Beyond Access: Gender and Transport Justice in Davao City, Philippines

Beyond Access:
Gender and Transport Justice in Davao City, Philippines
Roselle Leah Kolipano Rivera
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Processed on: 15-11-2021 PDF page: 1
© Roselle Leah Kolipano Rivera 2021
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a

retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, me-
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by the author.
ISBN 978-90-6490-141-6
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Beyond Access:
Gender and Transport Justice
in Davao City, Philippines
Meer dan alleen toegang:

Rechtvaardigheid op het gebied van gender
en vervoer in Davao City, de Filipijnen
Thesis
to obtain the degree of Doctor from the
Erasmus University Rotterdam
by command of the
Rector Magnificus
Prof.dr. A.L. Bredenoord
and in accordance with the decision of the Doctorate Board

The public defence shall be held on
7 December 2021 at 15.00 hrs
by

born in Manila, Philippines
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Doctoral Committee
Doctoral dissertation supervisor

Prof. I.P. van Staveren
Other members
Prof. K. Martens, Technion - Israel Institute of Technology
Dr Dr L. Gerrits
Dr G.M. Gomez
Co-supervisor
Dr G.E. Berner
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in loving memory
of Maureen Pagaduan and Laura Samson
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Contents
List of Tables and Figures x

Acronyms xiii
Acknowledgements xv
Abstract xviii
Samenvatting xxi
1 Introduction 1
1.1 Introduction 1
1.2 Placing ‘Urban Transport’ in the ‘Development’ Debate 5
1.3 Locating Gender in Transport Studies 11
1.4 Research Objectives and Justification 15
1.5 Epistemological Structure of the Research Design 16
1.6 A Sociological Approach to Transport 18
1.7 Organization of the Thesis 20
2 Gender Issues in Transport Planning Models 24

2.1 From Auto-Mobility to Multi Modality and Transport Justice 24
2.1.1 Defining Transport 25
2.1.2 Transport Justice and Deprivation 29
2.2 Women, Gender and Transport in a Development Context 31
2.3 Progress in Gender Analysis of Transport 33
2.3.1 Women and Transport 33
2.3.2 Gender and Transport: A Question of Social Equity 35
2.3.3 Women, Transport and Mobility 37
2.3.4 Integrating Gender to the Transport Discourse 39
2.4 Analytical Issues on Women and Transport 42
2.4.1 Defining Gender and Situating Women’s Interests 42
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viii GENDER AND TRANSPORT JUSTICE IN DAVAO CITY, PHILIPPINES
2.4.2 Culture and Gender Logic in Transport Planning Conventions 44

2.4.3 Geography and Location 44
2.4.4 Transport Safety and Safe Travel for Women 46
2.4.5 Intersecting Levels, Integrating Various Sectors 47
2.4.6 Participation: Women Practicing Power 48
2.5 Conclusion 50
3 Research Methodology 52
3.1 Introduction 52
3.2 Research Design 52
3.2.1 Key Concepts 53
3.2.2 Institutional Approach to Data Analysis 56
3.2.3 Linking Objectives, Research Questions and Methodology 58
3.3 Data Gathering Methods 58
3.3.1 Secondary Data 58
3.3.2 Primary Data 59
3.4 Sampling 64
3.4.1 Groupings by Income, Gender, and Location 65
3.4.2 Data Management, Processing, and Analysis 65
3.5 Feminist Methodology 66
3.5.1 The Research Process and Ethical Considerations 66
4 Redistribution and Representation of Access to

Transport 69
4.1 Introduction 69
4.2 Context of the Study: Davao City 69
4.3 Transport Policies and Decision-Makers 73
4.3.1 Transport Planning in Davao City 74
4.4 Transport Provision in the City 78
4.5 Travel Differences in the City: Results of a Multi-Dimensional
Examination 84
4.5.1 The Income Earners in the City 84
4.5.2 Travel Differences According to Income and Gender Group 93
4.5.3 Number of Trip Legs 94
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Contents ix
4.5.4 Travel Cost as a Percentage of Income 95

4.5.5 Trip Purposes 97
4.5.6 Transport Modes 101
4.6 Discussion of Findings 106
5 Recognition: Safety and Security of Transport Users 111

5.1 Introduction 111
5.2 Vulnerability and Urban Transport: Main Findings 112
5.2.1 The Magnitude of the Problem of Transport Safety 114
5.2.2 Income Inequality and Road Traffic Injuries: Comparison
Across Countries 116
5.3 Transport Safety and Security Research in the Philippines 122
5.3.1 National Level Research: Gaps and Critical Issues 122
5.3.2 Davao City Amidst Motorization: Police and Hospital
Accident Records 127
5.3.3 Gendered Beliefs about Safety and Security: Attitudes and
Preferences towards Transport in Davao City 130
5.4 Conclusion 138
6 Transport Justice, Gender, Class, Age and Disability 143

6.1 Main Empirical Findings: Interface of Transport Planning
and Gender 145
6.1.1 Redistribution: Experience of Transport with a Gender Lens
and Intersectionality 145
6.1.2 Recognition: Identity and Social Relation 149
6.1.3 Representation: Voice and Participation in formal spaces of
decision-making 157
6.2 Theoretical Reflections and Contributions to the Literature 158
6.3 Future Research 160
Appendices 164
References 179
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List of Tables and Figures
Tables
1 Urban rate of change 1995-2015 8
2 Essential Differences of Approaches 19
3 Research Objectives, Questions and Data Gathering Method 57
4 Respondents of the Random Sample Survey 59
5 Respondents of the Subsample 60
6 Issues, Concerns & Recommendations raised during Focus
Group Discussions 77
7 Modes of Transport in Davao City 79
8 Sources of Income of Respondents 85
9 Occupation Classification and Gender 88
10 Income and Gender 88
11 Distribution of Road Fatalities by Country Income Levels
and Road User Groups in the ASEAN Region 119
12 Percentage of Injury Cases Recorded by External Causes
(2013-2018) 124
13 Number of Cases of Transport Related Injuries by Type of
Land-Based Vehicle (2013-2018) 126
14 Vehicle Accidents in Davao City C.Y. 1999-2007 128
15 Physical Injury Cases in Vehicular Accidents 128
16 Emergency Room Admissions 1998-2007 Davao Doctor’s
Hospital 130
17 Gendered Values on Transport 133
18 Gendered Values on Transport by Income Group 135
Figures
1 Key Concepts 5
2 Motorization worldwide 1930-1995 9
3 Motorization worldwide with focus on Asia 2005-2035 10
4 Green Transportation Hierarchy 26
5 Conceptual Framework on Transport Justice and Gender 31
6 Analytical Framework of Transport Justice and Gender 49
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List of Tables and Figures xi
7 Using Medical Records at the Davao Doctors Hospital 63

7 Location of Davao City, Mindanao Island, Philippines 71
9 Unauthorized Public Transport Modes: Habal Habal 80
10 Authorized Public Transport Modes: Tricycles in the City:
Jeepney-like Tricycle 80
11 Unauthorized Public Transport Modes: Tricycles in the City:
Open Cab 81
12 Authorized Public Transport Modes: Jeepneys 81
13 The Motor Vehicle as Public Transport: Taxi 82
14 Scrapped Non-Motorized Transport 83
15 Work Status by Income and Gender Group 89
16 Hours of Work by Income and Gender Group 90
17 Distribution within Hours of Work 91
18 Travel Time by Income and Gender Group 93
19 Number of Trip Legs by Income and Gender Group 94
20 Travel Cost as Percentage of Income and Gender Group 95
21 Travel Cost as a Percentage of Income 96
22 Number of Work-Related Trip Legs by Income and Gender Group 98
23 Distribution within Number of Trips 99
24 Number of Trips for Unpaid Work by Income and Gender Group 100
25 Number of Walking Trip Legs by Income and Gender Group 103
26 Number of Non-Motorized Trip Legs by Income and Gender
Group 104
27 Number of Trip Legs using Authorized Public Transport by
Income and Gender Group 105
28 Number of Trip Legs using Unauthorized Public Transport
by Income and Gender Group 105
29 Summary of Findings: Redistribution and Representation 109
30 Proportion of Population, Road Traffic Deaths, and Registered
Motor Vehicles by Country Income Category 117
31 Distribution of Road Traffic Fatalities by Road User Groups
by WHO Regions 118
32 Vehicular Accidents and Physical Injury Cases 129
33 Summary of Findings: Recognition 140
34 Key Concepts Review 145
35 Key Empirical Insights 160
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Acronyms
Acronyms
ADB Asian Development Bank
ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations
CDP Comprehensive Development Plan
CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination against Women
DOH Department of Health
DOTr Department of Transportation
DPWH Department of Public Works and Highways
FGD Focus Group Discussion
GNI Gross National Income
HCDC Holy Cross of Davao College
ICD-11 International Classification of Diseases 11th Revision
IMT Intermediate Means of Transport
LGU Local Government Unit
LMICs Low-Medium Income Countries
MDG Millennium Development Goals
MMARAS Metro Manila Accident Reporting and Analysis System
NEDA National Economic Development Authority
OECD Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
ONEISS Online National Electronic Injury Surveillance System
PMV Private Motor Vehicle
PUJ Public Utility Jeepney
RSS Random Sample Survey
SDG Sustainable Development Goals
SIDA Swedish International Development Agency
TMC Traffic Management Center
TMCB Traffic Management and Control Board
xii
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Acronyms xiii
TRRL Transport and Road Research Laboratory

