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LetgdTheory 3 (1997), 65-99. Printed in the United States of America
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ON DIFFERENCE AND EQUALITY

Cynthia V. Ward
Arizona State University
The concept of "difference" forms the core of contemporary attacks on

"liberal legalism" and is central to proposals for replacing it.2 Critics charge
that liberal law quashes difference because it grounds political equality and
individual rights in the assumption that all persons share certain "same-
nesses," such as rationality or autonomy. In the words of the philosopher
Iris Marion Young, "liberal individualism denies difference by positing the
self as a solid, self-sufficient unity, not defined by or in need of anything or
anyone other than itself." 3 Tie claim is that this "sameness"-based vision of
equality is in fact an exercise of power, reflecting a highly specific model of
personhood that was constructed by and for a white male elite and ensures
I am grateful to Bruce Ackerman, Jeffrie Murphy, Fernando Teson, and the faculty at the
College of William and Mary for valuable comments.
1. The phrase "liberal legalism" describes a system of law grounded in the principles of
liberal philosophy; as used in feminist and critical-race theory it has become a term of
opprobrium. See, e.g., Richard Delgado, lien a Story Isjust a Story: Does Voice Really Matter?, 76
VA. L REv. 95, 103 (1990) (expressing frustration of critical-race theorists with premises of
liberal legalism); Catharine MacKinnon, TOWARD A FEMINIsT TIEORYOF THE STATE 170 (1989)
("Including, but beyond, the bourgeois in liberal legalism, lies what is male about it"); Robin
West.Jurisprudenceand Gender, 55 U. Clu. L REv. 1 (1988) (arguing that liberal legalism is
essentially and irretrievably masculine").
2. Discussions of "difference" abound in feminist and critical-race theory, as well as in
postmodern literature generally. Set, e.g., Anne Dailey, Feminism's Return to Lileralism, 102 YE
LJ. 1265 (1993) (discussing importance of "difference" question in feminist jurisprudence);
Sheila Foster, Difference andEquality:A iticalAssessmentof the Concept of *Dierity,' 1993 Wis. L
REv. 105 [hereinafter Foster, Difference and Equality];Angela P. Harris, Foreword: Thejurispru-
dence of Reconstruction, 82 Cuir. L REv. 741 (1994); Iris Marion bung, Polity and Group
Difference, 99 Enics 250 (1989); Iris Marion Young. The Ideal of Community and the Politics of
Dirffrnce, in FEMINts1/POrM1ODERnItst 300 (Linda J. Nicholson ed.) (1990) [hereinafter
Young, The Ideal of Community]; Martha Minow, Forruord:Justice Engendered, 101 HARv. L REv.
10 (1987); Martha Minow, Wen Difference Has Its Home- Group Homes for the Mentally Retaned,
EqualProtectionandLegal Treatment ofDifference, 22 HARY. C. R. C. L L REV. 111 (1987); Martha
Minow, MARING AIL THtE DIHmENcE: INCLUSION, ExcLUsION, AND AMERICAN Lw (1990) [herein-
after Minow, Making all the Difference); Iris Marion YoungJUSTIcE AND THE Polmcs OF DiFFER-
ENcE (1990) [hereinafter YoungJustice and the Politics ofDifference).
3. Young, The IdealofCommunity, supranote 2, at 307. See also Minow, MakingAll theDiferene.
supranote 2, at 377 ("Rights analysis.. . fails to supply a basis for remaking . .. institutions to
accommodate difference. Integrated into institutions not designed with them in mind, for-
merly marginalized people may simply become newly marginalized or stigmatized"). As I
discuss below, most critics (including Young) attack a specific type of liberalism, which cele-
brates individual autonomy and agency and advocates their maximization via a legal system
grounded in individual rights. Thus, not all forms of liberalism are subject to all of the
criticisms made here. See infm note 13 and accompanying text.
65
66 CYNTHIA V. WARD
its continued social dominance.4 Liberalism's critics conclude that the

achievement of social justice will be possible only when sameness-based
conceptions of equality are rejected.5
Their argument launches two foundational attacks on liberal theory.
First, the charge that liberalism "denies difference" is the primary means by
which critical theorists contest liberalism's commitment to equality. Second,
that charge appears to contradict the claim that liberal societies maximize
"diversity" by allowing all individuals the largest possible quantity of free-
dom to live out their own particular visions of the good life. In response to
critics like Young, for example, liberal theorist William Galston argues that
"purposive liberalism ... comes closer than any other form of human asso-
ciation, past or present, to accommodating human differences. It is 'repres-
sive' not in comparison with available alternatives but only in relation to
unattainable fantasies of perfect liberation."
The legal and political outcomes of this dispute could be dramatic, for
"difference" theorists translate their challenges to liberalism into reform
proposals that could require substantial restructuring of liberal political
and legal institutions. Martha Minow, for example, advocates a restructur-
ing of rights in ways that would de-emphasize their autonomy-protecting
function and instead help to preserve relationships and empathic, differ-
ence-respecting dialogue.? Sheila Foster claims that "we must establish
institutional participatory patterns that accept and value the contributions
4. See, eg., Christine A. Littleton, Reconstructing Sexual Equality, 75 CAL. L REV. 1279, 1282
(1987) ("As a concept, equality suffers from a 'mathematical fallacy'-that is, the view that only
things that are the same can ever be equal"); Mlinow, Making all the Difference, supra note 2, at
149 ("Both the historical and heuristic versions of [liberal] social contract theory claim to be
inclusive, participatory, and egalitarian, yet both replicate the process of exclusion and subor-
dination that preserves the two tracks of legal treatment"); id. (noting that "lie U.S. Consti-
tution [is based on liberal principles and] is a document produced through an indisputably
exclusionary process"); Young, justice and the Politics of Difference. supra note 2, at 164-66
(claiming that "politics of difference . . . promotes a notion of group solidarity against the
individualism of liberal humanism," which is characterized by an "assimilationist ideal" that sets
facially neutral "norms" that in fact disadvantage oppressed groups).
5. Harris,Jurisprudenceof Reconstruction, supra note 2, at 761 (critical-race theorists advance
an idea of "equality based not on sameness but on difference"; id. at 770 (critical-race theory
attempts to refigure equality in ways beyond sameness and difference); Minow, Whsen Difference
Has Its Home, supra note 2. at 113 (explaining main goal of article is to argue that "categorical
approaches" to law, which attribute "difference" to different people, undermine commitments
to equality); Minow. Making All the Difference, supra note 2, at 50, 74-75 (contesting idea of
equality as sameness); Young, Polity and Group Difference, supra note 2, at 250-51.
6. William Galston, LIBERAL PURPosEs: GooDs, VIRTUES AND DVESTPsVINT iE LIBERAL STATr 4
(1991). See also Bruce Ackerman, SocIALJUSTICE INTE LIBERAL STATE 18 (1980) (advocating "a
liberal conception of equality that is compatible with a social order rich in diversity of talents,
personal ideals, and forms of community"); Ronald Dworkin, TARING Ricirts SERiousLn272-73
(1977) (defining "liberal conception of equality" as mandating that government 'must not
constrain liberty on the ground that one citizen's conception of the good life is nobler or
superior to another's").
7. Minow, MakingAll the Differene, supra note 2, at 227-390 (defending her vision of "rights
in relationship").
On Difference and Equality 67
8
of those differences that have been left out" Scholars have argued that
properly accounting for racial "difference" implies the abolishment of Title
VII and the reimagining of the law of employment discrimination and equal
protection.9 And Iris Marion Young proposes a "politics of difference" that
would incorporate "a principle of representation for oppressed groups in
democratic decisionmaking bodies," as well as other group-based rights.'o
In Part I of this Article I analyze the liberal value of diversity; in Parts II
and III, I compare it with antiliberal conceptions of difference; in Part IV,
I evaluate the connection of "difference," as conceived by critics of liberal
legalism, to the underlying and (I argue) more fundamental value of
equality.
"Difference" advocates advance their legal reform proposals in the name
of true equality-equality grounded not in sameness but in difference."t I
conclude that, although equality can and should accominmodatea wide range
of differences, these efforts to construct equality fromn difference eviscerate
the concept of equality. To argue, as "difference" theorists do, for the
prioritization and celebration of equality based on "difference" is to argue
against any foundational commitment to equality. To the extent it adds
anything new to legal discussion, "difference" theory is necessarily anti-
equality.
1. LIBERAL DIVERSITY
Liberals tend to speak of respecting "diversity" rather than "difference," and

this reflects more than a semantic disagreement with their critics.12 The two
8. Foster, Difference andEquality, supra note 2, at 156.

9. See, e.g., Roy L Brooks and MaryJo Newborn, CriticalRare Theory and Classical-LiberalCivil
Rights Scholarship:A Distinction II7thout a Di[ernee?,82 C.L. L REv. 787,804-44 (1994).
10. Young, justice and the Politics ofDifference, supr note 2, at 158.
11. See, e.g., Foster, Diffrience and Equality, supra note 2, at 110-11 (examining concept of
diversity under "hybrid equality paradigm" and concluding that "[tlo be useful in achieving
the goal of equality, a diversity rationale should recognize those differences that have been
constructed into a basis for, and have resulted in, systemic exclusion and disadvantage for
individuals possessing those differences."); id. at 147-61 (affirming importance of equality goal
and advocating idea that explicit recognition of socially relevant differences is necessary to
achieve it); Allan C. Hutchinson, identity Crisis: ThePoliticsofinterpretation,26 NEw ENG. L Rv.
1173, 1192 (1992) (on postmodern view of difference, "the subject becomes a site for the
constant and continuing struggle to take on an identity that is conducive to a truly egalitarian
society"); id. at 1208 ("The triumph of a truly democratic politics will only occur when die
author-monarch is finally dead and a polity of truly equal readers and writers is established and
lived"); Young, Polity and GroupDifference, supra note 2. at 251 ("the inclusion and participation
of everyone in public discussion and decision making requires mechanisms for group repre-
sentation"); Young, justice and the Politics ofDifffrence, supranote 2, at 173 (assuming that '[a]
goal of social justice . .. is social equality," which "refers primarily to the fill participation and
inclusion of everyone in a society's major institutions, and the socially supported substantive
opportunity for all to develop and exercise their capacities and realize their choices").
12. The term "diversity" is also widely employed to refer to efforts by private and public
entities to hire women and members of racial and ethnic minorities. "Diversity" is thus a
68 CYNTHIA V. WARD
ideas have significantly dissimilar content, and in the ensuing discussion I

examine and compare them.
A. Content of Liberal Diversity
Although they often fail to acknowledge it, contemporary "difference"

theorists do not really attack liberalism per se, but only those versions of
liberal thought that assume the presence of threshold levels of rationality,
autonomy, and/or agency in all human individuals and draw from this
foundational assumption the political conclusion that equal, and individ-
ual, rights ought to form the basis and the boundaries of the state. However,
since autonomy- and rationality-based liberal theories abound,i 3 such criti-
cisms have potential power.
All students of liberalism are familiar with the slogan that a liberal state
must allow each person the greatest possible freedom to pursue his or her
vision of the good life.2 4 This principle derives directly from two underlying
assumptions; first, that people are importantly the same, and therefore
deserve an equal opportunity to choose and direct their livesi5 ; and second,
that people are also importantly different, which means that, given an equal
description of a particular justification for affirmative action in hiring, a justification that

