the special court for Sierra Leone, which was established in 2002 in
response to a 2000 request by the government of Sierra Leone to the United Nations that Charles
Taylor be brought to justice for serious crimes against civilians and United Nations peacekeepers
he committed during the country's decade-long civil war, which lasted from 1991 to 2000. This
court is authorised to try war crimes, crimes against humanity, and violations of Sierra Leonean law
perpetrated in Sierra Leone as far back as November 30, 1996. This court sat from 2009 till 2017.
This demonstrates Nigeria's stabilising influence in the subregion of West Africa, since it was able
to consolidate and stabilise Sierra's democracy.
According to Akinterinwa (2010), the personal diplomatic efforts of Nigeria's military Heads of
State have been highly substantial, notably those of General Yakubu Gowon, Olusegun Obasanjo,
Ibrahim Babangida, Sani Abacha, and Abubakar Abudusalam. As President of the United States
from 1999 to 2007, Obasanjo was also an advocate for conflict settlement. Through shuttle
diplomacy, President Obasanjo was able to end the Liberian conflict in 2003. He mediated a
compromise between rebel troops and President Taylor that led to the formation of the Government
of National Unity in Liberia and Charles Taylor's refuge in Nigeria (Sanda, 2004, p.276).
Mr. Jaques Klein, United Nations (Ambassador to Liberia, and the then-United Nations Secretary-
General, Mr. Koffi Annan) thanked Nigeria for sending soldiers to Liberia prior to the
establishment of the United Nations Mission in acknowledgment of Nigeria's contribution to
regional stability. Mr. Klein praised the Nigerian leadership in Liberia, stating, "President Obasanjo
has performed miracles in Liberia, both in advancing the peace process and in contributing troops."
In affirming Nigeria's contribution to regional stability, former U.S. President George W. Bush
said, "Every time I see the President, he brings a fresh perspective on politics and the situation on
the African continent, and I want to thank you" (http://www.whitehouse.gov).
The Use of Role Approach in Cote D’Ivoire
Nigeria also played a significant role in restoring peace in Cote d'Ivoire between then-president
Laurent Gbagbo and his associates, on the one hand, and Alassane Qattara, on the other, following
the 2000 election, which was bitterly fought. Obasanjo launched many missions around West
Africa in 2003 to establish a cohesive response to the Ivorian issue.
Role Approach in Togo and the Republic of Benin
During the tense and volatile conflict between Togo and the Republic of Benin in 1975, which was
alleged to be based on ideological cleavages and personality clashes between President Kerekou
and President Eyadema, the possibility that the conflict could spill over into Nigeria, at least in
economic terms, stimulated Nigeria’s interest in a peaceful resolution. The incessant border
closures by the belligerents posed a serious threat to Nigeria's economy. At the peak of Nigeria's
port closure in 1975, scores of trucks bound for Togo loaded with cement bound from Nigeria were
washed away by rain as they waited for the belligerents to reopen their boundaries. Thus, faced
with a serious threat of economic loss, Nigeria waded into the crisis and used her good offices to
obtain a peaceful settlement (Ogwu, 1986).
Successes of Nigeria’s Mediatory Role in West Africa's Regional Economic Integration
In accordance with the ECOWAS Protocol, Nigeria has prioritized economic integration by
promoting free trade, establishing a regional currency, and promoting and expanding infrastructure
35
development such as road, railway, telecommunication, power, and gas pipelines, which has
resulted in increased agricultural and industrial production. Nigeria, being the most prosperous
country in the sub-region, has played a significant role in maintaining the pace of targeted
economic support such as technical assistance, selling oil at concessionary prices, and giving
humanitarian help to other countries.
During President Obasanjo's administration, Nigeria also established a second monetary zone,
which is planned to join with the francophone CFA to form a single monetary zone for the area.
Nigeria has also encouraged the free movement of people, goods, and services, as well as the
development of sub-regional infrastructures such as roads (the Lagos/Accra line, with plans to
connect Abidjan and Dakar in the future), shipping (the ECO MARINE project), airlines (the ECO
AIR project), power (the West African power grid project), and gas pipelines (the Lagos-Accra gas
pipeline project) (Alli, 2012).
Promotion of Good Governance and Democracy
As previously stated, the biggest wars in West Africa, such as those observed in Liberia, Sierra
Leone, Cote D'Ivoire, Mali, and the Gambia, were caused by the political elite's reign of impunity,
marginalization, violation of human rights, and anti-democratic behavior. These leaders' proclivity
for individualized autocratic governance generated bloodshed and ethnic warfare. Furthermore, the
adoption of elections as the benchmark for legal power transfers has encouraged political
opponents to regard the process as a zero-sum game. To avert these conflicts, Nigeria recognized
that strong devotion to democratic culture was the key to sub-regional stability. The relationship
between democracy and regional stability is widely documented. Nigeria is still battling with her
democratic process and must aid her West African neighbors in solidifying democracy by electoral
assistance and rigorous commitment to democratic precepts to attain this aim of a democratic West
Africa.