VRU Vulnerable Road User
WHO World Health Organization
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Acknowledgements
I grew up in a culture where one is not allowed to just sit and watch on
the sidelines. We were always encouraged to be involved and be part of
something larger than ourselves. To constantly remind ourselves that we
are not the center of the universe. I remember when we were young, my
father always reminded my older brother to “move move move” because
“you started, therefore you must finish.” This requirement of dogged de-
termination and a fervent desire for things to change for the better is
where I drew the energy to trek this PhD journey.
I would like to thank all the many people who were there for me in this
journey. Without your kindness, generosity and authentic caring, this jour-
ney would not have been possible. You have helped me in huge and small
ways. I am not able to name you all but I want you to feel that I am very
grateful.
First and foremost, I would like to extend my deepest gratitude to my
promotor Dr. Irene van Staveren for her steady guidance and support
which gave me direction for my difficult journey. She was always there
with a calm understanding especially when I felt overwhelmed. Her steady
presence allowed honest exchange on contentious points of my manu-
script. I would like to thank Dr. Erhard Berner for his straightforward way
of demolishing some of my views which taught me the art of details. I
would further like to thank members of the examining committee for their
insights and valuable comments.
My study in the Netherlands was made possible with the vital support
of the University of the Philippines system. Special gratitude to Dr. Jose-
fina Natividad, Dr. Maricon Alfiler†, Dr. Leticia Peñano-Ho and Dr. Hus-
sein Sinsuat Lidasan for believing in me. I would like to thank the Center
for Human Settlements, University of British Columbia for the grant they
gave me to write chapters about women in spaces of vulnerability. I am
also grateful to the Philippine Social Science Council for choosing me as
xiv
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Acknowledgements xv
a recipient of their Research award program. Throughout this journey, my

home and colleagues at the College of Social Work and Community De-
velopment gave me the freedom and space required in our work as
knowledge soldiers for social transformation.
My fieldwork in Davao City was made possible through a grant of the
University of the Philippines Diliman. Dr. Sylvia Concepcion of Univer-
sity of the Philippines Mindanao allowed me a solid base while in Davao
City. I am also indebted to the officials of Davao City Hall for their open-
ness and hospitality.
I would like to give honor to Cecille Villarente, Renel Galicana, Philip
Tacab and Lisa Alano, my hard-working research team in Davao City, for
their thoroughness in combing through difficult conditions in the field. I
am thankful for the meticulous work by Felipe Ramos, Fatima Espinosa
and Elysia Oh in UP Diliman. I am deeply grateful to Drs. Reuben and
Josette Cabrera and their family who not only forged important networks
for my research, but also poured me with warmth needed to survive life
away from home.
The presentation of my work in various conferences in Europe, North-
ern America, Africa and Australia have proven to be significant in the de-
velopment of this work. I am thankful for the critical comments and rec-
ommendations of Dr. Deborah Bryceson during my final draft seminar. I
would like to thank Dr. Maryvonne Plessis Fraissard and Dr. Sandra Ros-
enbloom of the Transportation Research Board, and also the partner in-
stitutions of the CERES School for International Development which
provided platforms to share my research and exchange with PhD col-
leagues from various universities and be able to bring in themes on women
and transportation in the development debates.
It is difficult not to overstate my gratitude to Dr. Ben White for his
intellectual and moral support throughout my stay at ISS. During the pe-
riod of my serious illness which disrupted my PhD journey, his constant
concern and communication made it feel like “Mission Possible.” I would
like to acknowledge the contribution of important ideas and insights ex-
changed with Ramon Fernan and Nancy Parreño which are embedded in
my work.
We were warned early on of how lonely the PhD journey is. My emo-
tional connections with Manohara Khadka, Runa Laila, Deniz Aksin,
Pascale Hatcher, Gig Onoparatvibool, Francisco Alar, Rafaela Rigoni, Kai
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xvi GENDER AND TRANSPORT JUSTICE IN DAVAO CITY, PHILIPPINES
Teva, Moushira Elgeziri, Rose Namara, Mallika Pinnawala – proved oth-

erwise. Thank you Duygu Avci, Farzane Zarepour, Maria Gabriela Pala-
cios, Daniela Andrade and C. Sathyamala for keeping my mind healthy in
times of uncertainty. Thank you to my Filipino family in the Netherlands,
Cynthia Recto-Carreon, Agnes Camacho, Joy Bakker Morales and Esther
Velasco who made sure I was never homesick.
I would like to thank the PhD Support Office for their extreme care
about minute necessary details. Thank you, Leal Rodriguez, for patiently
editing the entire manuscript and to Danielle Rivera for working on the
needs for the manuscript layout. Maraming salamat po. The gift of deep
friendship of Joy Misa and Karma Yeshe pushed this thesis to the finish
line. They not only worked on the layout and book cover design of the
manuscript but also shared much of themselves in this work. Any errors
in the book are mine.
This thesis would never have seen the light of day if not for Dr. Thanh
Dam Truong, a teacher par excellence. She was my Buddhist mentor with-
out whom I would be lost. I am extremely grateful to her not only for her
excellent academic insights but the unwavering moral support of a true
feminist sister.
Finally, I am indebted to my family, my Papa and Mama, my sisters and
my brother who are not only a constant source of sound counsel but of
lightness and laughter needed in this world. To Nico who has proven
through the years to be a caring partner who I owe my sanity to. Lastly,
crossing paths with the mind of my daughter Mithi at different points of
my long journey is an everlasting fountain of surprises and inspiration – I
am in awe.

The Hague, The Netherlands
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Abstract
Transportation is more than just a technological concern; what is central

are people’s aspirations which are also intertwined with a country’s devel-
opment goals. When transport is grounded on people’s experiences, it be-
comes more nuanced and responsive to their needs. This in turn has im-
plications on how the idea of transport and development is envisioned
and implemented, that is, not primarily considering “First World” techno-
cratic standards but rather one which is contextualized in the user’s reali-
ties – their geo-political location, resources, capabilities, and their way of
life.
Feminist contributions to urban transport studies belong to broader
debates on the place of transport in enhancing human capabilities and so-
cial rights (Fainstein, 2010; Nussbaum, 2005). Other work in critical urban
studies focuses on the relationship between social identities (gender, class,
age, race, or a confluence of these), and safety in urban contexts. ‘Urban
transport’ in the ‘development’ debate reveals that while development
studies have freed itself from a technocratic model based on notions of
efficiency, urban transport studies are only starting to embrace the right-
based perspective and a consultative model of planning.
This study brings together these emerging perspectives in urban
transport studies in an attempt to integrate them under the concept of
transport justice – to be treated as part of a broader struggle for environ-
mental justice (Schlosberg, 2013; Schweitzer & Valenzuela, 2004), civil
rights (Soja, 2010; Harvey, 2003) and inclusive cities (Roy, 2010). The
study’s framework on transport justice, intersecting with gender justice,
builds on three concepts: redistribution, recognition, and representation.
The research was designed as a multilayer exploration which covers the
different levels of interplay between notions of “gender” and “transport”
to elucidate the marginalization of the interests of low-income users, the
majority being women traders and workers. Placed in a context of “devel-
xvii
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xviii GENDER AND TRANSPORT JUSTICE IN DAVAO CITY, PHILIPPINES
opment”, i.e., intra-city land transport in Davao City, Mindanao, The Phil-
ippines, “transport justice” is applied as a normative framework to bring
to light three clusters of gender issues.
Transport justice, as expounded in this study, highlights (1) the con-
crete reality of unequal distribution of transport resources, such as safe
modes of transportation, public infrastructure, as well as real options for
transport which considers factors such as the users’ financial and cultural
context; (2) the inequality of representation, if not invisibility, of certain
transport users, in the discourse of transportation, which is often tied to
the other forms of discrimination that these groups face; and (3) the cul-
tural and structural barriers to recognize the needs of these groups and
therefore the importance to engage these groups. Transport justice, at its
core, is about inclusivity in development. Transport justice seeks to inte-
grate the various experiences of users so that transport modes, infrastruc-
ture and systems are responsive to their needs at the personal level and to
addressing the gaps in transport planning and implementation at the
macro level.
Recognizing methodological pluralism as an important value in inter-
disciplinary research, the study uses a combination of methods, each of
which has a distinctive role. The survey method was used to capture and
quantify similarities and differences among 360 male and female transport
users from 12 different workplaces in 3 districts of the city, comprising
mostly women traders and workers. Focus-group discussions with
transport users, field observations and one-to-one in-depth interviews
with a subsample of 8 female users were conducted to gain deeper insights
on meanings of “safety” and “security” from the perspectives of the users.
Textual analyses were used to look into issues of misrepresentation as well
as invisibility that are crucial in a transport justice frame. In light of the
view of social policy on safety and security of the body, a close review of
road safety data was done through looking into the standards of assess-
ment of the causes cited in various texts.
The findings suggest that inequality of access shapes the choice and
agency of transport users, which, in turn, contribute to the shaping of in-
tra-city transport systems. A relevant set of questions that has emerged
from the findings scrutinize who is harmed by crashes, how conflicts be-
tween users of motorized and non-motorized transport are socially dis-
tributed, and what are the main mechanisms and consequences from the
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Abstract xix
perspective of transport justice. The questions raised significant dis-

courses on (1) differentiated access to safe transport for men and women;
b) how thinking on gender underpins the perceptions, definition of
transport needs and infrastructure planning, especially how the interplay
between dominant notions of “gender” and “transport” can marginalize
the interests of low income users, by way of planning of transport infra-
structure, facilities and services; c) gender dynamics within processes of
participation of citizens’ groups in policy-making.
There are no official data in the transport policy documents of Davao
City on the type of people harmed by conflicts of user roles. Police records
of crashes were not woven in planning decisions of the short, medium and
long-range transport documents studied. Nevertheless, information culled
from the medical records and emergency logbooks of one centrally located
hospital may instigate more systematic research in the future to stress the
urgent need of transport safety in the lives of people in the city.
The concept of transport justice in feminist research agendas helps
carry ‘gender’ as an analytical concept and a set of policy concerns to the
center stage. Beyond the level of resource allocation to achieve gender
parity of access, transport justice also helps to address different levels of
representation and participation in transport planning to build inclusive
cities.
Keywords: transport justice, gender, gender analysis, multimodal