focuses on the benefits to the hiring organizations and/or society at large of including within
these organizations members of previously unrepresented, or underrepresented groups. This
political meaning of diversity should be distinguished both from the theoretical claims of
liberalism outlined above, and from the discussion below of difference theory. Indeed, the
diversity rationale for afirmative action is parasitic upon a society's prior decisions as to what
difference is and which differences do, or should, matter. See, e.g., Foster,Differnre andEquality,
supra note 2, at 109 ("Diversity has been used as a code word for a variety of differences'); id.
at 111 ("the current concept of diversity is 'empty' because it lacks a mediating principle. By
treating all differences the same, it ignores the 'salience' of certain differences in this society
by extracting differences from their sociopolitical contexts").
13. See, e.g., Ackerman, supra note 6, at 182, 196 (explaining importance of autonomy in
liberal theory); id. at 4-7 (outlining conception of rationality that forms basis for author's own
brand of liberalism); Richard -1. FallonJr., Two Senses of Autonomy, 46 STAN. L REv. 875, 876
(1994) ("A view tracing to Kant maintains that other values possess their worth only because
rational, autonomous agents find them worth pursuing.");John Rawls, A TuEORYOFJusTcE
515-16 (1971) ("Following the Kantian interpretation ofjustice as fairness, we can say that by
acting from these principles [ofjusticel persons are acting autonomously. they are acting from
principles that they would acknowledge under conditions that best express their nature as free
and rational beings.... Thus, moral education is education for autonomy").
14. See, e.g., Ackerman, supra note 6, at 54-55 (articulating requirement that liberal princi-
ple of neutrality "does not distinguish the merits of competing conceptions of the Good");
Galston, supra note 6, at 10 ("the liberal conception of the good... allows for a wide though
not wholly unconstrained pluralism among ways of life. It assumes that individuals have special
(though not wholly unerring) insight into their own good. And it is consistent with the
minimization of public restraints on individuals); Rawls, supranote 13, at 92-93 ("[A] person's
good is determined by what is for him the most rational long-term plan of life.... To put it
briefly, the good is the satisfaction of rational desire*).
15. See, e.g., Gerald Dworkin, Ttm THEoRY AND PRtcncE oF AtrroNo.MY 31 (1988) ("Moral
respect is owed to all because all have the capacity for defining themselves").
chance to choose, their actual choices will vary.t6 Because liberalism posits
normatively that all people have equal moral worth, the empirical fact of
human difference mandates respect for each person's "right to be differ-
ent" and to have his differences tolerated by others.17
Three relevant conclusions follow from this. First, liberal diversity theory
does not rely upon any particular account of the source of human diversity.
By simply accepting human difference as a given and fitting respect for it
within the general rubric of liberal equality theory, liberalism sidesteps
continuing debates over the comparative responsibility of biology and social
construction for human behavior and personality. The version of liberalism
discussed here merely assumes that, whatever the source and extent of
difference, adult human beings possess at least some autonomous control
over important life choices.18
Second, in an important sense liberal diversity is a derivativevalue; that is,
its normative status in liberal theory proceeds from the liberal's primary
respect for dhe equality of individuals, a respect that when married to the
empirical fact of human differences requires the liberal to value diversity
and to create the political condition of individual freedom through which
to recognize it.19 Because humans are the same in certain ways, they must be
given an equal chance to live their lives to the fullest; and because humans
are also importantly different, an equal chance mandates individual free-
dom and a respect for diversity. Note that the strength of this diversity value
can range, consistent with this conclusion, from mere toleration to affirm-
ative respect and admiration for difference. That is, a liberal can consis-
tently take either the view that her own way of life is best but the different
choices of others must be accommodated because, as individuals possessing
16. See, e.g., John Stuart Mill, ON UERTW ANNOTATED TExr, SOURCES. AND BACKGROUND
CRmcISM 65 (David Spitz ed. 1975) ("Such are the differences among human beings in their
sources of pleasure, their susceptibilities of pain, and the operation on them of different
physical and moral agencies, that unless there is a corresponding diversity in their modes of
life, they neither obtain their fair share of happiness, nor grow up to the mental, moral, and
aesthetic stature of which their nature is capable"); Robert Nozick. ANARCm; STATE. AND
UTOPA 308-09 (1974) (discussing extensive diversity of human beings); Amarta Sen, IN-
EQUALTIy REEXAsNED 19-21 (1992) (discussing impact of "extensive human diversity" on
equality theory).
17. See, e.g., Michel Rosenfeld. Substantive Equality and Equal Opportunity: A jurispnidential
Appraisa 74 CL L REv. 1687, 1702 ('In its broadest terms, then, equalities must be con-
structed so that those who are different are not regarded as inferiors, and conforming
identities are not imposed upon then").
18. See, e.g., Fallon, supra note 13, at 887-88 (defending conception of descriptive autonomy
and noting that "the self, though situated and socially constituted, remains capable of appre-
ciating her situated condition, of assessing and criticizing her assumptions and values, and of
revising her goals and commitments. . . . The self is a creature in and of the world, but one
capable of at least partially transforming herself through thought, criticism, and self-interpre-
tation").
19. SeeSen, supma note 16, at 12-16 (noting that 'every normative theory of social arrange-
ment that has at all stood the test of time seems to demand equality of somehing-something
that is regarded as particularly important in that theory," and thus that "the battle is not, in an
important sense. about 'why equality?', but about *equality of what?'").
70 CYNTHIA V. WARD
autonomy, agency, or whatever, they have the right to be wrong, or the view
that there are many equally valuable "visions of the good life," and that she
should therefore be encouraging to, and welcoming of, visions that differ
from her own. Both approaches assume a value for diversity that follows
coherently from a liberal understanding of equal respect for individual
personhood.
Third, liberal equality serves as both the value that grounds respect for
diversity and as the boundary to diversity. One's right to pursue one's own
vision of life, which derives from the liberal's equal respect for all people,
is simultaneously limited by the equal right of everyone else to do the same.
'To each his own" is a liberal sentiment that does not apply to persons
whose vision of self-maximization requires the murder or torture of others.
In short, liberal respect for diversity is both derivative of, and subservient
to, the foundational liberal value of (sameness-based) equality. Over time,
however, the exact relationship between these two values has shifted, driv-
ing liberalism toward visions of equality that have continued to embrace
foundational sameness but have also increasingly acknowledged the pro-
fundiLy of human difference.
B. Diversity and Liberal Equalities
It is important to distinguish between two relevant meanings of equality.

The first refers to equality as a distributiveprinciple, as a particular means of
implementing a deeper equality ideal-via libertarian "equal rights,"2 0 or
equal distribution of resources, 21 or of primary goods,22 etc. At this level the
argument is not over whether human beings are the same (and therefore
equal) in some descriptive sense, but over which form of egalitarian distri-
bution of resources will best serve an already accepted equality premise.23
The second meaning of equality refers to the justification of political and
legal egalitarianism, advancing an answer to the question, 11hy should we
arrange society and law so as to guarantee equal distribution of
resource(s)?24
20. See, e.g., id. at 22 ("ibertarian demands for liberty typically include important features
of 'equal liberty,' e.g., the insistence on equal immunity from interference by others').
21. Ronald Dworkin, Mat Is Equality? PartI. Equality of IWelfarr, and I hat Is Equality?Part 2*
Equality of Resournas. 10 Pilu & Pus. Am. (1981).
22. Rawls, supra note 13.
23. Amy Gutmann may be drawing this distinction between liberalism's equality assumptions,
which she defines as the function of "describing people as equal beings... ,'and egalitarian-
ism, which she defines as the "justif)ing a more equal distribution of goods, services, and
opportunities among those people." Amy Gutmann, LIERAL EQUAlnY2 (1980).
24. Amartya Sen, supra note 16, at 12-30, discusses these two ideas, noting that "[tiwo
central issues for ethical analysis of equality are: (1) 1W1hy equality? (2) Equality of What?"
Discussing the work ofJohn Rawls. Ronald Dworkin notes a similar difference between Rawls's
two conceptions of equality, which consist of claims with respect to the distribution of goods,
and claims to equal concern and respect for all individuals, Dworkin, supm note 6. at 180-82.
The connection between these two meanings of equality has changed
significantly within liberal theory. According to its now-standard tale, liber-
alism's earliest vision of egalitarianism found its legal expression in the view
that individuals have "equal rights." This vision of legal equality, also char-
acterized by the phrases "equal treatment" and "formal equality," inter-
preted equal rights to mandate identical treatment, resulting in the
principle that the law may not treat similarly situated persons differently. 2 5
The legal principle of equal treatment begins from a justification of
equality that relies on some shared trait-some "samcness"-among all
humans (for example, autonomy, agency, capacity to have a vision of the
good life and act upon it, or capacity for "moral personality"), and proceeds
mechanically to import this "sameness" justification into the legal and
political spheres via the principle of "equal rights." Equal treatment is based
on the idea that, because people are (in relevant ways) the same, the law
should treat them the same.
Although findamental sameness has remained the core justification of
liberal equality, the sameness-based egalitarian principle has been succeeded
by a myriad of reformulations of the meaning of legal and political egalitari-
anisin, among which are the closely related principles of "equal concern,"2
"
"equal acceptance,"o 7 and "equal opportunity:"2 8 These principles began to
open a divide between the sameness-based justification for legal equality and
the proper means of implementing it. They sought legally to express the view
that liberal law should endorse different treatment for different persons in the
service of the underlying principle that people are, in the relevant liberal
senses, the same. Progressive liberal theorists argued that treating everyone
the same necessarily erased importantand relevantdifferences among them.
Although humans share autonomy, they also have differences that make
treatment "as an equal" inconsistent with identical treatment.29-
Two things are important about this. First, the progression of liberalism
discussed above worked a significant change in the relationship between
equality and diversity within the liberal framework. Equal treatment was
found inadequate as a legal principle precisely because it was in findamen-
tal tension with diversity, and liberal philosophers concluded that treating
people the same took insufficient account of their differences and was
therefore a violation of liberal equality properly conceived.
Second, the liberal progression from equal treatment to a mandate of
"treatment as equals" altered the relationship between equality asjustifica-
25. See, e.g., Ackerman, sufmp note 6, at 18 ("Certain forms of equal treatment-say, formal
equality in the administration ofjustice-have been central to the liberal tradition"). For a
contemporary defense of this idea. ret grnerallvNozick. supra note 16.
26. Dworkin, supranote 6. at 180, 272-78.
27. iuttleton, supra note *1, at 1284-85.
28. Jermna I lill Kay, Equality arit Diffrrere: The Case oflrgnancy. I 1ERKEtEY WOMEoNS Lj. 1,
26-27 (1985).
29. Dworkin, supra note 6, at 180-82.
72 CYNTHIA V. WARD
tion and equality as a distributive principle. The changes within liberalism

have demonstrated that a sameness-based justification of equality does not
necessarily imply egalitarian treatment, but can mandate different treat-
ment for those with special needs. 0
Thus, critical attacks on liberalism for advocating equality based on
"sameness" do not inherently engage liberal distributive principles-which
are now filly compatible with the idea of different treatment. The attacks
must therefore address only the liberal justification that those distributive
principles grow out of some basic sameness-rationality, autonomy; or
whatever-shared by humans as humans.
It is true that justifications of liberal principles of legal equality, even in
their progressive modes, are ultimately grounded in descriptive assump-
tions of human sameness. Asked why people should be "treated as equals"
legally, the liberal replies by articulating some common faculty related to
the capacity of persons for agency, autonomy, rationality; or a variant that
justifies whatever version of political and legal equality the liberal finds
appropriate. The move from "equal treatment" to "treatment as equals"
simply breaks the symmetrical connection between equality as justifica-
tion-the descriptive sense in which all humans are the same-and politi-
cal-legal egalitarianism, which has moved from being grounded in sameness
to the acknowledgment of difference. The failure to recognize certain
differences has become a failure to treat all people as equals. Thus, a
contemporary -liberal society can justify the expenditure of public funds to
construct special sidewalk and building ramps for the physically disabled,
although this involves treating disabled persons differently from the non-
disabled, on the principle that the disabled, as equal persons in the sense
relevant to such access, deserve "equal concern and respect," which in turn
commands equal access to the public sphere. And liberal feminists have
argued that equal access can mean different treatment-such as special
workplace accommodations for pregnant women 3 l-that is nevertheless
grounded in women's findamental sameness to men.
30. Other forms of liberalism-e.g., utilitarian ones-demonstrate that egalitarian treat-