Peace and Stability through the Fight against Criminal Activities
Her counter-terrorism efforts and battle against cross-border criminal operations have resulted in
relative calm and stability. Trans-border crimes and criminal activities in Nigeria are reflections
and ramifications of the sub-years regions of civil conflicts, famine, and economic degradation
(Alli, 2011, p.146). Nigeria is aiding Sahelian nations in combating the smuggling of small arms
and light weapons (SALW), drug smuggling, and human trafficicking through the ECOWAS Small
Arms Control Programme (ECOSAP). The persistent banditry on innocent residents in northern
Nigeria prompted the formation of a Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) to counter the
operations of the Jama'atu Ahlis Sunna Lida'awati wal Jihad, also known as the Boko Haram group.
The Nigerian National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), the National Agency for the
Prohibition of Human Trafficking (NAPTIP), and the National Agency for Food and Drug
Administration and Control (NAFDAC) have all been involved in cross-border operations
throughout West Africa. Nigeria has also played a significant role in curbing marine piracy in the
Gulf of Guinea, which has long posed a danger to the region's internal economy, trade, and the flow
of foreign direct investment.
Challenges to Nigeria’s Mediatory Role in West Africa
It is undeniable that Nigeria has achieved greater heights in her mediatory efforts in West Africa,
but certainly not without some domestic and regional challenges. These challenges include:
36
Hegemonic perception from the Francophone member of the community
Despite Nigeria’s unreserved commitment to resolving the plethora of crises in West Africa, her
efforts have been viewed with contempt by the Francophone countries, who still maintain strong
economic and political ties with France, their former colonial master. Nigeria’s genuine efforts are
therefore viewed with the cynicism of competition with France’s interest in the region. This has led
to several States not recognising Nigeria's efforts in the way they should be. Sierra Leone, which
has benefitted so much from Nigeria, was the country that prevented ECOWAS from taking a
united stand.
in support of Nigeria’s candidacy for a United Nations Security Council (UNSC) permanent seat
(Ogunsanwo, 2010, p.45). Sometimes Nigerian soldiers and civilians are killed out of envy and
hatred. Also, the recent xenophobic attacks on Nigerians in South Africa and the arbitrary
deportation of Nigerians from Libya and some West African countries smack of great hatred.
Therefore, Nigeria does not deserve this unpleasant treatment considering her commitment to peace
and security in the region and Africa in general. However, she has continued to invest in the
ECOWAS project and regional security concerns because Nigeria’s security is tied together with
the sub-region. Furthermore, the Nigerian government's apparent failure to respond to alleged
xenophobic attacks on Nigerians in South Africa in 2008 throws into doubt the country's claim and
commitment to a citizen diplomacy-driven foreign policy strategy if it cannot utilise it to defend its
people's interests.
Internal Economic Challenges
The internal economic challenges in Nigeria have been a bane to an effective foreign policy drive.
The country is confronted with massive unemployment, poverty, a shrinking economy, corruption,
and poor infrastructure. Given the plethora of problems facing the country, scholars such as
Okpokpo and Zabadi do not consider Nigeria's financial commitment to ECOWAS and the pursuit
of an Afro-centric foreign policy worthwhile. Of course, indeed, the right balance between the
domestic scene and a fluid external environment has not been achieved, which in itself is a
contradiction to Nigeria's foreign policy priorities. This assertion is also supported by (1997), p.12),
that "where a country’s foreign vision and assumed roles impact negatively on its domestic affairs,
its objectives must be re-examined and refocused." The Jonathan administration attempted to
refocus Nigeria's National Security Strategy under the leadership of the late General Owoye Azazi
as National Security Adviser, with the sole goal of developing a comprehensive approach for more
coordinated and effective response to crises and emergencies in the region (The Nation, January 17,
2010).
Unemployment
Unemployment is one of Nigeria's most critical challenges. Many people are dissatisfied as a result
of widespread unemployment. Because of the current economic downturn, unemployment has
surged. Official Nigerian figures show that 38% of people under the age of 24 are jobless.
According to the World Bank, this figure is closer to 80%. Nigeria's unemployment rate rose to
18.80 percent in the third quarter of 2017 from 16.20% in the second quarter. From 2006 to 2017,
Nigeria's unemployment rate averaged 10.63%, hitting an all-time high of 19.70%. (National
Bureau of Statistics). In March 2014, 16 individuals were killed at a stampede when 500,000 job
hopefuls rushed to register for around 5,000 positions in the Nigeria Immigration Service. High
unemployment is the blame for widespread poverty. According to estimates, 54.7% of Nigeria's
population lives in poverty.
37
Shrinking Economy
The country’s economy has been deteriorating over the years. This is due to pervasive corruption
and inconsistency in government policies. According to Soludo (2004), the lack of consistency and
greed of politicians are some of the causes of the haemorrhage in the economy. The policies of
Obasanjo’s government were not followed through. The NEEDS programme was replaced by
President Yar’Adua’s government with Vision 2020. This was also the situation when President
Buhari’s government came on board. Almost all the economic policies of President Jonathan were
reversed.