transport, women and transport, inclusive cities, methodological
pluralism
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Samenvatting
Samenvatting
Bij vervoer gaat het om meer dan alleen technologie; het gaat om wat
mensen willen, wat ook verweven is met de ontwikkelingsdoelstellingen
van een land. Wanneer vervoer gebaseerd is op de ervaringen van mensen
wordt het fijnmaziger en beter afgestemd op hun behoeften. Dit heeft
weer gevolgen voor de manier waarop vervoer en ontwikkeling wordt
opgevat en verwezenlijkt; door niet in de eerste plaats uit te gaan van de
technocratische normen van de ‘eerste wereld’, maar rekening te houden
met de dagelijkse realiteit van de gebruikers: hun geopolitieke locatie,
hulpbronnen, mogelijkheden en levensstijl.
Feministische bijdragen aan onderzoek naar stedelijk vervoer maken deel
uit van bredere debatten over de rol van vervoer bij het versterken van
menselijke mogelijkheden en sociale rechten (Fainstein, 2010; Nussbaum,
2005). Ander onderzoek binnen de kritische stadsstudies gaat over de
relatie tussen sociale identiteit (gender, sociale klasse, leeftijd, ras, of een
mengeling daarvan) en veiligheid in een stedelijke context. Bezien vanuit
ontwikkelingsperspectief blijkt dat in ontwikkelingsonderzoek een tech-
nocratisch model gebaseerd op begrippen van doelmatigheid is verlaten,
terwijl in onderzoek op het gebied van stedelijk vervoer nu pas het op
rechten gebaseerde perspectief en op overleg gebaseerde planningsmodel
begint door te dringen.
In dit onderzoek worden deze nieuwe perspectieven op het gebied van
stedelijk vervoer bijeengebracht in een poging ze op te nemen in het
begrip vervoersrechtvaardigheid – onderdeel van een algemenere strijd
voor milieurechtvaardigheid (Schlosberg, 2013; Schweitzer & Valenzuela,
2004), burgerrechten (Soja, 2010; Harvey, 2003) en inclusieve steden (Roy,
2010). Dit onderzoek over vervoersrechtvaardigheid en de raakvlakken
met genderrechtvaardigheid is gebaseerd op drie begrippen: herverdeling,
erkenning en vertegenwoordiging. Het onderzoek is opgezet als een
gelaagde verkenning van het samenspel tussen de begrippen ‘gender’ en
‘vervoer’ op verschillende niveaus, om daarmee licht te werpen op de
marginalisering van de belangen van gebruikers met een laag inkomen
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Samenvatting xxi
(voornamelijk vrouwelijke handelaars en arbeiders). ‘Vervoersrechtvaar-

digheid’ wordt in een ‘ontwikkelings’context geplaatst en toegepast als een
normatief kader om drie clusters van genderkwesties te belichten. Het
onderzoek is gericht op binnenstedelijk vervoer over land in Davao City
op het eiland Mindanao in de Filipijnen.
De volgende aspecten van vervoersrechtvaardigheid worden in dit
onderzoek belicht: (1) de realiteit van een ongelijke verdeling van zaken
die met vervoer te maken hebben, zoals veilige soorten vervoer, openbare
infrastructuur, en reële opties voor vervoer waarbij rekening wordt ge-
houden met factoren als de financiële en culturele context van de gebrui-
kers; (2) de ongelijke vertegenwoordiging, zo niet onzichtbaarheid, van
bepaalde vervoersgebruikers in het discours over vervoer, die vaak samen-
hangt met de andere vormen van discriminatie waarmee deze groepen
worden geconfronteerd; en (3) de culturele en structurele belemmeringen
voor de erkenning van de behoeften van deze groepen en daarmee het
belang om deze groepen erbij te betrekken. Vervoersrechtvaardigheid gaat
in de kern over inclusiviteit in ontwikkeling. Vervoersrechtvaardigheid is
erop gericht de verschillende ervaringen van gebruikers te integreren,
zodat vervoerswijzen, -infrastructuur en -systemen beantwoorden aan hun
persoonlijke behoeften en voorzien in de lacunes in de vervoersplanning
en -uitvoering op macroniveau.
Vanuit de gedachte dat methodologisch pluralisme een belangrijke
waarde is in interdisciplinair onderzoek, wordt in dit onderzoek een
combinatie van methoden gebruikt. Daarbij heeft elke methode een eigen
rol. Met behulp van vragenlijsten zijn overeenkomsten en verschillen tus-
sen 360 mannelijke en vrouwelijke vervoersgebruikers vastgesteld en
gekwantificeerd. Het betrof vooral vrouwelijke handelaren en werknemers
die werkten op 12 verschillende plaatsen in 3 stadsdelen. Er zijn focus-
groepdiscussies met vervoersgebruikers en aparte diepte-interviews onder
een deelsteekproef van 8 vrouwelijke gebruikers gehouden en veldob-
servaties gedaan om beter te begrijpen wat ‘veiligheid’ en ‘beveiliging’
betekenen voor de gebruikers. Met behulp van tekstuele analyse is onder-
zoek gedaan naar ondervertegenwoordiging en onzichtbaarheid omdat
deze kwesties een belangrijke rol spelen bij vervoersrechtvaardigheid. In
het licht van de beleidsvisie op veiligheid en bescherming van het lichaam
zijn de verkeersveiligheidscijfers nauwkeurig bekeken aan de hand van de
normen voor de beoordeling van de oorzaken die in verschillende teksten
worden genoemd.
569732-L-bw-Rivera
xxii RECHTVAARDIGHEID OP HET GEBIED VAN GENDER EN VERVOER IN DAVAO CITY, DE FILIPIJNEN
De resultaten wijzen erop dat ongelijke toegang bepalend is voor de

keuze en het gedrag van de vervoersgebruikers. Dit draagt op zijn beurt
weer bij aan de vormgeving van vervoerssystemen binnen de stad. De
onderzoeksresultaten roepen de vraag op wie schade ondervindt van
ongevallen, hoe conflicten tussen gebruikers van gemotoriseerd en onge-
motoriseerd vervoer sociaal verdeeld zijn, en wat de belangrijkste mech-
anismen en gevolgen zijn vanuit het oogpunt van vervoersrechtvaar-
digheid. Deze vragen geven aanleiding tot debat over a) ongelijke toegang
tot veilig vervoer voor mannen en vrouwen; b) hoe het denken in termen
van gender ten grondslag ligt aan de visie op en definitie van vervoers-
behoeften en de planning van infrastructuur, en vooral hoe de wissel-
werking tussen dominante opvattingen over ‘gender’ en ‘vervoer’ de
belangen van gebruikers met een laag inkomen kan marginaliseren in de
planning van de vervoersinfrastructuur, -voorzieningen en -diensten; c)
genderdynamiek binnen processen van burgerparticipatie in de beleids-
vorming.
De vervoersbeleidsdocumenten van Davao City bevatten geen officiële
gegevens over het soort mensen dat schade ondervindt van conflicten
tussen gebruikersrollen. Politierapporten van ongevallen zijn niet verwerkt
in de planningsbesluiten in de onderzochte documenten over vervoer over
korte, middellange en lange afstand. Niettemin kan informatie uit de
medische dossiers en registers van de afdeling spoedeisende hulp van een
centraal gelegen ziekenhuis in de toekomst de aanzet vormen tot meer
systematisch onderzoek om de dringende noodzaak van vervoersvei-
ligheid voor mensen in de stad te benadrukken.
Het begrip ‘vervoersrechtvaardigheid’ op de feministische onderzoek-
agenda draagt eraan bij dat ‘gender’ als analytisch concept en als
beleidsdoelstelling in het centrum van de belangstelling komt te staan.
Vervoersrechtvaardigheid is niet alleen van belang bij de toewijzing van
middelen voor gelijke toegang ongeacht gender, maar helpt ook om
ongelijke vertegenwoordiging en deelname aan vervoersplanning aan te
pakken om inclusieve steden te bouwen.
Trefwoorden: vervoersrechtvaardigheid, gender, genderonderzoek,

multimodaal vervoer, vrouwen en vervoer, inclusieve steden,
methodologisch pluralisme
569732-L-bw-Rivera
1 Introduction
1.1 Introduction1
This study deals with the links between culture, gender, and transport pol-
icy. Taking off from the debate on “transportation justice” within the dis-
courses on “development”, the study explores the transport conditions in
Davao City, the Philippines. It demonstrates how class and gender biases
embedded in policy tools and processes (design and implementation) carry
important access implications for transport users in terms of affordability,
accessibility, and safety. Given that transport options have an impact on
people’s opportunities to work, health, education, and facilities for social,
political, and cultural activities, a key proposition of the thesis is that the
concept of “transport justice” is helpful in redressing these biases, and
their impact on the quality of life and the life chances of women belonging
to low-income groups. By placing transport users as actors within a range
of contextually defined choices, the thesis seeks to bring to light how the
technocratic approach to transport planning has been rightfully challenged
by feminist scholars for having ignored the multiple levels where meanings
are assigned to “gender.” The need for a body of knowledge on transport
that is more accountable to users, especially those belonging to low-in-
come groups.
A cornerstone of the debate on the role and impact of transport justice
as a concept tries to capture the question of equal access to transportation
in a broader struggle for environmental justice (Schlosberg 2013, Schweit-
zer and Valenzuela 2004), civil rights (Harvey 2003, Soja 2010) and inclu-
sive cities (Roy 2010). In research, a normative framework of transport
justice seeks to:
1. Reveal the mode of thinking and institutional mechanisms behind
a nation’s transportation planning and delivery systems (Litman
569732-L-bw-Rivera
2 CHAPTER 1
2012, Vasconcellos 2001) to elucidate how and why particular so-

cial groups (e.g., low-income and minority communities, especially
the women of these communities) often face the brunt of negative
impacts of transportation investment in terms of access as well as
transport-related burdens such as poor safety and environmental
standards;
2. Use the inter-relationship between civil rights and transportation
(Bickerstaff et al. 2002, Harvey 2003, Listerborn 2007, Litman
2013, Schweitzer and Valenzuela 2004) as a platform to push the
feminist research agenda towards problematizing epistemological
issues that underlie systems of research, evaluation, and decision-
making in transport policy in ways that produce and perpetuate
distinctive patterns of inequity in the domain of transport;
3. Use ‘gender’ as key analytical concept to address a set of policy
concerns to show how particular understandings and values of
“gender” influence the construction of categories of analysis in
transport and spatial planning (Levy 2012), with special attention
to the transport user and his/her needs;
4. Advocate for an understanding of transport needs built on specific
empirical contexts of intersecting power relations (Levy 2012: 52)
to address institutional structures of discrimination and segrega-
tion that produce differentiated access to safe transport services in
specific places.
Application of the above perspective on transport justice to the case of
intra-city land transport in Davao City means that the research is a multi-
layer exploration which covers the different levels of interplay between
notions of “gender” and “transport”. The aim is to elucidate the margin-
alization of the interests of low-income users, the majority being women
traders and low-income workers, and to show how this is reflected in the
planning of transport infrastructure, facilities, and services. By document-
ing the impacts of poor access to safe and affordable transport on the lives
of the users, and how their choice and agency, in turn, contribute to the
shaping of the city, the study highlights the dire need for accountability in
transport planning in Davao City, and suggests some feasible responses.
Gender differentials in access to urban transport are explored at two
levels. Empirically, the study documents the urban transport needs of dif-
ferent groups of men and women users in Davao City. The perspectives
569732-L-bw-Rivera
Introduction 3
of the users are related to broader considerations such as the relationship