ment does not require descriptive sameness at its base. A liberal utilitarian might simply assert
that equal respect for the rights and freedoms of individuals-the idea that each counts for
one, and no more than one-maximizes utility, however that function is defined. (But whydoes
it do so? Why does treating people equally maximize utility? Because humans generally have a
pferrnre to be treated equally? if so, is that in itself, or is the capacity to experience happiness
or suffering, an indication of some fundamental sameness? Since a "yes" answer to that
question would simply fold utilitarianism into the general argument of this essay, while a "no"
answer leaves the argument untouched, I will put aside utilitarianism for the moment. But see
infra, text accompanying note 150.
31. See, e.g., Kay, supranote 28. at 22 (proposing -episodic analysis" that would "takeaccount
of biological reproductive sex differences and treat them as legally significant only when they
are being utilized for reproductive purposes."); id. at 27 ("in order to maintain the woman's
equality of opportunity (luring her pregnancy, we should modify as far as reasonably possible
those aspects of her work where her joh performance is adversely affected by the pregnancy.
Still, even in its contemporary forms diversity remains subservient to
equality within liberalism-a fact that motivated the liberal civil-rights
movement. Implied in the liberal convictions that equality is a value more
basic than diversity, and that persons are equal because they share certain
threshold capacities, is the notion that differences among humans may not
be used to underminelegalequality. Indeed, for a liberal, history teaches the
dangers of over-focusing on differences. Liberals are alert, for example, to
the human propensity to falsely assume fundamental difference in the
character, intelligence, or personality of others based on immutable char-
acteristics such as skin color, gender, or physical handicap, which are in fact
unrelated to the moral worth of persons. Liberals have attempted to see
through such differences to the essential humanity2 of (for example)
women, racial minorities, and handicapped persons.
In short, large groups of people, including racial minorities, women, and
the handicapped, have in the past been miscategorized as inferior, when
differences between them and the majority have either been invented or
translated into justifications for ignoring their claim to equal personhood.
The history of liberalism demonstrates that these miscategorizations can be
corrected via the argument that such groups of persons share the basic
samenesses that justify treatment as equals under liberal law.
In an important sense, liberalism's critics attempt to reverse the liberal
relationship between equality and diversity: While liberals treat diversity as
subservient to, and dependent upon, equality, critics of liberalism reject the
idea that equality can or should be based on an assumption of sameness
among all persons and emphasize instead the irreducible importance of
human difference. 33
II. ESSENTIALIST DIFFERENCE
A. Sameness as Domination
At the heart of most theoretical attacks on "liberal legalism" is the claim
that, contrary to their express commitments, liberal institutions are main-
Unless we do so, she wvill experience employment disadvantages arising from her reproductive
activity that are not encountered by her male co-worker"); id. (episodic analysis will enable
the law to treat women differently than men during a limited period when their needs may be
greater than those of men as a way of ensuring that women will be equal to men with respect
to their overall employment opportunities"); Littleton, supra note 4, at 1283 (arguing that
.equality can be ... reconstructed as a means of challenging, rather than legitimating, social
institutions created from the phallocentric perspective."); id. at 1284 (advancing notion of
equality as acceptance and averring that "[tlo achieve this form of sexual equality, male and
female 'differences' must be costless relative to each other").
32. Suhdefined as rationality, capacity for moral personality, agenc) etc.
33. Nlinow, Making All the Diffrrnmr. supm note 2, at 146-17.
74 CYNTHIA V. WARD
tained by and for a white male elite that hides its domination of society
behind empty claims to respect the equal moral worth of all persons. 34 Of
course, the critics do not need to claim that liberalism suppresses all differ-
ence; they could even acknowledge that, within the constraints of its core
assumptions about human nature-assumptions that justify its view of
equality-liberal theory allows the flourishing of many visions of the good
life. 35 It is those constraints, however, that radical difference theorists target
as parochial and highly restrictive. 36 Indeed, according to this view the
liberal's bounded respect for "diversity" actually suppresses the acknow-
ledgment of fundamental "difference."
B. The Relational "Different Voice"
Reduced to its core components, the attack on liberal diversity makes two
claims. Critics charge first that liberalism misdescribes human nature by
assuming and celebrating individual autonomy and choice while simultane-
ously excluding from law and politics important parts of the self such as its
interdependence and/or relational capacity 37 ; and second, that those ig-
3-1. Se, e.g.. Derrick Bell, Forteum:The Civil Rights Chanicles, 99 HAR. L Rrv. -1. 6-8 (1985)
(discussing contradiction between America's ideal of equality and its reality of racism, and
arging that tu(luch of what is called the law of civil rights ... has a mythological or fairy-tale
quality"); Harris,juriprudeneof Recontruction, supra note 2, at 754 (critical-race theory "puts
law's supposed objectivity and neutrality on trial, arguing that what looks like race-neutrality
on the surface has a deeper structure that reflects white privilege."); id. at 759 (-History has
shown that racism can coexist happily with formal commitments to objectivity, neutrality, and
colorblindness"); Catharine MacKinnon, TowARD A FratNIMST THEORY OF THtE STATE 220-21
(1989) (liberal conception of equality as employed in sex discrimination law conceals "the
substantive way in which man has become the measure of all things); id. at 224 ("Men's
physiology defines most sports, their health needs largely define insurance coverage, their
socially designed biographies define workplace expectations and successful career patterns,
their perspectives and concerns define quality in scholarship, their experiences and obsessions
define merit, their military service defines citizenship, their presence defines family, their
inability to get along uith each other-their wars and rulerships-defines history: their image
defines god, and their genitals define sex. These are the standards that are presented as gender
neutral"); Young,justice and the PoliticsofDiffere, supra note 2, at 168-69 (arguing that liberal
quality theory has effect of excliding those labeled "different"); id. at 173 ("policies that are
universally formulated and thus blind to differences of race, culture, gender, age, or disability
often perpetuate rather than undermine oppression").
35. See, e.g., Minow, Mtaking All the Diffi-rrne, supra note 2, at 146-49; 1bung, justice and the
Politics ofDifference, supra note 2. at 157 ("Enlightenment ideals of liberty and political equality
did and do inspire movements against oppression anti domination, whose success has created
social values and institutions we would not want to lose").
3(. See, e.g., Minow, Making All the Dif/erence, supra note 2. at 152 (Ihe [liberal) social
contract approach has been deeply exclusionary"); Ybung,justice and the Politirs of Differrntre,
supra note 2, at 173 ("Policies that are universally formulated and thus blind to differences
of race, culture, gender, age, or disability often perpetuate rather than undermine oppres-
sion").
37. Communitarians have been especially keen on this attack. & generally Miclhael Sandel,
LnIER.RAItSM AN) TIE LtTs oFJUSTICE (1982).
nored parts of the self should be both celebrated and incorporated into our
legal institutions. 38
According to some critical scholars, the liberal focus on individual auton-
omy, while validly descriptive of certain groups, obscures or suppresses
other, equally worthy visions of the good that emphasize the primary impor-
tance of relational ability and connectedness. This suppression, they
charge, has the effect in liberal societies of excluding from legal identity
groups that hold more communitarian worldviews. Much relational femi-
nist work takes this approach, arguing, in the well-known words of Carol
Gilligan, for the inclusion of women's "different voice" 39 into moral legiti-
macy and legal institutions. 40
The normative implications of this relational critique of liberalism are
clear* "liberal legalism" should either be supplemented with a legal system
that recognizes relevant characteristics, such as relational capacity, that
liberal law currently ignores, 41 or liberal institutions should be replaced
altogether by a system of communitarian deliberation that celebrates more
important features and ideals of human society.42
38. See generally Suzanna Sherry, Civic Virtue and the Feminine Voice in ConstitutionalAdjudica-
tion, 72 VA. L REV. 543 (1986) (citing Carol Gilligan and arguing for inclusion of women's
"different voice" into law); West, supra note 1 (arguing that law must incorporate women's
focus on connectedness as well as men's concern with individual autonomy).
39. Carol Gilligan, IN A DiFERENr VoIcE (1980).
40. For relational feminist discussions that use Gilligan's ideas to criticize liberal law, see, e.g.,
West, supranote 1, at 2-4. 14-26, 42 (1988) (defending the "connection thesis"-that women
differ essentially from men because they are materially connected to other human lives
through the maternal experience and therefore value connection and nurturing over auton-
omy); Sherry, supra note 38, at 543, 579-84 (hypothesizing that women's concerns about
connection, subjectivity, and responsibility for others accord well with communitarian legal
structures while men's emphasis on autonomy, objectivity, and rights translates into liberal-
ism). For a similar thesis in the context of race relations, see, e.g., Jacinda T. Townsend,
RedaimingSelf-Determination:ACallforintraradalAdoption,2 DUKEJ. GENDER L & PoL'Y 173, 181
(1995) ("The Black community maintains its own set of family values, including collective
responsibility, self-determination, and cooperative economics. These values help define a
communitarian Black society that can be contrasted with an individual rights based dominant
society").
Catharine MacKinnon, a critic of relational feminism, might nevertheless be placed in this
camp as she also appears to assume that although liberal autonomy and the liberal state work
well for men, they oppress women; see, e.g., MacKinnon, supra note 34, at 157-70, 237-49
(1989) (attacking the liberal state and liberal theory as oppressive of women). Unlike the
relational feminists, however, MacKinnon refuses to move beyond the critique of liberalism to
define a positive vision of "woman's point of view"; that is, to paint a picture of what a
postdomination world would look like. See, e.g., Catharine MacKinnon, FEHImSM UNMODIFIED
45 (1987) (ake your foot off our necks, then we will hear in what tongue women speak").
like relational feminists, MacKinnon has been attacked for "gender essentialism'; see generally
Angela Harris, Race and Essentialism in Feminist Legal Theay, 42 STAN. L REv. 581 (1990)
(charging both MacKinnon and West with essentialism).
41. See generally Sherry, supranote 38; West. supra note 1.
42. See, e.g., Sandel, supranote 37 (pointing out flaws in Rawlsian liberalism and arguing for
a communitarian vision of state). Some liberals have recently argued that liberalism and
communitarianism are not essentially opposed; see, e.g., Bruce Ackerman, WE IE PEoPLE 1:
FouNDxttoNs (1991); William Galston, LMrn.u. PURPOSES (1991).
76 CYNTHIA V. WAno
For these relational critics, recognizing the importance of "difference"

per se is not really a ftmdamental goal at all; for them, a "difference"
argument serves merely as a stalking horse for the endorsement of a
specific vision of the good that is allegedly suppressed by liberal legalism.
Either this vision should supplement liberalism, for a net gain of one "voice"
in the law, or it should entirely replace liberalism, for a net gain of zero.
Their call is not to maximize the number of visions of the good held in
society or to celebrate "difference" in the abstract, but to claim recognition
for their particular relational vision. In other words, were it irrefitably
shown to these theorists that their plans for reform would shinnk the range
of permissible visions of the good (by, for example, eliminating all those
that have resulted from the endorsement of liberalism in its current form),
they might well be indifferent.
But if this is all that is meant by calls for the filler acknowledgement of
"difference" then there is no need to use the concept at all. We should
simply proceed to evaluate the substantive visions of the good advanced by
difference advocates and decide which of them (if any) to adopt.
Ill. DIFFERENCE AS INEQUALITY
A second line of attack on liberal diversity denies even the possibility

of individual autonomy as liberals conceive it. According to this argu-
ment, which grounds much critique of liberalism from postmodern-ri
feminists and critical-race theorists, liberal autonomy is a false construct
that incorrectly assumes the presence and uncoerced choice-making
power of a unified individual self that in fact does not exisL 4 4 Advocates
of this second view attack liberalism by attempting to destabilize or "de-
construct" ideas such as autonomy and individual selfhood. Such scholars
also attack the relational critics of liberalism for relying on falsely "essen-
-13. The term "postmodern* can mean many things, and I use it somewhat loosely in this
article. Angela Harris has described the use of this term in jurisprudential literature: "[Post-
modernism] suggest[s] that what has been presented in our social-political and ourintellectual
traditions as knowledge, truth, objectivity, and reason are actually merely the effects of a
particular form of social power, the victory of a particular way of representing the world that
then presents itself as beyond mere interpretation, as truth itself." Harris, stpranote 2, at 748.
.14. &ee, e.g., Hutchinson, supra note 11, at 118-1-85 ("Rather than think of the subject as a
unitary and sovereign subject whose self-directed vocation is to bring the world to heel through
the exacting discipline of rational inquiry, postmodernism interrogates the whole idea of
autonomous subjectivity and abstract reason; it places them in a constantly contingent condi-
tion of provisionality"); id. at 1192 ("postmodernists suggest that te traditional notion of
authenticity-'o thine own self be true*-is an immediate patient for postmodern surgery");
toung, 77eldalofCommunity, supm note 2, at 300,310 ("The idea of the selfasa unified subject
of desire and need and an origin of assertion and action has been powerfully called into
question by contemporary philosophers"); id. at 308-09 (criticizing liberal conception of
moral autonomy).
tialist" categories to describe, for example, the differences between men
and wVomcn. 45 They criticize relational theorists for associating the
"male," or white majority, with liberal autonomy and the "female," or
racial minority, with nurturing and community, and then using this
supposedly inherent opposition to argue for the legal recognition of mar-
ginalized groups into law via communitarian reform of liberalism.4 6 An-
tiessentialist scholars charge that such efforts to define, for example, a
"true female self' or a "true male self" deny the full range of human
difference.4 7
In their critique of both liberal diversity and relational views, postmodern
difference theorists promote alternatives to liberal individualism that are
grounded in the celebration of difference itself. 8 To remain internally
consistent, such theories must rely upon some nonessentialist under-
standing of persons for the charge that liberalism "denies difference"4 9 and
the attendant call for fuller recognition of this concept.
A. Antiessentialist Difference
How is the liberal vision of "diversity" distinct from the concept of "dif-
ference" cmployed by liberalism's antiessentialist critics? The latter incor-
45. See, e.g., Judith Butler, Gender Touble, Feminist Theory, and PsychoanalyticDiscourse, in
FrsnNissti/PosmtsonEwNisst 32-1, 338-39 (Unda J. Nicholson ed., 1990) ("Inasmuch as the
construct of women presupposes a specificity and coherence that differentiates it from that of
men, the categories of gender appear as an unproblematic point of departure for feminist
politics. But if . . . 'sex' itself is a category produced in the interests of the heterosexual
contract, or if we consider Foucault's suggestion that 'sex' designates an artificial unity that
works to maintain and amplify the regulation of sexuality within the reproductive domain, then
it seems that gender coherence operates in much the same way, not as a ground of politics but
as its effect").
46. Set, e.g.,Joan Williams, DeconslidingGender, 87 1% icu. L REv. 797 (1989). For criticisms
of feminist essentialism, see generally Harris, supra note 10; Elizabeth Spelman, INEssENr.t.
WoMA.tN (1988). Criticism of relational feminist essentialism comes not only from postmodern
scholars but also from liberal and radical feminists. See, e.g.Jean Hampton, Feminist Contractari-
anism, in A MIND OF ONes OWN: FEmNiST EssAxs ON RLSON AND OBJECnTTY 227, 231 (1993)
(In the results of Gilligan's research showing that boys are more autonomous while girls are
more caring. "I hear the voice of a child who is preparing to be a member of a dominating
group and the voice of another who is preparing to be a member of the group that is
dominated"); MacKinnon, supra note 40, at 38-39 (criticizing relational feminists for valuing
as essentially feminine characteristics, such as nurturing and care, that are the result of male
domination).
47. See, e.g., Harris, supranote 40, at 585 (arguing that result of "gender essentialism" is "not
only that some voices are silenced in order to privilege others ... but that the voices that are
silenced turn out to be the same voices silenced by the mainstream legal voice of We the
People-among them, the voices of black women").
48. See, e.g., Minow, AtakingAll the Diffrence, supra note 2, at 3-4 (raising worries about the
process of categorization that results in the conclusion of difference).
49. Young, The Ideal ofaommunity, supranote 2,at 307.
78 CYNTHIA V. WARD
porates five fundamental themes. First, differences between people-as