Contributions of Member-States of ECOWAS
MEMBER COUNTRY FINANCIAL
S/N CONTRIBUTIONS FOR
ECOWAS SUSTENANCE
1 Benin 3.9%
2 Burkina Faso 2.6%
3 ape Verde 1.5%
4 Cote D ‘Ivoire 13%
5 The Gambia 6%
6 Ghana 12.9%
7 Guinea Bissau 1.5%
8 Liberia 6.7%
9 Mali 1.9%
10 Mauritania 2.6%
11 Niger 2.1%
12 Nigeria 32.8%
13 Senegal 5.4 %
14 Sierra Leone 4.4%
15 Togo 3.6%
Source: ECOWAS Secretariat Lagos, Library Document on Members’ Contribution, 2013.
Summary
Nigeria is indeed considered a crucial player in regional security policy and peace initiatives which
she pursues within the framework of the ECOWAS Mediation and Security Council. Nigeria’s role
thus includes conflict resolution through peacekeeping, peace support operations, and mediation of
political crises in the region. The technical aid corps programme, where Nigerian professionals
render free technical assistance to West African countries to grow their capacity, has been of great
assistance. Nigeria’s role in global peace is quite commendable. Since its independence in 1960,
Nigeria has participated in peacekeeping operations in the Congo, Lebanon, Mozambique, Angola,
Namibia, Yugoslavia, Sudan, Darfur, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Cote d'Ivoire, and so on.
Conclusion
This study has painstakingly mirrored Nigeria’s Afrocentric Foreign Policy and therefore concludes
that despite its challenges and the huge financial costs to Nigeria, it has positively contributed
immensely to regional stability in West Africa through peacekeeping/peace support operations,
mediation of political crises, counter-terrorism efforts, and the fight against transnational criminal
activities as seen in countries hitherto enmeshed in crises. Nigeria is regionally and internationally
38
adjudged the promoter and driver of sub-regional peace and security initiatives in West Africa and
continental Africa by the United Nations Organisation, EU and the United States of America.
The study has also shown that due to the inter-connectedness of countries in West Africa, Nigeria
cannot afford to run an isolationist foreign policy where she is concerned with herself alone. This
position is well backed by the theory of conflict systems, which posits that conflict can spill across
borders and is shaped and sustained by the strong transnational connections between countries
(Buhaug and Gleditsh, 2008). It, therefore, means that even though Nigeria would have redirected
her foreign policy focus towards West Africa, she stands to be affected by any crisis within her
immediate borders due to the trans-national links that exist with neighbouring countries.
The studies found out that Nigeria played key roles in resolving conflicts and maintaining peace
which means that it utilized the Role approach theoretical framework of behaviours in the active
roles played by Nigeria’s leaders in personally galvanizing the sub-region to maintain relative
peace in the midst of the flash points and actual outbreak of hostilities. Nigeria’s leaders embarked
upon on diplomatic shuttles and financial commitments in peace activities. The Role performance
prescription of Holsti (1987) was shown to be utilized by Nigerian leaders.
The paper is arguing that Nigeria should continue and strengthen its policy of having Africa as the
centre piece as the centre piece of its foreign policy with the sub-region- West Africa as one of the
concentric circles of its sovereign policy and in the pursuit of these, it has vigoriously pursued.
There is scramble for power in Nigeria by the ruling elites using one excuse or the other and in the
process, there is violence and the same thing happened in Nigeria’s neighbouring countries. The
civil war in Liberia was started by the struggle between the natives and the settlers and that in Cote
D’Ivoire was because of sit tight leadership and the same in Sierra Lone. It is also the control for
more territories that led to cross border versus countries components are all caused by the urge to
control and dominate. Nigeria realising that conflicts among its neighbours affect her directly and
indirectly. Therefore, it has to play an active roles in maintaining peace in order to guarantee
development in West Africa and the whole continent.
Recommendations
From the above summary and conclusion, this study makesthe following recommendations:
1. Nigeria and other Africa countries should continue with the Afro-centric Foreign Policy thrust.
However, the governments should prioritise the welfare of the their citizens amongst other
things. This will help Africa countries to project power externally from a position of their
national pride and strength.T
2. While supporting the sustenance of Afro-centric Foreign Policy which makes Nigeria a
substantive leader in West Africa, attention should be concentrated on achieving vital national
interest such as socio-economic growth and improve the standard of living in Nigeria. Other
African countries should also strive in using foreign policy thrust to improve the standard of
living of their people.
3. There is the an urgent need to convene a Foreign Policy Summit to re-define our national
interest, refocus our foreign policy in such a way that minimise losses and optimise the benefits
inherent in Nigeria’s mediatory efforts as opined by Ogwu (2001), that with the economic
integration scheme in ECOWAS; the entire region serves as our common market where our
products can flourish ifthe right framework and bilateral trade policies are workedout.
4. Sub-regional conflicts management mechanism in sub- Saharan Africa should be reformed in
line with current realities. These will enhance information sharing and jointeffort in dealing with
internal conflicts.
39
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