between their access, or lack thereof, to transport and their opportunities
to work, social and health services, education facilities and political cen-
ters. The study then contrasts these findings with the realities of transport
planning in Davao City, covering the multiple layers of power and political
processes in decision-making and how the concerns of users from low-
income groups are consistently placed at the margins, and how gender
differentials in preferences, choice and agency are yet to be taken seriously
by planners.
By bringing into focus the differentiated experience of users with the
city’s transportation system in their everyday life, (taking into considera-
tion income as well as physical and social location,) the research reveals
how gender is embedded in the different layers of the system, as well as
the multiple levels in which gender identity, class and location intersect to
produce specific experiences of marginalization. The silence on gender in
many layers of planning of transport infrastructure, facilities and services
also implies blindness to intersectional experiences. This silence manifests
an understanding of transport technology as something immune from val-
ues and beliefs, a perspective that cannot be defended in the light of the
transport’s impacts on the lives of users as well as the shaping of the city.
By exploring the local initiatives to address the outcomes of a socially
biased transport system and governmental response to these initiatives,
the thesis validates the observation by feminist scholars on the persistence
of a masculine perspective on economy and society (Connell 2005a,
2005b, Cornwall, Edstrom and Greig 2011, Elson 1993). As the transport
planning profession is male dominated, both in terms of the number of
men involved2 as well as the prism through which “transport” and “plan-
ning” are studied, women are more often than not invisible in the arena
of infrastructural design as well as decision-making regarding transport.
The outcome is a male-biased thinking insensitive and unresponsive to the
complexity of gender, which runs through significant decisions on current
transportation systems. This can be best observed in the often-implied
assumption that women’s immobility is not only “natural” but even so-
cially preferred (Jain and Elson 2011). Feminist scholars and activists
themselves admit that overcoming male bias is a long, slow process which
has not yet been completed anywhere in the world (Elson 1995).
569732-L-bw-Rivera
4 CHAPTER 1
The usefulness of “transport justice” as a concept is to be found in its

attempt to tie together the multidisciplinary literature located in transpor-
tation studies, urban planning, and the social sciences. The literature on
transport justice as a framework raises questions on the social meanings
of transport (Jones and Lucas 2012), transportation as a field of policy
intervention (Martens 2012: 8), and the principles which should guide the
allocation of transportation good (Walzer 1985, 1995 as cited in Martens
2012: 4). Only recently it has begun to tread into the interdisciplinary field
of development studies.
Development studies authors (Alkire 2009) reiterate how public poli-
cies are normative in that they clarify how groups must behave for im-
provements to happen. Development is acknowledged to be a multidi-
mensional and multisectoral process and a complex integration of social,
economic, and political changes aiming to improve the lives of people.
Alkire reiterates that normative frameworks or value judgements lie at the
heart of development analysis and policy. Different policies arise from di-
verse ideas about what should be improved. These value judgements are
often not acknowledged. Normatively, this research will involve value
judgments as various normatively valuable goals are identified and clari-
fied, describing the clash and negotiations amongst these goals. The re-
search will discuss which goals are valuable and allow the reader to ask
questions that favor people at the margins, have practical impact and
shape policy making.
In this study, the concept of transport justice will carry the following
normative meanings:
1. Redistribution in terms of enhanced individual access to afforda-
ble and safe transport as argued by many transport experts (Bat-
tellino 2009, Dobbs 2007, Gaffron 2012);
2. Recognition of the link between mobility and “capability enhance-
ment” as articulated in Sen’s writing and extended by others to the
field of transport (Bezayit 2011, Creed 2004, Martens 2012); and
3. Representation or participation parity by users and providers to
articulate their perceptions on and needs for mobility and safety
of transport in urban spatial planning forums and decision-making
processes that affect their lives in the cities (Ernste et al. 2012, Soja
2010).
569732-L-bw-Rivera
Introduction 5
Figure 1
Key Concepts
1.2 Placing ‘Urban Transport’ in the ‘Development’ Debate

While development studies has freed itself from a technocratic model
based on a certain notion of efficiency, urban transport studies is only
beginning to embrace the rights-based perspective and a consultative
model of planning. Today in market-oriented societies transport has be-
come basic to human life. Few communities can be said to be able to sus-
tain themselves based on subsistence. While information technology may
imply virtual mobility for some people, for those belonging to low-income
groups, dependency on transport for actual mobility to make a living re-
mains a crucial concern. When seen from the perspective of equity, access
to transport means a certain threshold of affordability and safety which
enables people to organize their lives and contribute to economic and so-
cial development.
Yet, from a planning perspective, there remains undoubtedly a great
deal of misconception regarding transport, the demands of access on time,
solutions to ‘transport problems’ both in terms of a combination of mo-
bility, bringing services and facilities closer to people as well as the overall
effect of integrating transport into development processes (Edmonds
1998: 2). What is the price to pay for a supposed perfectly functioning
569732-L-bw-Rivera
6 CHAPTER 1
system which should deliver people and goods speedily and efficiently?
Indeed, a very unsustainable way of organizing transport in low-income
countries is one that denies and limits, rather than enlarges, the access of
poor men and women in cities. Transport policies which fail to enlarge
access can also be considered as failing to enhance the capability of men
and women in poor communities to be mobile and to make meaningful
choices to sustain their livelihoods (Kusakabe 2012, Nordbakke 2013, Ra-
kodi and Lloyd-Jones 2002, Salon and Gulyani 2010)
Scholars have identified four societal trends that have important impli-
cations on how men and women organize their family life, their views on
daily activities and in turn, structure their transport patterns (Plessis-Frais-
sard and Rosenbloom 2010), and by implication have challenged the fun-
damentals of classic transport planning.3 These trends are: 1) globalization,
2) urbanization, 3) motorization and 4) socio-demographic transitions.
They all pose an immense challenge to classical thinking on urban
transport planning.
Globalization has two components which impact transportation: the
movement of manufacturing and some service sector functions from de-
veloped to developing4 countries, and the migration of workers in search
of better opportunities (Plessis-Fraissard and Rosenbloom 2010). The
opening of fresh opportunities for paid employment for women in low-
wage countries implies new travel needs and patterns for them (Leinbach
2000). Migratory movements also import cultural values about women’s
appropriate transportation behavior to wherever they go (Handy et al.
2008, Tal and Handy 2010 as cited in Plessis-Fraissard and Rosenbloom
2010). Globalization has also intensified urban inequalities, creating a
competent class of urban professionals in the central capitals who take
charge of various phases of the production, financing, and producer ser-
vices of the urban economy and who live in the cities alongside recent
migrants, urban poor, and the urban proletariat (Cook 2006, Farrington
and Clarke 2006, Humphrey 2006). Along with ethnic divisions, the less
well-off also contribute to an increasingly diverse socio-cultural mosaic
within cities in the Southeast Asian region (Ho 2002).
Urbanization also brings crucial transportation implications. The per-
centage of urban growth by region for 2005-2020 is 93 per cent in less
developed regions as compared to 7 per cent in the developed regions.
(UN-Habitat 2008). The United Nations estimates reveal that one out of
every two people in the planet is an urban dweller and that urbanization
569732-L-bw-Rivera
Introduction 7
will be predominantly a developing countries’ affair. In 2008, UN Habitat

reports that majority of the global population reside in cities and this situ-
ation is predicted to be the trend, transitioning from a two-thirds rural
population majority in 1950 to a two-thirds urban global majority by 2050.
Africa, Asia-Pacific, Latin America, and the Caribbean are sites of approx-
imately 90 per cent of the burgeoning global growth of cities, adding an
estimated 70 million new residents to urban areas annually (Safe Cities
Index 2017, UN Habitat 2013c: ix). Reports (ADB 2012, UN-Habitat
2013) have emphasized that in Asia alone, the rapidly growing mega, pri-
mary, and metropolitan centers as well as middle-sized cities will continue
to impose overwhelming realities on the burgeoning population of 1.1 bil-
lion people who are expected to be living in these Asian cities in the com-
ing quarter of a century. Some authors see the expansion of urban areas
and populations in the next 30 years as “an underlying ‘demographic im-
perative’ that drives all policy formation” (UN-Habitat 2016, McGee
2005, Naisbitt 1996 as cited in Dmitriou 2006: 1085).
It is estimated that 80 per cent of the global GDP is accounted for by
cities, thus, not surprisingly, urbanization is at the center of development
agenda at international to national levels, even local levels. However, the
rapid pace of urbanization and the creation of megacities are points for
concern. In terms of population, megacities been defined as having more
than 10 million inhabitants, while large cities would have 5 to 10 million.
The increasing population in urban centers entails an expansion of urban
land areas which is not only wasteful in terms of energy consumption in
the long run, but places greater stress on the environment through in-
creased pollution and greenhouse gas emissions. Ecological systems
would also change. Between 1990 and 2000, a study computed that the
expansion of urban lands increased by 28 percent in 120 cities around the
globe; by 2030, it estimates that the land area would be triple in size. The
same study noted that large and megacities have also doubled in number
since 1995, from 22 to 44 large cities, and 14 to 29 megacities in 2015(UN
Habitat, 2016).
Motorization, the growth of the motor vehicle fleet (Zegras 2006, Ze-
gras and Gakenheimer 2006) or the rapidly growing use of motorized ve-
hicles (Plessis-Fraissard and Rosenbloom 2010), is a trend that reflects the
strategic choices of states in evolving urban transport problems. Asian cit-
ies provide the backdrop for the dramatic increase in motorization levels
in the world.
569732-L-bw-Rivera
8 CHAPTER 1
Table 1
Urban rate of change 1995-2015
Average annual rate of change of the urban population
(entire period)
Region/Area 1995-2000 2000-2005 2005-2010 2010-2015 1995-2015
World 2.13% 2.27% 2.20% 2.05% 2.16%
High-income .078% 1.00% 1.00% 0.76% 0.88%