least insofar as they have social consequences-are results of social con-
struction, not biological or freely chosen phenomena.so Second, the social
assignment of the label "different" to some groups, and the elevation of
that difference to political and/or legal significance, is an exercise of
power by majorities or elites over the persons or groups so labeled. 5
Difference is both the product of, and guarantor of, the continued sub-
ordination of powerless groups. A corollary is that the naming and norm-
ing process themselves help to create persons who exemplify the
difference named. 52 Third, it is impossible to transcend difference in favor
of any objective "truth" about it, since each person is trapped within his
50. See, e.g., Foster, Difference and Equality, supranote 2, at I II (To be useful in achieving the
goal of equality, a diversity rationale should recognize those differences that have been
constructed into a basis for, and have resulted in, systemic exclusion and disadvantage for
individuals possessing those differences");Janet E Hlalley, Sexual Orientation and the Politics of
Biology: A Critique of the Argument From Immutability, 46 STN. L Riv. 503, 505 (1994) ('The
postuodern critique of liberal explanations of the self posits that culture, not human nature,
gives humans their sexual orientations"); Harris, supranote 2, at 762 (discussing the postmod-
ern "problem of the subject" and claiming that 1[t]he language of race creates, maintains, and
destroys subjects, both inside and outside the law"); id. at 784 ("Racial communities, like other
human communities, are the products of invention, not discovery"); Hutchinson, supra note
11, at 1192 ('The subject is a cultural creation, not a biological given"): Hutchinson, Inessen-
tially Speaking (Is There Politics After Postmodernism?), 89 Micit. L REv. 1549, 1552 (1991) (book
review of Martha Minow, Making All the Diference) (The postmodern temper has no eternal
truth to offer and no immutable knowledge to dispense; it accepts the historically situated and
socially constructed character of truths and knowledges"); id. at 1564 ("Differences are cultur.
ally imposed and socially policed"); Minow, Making All the Difference, supra note 2, at 19-23
(discussing social construction of difference in context of the "difference dilemmas" it pro-
duces).
51. Se,e.g., Butler, supra note 45, at 326 (construction of the autonomous subject requires
domination and oppression); Hutchinson, supra note 50, at 1563 ("Domination has been
perpetuated and rationalized both by embracing difference (superiority of men over women
and white-skinned people over black-skinned people) and by eschewing difference (treatment
of women as men and African Americans as white Europeans). These are the advantages that
have made the establishment of power overwhelmingly white and male"); Minow, Making All
the Deference, supra note 2, at 50 (criticizing linkage in law between "difference" and "devi-
ance"); id. at 53 ("Assertions of a difference as 'the truth' may indeed obscure the power of the
person attributing the difference while excluding important competing perspectives. Differ-
ence is a clue to the social arrangements that make some people less accepted and less
integrated while expressing the needs and interests of others who constitute the presumed
model").
52. Harris, supra note 2, at 762 ('The language of race creates, maintains, and destroys
subjects, both inside and outside die law"): Hutchinson, supranote 50, at 1554 (The process
of labeling and naming is particularly fraught with dangers when it concerns people. To
categorize is to choose, and, in so doing, there is no escaping the responsibility of judgment
or its context of power); Minow, MakingAll the Differnce, supranote 2, at 174-77 (identifying
labeling theory as antecedent to her social relations approach, and explaining that 'labeling
theory studies the process by which an audience or community identifies some people as
deviants. That very pattern of identification has consequences for the labeled person which
are difficult to escape. Those consequences include recurring patterns of exclusion and
deviant behavior. Labeling theory thus treats difference as an idea developed by some people
to describe others and to attribute meaning to others' behavior").
53
or her own individual reality. Fourth, the fact that difference is socially
constructed rather than "natural" or intrinsic opens up the possibility of
changing it and reforming societ 5 4 Finally, and perhaps most importantly,
we should worry about the hierarchical deployment of difference labels
because only in doing so will we transcend liberal sameness-based equal-
ity55 and achieve real equality S6
1. Martha Minow's "DifferenceDilemmas"

Professor Martha Minow's scholarship offers the richest discussion of this
view of difference as applied to law, and for that reason it merits close
scrutiny here.5 7 Jn her book, Making All the Difference: Inclusion, Exclusion,
and American Law,5 Professor Minow criticizes American-style liberal legal-
ism for reinforcing socially created difference through its reliance on five
false assumptions.59 First, legal categories reinforce the invidious idea that
"'differences' are intrinsic, rather than viewing them as expressions of
comparisons between people on the basis of particular traits." This assump-
tion results in the assignment of the burden of difference to the person
deemed "different" rather than to society at large. Thus, a deaf child in a
53. See, e.g., Hutchinson, supra note 50, at 1565 ("Although people are never not in a local
context, they are never in a context that is not open to contingent revision"); id. at 1570
("While persons are not reducible to their autobiographies, they never fully escape them; they
forge their identities through the existential tension between confronting or confounding
their autobiographies"); Hutchinson, supra note II, at 1187 ('Embedded in a constitute
discourse of power, readers are also disciplined by the extant protocols of power - they are
subjects in transition"); Minow, MakingalliMeDiffnm r, supra note 2, at 53 ('There is no single,
superior perspective for judging questions of difference. No perspective asserted to produce
'tihe truth' is without a situated perspective, because any statement is made by a person who
has a perspective").
54. See, e.g., Hutchinson, supra note 11, at 1209 ("In the face of the problematized subject,
postmodernism does not capitulate to or retreat from the task of struggling towards an
enhanced social solidarity and experience of justice. The hope is to empower subjects by
making them individually aware of their capacity for self (re)creation and collectively respon-
sible for establishing a mode of social life that multiplies the opportunities for transformative
action"); Alinow. MakingAll tht DiffornCe, supra note 2, at 53 ("Difference is a clue to the social
arrangements that make some people less accepted and less integrated while expressing the
needs and interests of others who constitute the presumed model. And social arrangements
can be changed. Arrangements that assign the burden of "differences" to some people while
making others comfortable are historical artifacts. Maintaining these historical patterns em-
bedded in the status quo is not neutral and cannot be justified by the claim that everyone has
freely chosen to do so').
55. Se, e.g.. notes 4-5 and accompanying text.
56. 'Ze, e.g., note 11 and accompanying text.
57. MerlHutchinson, supma note 50,at 1550-51 (reviewing Professor Minow's book Aaking All
the Diffrne and noting that "In the jurisprudential corner of postmodern scholarship, the
work of Martha Minow deserves especial attention. Infused with a postmodern perspective,
[Minow's] writing stands at the frontiers of modern legal thinking in its efforts to reject and
move beyond the modernist project ofjurisprudence").
58. Suprm note 2. Minow has also explained her viewof difference, and her proposals to cure
the "difference dilennma," in Ier otlier work. See grnerally Minow, Wen Diference Has Its Hone,
supmr note 2; Minow, Formernt:JusticeEngrnderd, supra note 2.
59. Minow. MakingAll the Differnce, supra note 2, at 50-74.
80 CYNTHIA V. WARD
classroom of hearing children is deemed "different" from the others and

treated separately by law as a result of that difference.?
Second, this legal process of difference labcling illegitimately assumes
certain "norms" from the standpoint of which it deems some persons
"different": "The hearing-impaired student is different in comparison to the
norm of the hearing student-yet the hearing student differs from the
hcaring-impaired student as much as she differs from him. . . . "61 For
Minow, this "norming" process is problematic because "[u]nstated points of
reference may express the experience of a majority or may express the
perspective of those who have had greater access to the power used in
naming and assessing others." The relatively powerless may suffer under
judgments of inferiority that result from this biased process of naming and
norming.6 2 Minow offers many legally relevant examples of this critique of
legal categories, including the exclusionary labeling as "different" of dis-
abled persons, of students whose first language is not English, of racial
minorities, of gays and lesbians, of women, and of religious minorities. 63 In
each case, Minow avers, some norm--of "ableness," or English speaking, or
whiteness, or maleness, or heterosexuality-has been used to justify treating
as different and inferior those who fail to comply with the norm.*
Third, the law falsely assumes that those who perform these naming and
norming actions are themselves neutral, without a perspective.65 Differ-
ences are assumed to be objective, observable, and capable of legal catego-
rization, reflecting the law's "aspiration to impartiality," an "aspiration
[that] risks obscuring the inevitable perspective of any given legal offi-
cial ... and thereby makes it harder to challenge the impact of perspective
on the selection of traits used to judge legal consequences." The operation
of the myth of impartiality, Minow contends, is illustrated by the defendant
in an employment case who urged Judge Constance Baker Motley to dis-
qualify herself from the case "because she, as a black woman who had once
60. Id. at 81-83 (discussing case of Rowley v. Board of Educ., 483 F. Supp. 528 (S.D.N.Y
1980). affd F.2d 945 (2d Cir. 1980); rev'd 158 U.S. 176 (1982). involving dispute between
Rowleys and Board of Education over whether federal law entitled the Rowleys' hearing-im-
paired child, Amy: to a sign-language interpreter in all her classes, or whether the school's
educational plan, which supplemented Amy's experience in 'mainstream" classroom with
special tutoring, satisfied the law). Minow notes. id. at 82, that "[bloth sides [in the case]
assumed that the problem was Amy's: because she was different from other students, the
solution must focus on her. Both sides deployed the unstated norm of the hearing student who
receives educational input from a teacher, rather than imagining a different norm around
which the entire classroom might be constructed."
61. Id.at5l.
62. Id. See also, Young,Justice and the Politics ofDfference. su/a note 2. at 169 (lThe attempt
to reduce all persons to the unity of a common measure constructs as deviant those whose
attributes differ from the group-specific attributes implicitly presumed in the norm. The drive
to unify the particularity and multiplicity of practices ... turns difference into exclusion").
63. Mi now, Aaking AU the Difference, supm note 2. at 31-17.
&M. Id. at 51-52 (describing how U.S. constitutional equality norms "[make] the recognition
of differences a basis for den)ing equal treatment').
65. Id.
represented plaintiffs in discrimination cases, would identify with those who
suffer race or sex discrimination. The defendant assumed that Judge Mot-
ley's personal identity and her past political work had made her different,
lacking the [normal judicial] ability to perceive without a perspcctive." 6
Declining to recuse herselfJudge Motley pointed out that "[ilf background
or sex or race of each judge were, by definition, sufficient grounds for
removal, no judge on this court could hear this case [since] ... all of them
were attorneys, of a sex, often with distinguished law firm or public service
backgrounds."67
Fourth, the perspective of those being labeled "different" is either ig-
nored outright or assumed to have been accounted for by those who create
and maintain the particular norm in question.CA Thus,
many legal observers have viewed affirmative action as nonneutral, compared

with status quo treatments of race and gender in employment and other
distfibutions of societal resources. Proposals to alter rules about gender roles
encounter objections, from both men and women, to what is seen as undesir-
able disruption in the expectations and predictability of social relationships.
Suggestions to integrate schools, private clubs, and other social institu-
tions... provoke protests that these changes would interfere with freedom-
referring, often explicitly, to the freedom of those who do not wish to
associate with certain others. 69
Fifth, these legal and social practices reinforce the false assumption that
our existing institutional arrangements are natural, neutral, and therefore
inevitable.- 0
Minow argues that the root problem with this way of handling difference
is that it creates and perpetuates inequality- "Buried in the questions about
difference are assumptions that difference is linked to stigma or deviance
and that sameness is a prerequisite for equality." 71 On her view "[dliffer-
ence is relational, not intrinsic," 72 because "[w]ho or what should be taken
as the point of reference for defining differences is debatable." From the
viewpoint of the majority a person in a wheelchair is "handicapped"; from
that person's perspective the majority may be termed "Temporarily Able
Persons." Whose point of view should serve as the anchor of law is a
question that must be discussed rather than buried.73 A related assumption
66. A. at 60-61.
67. li. at 61.
68. Id.
69. Id. at 71.
70. Id.
71. Id. at 50. See also mlinow, Group Hlomes for the Mentally Retarlde, supra note 2. at 113
("Categorical approaches"-attributing difference to different people-ndennine conunit-
ments to equality).
72. I.
73. Id. at 51.
82 CarNix V. WARD
is that "[tlhere is no single, superior perspective for judging questions of

difference. No perspective asserted to produce 'the truth' is without a
situated perspective, because any statement is made by a person who has a
perspective." 74 Assignments of difference are social decisions that reflect,
and therefore offer a chance to explore, the structure of power and hierar-
chy in society, to reveal its plasticity, and thereby to empower ourselves to
change it.75
Minow claims that the assumptions about difference that underly our
law result in apparently unsolvable "difference dilemmas," presenting
equality advocates with a choice between acknowledging certain differ-
ences, such as handicaps, race, or gender, via "special treatment" programs
that may simultaneously reinforce the stigma attached to the difference,
or ignoring the difference altogether, which can itself make the difference
continue to matter given underlying social inequality.76 Thus, with respect
to race- and gender-conscious affirmative action programs, the "dilemma
of difference" involves questions of how to avoid the stigma traditionally
attached to race and gender while trying legally to remedy the wrongs
done by labeling women and minorities as both different and inferior.
As Minow phrases it: "How can historical discrimination on the basis of
race and gender be overcome if the remedies themselves use the forbid-
den categories of race and gender? Yet without such remedies, how can
historical discrimination and its legacies of segregation and exclusion be
transcended?"7 7
It follows that solving the difference problem is not simply a matter of
either ignoring difference or openly accommodating it, as both methodolo-
gies result in serious problems for groups that have been disadvantaged by
treatment as "different."7 8
Minow urges the questioning and rejecting of norms that justify inferior
treatment for groups such as the disabled, foreign-language speakers, racial
minorities, and women.7 9 And she suggests methods of furthering her
underlying equality ideal by incorporating differences into the social struc-
ture in ways that purge them of hierarchy.80 For example, she recommends
dealing with communication problems between a hearing-impaired child
and her hearing classmates by teaching all the children sign language. Such
an approach, Minow claims, "would treat the problem of difference as
74. Id. at 53.

75. Id.
76. Id. at 20,25, 27, 36.
77. Id.
78. Se generally id.
79. See, e.g., Minow, Il7en Diferrnce Has its Hone, supra note 2. at 128 ('Categories and
attributions of difference can perpetuate or increase disparities of power between different
groups. Attributions of difference should be sustained only if they (o not express or confirm
the distribution of power in nays that harm the less powerful and benefit the more powerful").
80. Minow, Making All the Difference. supra note 2, at 81-8-1.
embedded among all the students, making all of them part of the problem,"
rather than "assum[ing] that the problem of difference is located in the
hearing-impaired child."
2. Rights and Exclusion

Recall the question that prompted this discussion of Professor Minow's view
of difference: How does that view differ (if at all) from a liberal view of the
relationship between difference and equality? The answer requires an
evaluation of both Afinow's critique of liberal-rights analysis and of her
affirmative proposals to replace it.
a. Alinow's citique of liberalism. Although Professor Minow acknow-

ledges that liberal rights-based approaches to law can remedy discrimina-
tion against some persons, she claims that in the end liberal visions of
equality, grounded in the sameness of rationality or autonomy, improp-
erly exclude those who do not possess the requisite degree of these quali-
ties81:
Despite its liberatory rhetoric of inclusion and fundamental entitlement, the

analysis of rights, developed in constitutional and statutoryjudicial doctrines
in this country, runs aground on the shoals of the two-track system of legal
treatment. One track offers basic rights to self-determination and participa-
tion for those who satisfy the criteria of rational thought and independence;
tie other offers special treatment and, quite often, social and political exclu-
sion. Those treated as "different" who can demonstrate that they correctly
belong on the first track may find considerable help through the rhetoric of
rights. Those who fail to satisfy the test of "sameness," however, may find
rights analysis a bitter remedy that undermines whatever past acknow-
ledgment of difference there had been without producing social and political
inclusion.82
Minow argues that liberal "sameness" assumptions endanger the few spe-
cial benefits accorded to the historically "different": 'Thus, efforts to elimi-
nate gender bias in divorce law have removed alimony and child-custody
provisions that preferred women, and some observers attribute to these
reforms the increased impoverishment and worsened bargaining position
of women following divorce."83 In short, rights-based approaches to law
end tip reinforcing inequality not only by embracing the legal processes
of difference-creation embodied in the five core assumptions outlined
81. See, e.g., Minow, id., supm note 2, at 147 ("Rights analysis offers release from hierarchy
and subordination to those who can match the picture of the abstract, autonomous individual
presupposed by the theory of rights. For those who do not match that picture, application of
rights analysis can be not only unresponsive but also punitive").
82. Id. at 116.
83. Id. at 146-47.
84. See supra, text accompanying notes 59-70.
84 CYNTHIA V. WARD
above, 84 but also by hiding the continuation of social, political, and legal
hierarchy behind the (false) appearance of equal opportunity. 85
At its core, this critique attacks the liberal assumption that autonomy is a
species-wide trait among humans, 86 charging that this assumption illegiti-
mately excludes some persons.8 7 Thus, Minow's fundamental complaint is
against liberal equality as justification: She argues that grounding legal rights
in the descriptive samenesses of agency, rationality, or autonomy is wrong
because it is exclusionary.8 8
85. &e, e.g., 11inow, Aaking All the Diffiirnce, supra note 2, at 152 ("Pretense of universal,
inclusive norms in the public sphere obscures the power of assigned differences in the private
sphere"); id. at 223 ("The relational challenge suggests that [the limits set on responsibilities
by rights analysis] reflect a particular perspective not because it is correct but because it
expresses the worldview of those who have had sufficient power to shape prevailing social
institutions"); id. at 217 (feminist work has contributed to the relational project by "recasting
issues of'difference' as problems of domination or subordination in order to disclose the social
relationships of power within which difference is named and enforced"); id. at 224 (social
relations approach sees "[d]ifferences that yield social distance and exclusion . . . as the self-
serving expressions of the more powerful"); id. at 239 ('Those who win a given struggle for
control may have better access to the means of producing knowledge, such as mass media and
schools. Such control may even shape the terms of access so that exclusions of other points of
view appear neutral, based on merit or on other standards endorsed even by those who remain
excluded").
86. Erg., id. at 155 (criticizing as inevitably situated the liberal reliance on notion of "autono-
mous, able-bodied" person); id. at 150 (tthe heuristic device of the social contract presumes to
address only autonomous, independent individuals"); id. at 216 (charging that rights analysis
applies only to those who are, or can analogize themselves to, independent persons); id. at 147
("Rights analysis offers release from hierarchy and subordination to those who can match the
picture of the abstract, autonomous individual presupposed by the theory of rights. For those
who do not match that picture, application of rights analysis can be not only unresponsive but
also punitive").
87. & e.g., id. at 152 ("Despite the implied aspiration to universal inclusion, the social
contract approach has been deeply exclusionary"); id. at 153 (The presentation of a type of
human being as though it described all human beings risks excluding any who do not fit or
treating such misfits as deviant"); id. at 154 ("Rawls's difference principle preserves too much
of the concept of the abstract individual-a concept that claims but fails to secure universal-
ity-to respond fully to issues of difference"); id. at 155-56 (The natural rights tradition also
partakes of the assumptions of the autonomous and abstract individual and excludes or
subordinates any who fail to meet these assumptions"); id. at 156 ('The premise of a basic
human nature, found in the abstract indhidual capable of reason, undergirds [natural law]
theory and risks excluding any who do not meet it. Theories of natural law locate the
justification for universal rights in human reason or cognition. This focus on reason makes
problematic any persons who do not manifest to the satisfaction of those in charge the requisite
capacities for rational thought," and offering children and the mentally disabled as examples
of such excluded persons).
88. Eg., id. at 146 ('The 'sameness' between people emphasized by rights analysis chal-
lenges special accommodations made for disabled people, women, and others historically
treated as different"); id. at 152 ("All persons are equal because of this finamental same-
ness-yet this sameness seems to be the emptiness left when we are each sheared of all that
makes us different"); id. at 223 ("Equating sameness with equality, rights analysis offers a kind
of certainty and a set of limits: equal treatment, yes, but limited to a comparison with the other
group'); seealsoYoung,Justireand the llitics of Diffrenc, supranote 2, at 171 ("In general, then,
a relational understanding of group difference rejects exclusion").
This "argument from exclusion" cannot survive analysis, for at least two
reasons. First, the argument rests upon a dramatically impoverished con-
ception of liberalism. Professor Minow writes that, despite its "admirable
commitment to universality and inclusion,"
the (liberall social contract approach has been deeply exclusionary. It is not
only that any sign of difference, any shred of situated perspective, threatens
the claim to similarity, equality, and identity as an abstract individual-al-
though these problems are serious enough; it is that this conception amounts
to a preference for some points of view over others; it takes some types of
people as the norm and assigns a position of difference to others (thus
adopting the assumptions behind the difference dilemma). 89
Although it is true that some forms of liberalism rely on the existence of

certain threshold levels of rationality and/or autonomy in humans, it is
emphatically not true that "any sign of difference ... threatens the claim to
similarity, equality," etc., on the liberal view. As the discussion above pointed
out, liberalism accommodates a substantial array of difference and that
accommodation is explicitly grounded in the liberal'sprior respectforfundamental
sameness.90
Second, Minow's depiction of liberal autonomy is fatally shallow. At
various points she describes autonomy as synonymous with being able-
bodied and with physical independence from others, suggesting that the
liberal's "autonomous" person must possess not only the capacity for ra-
tional deliberation and choice making but also the ability physically to carry
out those choices. 9 ' But this view relies on far too thin a conception of
autonomous action. Can Christopher Reeve, now a quadriplegic, be said to
89. Id. at 152.