countries
Middle-income 2.74% 2.77% 2.61% 2.42% 2.63%

countries
Low-income 3.54% 3.70% 3.70% 3.77% 3.68%

countries
Africa 3.25% 3.42% 3.55% 3.55% 3.44%
Asia 2.79% 3.05% 2.79% 2.50% 2.78%
Latin America and 2.19% 1.76% 1.55% 1.45% 1.74%

the Carribean
Europe 0.10% 0.34% 0.34% 0.33% 0.31%
North America 1.63% 1.15% 1.15% 1.04% 1.24%
Oceania 1.43% 1.49% 1.78% 1.44% 1.53%
Source: UN-HABITAT 2016:7
Motorization, the growth of the motor vehicle fleet (Zegras 2006, Ze-
gras and Gakenheimer 2006) or the rapidly growing use of motorized ve-
hicles (Plessis-Fraissard and Rosenbloom 2010), is a trend that reflects the
strategic choices of states in evolving urban transport problems. Asian cit-
ies provide the backdrop for the dramatic increase in motorization levels
in the world.
569732-L-bw-Rivera
Introduction 9
Figure 2
Motorization worldwide 1930-1995
Source: (Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und

Entwicklung 2003: 49 as quoted in Abmann and Sieber 2005:720)
Figure 2 shows worldwide motorization since 1930. In just 15 years

between 1980 and 1995, the global fleet of cars, trucks and buses increased
by 60 per cent and one-third of the increase occurred in developing coun-
tries (Abmann and Sieber 2005: 719).
More than two decades ago, Ingram and Liu (1999) estimated that by
2050, this vehicle fleet would grow by seven times (ibid: 720). Such mo-
torization has evolved to be a comparative “standard,” not only of “pro-
gress” worldwide, but as the barometer of significant resource and envi-
ronmental challenges on the local and global front (Myers and Kent 2004
as cited in Dmitriou 2006). Fabian (2012) used integrated data from vari-
ous sources, high the alarming rise of the global vehicle fleet as hard evi-
dence that Asia would have half of motor vehicles (Figure 2).
Venter, Mahendra and Hidalgo (2019) maintain that rise in personal
incomes have led to low-capacity, inefficient transport modes, and private
motor vehicle ownership. The comparison between high birthrates and
high motor vehicle registrations provides insights. In Latin America, the
ratio of the former to the later is 1:2.5 while in India, it is 1:3. Motorized
two-wheelers (motorcycles, mopeds, and scooters) make up large portions
569732-L-bw-Rivera
10 CHAPTER 1
of this mix, accounting for almost half of all vehicles in the Philippines,
over 70 percent in India, and an estimated 97 percent in Vietnam. (Venter,
Mahendra and Hidalgo 2019:7) The response to increasing motorization
across these countries has been expanding road capacity, the construction
of pedestrian bridges and parking area subsidy.
Figure 3
Motorization worldwide with focus on Asia 2005-2035
Source: ADB, CAI-Asia, Segment Y Ltd and IEA, 2008 in Fabian, 2012:5
The practice of unquestionably accommodating motor vehicle growth

is widespread as many Asian governments perceive high rates of motori-
zation as an indicator of economic virility (Dmitriou 2006). Pendyala and
Kitamura (2007: 275) expressed alarm over the explosive growth in vehicle
ownership and utilization in rapidly developing Asian cities. The health
impact is further highlighted by World Health Organization reports that
1.2 million people are killed in road accidents and as many as 50 million
are injured worldwide each year (Dora 2007). Approximately one half of
all road fatalities and injuries worldwide happen in the Asia-Pacific region
(Zegras 2006). Most of these vulnerable road users are reported to be pe-
destrians comprised of women, children, and the elderly.
569732-L-bw-Rivera
Introduction 11
The last societal trend which impacts on changing activities on

transport behavior are socio-demographic transitions (Plessis-Fraissard
and Rosenbloom 2010) during the past half a century, including women
taking on paid employment (Leinbach 2000) and the rise of women-
headed households5 (Rosenbloom 2005).
These four societal trends–globalization, urbanization, motorization,
and socio-demographic transitions –provide the backdrop for current re-
alities and crucial challenges on women and transport in developing coun-
tries which are made worse by policy responses and government programs
(Plessis-Fraissard and Rosenbloom 2010). There is a continuing struggle
to create a transport system which considers “spaces of vulnerability.” The
word spaces in “spaces of vulnerability “here refer to transport spaces
which become vulnerable for specific groups of people who cannot afford
a secure mode of travel and must opt for existing modes with which they
face high risks of injury. Other authors have parallel concept for this in-
teresting concept of “spaces of vulnerability.” Watts and Bohle (1993)
coined the concept of “connective infrastructure” for a configuration of
factors which may be theoretically mapped with respect to its social, po-
litical, economic and structural-historical coordinates. Mobility, via
transport infrastructure and services, plays the “connective infrastructure”
role of connecting homes and places, which provide not only income for
people, but also fulfill their social needs of interaction with other people.
Effective transport infrastructure and services link people with economic
opportunities and various types of services, activities, and people for their
various human needs. According to Knoflacher (2009), the consequences
of so called “technical progress” are obvious and transport is one of the
most contested development areas which, while offering an endless num-
ber of solutions, remain extremely controversial.6
1.3 Locating Gender in Transport Studies

Knowledge of the transport conditions in many Asian cities, and especially
how these interact with other factors, is modest (Gannon and Liu 2000 as
cited in Porter 2005: 1). The World Development Report affirms that
baseline data is needed as these have far-reaching impacts on poverty,
health, and education outcomes (World Bank 2004:212 as cited in Porter
2005: 5). UN Habitat (Williams 2006) brings forward the urgency of tack-
ling transport and poverty with four glaring realities: (1) Families and in-
dividuals spend upwards of 30 per cent of their incomes on transport and
569732-L-bw-Rivera
12 CHAPTER 1
energy services; (2) workers commute up to four hours a day (including

walking) to low-paying jobs, wasting time and losing productivity; (3) by
2020, transport will kill more than HIV, war and tuberculosis combined,
the majority of victims being the poor, women, and children; and (4) up-
wards of 50 per cent of foreign exchange earnings go to importing fossil
fuels for urban transport, bankrupting national treasuries.
Available urban transport research in Asia (Morichi and Acharya 2013)
reveals a technocratic empiricism where large-scale surveys use a selected
range of indicators to allow cross-country comparisons. Such data surface
the allocation and distribution of resources which in turn reveal implica-
tions for justice in a variety of dimensions, i.e., social differentials in access,
distribution of mortal accidents, and environmental depletion. Although
driven by the concern of social equity in development, survey data does
not provide sufficient insights on the workings of institutions in urban
transport planning and service delivery, especially in developing countries.
Furthermore, a perspective on the users is missing especially regarding
choices as being shaped by actual constraints.
Transport justice requires a cognitive dimension of fair understanding
and hearing the voices of those excluded from the urban transport plan-
ning machineries. The role of collective agency in promoting development
has been highlighted by the gender perspective, and it is here where gender
analysis places gender equity as a core concern (Fukuda-Parr 2003). Fem-
inist scholarship has demonstrated the significance of understanding the
histories of social and conceptual exclusion or marginalization of gender
in scientific enquiry in different fields, and how patterns of androcentrism
in the practice of science are carried through to social practices (Harding
2004, Rouse as cited in Harding 2004). Despite advances feminist schol-
arship has made in the sciences, transport studies remain by and large un-
affected by feminist questions.
More recently, several attempts have been made to apply feminist in-
sights to urban transport studies (Fainstein and Servon 2005). These ef-
forts belong to the broader debates on the place of transport in enhancing
human capabilities and social rights. Other attempts took off from critical
urban studies and are more concerned with how public transport users,
especially women, experience safety and personal security as compared to
men. The concern is placed on the relationship between social identities
(gender, class, age, race, or as formed by confluence of these), and safety
in a given urban landscape.7 Globalization and dominance of economic
569732-L-bw-Rivera
Introduction 13
institutions such as the World Bank, other international development