90. Supra text accompanying notes 14-33.
91. See e.g., linow, MakingAll the Die-fnce, supm note 2, at 155 (criticizing rights theory for
its "assumption of an autonomous, able-bodied person"); id. at 150-51 ("The heuristic device
of the social contract presumes to address only autonomous, independent individuals who can
separate themselves from others and enter freel) unencumbered, into an agreement about
how to conduct private and public affairs.... A very different design for ... conceiving of the
foundations of a society would be necessary in order to include directly those who within
contemporary society seem disabled and those historically treated as incompetent and incapa-
ble of participating in the formation of a rational consensus").
Other theorists have posited concepts of autonomy that add to rational choice-making
power the existence of a sufficient range of options and of the ability to act on one's choices.
See, e.g. Fallon, supra note 13, at 886 (offering modified Razian vision of autonomy and
claiming that "descriptive autonomy depends on at least four elements that constitute the
"conditions of autonomy": (1) critical and self-critical ability; (2) competence to act; (3)
sufficient options; and (4) independence of coercion and manipulation"). Fallon claims that
under this conception of autonom) "[a) physically helpless person, such as a quadriplegic, is
not autonomous in important respects." Id. at 888. Once again, this view is vulnerable to the
charge leveled against Minow-that it rests upon far too sparse a conception of what it means
to "act."
86 CYNTHIA V. WARD
lack a requisite level of autonomy because he cannot physically do things

most others can? Is Reeve, with the money to hire others to compensate for
his disability, clearly less autonomous than, say, a completely impoverished
but able-bodied person, or a severely retarded but able-bodied person? Of
course not. In fact, liberals have argued for special accommodations-such
as wheelchair access-for the physically disabled, in recognition oftheirposses-
sion of the threshold level of autonomy that justifies equal rights and responsi-
bilities. On any reasonable theory of what it means to "act," individuals do
not have to be able-bodied or physically independent to be autonomous in
the liberal sense; they must simply possess the moral and intellectual ability
to make certain types of choices about their lives and to make meaningful
attempts, physically or otherwise, to realize those choices.
Professor Minow is quite critical of this idea that autonomy is findamen-
tally a mental capacity. For example, she attacks the scholarship of philoso-
pher David Lamb for "defining human life in terms of capacity for
thought," since Lamb's definition "would exclude persons in a persistent
vegetative state."92 Suppose this is correct-that liberal justifications of
equality that are grounded in descriptive assumptions of human rationality
and autonomy do, in fact, "exclude" those in a persistent vegetative state
and perhaps some afflicted by severe mental disabilities. 93 In this context
"exclusion" presumably refers to the lack of any equality-based justification
for treating such individuals as equals in a liberal society. Those who lack
the requisite level of autonomy or rationality have no claim to be treated as
equals in a regime whose justification of legal egalitarianism is defined by
those qualities.
At one level this scenario simply highlights the limits of equality itself as
a legal principle. Arguably, the idea of equality-however justified and
however defined-does not work at all in the context of arguing for better
treatment of those whose disabilities have made them permanently incapa-
ble not only of autonomous choice making but also of forming relation-
ships, of caring for themselves physically, or (as in the case of comatose
people) of even knowing who, or that, they are. We might say, for example,
that the person in a persistent vegetative state has the "right" not to be killed
for sport. But is this "right" an equalitybased right? Surely not; the "right" is
grounded not in the equality of the comatose person to the rest of humanity,
but in other reasons-in our hope that such individuals will someday "wake
up," perhaps; or in our compassion for them and their families; or in our
92. Minow. Making All the Dffrence, supm note 2, at 152.

93. At times Minow treats children and the mentally disabled as groups excluded by
liberalism. But this is dramatically overreaching. As Minow herself concedes, liberal theory
acknowledges the personhood of children asfuturautonomons agents. i. at 156. And, unless
one defines "mental disability" in such a way that it refers to extremely severe psychological or
cognitive deficits, it is far too simplistic to assume that all mentally disabled persons lack
rationality or the capacity to make autonomous choices about their lives.
conviction that allowing such killing would lead us to become callous
toward greater atrocities.94
For the purposes of this essay, however, an even more important conclu-
sion follows from Minow's charge that liberal sameness assumptions are
unjustly exclusionary. Notice that her argument implies that "true equality"
necessitates treating such people as equals. But that statement itself requires
justification. Upon what theory of equality is it based? Two possibilities exist.
First, she could be arguing not that sameness-based equality is per se unjust,
but that autonomy and rationality are simply the wrong samenesses upon
which to ground assumptions of equal moral worth and legal equality. On
this theory the use of autonomy as equality's core justification is illegiti-
mately exclusionary because (1) what makes persons equal is really some-
thing else-relational ability or empathy, for example--and (2) this truth
has been unjustly quashed by the autonomy principle. At least one advocate
for the mentally disabled, for example, has argued that assumptions of
equality based on the capacity for love, empathy, and "communality" ought
to replace autonomy-based legal structures that single out the mentally
disabled as different and inferior.9 5
But such proposals are not available either to Minow or to other postmod-
ern critics of liberalism, who consistently attack such ideas as "essentialist."
On the postmodern view, any assumption of sameness among humans is
suspect because it so often leads us to ignore or suppress radical difference.
For this reason Martha Minow consistently condemns sameness-based
equality per se, a position that logically compels her to reject proposals that
would simply substitute one form of sameness for another.9 6 Autonomy,
connectedness, empathic ability-even species membership-are all same-
nesses that she necessarily rejects as bases for legal equality. So Minow must
be arguing that, despite the fact that no sameness can properly ground
equality, all persons should nevertheless be treated as equals. But the crucial
point is this: Minow's critique of sameness-based equality leaves her with no
answer to the question of why we should treat all persons, including permanently
comatosepersons, as equals.97 If people are radically and irreducibly different,
94. Or perhaps the "right" is grounded in a very basic principle of "sameness"-that of

species membership. But such a principle can only serve as a very weak justification for legal
rights. For why ought species membership to justify such rights? The readiest response is
phrased in terms of some other quality that constitutes the real justification for the right-that
the luman species shares the capacity for rationality; autonomy, empathy, moral personality,
and so on. This takes the argument back to square one.
95. Robert L HaymanJr.. PresumptionsofJustire: Law, Politics, and theAentally Retarded Parent,
103 HARY. L Riv. 1201 (1990) (criticizing autonomy, and rationality-based presumptions
employed injudicial decisions about parenting abilities of mentally handicapped persons, and
arguing that relational abilities of such persons should form the basis for a new legal standard
of evaluation of parenting abilities).
96. Nevertheless, she ultimately tries to go this route, and I evaluate her attempt in the next
section, infra. text accompanying notes 99-116.
97. And a non-sameness-based justification of equality seems entirely unattractive, for rea-
sons I will discuss in the next section. See infra, text accompanying note 150.
88 CYNTHIA V. WARD
what justifies legal equality? Alinow advocates "real equality" through the
proper recognition of difference; but such hopes arc empty rhetoric in the
absence of some underlying justification for the declared equality principle.
As I argue below, 8 equality cannot he fully justified without affirming
sameness of some kind-the rejection of sameness, therefore, necessarily
implies the rejection of any rich theory of legal equality.
b. Ainow's "socialrelations"approach: back to essentialism. The discussion
thus far has revealed core weaknesses in Minow's attack on liberal sameness-
based equality. As a little reflection makes clear, her proposed replacement for
liberal legal structures is even more flawed. In place of conventional civil-
rights methodology, which focuses on crasing miscategorizations of persons
as inferior in behalf of an underlying belief in the rational, autonomous self-
hood of all human beings, 9 Professor Minow advances a suspicion of catego-
rization perse. Minow attempts to move the inquiry from one involving "true"
and "false" categories to one involving the dangers of categorization itself:
[Tihe social relations approach assumes that there is a basic connectedness
between people, instead of assuming that autonomy is the prior and essential
dimension of personhood. ... The social relations approach is dubious of
the method of social organization that constructs human relationships in
terms of immutable categories, fixed statuses and inherited or ascribed
traits. 100
Minow acknowledges that categorization is necessary, but she warns that it

ought to be profoundly mistrusted owing to its history of use for the
purpose of creating power inequities.
Via her "social relations" approach to difference, Minow seeks both to
acknowledge social categories and to render them powerless. Her proposal
contains several key elements. First, it depicts difference as hierarchical and
urges that prevailing social norms be exposed as simply the points of view
of the powerful and thereby robbed of their natural, intrinsic, and stable
auras.10 1 For Minow the key question to consider in evaluating the legal
response to an alleged difference is whether and how it affects human
relationships:
The [social relations] strategy . . . considers the relationship between the

namer and the named that is manifested in categories and labels and that is
98. Infra. text accompan)ing note 151.

99. See discussion supra, text accompan)ing notes 32-33 (liberal ciil-rights methods
grounded in belief that miscategorizations must be supplanted by correct categorizations).
100. Minow, hurn Differen cellas Its Home, supranote 2, at 127-28.
101. See, e.g., Minow, Making All the Differenre, surna note 2, at 80 ("Difference can be
understood not as intrinsic but as a finction of relationships, as a comparison drawn between
an individtal and a norm that can be stated and evaltiated"); Alinow, Il7ten Diffewrrue Has Its
Home, supra note 2. at 113 ("An egalitarian ideal would be better served by an approach that
emphasizes the relationships between people").
lived in daily experiences. Does the act of naming cut off or deny relation-
ships? Affirmative answers to questions of this sort would support a conclu-
sion that the attribution of difference violates the foundational premise of
ongoing relationships. Such a violation should trigger protection for the
constitutionally protected values of equality and freedom of association. 102
This focus on the primary importance of relationships as the basis for legal
equality immediately raises two questions. First, if it is "ongoing relation-
ships" that ought to trigger the enforcement of constitutional protections,
what happens to individuals-such as those in a "persistent vegetative state"
and those with severe mental disabilities-who are incapable of forming
relationships with others? Isn't Minow simply advocating a new form of
essentialist sameness-the capacity to have relationships-and arguing, in
direct contradiction to her simultaneous rejection of sameness-based rights
per se, that this new sameness should replace autonomy and rationality as
the proper justification of equality? If so, Minow's social relations approach
raises the very same problem of exclusion that prompted her attacks on
liberalism.
Second, the social relations approach relies heavily on the faculty of
empathy as a way of producing discussions about difference between the
powerful and the dominated. Professor Minow wites that the social rela-
tions theory is rooted in "learning to take the perspective of another," and
she presents it as "an opening wedge for an alternative to traditional legal
treatments of difference." 03 By talking and listening to others who are
different, those in power will come to realize that "difference" is relational
and debatable-that the hearing children in a classroom are as different
from their deaf classmate as she is from them-and that issues of difference
thus necessarily place both the "normal" and the "different" person in
relationship to each other. Thus, Minow makes empathy, particularly judi-
cial empathy, into the chief means of moving society from the status quo,
which she depicts as illegitimately individualist and elitist, toward a greater
focus upon the importance of connectedness and relationships.10 4 She
hopes that such empathic perspective-taking will help reconceive rights,
102. Minow. Mien Difference Has Its Home, supra note 2, at 130.
103. 'Minow, AlakingAll theDfference, supm note 2, at 379.
104. See, e.g., id. at 38-1-87. 389 (discussing importance of such perspective taking); Minow:
Ml7int Dqferenre Has Its Home, supm note 2, at 129 (discussing need for judges to adopt the
perspective of those labeled "different"). At one point in her book Nlinow denies that her
approach embraces empathy; see id. at 219. But she seems only to intend by that statement to
separate herself from relational feminist claims that empathy is a natural, organic, and/or
unreflectively easy process, at least for women. Id. at 219-20 (making this point in context of
a short story: "AJury of Her Peers"). In fact, Minow's advocacy of perspective taking constitutes
the definition of empathy* ser: e.g., Robert N. Goldenson, I THE ENClLOPEntA OF I IUmLN
BEItI~lOR: PSILHtOOGY, PSITIlATRL AND MENTAt. HFOLTi 395 (1970) (defining empathy as "the
capacity to understand and in some measure share another person's state of tind"). Whether
empathy comes naturally or is an acquired characteristic, andi whether or not women possess
it more than men, are questions external to the definition of the concept.
90 CvNTHIA V. WARD
preserving their liberating potential while grounding them not in rational-

ity or autonomy but in connectedness and the recognition of untranscend-
able perspective. 05
The use of empathy, or "perspective taking," as a means of improving
liberalism is hardly new. Communitarians and relational feminists see po-
litical empathy as central to the effective replacement of liberal legalism
with more communal, mutually interdependent, and altruistic legal struc-
tures.10 6 To the extent these proposals express the view that we should all
be nicer and more understanding of each other, they clearly have merit. But
the attempt to deploy empathy as a new basis for legal decision making will
fail-and rightly so.
Empathy can be understood in two ways-as the imagined projection of
one's "self' into the person of another, or as an attempt to understand the
other as essentially different, without trying to fuse one's identity with the
other's or to assume a basic sameness of "self' between empathizer and the
other. The first understanding, which I have called "projective empathy," 0?
is not merely consistent with liberalism; it is the foundation of liberal
progress toward the realization of equal rights for all. 0 8 Projective empathy
relies, in essential part, on the realization that despite our differences, I and
the object of my empathic attention are the same and therefore equal. This
view of empathy may, in fact, have motivated the Supreme Court decision
in Brown v. Board of Education,too the most famous American civil-rights
case.110 It is a view of perspective-taking that would be unacceptable to
Professor Minow, who repeatedly rejects the liberal notion that equality
ought to be based on sameness. 11 She must rely, therefore, on a second
105. Minow, Making All the Difference, supra note 2, at 382-83 (defending her concept or
"rights in relationship" as an important tool for challenging hierarchical effects of socially
created difference).
106. For examples of empathy's promotion as a tool of political and legal reform, see, e.g.,
Nancy L Rosenblum, ANOTHER UIBERALISM: RoMxATcIsM A.ND THE RECONSTRUCrION OF LBERAL
THoourr 184 (1987) (linking communitarianism with a "politics of . .. empathy"); Cass Sun-
stein, Beyond the Republiran Reviva 97 YALE .J. 1539. 1555 (1988) (explaining the concept of
political empathy and its connection to communitarian visions of law); Robin West, Laur Rights,
and Other Totemic Illusions:Legal Liberalism and Freud's Theory oftheRuleof Law, 134 U. PA. L REV.
817, 859 (1986) (associating promotion of empathic law with relational feminists and commu-
nitarians); see generally Dailey, supra note 2. 1 have been skeptical about empathy's potential as
a tool for promoting legal communitarianism. See Cynthia V1Ward, A Kinder Gentler Liberalisn
Visions of Enpathy in Feminist and CommunitarianLiterature, 61 U. Citi. L REv. 929 (1994). The
discussion in this section applies the conceptions of empathy introduced in that article.
107. Ward, supra note 106, at 936.
108. Id. at 934-15 (developing a concept of projective empathy as an inherent premise of
liberalism).
109. 347 U.S. 483 (1954).
110. For discussions of empathy's possible role in the Bmwn decision, see, e.g., Lynne N.
Henderson, Legality and Empathy, 85 Micii. L RLv. 1574 (1987); Ward, supra note 106, at
941-12.
111. See, e.g.,bMinow, Making All the Diffemire, supra note 2, at 50, 74-75 (citing defects of
equality principle based on sameness).
vision of enipathy, which I have called "imaginative empathy."1"2 This un-
derstanding of empathy acknowledges radical diversity-that empathizer
and other are ineradicably different and separate-but nevertheless as-
sumes that it is possible at least partially to understand the other despite his
or her difference. Imaginative empathy therefore recognizes diversity and
may escape reliance on sameness-but, I have argued, loses any innate
connection with equality1 3 While projective empathy sees through differ-
ence to find equality, imaginative empathy stops at the point of acknow-
ledging and appreciating difference, thereby losing any innate connection
to equality.it 4 The point should be clear: Liberalism incorporates an equal-
ity-friendly understanding of empathy that is rooted in sameness, whereas
nonliberal empathy stands in direct tension with equality. Professor Mi-
now's social relations approach must fail because its core premise, that
empathic "perspective taking" can simultaneously transcend sameness and
embrace equality, is false.
a The emptiness of the postmodern vision of dafference. In sum, neither AMi-
now's critical attacks on liberalism nor her affirmative proposals to replace
it can survive careful analysis. Her critique of liberal rights theories reduces
to one claim: That such theories improperly rely on the concept of auton-
omy to justify equal and individual rights. Minow argues that this reliance
is wrong because it excludes some persons from being treated as equals,
resulting in the labeling of such individuals as "different" and inferior. But
her narrow depiction of the foundations of liberal thought, coupled with
her failure to offer an equality-basedjustification for her universal inclusion
principle, leaves this critique completely undefended.
Minow's affirmative argument for the "social relations approach" not
only raises the spectre of essentialism-which she elsewhere firmly and
repeatedly repudiatesti 5-but also relies heavily on a difference-based con-
cept of empathy that is actually antiequality. Two premises form the core of
the social relations approach: First, sameness-based theories of equality are
wrong because they label some persons as different and inferior; second,
our shared human capacity for empathic dialogue can lead us to real
equality. But to the extent it is rooted in the rejection of sameness, Minow's
theory fights with equality; and insofar as she introduces a new sameness,
the sameness of empathic ability, as the proper basis for rights and legal
categories, Minow-like communitarians and relational feminists-simply
deploys the notion of difference as a stalking horse for her own particular
brand of sameness-based equality.Ir
112. Ward, supra note 106, at 948.

113. Id. at949.
114. Id.
115. Eg., Minow, Making All the Differmer, supra note 2, at 230-31.
116. At least one scholar has accused Minow of communitarian essentialism; see Sheila
Foster, Community and Identity in a Pstmodern World, 7 BERR iWoues L). 181,185 (1992)
92 CYNTHIA V. WARD
IV. DIFFERENCE AS EQUALITY
It would seem from the above analysis that difference-based attacks on

liberalism necessarily conflict with equality. But this conclusion may be too
hasty, for a third conception of difference-one that departs in important
ways from the views discussed thus far-now dominates the literature in
critical race theory. In this section I consider whether this view of difference
is any more equality-friendly than its counterparts.
A. Difference in Critical Race Theory
Advocates of this third vision of difference share much with advocates of

postmodern difference theory. In particular, they accept the social-con-
struction explanation for the oigin of difference, and they are even more
open than is Martha Minow about the connection between difference and
hierarchy.it 7 Difference, on this view, is the deliberate assignment of inferi-
ority, most prominently racial inferiority by the white majority to racial
minorities.118 Scholars who adopt this view insist that we must recognize and
institutionalize, via the establishment of affirmative group rights, group
differences that originated in racial oppression.119
("Whether intended or not, Minow's reconstruction of "rights language* through the recogni-
tion of their "inevitable relational dimensions" leads her down a familiar path of embracing
communitarianisin") (citation omitted); id. at 187 (Thus, like advocates of the communi-
tarian movement, Minow envisions a community, universal in nature, where the 'language of
rights" draws each claimant into the community and "grants each a basis opportunity to
participate in the process of communal debate").
117. See, e.g., sources cited in note 51; see also, from the critical legal studies camp, Duncan
Kennedy, A Cultural Pluralist Case for Affirmative Action in Legal Academia 1990 DuKE L]. 705,
724 ("Though communities are different in ways that are best understood through the non-hi-
crarchical, neutral idea of culture ... some differences are not like that. Americans pursue
their collective and individual projects in a situation of group domination and group subordi-
nation. With respect to ... common measures of equality and inequality, we all recognize that
some groups are enormously better off than others").
118. This idea of difference as hierarchy is of course shared by many feminists and applied
by them to the analysis of gender issues. See, e.g.,. MacKinnon, supranote 34, at 219 ("Difference
is the velvet glove on the iron fist of [male] domination").
119. See, e.g., Roy L Brooks and Mary Jo Newborn, Critical Race Theory and Classical-Libeml
Civil Rights Scholarship: A Distinction Without a Difference?, 82 CA.1. L REv. 787, 804-44 (arguing
that critical-race critiques of liberal discrimination law imply abolishment of Tile VII); Sheila
Foster, Difference and Equality, supra note 2, at 154 ("At the core of a substantive concept of
diversity, under an equality paradigm, should be a commitment to include individuals with
differences that have been constructed into a basis for systematic disadvantage and exclu-
sion"); id. at 156 ("We must establish institutional participatory patterns that accept and value
the contributions of those differences that have been left out); Harris, The Jurisprudence of
Reconstruction, supm note 2, at 761 ("Rather than supporting assimilation to the dominant
culture, the new social movements have demanded a recognition of their members' 'differ-
ence'").
At the root of their proposed "politics of difference"o 20
is the idea that
disadvantaged groups-most prominently racial minorities-have devel-
oped distinct methods of viewing the world and functioning within it that,
as a matter of justice to those groups, must be preserved via the explicit
importation into law of group rights and special treatment.12 1 The goal is
to promote equality'2"-an equality based not on sameness, as in the liberal
rubric, but on racial differences. As critical-race theorist Angela Harris puts
it, This claim to equality based not on sameness but rather on difference
is at the heart of the politics of difference."1 2 3
On a critical-race-theory view, Martha Minow's concern for the dangers
of categorization actually overlooks the positive aspects of difference for
those groups that have been marginalized. According to Sheila Foster, for
example, the danger of Mlinow's approach is that "Minow leaves the power
of transformation, this time with respect to creating identities, in the hands
of those already in power." 24 Foster argues that Minow's social relations
theory constitutes an appeal to the already powerful to listen to the perspec-
tives of the marginalized, while Foster urges more action by the latter
themselves to control the meaning and consequences of differencel25:
Categorization ... has been and continues to he a means by which those

marginalized groups can empower themselves by redefining the assigned
meaning of difference. Categories, like rights, need to be rescued to allow
those marginalized by essentialist categorization to empower themselves by
altering, for themselves, the meaning of categories of difference imposed on
them by those in power. . . . Marginalized groups can rescue categories by
claiming those categories and by transforming negative meanings associated
with them into positive ones that they create. The empowerment in this
process of transformation comes not only in protesting the assigned mean-
ings of a categorical difference, but also in the recognition of the power to
define that difference for the community of individuals embracing the differ-
ence.1 26
Condemning Minow's "seeming willingness to get rid of categories alto-

gether" 27 and her "placement of the power of transformation in the hands
of the powerful,"1 28 Foster concludes that a universal community built upon
120. The term is used by Harris, ThtJurisprudenceof Reconstruction, supra note 2, at 159-66.
and Young,Justire and the Politics of Difference, supranote 2.
121. Ybung,justice and the Politics of Diference, supra note 2, at 156-91 (outlining tenets of
"politics of difference"and describing specific group rights such a politics would favor).
122. Foster, Differencr and Equality, sulna note 2, at 109, 110.
123. Harris,jurispnulenceof Reconstrucion, supranote 2, at 761.
12-1. Foster, suprn note 116, at 191.
125. Foster acknowledges that Minow creates discutrsive space for "adifferent analysiswhen
self-assigned differences" are at stake, id. at 191, but feels that Minow pays too little attention
to this aspect of difference and fails to build it into her social relations approach. Id. at 191-93.
126. Foster, Differenceand Equality, supranote 2, at 192.
127. Id. at 192.
128. Id.
94 CYNTHIA V. WARD
"true equality" can be achieved only by "acknowledging and respecting the

power of the marginalized to reclaim and transform the meaning of as-
signed categorization." 29 Foster suggests that achieving racial equality will
require us "to [both] deconstruct difference and allow marginalized groups
to empower themselves through sameness." She urges groups that have
been labeled different and inferior-such as racial minorities, gays and
lesbians, and possibly others-to "affirm sameness by defining a common
identity on the fringes." 3 0
Other critical race theorists echo this theme. Roy L. Brooks and MaryJo
Newborn, for example, explain that critical race theory (CRT) rejects the
color-blind "formal equal opportunity" model (the vehicle for liberal hopes
of racial equality) "for erroneously assuming the possibility and desirability
of racial sameness, or equal legal treatment, and for ignoring legally signifi-
cant differences between African Americans and whites."' 3' They argue for
an "asymmetrical model" of racial equality that will "assume the possibility
and desirability of racial differences." Paralleling their deployment in theo-
ries of sexual equality, asymmetrical models of racial equality hold that the
races are "often asymmetrically located in society" and reject "tie notion
that all [racial] differences are likely to disappear, or even that they
should."132 Brooks and Newborn contend that "a degree of racial imbal-
ance-that is, racial empowerment-must be tolerated in order to reach
this state of racial balance. . . . Racial empowerment is the only way to
neutralize unconscious racial discrimination in American culture. By en-
couraging us to respect racial differences, racial empowerment validates the
life experiences of minorities." 33
Critical race theorist Angela Harris writes that CRT draws on insights
from both the postmodern and liberal civil rights movements.'3 4 From the
former, CRT inherits the conclusion that "racism is an inescapable feature
of western culture, and race is always already inscribed in the most inno-
cent and neutral-seeming concepts. Even ideas like 'truth' and 'justice'
themselves are open to interrogations that reveal their complicity with
power."35 From the latter, CRT takes "a commitment to a vision of libera-
tion from racism through right reason."136 Noting the "tension" between
129. Id. at 193.