banks, and the UN, in defining the contours of gender and mobility dis-
cussions, has also been criticized as being gender-blind and based on
Western perspectives. Thynell (2016), for instance, highlighted the expe-
rience of women in Asian cities such as New Delhi, Mumbai, Jakarta and
many others face in relation to their mobility and access to transport: they
lack ownership of private motorized vehicles, they often walk or cycle to
their destinations, and when they use public transport, these are usually in
a poor condition, unsafe and unreliable. The international commitments
on improving the transport conditions for women and gender equality in
this regard remain rhetorical without grounding on women’s experiences
on the same. Thynell recommends feminist epistemologies and develop-
ment research to effectively study the context of Asian transport systems,
and the geographical, cultural, and economic factors and social structures
influencing it.
Most students of gender and transport are concerned with the behavior
of transport users, their access to different means of transport, and eco-
nomic costs. Sanchez and Gonzales (2016) noted that while men’s choice
of transport mode is relatively static, women are more likely to consider
multi-modal transportation. Women’s commuting behavior in relation to
their point of destination is influenced by factors such as age, education,
owning a driver’s license, access to private transport, location, household
size and net income. This was also observed in Miralles-Guasch et al.
(2016) in their study on gender differences in mobility patterns between
men and women, both in urban and rural contexts. A concern in this study
was the use of sustainable transport. Sustainable transport in the study was
defined by measures on greenhouse gas emissions and energy consump-
tion, vis-à-vis one’s travel. The findings show that it is the women, more
than men, who are likely to use more sustainable transportation modes,
and travel for more diverse reasons. This, for the authors, reflect of
women’s knowledge and experience with sustainable transport which can
be valuable in shaping transport planning towards more sustainable direc-
tions. At the structural level, feminist scholars inquire about the gender
logic built into transport research and policy choices that create urban
transport systems, highlighting how the public and private divide carries
different assumptions about men and women’s transport needs, and in
turn can reinforce hierarchies of access (Levy 2012, McGuckin and Naka-
569732-L-bw-Rivera
14 CHAPTER 1
moto 2005, Rosenbloom 2006, Salon and Gulyani 2010). Gender as a cat-
egory that organizes thinking and assigning values in decision making on
the conception and design of transport, and choice between options avail-
able for planners, remains a domain relatively unexplored, with main-
stream researches and planning focused largely on economic and, quite
recently, environmental impacts of transport systems (Environment and
Urbanization, International Institute for Environment and Development
2013). Studying gender at this level would require inquiries into how mas-
culine and feminine forms of thought get written into transport research
institutions and how transport has been construed as a field of study. As
the Environment and Urbanization, International Institute for Environ-
ment and Development (2013) argues, the discourse on diversity and dif-
ferences in urban and transport experiences should cut across planning
and policies, and in a more meaningful way apart from simply disaggre-
gating data according to categories of sex, age, ethnicity, and income.
Equally important is how these social identities are played out in public
space, that is, how various groups appropriate the city through transpor-
tation and mobility and exercise their “urban citizenship.”
Theoretical debates on women, gender and development among aca-
demics, scholars, activists, policy makers have gained ground during the
past two decades, alongside the influence and power of the activism, pol-
icy, and legislative advocacy of various international, national and local
women’s organizations in many parts of the world. For instance, Action-
Aid launched the Safe Cities for Women campaign in 2016 to address vi-
olence against women in urban public spaces, which also highlights the
gender-blindness of urban planning, including transport planning, and ne-
glect of strategic approaches to ensure gender equality in terms of its pro-
cesses and results.
Despite the fact that transport studies is closely and tightly linked to
the technical, engineering and the “hard science”, and that many profes-
sions declare “transport” as the field of specialization of their disciplines,
the theoretical relevance of studies pushing for more interdisciplinary co-
operation in transport research must not be underestimated. There is an
increased acceptance of an interdisciplinary approach to urban transport
research, though the theories that have emerged from such an approach
are still thin in their explanatory potentials on the relationship between
women and transport.
569732-L-bw-Rivera
Introduction 15
1.4 Research Objectives and Justification

The main objective of this research is to bridge insights from emerging
perspectives in urban transport studies and gender and development stud-
ies. In doing so it seeks to provide a perspective that can help explain the
disturbing outcomes of the transport and poverty links mentioned above.
It argues for the need to probe deeper into matters of “framing”8 issues
and interpretation of data and information, to fully appreciate the work-
ings of deeper structures behind these manifest realities. The research may
be regarded as being situated at the cutting edge of transport studies and
gender and development studies, being both interdisciplinary fields.
Therefore, this thesis provides an intersectional framework on Transport
Justice from a user perspective, based on data collected in a multi method
approach.
The central policy relevance of this research is its emphasis on trans-
port users, particularly women as a social group, whose marginalization,
invisibility and lack of voice remain a reality in many countries. By captur-
ing the key messages of the emerging policy discussion on transport dep-
rivation in developing countries, the research deepens these messages by
showing their experiential meanings from the perspective of transport us-
ers and the problems they face regarding access and safety. This will be
contrasted with the view on access inscribed in the conventional frame-
works of the policy discourse on transport needs, so as to argue for a case
of serious revision to be able to address the complex problem of transport
deprivation and enhance the quality of life of low-income groups, espe-
cially women belonging to this group.
To elucidate the experience of the Philippines in transport policy, the
research brings the fore the mobility needs of a range of people belonging
to low-income groups (women, very old people, and very young people)
and their access problems. By highlighting differentiated experiential
meanings of access to transport in Davao City, this study is a pioneering
initiative given that there are few attempts in the country to tackle gender
and transport in a more focused manner, although there is an on-going
debate on gender and development. By articulating central issues and con-
cerns in the debate on gender and transport taking place at the global level
and anchoring them in the debate on gender vis-à-vis transport policies in
the Philippines, the study seeks to engage with various actors in policy and
planning in local development as well as other decision-making arenas.
569732-L-bw-Rivera
16 CHAPTER 1
The aim is to stimulate fresh discussions on how the allocation of scarce

public resources in the Philippines may be done differently to tackle the
problem of transport deprivation, moving towards a more grounded and
gendered understanding of transport justice.
1.5 Epistemological Structure of the Research Design

The theoretical approach of the study cuts across several debates in the
arena of transport research and feminist research and stands at the cross-
roads of fierce divides among quantitative and qualitative researchers in
the social sciences. To overcome the maze of debates, the overriding ap-
proach of the thesis is methodological pluralism which combines research
approaches to obtain various viewpoints on the research topic of gender
and transport. This includes the use of mixed conventional and alternative
methods, quantitative analysis using the survey method, analysis of ar-
chives of a hospital, text analysis of government documents related to
transport policy, focus-group discussions with transport users, field ob-
servations and one-to-one interviews with women of different profiles in
the city.
Firstly, in a rather functional way, the thesis surfaces the missing voices
in the transportation planning and system, investigating their needs in the
light of their experiences, the current conditions within the city in which
they tread. This includes how women themselves have asserted their pres-
ence in the city or, on the other hand, been made invisible in relation to
urban development and competing transport technologies. Second is that
in a more constructivist way, the thesis examines the views by multiple
actors in the policy landscape, especially among the more important actors
regarding urban transport, and what consequences these have had on local
urban land transport policy.
Methodological pluralism enables the researcher to use different tech-
niques to get access to different facets of the same social phenomenon
(Carter 2003, Danermark, et al. 2002, Sayer 2000 as cited in Olsen 2004:
6). It is an ongoing dialogue which ensues through the contrasts and con-
tradictions of what surfaces, what appears as self-evident, what is un-
masked as underlying the various discourses, and the spectrum of differ-
ences vis-à-vis the official pronouncements on the same things (Olsen
2004).
569732-L-bw-Rivera
Introduction 17
Feminist scholars have scrutinized inter-subjectivity within research

(Oakley 2009, Harding 2004, Ramazano and Holland 2002) as a way of
putting importance on various modes of knowing and value on the ex-
change of ideas and feelings among researchers and respondents in a re-
search (Assister 2000, Collins 2000 as cited in Hemmings 2012:148). These
experiences, very unlike the expected detached tendency of research con-
ventions, put forward the central importance of emotional connection
which was considered necessary for self-awareness both for personal
growth and social change. Feminist epistemology implies the ability to ap-
preciate the “Other”, to render them a subject rather than object of in-
quiry, as central to an alternative, politicized epistemology (Hemmings
2012:151).
Adopting feminist epistemology refreshes the discourse on transport
studies and development as whole. As Nelson (1990) observed, science is
a dynamic entity that is also influenced by its social and political environ-
ment, including gendered experiences. There is room to dialogue with
mainstream science, to bring in scientists and engage them toward coop-
eration. And because mainstream science is dominated by empiricism, this
dialogue will also have to accommodate this epistemology at least in the
beginning.
The research epistemology in this thesis is one that combines empiricist
methodology with feminist political goals (Nelson 1990, R. Campbell.
2004, Sobstyl 2004). Feminist political goals are carefully laid out by setting
an agenda and theorizing in one context with the end in view of under-
standing, contributing and influencing the current economy of knowledge.
Feminists (Connell in Harcourt, 2016: xvi) need to capture the essence of
feminist theoretical work from beyond the global metropole as it is be-
lieved to be a critical element of building the intellectual resources for
global feminism. This is precisely what defines contemporary theory. The
reflexivity of the adage that questions of theory are largely questions about
practice, reiterates that a fresh outlook on the dynamics of social change
can best be expected from only the most effective forms of contemporary
theory.
It is well acknowledged that the field of transport is dominated by
men. Transport research is likewise steeped in the positivist and empirical
approaches, thus a possible way to start to influence and engage various
researchers is to dialogue through approaches they are familiar with.
569732-L-bw-Rivera
18 CHAPTER 1
Within the continuing debate which rages due to the belief that it is
impossible to merge the norms of empiricist inquiry with pursuing femi-
nist agendas, the primary attack is against the rigidity of the positivist roots
of empiricism, such as the inability to treat participants as subjects (Har-
ding 2004). This thesis, however, is grounded on the belief that an episte-
mologically grounded feminist research may be able to present a concep-
tion of social knowledge which respects the importance of contextual val-
ues.
1.6 A Sociological Approach to Transport

The technocratic view is also known as the view of the expert which can
be traced to the Enlightenment when individuals began to acquire power
to shape and direct societies through scientific and technological develop-
ment (Seeley 1996 as cited in Karvonen and Brand 2009). These made
technical experts influential in public policy and city building. The tech-
nocratic view symbolizes the tenets of modernity including efficiency sta-
bility, functionality, objectivity, and most importantly, progress (Karvonen
and Brand 2009).
Vasconcellos (2001), a transport engineer and planner, criticized trans-
posing models and methodologies applied in high-income countries to the
reality of low and middle-income countries. He proposed that an approach
different from the usual economic approach is necessary to better under-
stand the realities in developing countries. (Vasconcellos 1997: 247) Re-
viewing the essential differences in various approaches during the past
decades, he argued that the developing world required a ‘sociological ap-
proach’ to transport, which focuses on individuals instead of vehicles, lives
instead of trips, and within a framework of equitable provision. The fol-
lowing table emphasizes how a sociological approach, in contrast to the
technical and social analysis approach, can bring significant information
into policy and planning which would highlight inequities which are often
masked in the traditional approaches.
Table 2 highlights how the sociological approach would require de-
tailed, disaggregated data from individuals as opposed to aggregated infor-
mation about vehicular travelers. An activity-based approach could be the
start to generate important data. Vasconcellos (2004) mentioned activity
diary surveys as able to produce rich personal and household data which
would enable a much wider range of possible behavioral responses to
569732-L-bw-Rivera
Introduction 19
transport system changes. Most important, these techniques have the ca-
pability of identifying the transport deprived or those individuals and
households with greatest transport disadvantage.
Table 2
Essential Differences of Approaches
Preferred
Data used Data used Preferred focus Preferred elements
elements for
(nature) (nature) of explanation of evaluation
analysis
Technical Quantitative Vehicles Individuals Economic

efficiency (cost-
benefit analysis)
Social Quantitative and People in Individuals Economic

qualitative general efficiency (with
social analyses)
Sociological Quantitative and Political beings Individuals, Economic and

qualitative and their roles family, social social efficiency;
in traffic groups and with equity analysis
classes
Source: Vasconcellos 2001
The push for the sociological approach is affirmed by Rosenbloom (as

cited in Fainstein and Servon 2005). She emphasized that standard trans-
portation research has indeed used only a few variables, i.e., household
income, household composition (usually size) and auto ownership, to pre-
dict future travel demand and modal choice. Many critics have also been
vocal about the drawbacks of data collection and analysis purely on an
aggregate level in some preordained geographic area or zone, rather than
the individual and household approach. Rosenbloom (2005) points out
that this aggregate approach results in an unsuccessful prediction of the
effect of existing policy (1) on different groups, (2) the responses of such
groups to different policies of the government, and (3) the impact of de-
mographic and societal changes on travel behavior of men and women.
An investigation of individual travel differences could address many of
these current research gaps.
Vasconcellos (2001) puts forward the idea that this alternative ap-
proach is not only urgent and long overdue, but it is the only way the
569732-L-bw-Rivera
20 CHAPTER 1
crucial element of equity could be tackled head on. He even pushes fur-
ther, radically proposing that this approach is not meant to complement
existing approaches, but more so, it is high time to replace what he con-
sidered as outdated approaches. While a liberal approach calls for effi-
ciency even at the expense of equity, the alternative approach calls for
equity as the primary objective provided that at a minimum, efficiency
which is socially accorded is ensured.
This study adopts the sociological approach to transport which in-
volves two layers of analysis: 1) the relationship between women and
modes of transport; 2) women as transport users as social and political
beings whose agency shapes and is shaped by transport policy.
A sociological approach to transport can deepen understanding on
transport needs and service delivery in the city, as it tries to go beyond
standard transportation research. As mentioned earlier this type of re-
search is biased towards relation between income level, auto ownership,
based on which future travel demand and modal choice are predicted. By
contrast, a sociological approach gives more attention to the ways in which
women engage with transport as pedestrians, passengers and drivers and
how gender relations shape this engagement.
It is this context that confirms the need to develop a methodology to
measure social benefits which combines equity and efficiency criteria. The
thesis anchors its perspective on an approach in such a tradition.
1.7 Organization of the Thesis

My thesis revolves around three arguments which are reflected in the or-
ganization of the chapters. The first argument is that a better understand-
ing of the interface between gender and transport can deepen the appre-
ciation of a transportation planning and policy in large cities should be
grounded on the realities of the different kinds of people who are travel-
ling within them. The life of the city is entwined with the lives of the peo-
ple living within it in multiple ways. Chapter 1 gives the reader an overview
of what the thesis is about amidst a myriad of societal trends in the land-
scape of the development debate. It introduces the reader to the research
problem; the knowledge gap being addressed and what the research aims
to do to address these gaps. Chapter 2 aims to familiarize the readers with
the literature on conventions in the transport research arena as well as the
569732-L-bw-Rivera
Introduction 21
debates in the intersection of culture, gender and transport, which has im-
plications for policy. Chapter 3 is an explanation of the methodology of
the thesis, linking research objectives, accompanying questions for each
objective, and the selected data gathering methods. The analytical ap-
proach and the feminist methodology applications are found in this chap-
ter, as well as ethical considerations and limitations of the research.
My second argument is that in the light of gender, the policy consensus
with regard transportation remains in the hands of the technical experts.
Their neglect of the cleaner modes of walking and non-motorized
transport used by the disadvantaged in the city cannot be discounted, as
well as the consideration of the needs of women having limited policy
traction. Chapter 4 shows the experiences of transport users as regards the
provision and access of different modes of transport in the city and puts
women at the center stage by highlighting their views of “place” through
their life in Davao City. Chapter 5 presents the third argument: as a result
of neglect of technical planners, that is, the safety and personal security of
men and women, remains invisible in the plans and projects of the city.
Finally, I will close through a synthesis of the earlier three arguments
through the conclusion in Chapter 6. This last chapter is a reiteration of
the potentials of carving a space for a user-focused approach in urban
transport policy, specifically the methodological and planning implications
in terms of co-construction9 of the urban transportation system in the city.
Notes
1 Parts of this chapter are drawn from the author's previously published work
(Rivera, 2007, Rivera, 2008)
2 The infrastructure sector, including transportation and communications has tra-
ditionally been male-dominated and largely considered as gender-blind. The De-

partment of Transportation and Communications in the Philippines (DOTC) has
13 attached agencies and corporations and three line or sector offices, covering
rail, air, water, and the communications sectors. The three offices re the Land
Transportation Office (LTO), Land Transportation Franchising and Regulatory
Board (LTFRB) and Philippine Coast Guard (PCG). The 13 attached agencies
are the Toll Regulatory Board (TRB), Office of Transport Cooperatives (OTC),
Metro Rail Transit 3(MRT3), Light Rail Transit Authority (LRTA), Philippine
National Railways (PNR), Philippine Ports Authority (PPA), Cebu Ports Author-
ity (CPA), Maritime Industry Authority (MARINA), Manila International Air-
ports Authority (MIAA), Mactan-Cebu International Airports Authority
569732-L-bw-Rivera
22 CHAPTER 1
(MCIAA) Philippine Aerospace Development Corporation (PADC), Civil Aer-

onautics Board (CAB) and the Civil Aviation Authority of the Philippines
(CAAP).Top executive positions (Secretary, Undersecretaries and Assistant Sec-
retaries) continue to be occupied by men. Overall men employees outnumber
women employees. The only areas with more women employees are in admin-
istration and finance. (Illo et al., 2010)
3 “...the paradigm of rational man”, [sic] underpinned by “... neoclassical eco-
nomic concepts, focusing upon the representation of people as individual ra-

tional choice makers, interacting together to form a state of equilibrium” (12)
and acting “... to maximize her utilities...applied to traveler behavior to stimulate
choices of destination, mode, route and time.” (Avineri, 2012 :523 in Levy, 2012:
48-49)
4 The label “developing” has many definitions, but this usually refers to low and
middle-income countries based on the World Bank definition of average income

per person. The World Bank 9 (2009) defines that based on GNI per capita,
every economy is classified as low-income if USD 935 or less; lower middle in-
come USD 936-3,705; upper middle income USD 3,706-11,455; and high income
USD 11,456 or more.
5 A broad study of ten developing countries including those in Asia such as Bang-
ladesh, Philippines, India (Quisimbing, Haddad and Pena, 2001) found weak ev-
idence that female-headed households experience higher incidence of poverty
than male headed households. They caution against drawing quick inferences
about this relationship
6 To illustrate, transportation is little mentioned in the Millennium Development
Goals (Hook, 2006). This silence has been noted as a serious gap in tackling the
gendered dimensions of poverty. (J.D. Riverson et al. 2006 in Roy, 2010)
7 Khader (2017), describes the contribution of feminist philosophical approaches
to the discourse of globalization and development. Specifically, she states that

feminists root their analysis to real-world problems brought about by neoliberal-
ism and an active dialogue with social movements to respond to these, in contrast
to non-feminist approaches that begin with theoretical commitments. In doing
so, feminists seek to transform the discourse, both within the arena of the aca-
deme and politics, to recognize the diverse and intersecting points of women’s
vulnerability and marginalization, beyond poverty.
8 Frame consists of a mental model which becomes a filter through which an
issue, topic or situation is observed, and a research problem is defined. Frame

can facilitate understanding or confuse an issue, especially when the values be-
hind the perspectives are assumed rather than openly discussed
569732-L-bw-Rivera
Introduction 23
9 According to Jacoby and Ochs (1995), co-construction refers to a joint creation

of a form, interpretation, stance, action, activity, identity, institution, skill, ideol-
ogy, emotion, or other culturally meaningful reality. The co- prefix in co-con-
struction is intended to cover a range of interactional processes, including col-
laboration, cooperation, and coordination. However, co-construction does not
necessarily entail affiliative or supportive interactions. An argument, for example,
in which the parties express disagreement, is nonetheless co-constructed (Jacoby
and Ochs 1995).
569732-L-bw-Rivera
Gender Issues in Transport Planning
2 Models
2.1 From Auto-Mobility to Multi Modality and Transport

Justice
Transport is known to be one of the most significant investment sectors
for many low-income and middle-income countries. Despite the undenia-
ble key role of transport in economic development, classical research on
transport and planning tend to rely on methods of analysis for forecasting
demands and evaluate impact of projects that miss the perspectives of us-
ers as subjects differently placed in the hierarchical social order (Levy
2012, Turner 1996, Vasconcellos 2001). At best such methods pay atten-
tion to income and lifestyles (or class) but do not fully address the full
range of impacts of transport on the lives of men and women as users
(Blumenberg 2004, Tiwari and Jain 2012, Rosenbloom 2005, Tanzarn
2008). These impacts can be differentiated by the particular mode in use,
including public transport, private motorized vehicles, multi-modal means
and so forth. (Cervero and Golub 2007, Sohail et al. 2006, Tran and
Schlyter 2010). Another observation is that while there are studies over
the past decades that surfaced gendered data on transport use,10 analyses
which consider the social and cultural dimensions of transportation (and
not only infrastructure and automobility) as it intersects with gender, are
scarce.
In the Asia-Pacific Region, the field of transport is strongly influenced
by the vested interests of industry. It is thus more concerned with com-
petitiveness in reaching some segments of the population as consumers
and users of services, and less oriented towards meeting the greater chal-
lenges of social equity and environmental burden-sharing (Vasconcellos
2001, Business Monitor International Ltd. 2010) Despite the fact that the
field of development planning has evolved from one which assigns pri-
mary importance to state-led discourses and initiatives into an arena where
24
569732-L-bw-Rivera
Gender issues in transport planning models 25
diverse stakeholders can present and argue for their perspectives on de-
velopment and options, the field of transport in this region continues to
be relatively immune to critical perspectives, including gender (Fouracre
et al. 2006, Gesellschaft fur Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) 2007,
Kusakabe, 2012, Plessis-Fraissard, 2010). It can be said that the upsurge
of efforts in research and advocacy to incorporate gender issues into the
policy domain (health, education, agriculture) has barely reached the
transport sector. (Blumenberg 2004, Babinard 2011, Riverson 2006). This
shows the need to find innovative ways to re-conceptualize the link be-
tween gender, research, and policy in order to make it more applicable to
transport research.
This chapter11 provides a discussion on gender, women and transport,
using a development lens to present the scope and range of issues relevant
to the realities in the low- and middle-income countries. The aim is to
clarify the main paradigms that have been applied in studies on gender and
urban transport. The chapter is organized as follows. First, the normative
definitions on transport are presented, their components and contextual
applicability are unpacked. The aim is to familiarize the reader with the
debates about intra-city transport, and the key issues regarding the applica-
bility of this normative framework in a process of “development”. Second,
transport in research and planning as a field of study with special charac-
teristics is discussed to explain the placement of urban transport as a com-
ponent of this field. Third the chapter brings in the debate on gender anal-
ysis of transport and the knowledge gaps that have been identified, such
as: women as the missing users; gender equity as the missing principle;
culture, gender and “spaces of vulnerability” as the missing dimension in
transport planning.
2.1.1 Defining Transport