130. Foster, supra note 116, at 193 (quoting from Alexander Chec, A Queer Nationalism,
Otr/LooK 15, 17 (Winter 1991); see aso Kennedy, supra note 117. at 730 (discussing the
'irreducible link of commonality in the experience of people of color rich or poor, male or
female, learned or ignorant. all people of color are to some degree 'outsiders' in a society that
is intensely color-conscious and in which the hegemony of whites is overwhelming") (citation
omitted).
131. Brooks and Newborn, supra note 119, at 800.
132. Id. at 802.
133. Id. at 802-03.
134. Harris, supra note 2. at 743.
135. Id. at 743.
136. Id.
37
these two planks of critical race theory,1 Harris nevertheless urges the
movement to work within this tension and, via a "jurisprudence of recon-
struction," to "continually rebuild modernism in light of postnodern in-
sights."3 8 Harris argues that CRT will be aided in this tasklby its
engagement in the "politics of difference,"s 9 which she characterizes as
containing a "dual commitment to eliminating oppression and celebrating
difference." 40 "[TIhe domestic politics of difference," continues Harris,
"has focused on ... the constitution or reconstitution of the subordinated
community and the transformation of the dominant community." 4 1
B. Sameness Revisited
These ideas may have much political utility 42 ; the effort here is to isolate
and analyze the concept of difference they employ. Two fundamental asser-
tions lie at its base. First, critical-race theorists urge groups that have been
assigned the label "different" as a badge of inferiority to embracethat differ-
ence in order to "reclaim" it.II3 Second, their goal appears to be to craft
racial equalityfrom such difference, to build a "politics of difference" that,
grounded in the group's internalsameness of shared oppression, takes racial
equality to be its foundational goal.
1. Sameness from Difference?
To rrlnm difference in the name nf enualitv when difference has meant
96 CYNTHIA V. WARD
This view is in some meaningful way antiliberal; it views liberal individu-

alism and individual rights as masks for white domination of minorities,
while it celchrates the liberating potential of group identity and group
rights. It also deepens the conception of group identity beyond that con-
tained in liberal pluralism, which envisions "interest groups" that are con-
structed by preformed individuals who engage in collective behavior only
as a result of preexisting, distinct interests that happen to coincide.1 45 The
"difference"-based view insists on the primacy of group identity as a factor
in constructing individual identity, and on the importance of membership
in societally powerful groups. 4 6
Upon examination, however, this third view of difference collapses of its
own weight. Consider first that the acquisition of the power to transform
meaning must be justified by a purpose other than (or at least in addition to)
the mere effects of power-holding. The CRT conception of difference
focuses upon the raw experience of power as transformative, but doesn't
itself answer the central question of what values that power will serve. Toward
what end, in other words, do difference advocates argue for the reclamation
and reinforcement of difference via the simultaneous transformation of its
content into a positive one? If CRT theorists were asked to state the purpose
of the "politics of difference," they would surely answer "the achievement
of racial justice." And what constitutes racial justice? The usual answer is,
"equalitybetween the races."1 47 The new and transformed content of differ-
ence is meant, perhaps, to give positive meaning to the phrase "separate but
equal"-to affirm the equality of groups whose relationship has long been
that of oppressor and oppressed but which are now to be treated as simply
145. See, e.g., Sunstein, supranote 106 (describing liberal pluralism in these terms); Cynthia
V. Ward, The Limits of LiberalRepublicanism: lWy Gmup-BasedRemedies and Republican Citizenship
Don't Alix, 91 CoLuM. L REv. 581 (1991) (contrasting liberal pluralism with communitarian
republicanism).
146. See, e.g., Foster, Difference and Equality, supranote 2, at 158-59 (1The dominant culture
has exercised its power to develop social and cultural definitions for those deemed outside of
that culture. Consequently, the story of Blacks and other minorities has been created and told
primarily by Whites, with little contribution from the subjects themselves. Blacks and other
minorities have been effectively rendered 'inisible' not because Whites cannot see them, but
because 'whites see primarily what a white dominant culture has trained them to see' and
because the Black stories 'simply do not register'"); Kennedy, supra note 117, at 722 ("An
important human reality is the experience of defining oneself as'a member of a group' in this
strong sense of sharing goals and a discursive practice"); id. at 723 ("Communities have
cultures. This means that individuals have traits that are neither genetically determined nor
voluntarily chosen, but rather consciously and unconsciously taught through community life.
Community life forms customs and habits, capacities to produce linguistic and other perform-
ances, and indiidual understandings of good and bad, true and false, worthy and unworthy");
Young,Justice and the Politics of Diffrence, supranote 2, at 163 ('Today and for the foreseeable
fiutre societies are certainly structured by groups, and some are privileged while others are
oppressed").
147. But see Derrick Bell, Radal Realism, 24 CoNN. L REv. 363, 373-74 (1992) (arguing that
African Americans should abandon quest for racial equality and focus on bettering their
situation in society); Derrick Bell, FACES AT TiHE BoTrosf OF THtE WEll: THIE PERMANENCE OF
RAcism 12 (1992) ("Black people will never gain equality in this country-) (emphasis omitted).
different from, but nevertheless equal to, each other. But "equal" in what
sense? The creation of group-defining "sameness" from shared oppres-
sion-or from cultural traditions that originatedin shared oppression-ac-
tually relies upon the continuing existence of difference between groups.
Difference from the other becomes the basis for sameness within the group,
for the very definition of the group as a group.
On what basis, then, can group A argue that its members should be
treated equally to group B? Group definitions that rely upon the shared
"difference" of oppression might create community and a sense of equality
within a group, but cannot justify the establishment of equality between
groups. If the goal is to win equality for one's group vis-fi-vis all other groups
in society, some otherjustification of the intergroup equality principle must
be advanced.148 I submit that this justification can only be grounded in
sameness-not only the sameness of group members to each other, but the
sameness of all groups to all other groups, or in other words, the sameness
of all human beings.
2. Can Equality Be Based on Difference?

At one level the critical-race view of difference simply constitutes an argu-
ment for a distributive principle of equality. Difference theorists argue for
equal distribution of resources and power to groups whose subordination
previously comprised the steps in the social ladder. Once again, however,
this principle of distribution must be justified at a deeper level-must
answer the question of why we should distribute power equally.
At the level ofjustification this strain of difference theory is incoherent.
CRT scholars reject the liberal idea that rationality and autonomy are
the proper bases on which to construct legal rights, arguing either that
those ideas are innately biased in favor of the white male elite and designed
to perpetuate its dominance, or that autonomy and rationality are ephem-
eral to start with. Instead, radical theorists argue for equality based on
difference,149 and although this might work at the distributive level-it is at
least theoretically possible to decide which "differences" have created rele-
vant groups and to distribute mone), jobs, and/or political positions equally
among all groups deemed relevant by the agreed-upon criteria of differ-
ence-it is completely unintelligible at the justificatory level, a fault that
leaves difference theory without any equality-based answer to the question
148. Relational feminist theory also faces this problem. Some of Robin West's work, for
example, suggests that women are profoundly different from men at every level. See, e.g., West,
supra note 1, at 17 ("According to the vast literature on difference now being developed by
cultural feminists, women's cognitive development, literary sensibility, aesthetic taste, and
psychological development, no less than our anatomy, are all fundamentally different from
men's. . . . The most significant aspect of our difference, though, is surely the moral differ-
ence"). If this is true, women's equality to men (rather than preferential or inferior treatment)
requires an independent argument showing why women, although so very different, never the-
less possess equal worth.
149. Seen e.g., Harris. supm note 2, at 761.
98 CYNTHIA V. WARD
of why we should distribute power equally among racial groups. To the

extent difference theory demonstrates the existence of radical, irreducible
difference among groups, it undercuts the justification for working toward
equality for those groups. Why, in short, should we treat people as equals if
they in fact are irreducibly different? At the very least, an answer to this
question requires an analysis of what differences exist between groups and
some conclusion that, although different, the groups' values, identities,
purposes, etc., are nevertheless equal. No such discussion appears in radical
difference theory.
3. Equality without Sameness?

There are of course justifications for political principles of equal distribu-
tion that do not rely on the establishment of sameness among all persons.
One could argue, for example, that treating people as equals is necessary
to preserve law and order, or to maximize happiness or minimize suffer-
ing-a utilitarian view. But such justifications capture neither the spirit nor
the pronounced beliefs of radical difference theory. The peace-and-order
rationale is both empirically dubious-law and order have been preserved
for long periods in hierarchical societies and dramatically violated in egali-
tarian ones-and politically uninspiring. It shrinks discussions about the
proper vision of social justice into squabbles over the comparative virtues of
various bureaucratic peacekeeping strategies. At least some utilitarian views
may be similarly limited, as critical-race theorist Derrick Bell's writings
illustrate. On a straightforward reading of Professor Bell's work, one could
reasonably conclude that a utilitarian approach to racial justice would result
in the retention of a rigid racial hierarchy in the United States. Bell believes
that subordinating blacks is an essential part of the white majority's identity
in this country, and in fact thatwhites have such a strong preference in favor
of oppressing blacks that they will never allow racial hierarchy to end.150
If this is correct, calls for racial justice rely at their peril on utilitarian
rationales.
V. CONCLUSION: DIFFERENCE AND DOUBLESPEAK
It would seem that any acceptable justification of equality requires the

establishment of some descriptive sameness among people. At the moment
one asserts that no important commonality of persons can be established or
150. Segenerally Bell, Racial Realism, suprm note 147; Bell, FcFSATTHE lOTflt oFrTHE WELL,
supranote 147; see also Brooks and Newborn, supra note I19, at 798 (racism is "normal science"
in the United States); Harris, supra note 2, at 749 ("Derrick Bell argues that racism is a
permanent feature of the American landscape, not something we can throw off in a magic
moment of emancipation. And in a moment of deep pessimism. Richard Delgado's fictional
friend 'Rodrigo Crenshaw' has suggested that racism is an intrinsic feature of the 'The
Enlightenment' itself') (citations onitted).
can legitimately form the basis of citizenship, one is left without a rich
defense of egalitarianism.
The assault on "equality as sameness" must take one of two routes. Either
its consists of a charge that the wmng sameness has grounded politics and
law, or it implies the rejection of equality altogether. In the first instance,
difference theorists are left to find and defend some new commonality (a
task they have so far rejected as "essentialist") 151, in which case the current
focus on the "difference" question ought to be transcended in favor of an
open debate over which vision of equality is the best. In the second instance,
difference advocates are left to discover an entirely new, nonequality-based
structure for law and politics. If political and legal equality are not proper
goals given the "difference" critique, what should be our goals? In the name
of what principle should we worry about differences in power between the
races and genders? In an environment of irreconcilable "difference," how
should we make justice-based arguments for change, or even think about
justice itself Scholars who deploy radical views of difference in order to
argue for social justice must bear the burden of answering these questions.
151. e&gnzenlly I arris, supra not 40 EflZmbeth Spelrnan, supra note 46.
G~A
THEOS
Voum
Nube 2
June
7,>199 7 777 7 77
.. .. .. ... >
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ON DIFFERENCE AND EQUALITY

The concept of "difference" forms the core of contemporary attacks on

its continued social dominance.4 Liberalism's critics conclude that the

Liberals tend to speak of respecting "diversity" rather than "difference," and

8. Foster, Difference andEquality, supra note 2, at 156.

ideas have significantly dissimilar content, and in the ensuing discussion I

A. Content of Liberal Diversity

Although they often fail to acknowledge it, contemporary "difference"

description of a particular justification for affirmative action in hiring, a justification that

B. Diversity and Liberal Equalities

It is important to distinguish between two relevant meanings of equality.

tion and equality as a distributive principle. The changes within liberalism

30. Other forms of liberalism-e.g., utilitarian ones-demonstrate that egalitarian treat-

II. ESSENTIALIST DIFFERENCE

B. The Relational "Different Voice"

For these relational critics, recognizing the importance of "difference"

Ill. DIFFERENCE AS INEQUALITY

A second line of attack on liberal diversity denies even the possibility

porates five fundamental themes. First, differences between people-as

1. Martha Minow's "DifferenceDilemmas"

classroom of hearing children is deemed "different" from the others and

many legal observers have viewed affirmative action as nonneutral, compared

is that "[tlhere is no single, superior perspective for judging questions of

74. Id. at 53.

2. Rights and Exclusion

a. Alinow's citique of liberalism. Although Professor Minow acknow-

Despite its liberatory rhetoric of inclusion and fundamental entitlement, the

Although it is true that some forms of liberalism rely on the existence of

89. Id. at 152.

lack a requisite level of autonomy because he cannot physically do things

92. Minow. Making All the Dffrence, supm note 2, at 152.

94. Or perhaps the "right" is grounded in a very basic principle of "sameness"-that of

Minow acknowledges that categorization is necessary, but she warns that it

The [social relations] strategy . . . considers the relationship between the

98. Infra. text accompan)ing note 151.

preserving their liberating potential while grounding them not in rational-

112. Ward, supra note 106, at 948.

IV. DIFFERENCE AS EQUALITY

It would seem from the above analysis that difference-based attacks on

A. Difference in Critical Race Theory

Advocates of this third vision of difference share much with advocates of

Categorization ... has been and continues to he a means by which those

Condemning Minow's "seeming willingness to get rid of categories alto-

"true equality" can be achieved only by "acknowledging and respecting the

129. Id. at 193.

This view is in some meaningful way antiliberal; it views liberal individu-

2. Can Equality Be Based on Difference?

of why we should distribute power equally among racial groups. To the

3. Equality without Sameness?

V. CONCLUSION: DIFFERENCE AND DOUBLESPEAK