Transport is the relatively controlled circulation of people from one place
to another. It indicates the purposive, short-term, and repetitive move-
ment of people. Transport is also the connective infrastructure linking
spaces in a city and the medium of social interaction and intercourse.
Transport has two elements: “transport infrastructure and transport ser-
vices” (The World Bank 2002). Transport infrastructure includes all facil-
ities channeling the movement of vehicles and people, including roads,
pedestrian paths, bridges, pavements, sidewalks, public transport termi-
nals and waiting sheds. Transport services include the various modes of
569732-L-bw-Rivera
26 CHAPTER 2
transport, classified according to a hierarchy of value in relation to their

occupation of public space. Modes of transport are the different ways in
which movement from one place to another can be arranged and under-
taken.
In recent decades, transportation planning is undergoing a paradigm
shift, which changes the ways in which transportation problems are iden-
tified, analyzed, and evaluated (Litman 2013). As Litman points out, pre-
viously the evaluation of transport system performance was based on the
speed, convenience, affordability of motor vehicle travel, and automobile-
oriented improvements. Today a more comprehensive approach is emerg-
ing with an increased acceptance and usage of the concept of “multimo-
dality” (Patton 2007, Litman 2013).
Whereas auto-mobility – the utilization of private motorized vehicles
as the major means of transportation – has been influenced by a dominant
assumption that the use of motor vehicle is efficient and safe, mass auto-
mobility has unintentional hidden costs, such as: hazardous pollutants due
to emissions, higher mortality rates, and social segregation.
Figure 4
Green Transportation Hierarchy
Source: Litman 2012:5
569732-L-bw-Rivera
To date, there is no comprehensive study on the gendered use across

transport modes as identified by Litman (See Figure 4 above). Related
studies in this regard, however, show transportation preference and use of
women and men and among income classes i.e., private transportation
versus public transportation. For instance, gender differences in the use
of public transportation is more pronounced among lower income classes,
with women accessing this more often than men by as much as 71.1 per-
cent (Sanchez and Gonzales 2016). In several countries, men also choose
private transport by more than 80 percent of all their trips, regardless of
age, education level, driver’s license, private transport access; location,
household size and net income (ibid.). In Pollard and Wagnild’s review of
studies in walking (2017) it is noted that 34 out of the 36 provided gender-
disaggregated data. Gender was not a significant factor as regards the over-
all level of walking, or in relation to transport, duration or frequency of
walking. Generally, however, women, more than men, walk for leisure; in
one study (Japan), men more than women walk to their place of work.
The “multimodality” model is driven by the application of social equal-
ity as a principle and environment-friendly values. It suggests that trans-
portation infrastructure and practices embody social diversity by accom-
modating multiple transportation modes. Through negotiations over ur-
ban transportation, the concept of multimodality can permit a closer ex-
amination of the predicament of living amidst social diversity in a shared
built environment. Multimodality may be regarded as a conceptual shift in
transport planning, consistent with the rise of multiculturalism in public
debates, together with the growing concern about environmental pollu-
tion and its impact on biodiversity, and broader issues connected with life-
styles and climate change. An emphasis that crosscuts the debates on mul-
ticulturalism, biodiversity, and multimodality is the “diversity” presented
as a value for addressing contemporary complexities (Patton 2004:136 as
cited in Litman 2012:5). In the context of urban transport, Litman specif-
ically directs attention to planning practices in some urban areas known as
“congested urban corridors”. Here, a “transportation hierarchy” is estab-
lished. In this hierarchical classification, priority is given to the modes of
transport that are more resource efficient, over the mode of single-occu-
pant car travel.
Whereas the framework used to define transport efficiency has been
redefined in transport planning scholarship and practices, in the Philip-
pines, as in many Asian countries, urban transport planning remains
569732-L-bw-Rivera
28 CHAPTER 2
deeply entrenched in the conventional framework in which motorization

is seen as the barometer of development and progress (Dimitriou 2010,
Feng, et al. 2010). This presents a very limited view of transportation plan-
ning, particularly because it neglects various issues such as high pedestrian
volume and multi-modal transportation, which includes bicycles, motor-
ized two-wheelers, rickshaws and other forms of non-motorized public
transportation modes and even informal transportation modes. (Feng et
al. 2010, Johnston 2004, Khisty and Arslan 2005, Samberg, et al. 2011,
Zheng et al. 2011). Instead, transport planning is focused on construction
of roads and related infrastructure (Freeman 2009, Gwilliam and Shalizi
1996). Another critique in adopting conventional transport planning
methods is its expert or technocrat-centered approach, leaving little space
for public engagement in the process to identify their needs and issues,
and even sustainability measures grounded on their realities (Jones et al.
2016).
In this situation, the transportation hierarchy may be depicted as the
inverse of the one based on green values. From a gender perspective, with
the exception of the upper-class, the category of single-occupant vehicles
rarely applies to women. In fact, a GTZ study (2007), shows that as a
population group, women generally have a lower incidence of vehicle use
and a higher incidence of walking. In contrast, men have greater mobility
when looking only at motorized modes. When considering all trips (mo-
torized and non- motorized), women make more trips per day (more mo-
bility), but the costs in both time and money are higher. In other words,
women tend to have less accessibility than men to transport.
This phenomenon partly reflects their financial situation as well as po-
sition in household decision-making in resource allocation. Affordability
of ownership of vehicles or payment for services depends on the house-
hold budget and its allocation which is far from being “gender-neutral”
may vary between different contexts of household relations. Nevertheless,
for those women who are deprived of ownership of a vehicle, or whose
income is too low to pay for transport services, their daily mobility become
restricted. When walking is the only option, the issue of time poverty and
its limitations on access and choice in income-earning opportunities can-
not be ignored.
569732-L-bw-Rivera
2.1.2 Transport Justice and Deprivation

While the idea of transport as a development concern has been recognized
for years, its links to social justice, or more specifically gender justice, is
yet to find itself mainstreamed in transport planning. Much of the litera-
ture on transportation studies and transport planning revolved around its
function to increase the mobility of people which in turn puts to center
the question of how to increase transport accessibility. Thus, there is great
attention given to infrastructure and transport modes and systems in de-
velopment discourse.
However, a more critical issue remains to be unpacked in the discus-
sion. Beyond structural concerns of transportation – assumed to lead to
increased mobility of people, goods and services, as well spatial accessibil-
ity – there should be an interrogation of the social, cultural, and even po-
litical dimensions of transport and transport planning. Here, the reality of
diversity of people and communities – their needs and the meanings they
attach to a defined space and movement – is relevant. At the very least, it
should no longer be assumed that the experience of transportation and its
benefits (and costs) is uniform across the different groups in society.
In this regard, Karel Martens (2012) underscored two relevant points
in his argument about justice in transport: First, space is inherently une-
qual because of its division of center and periphery. Access to the goods
and services, tangible, and intangible benefits, which converges at a “cen-
ter”, will be differentiated among people based on their location relative
to these. People located farther away, or those in the “periphery”, may
have need for more transport and other related services, whether these
refer private motor vehicles, available and reliable public transportation
modes, infrastructure such as roads, bridges and bike lanes and walkways.
Apart from location, people’s capacities to navigate a given space are also
considerations. This covers not only to their physical attributes and re-
sources, but other factors such socio-cultural meanings attached to their
movement in public spaces are relevant (e.g. children traveling alone,
women driving).
Secondly, mobility and access have become defining features of eco-
nomic, social, and political life in as much as the extent that people are
able to exercise them is indicative of their capacities to participate substan-
tially in these arenas. Martens (2012) connects this to the rise of motorized
which not only widened the dispersal of economic, social and political sites
569732-L-bw-Rivera
30 CHAPTER 2
of participation across space. This inevitably influenced the “life opportu-

nities” of people, that is, with some people possibly having more or less
access to them than others. Mobility has become a form of capital that can
be converted to other forms of capital, such as basic goods and services,
employment, or social networks.
The inherent inequality in spatial distribution vis-à-vis mobility and
access through transportation are key concepts in transportation justice.
Transportation justice is opposite of transportation deprivation. Vascon-
cellos used the term “deprivation” instead of “poverty” because the latter
is usually taken in terms of lack of material resources (including money)
while deprivation is a more qualitative term, relating to a lack of access to
economic opportunities, social services, and interaction (2001).
Transposed to the idea of transport justice, justice in this sense should
address not only the lack of transportation per se, but also consider that
better transportation should lead to social justice outcomes such as im-
proved economic opportunities, social services, and networks, particularly
for the already marginalized groups. Similarly, Martens forwards that jus-
tice in transport should focus on and lead to the distribution of the social
good which transportation is expected to bring, rather than its individual
components such as better infrastructure, mass transit systems and traffic
regulations.
Gender perspectives further qualified the idea of transport justice
from the standpoint of women – particularly low income12 women – by
highlighting that (re)distribution of transport goods, services and oppor-
tunities is but one of the requirements of justice: there also must be recog-
nition and representation or participation parity (Fraser 1998, 2005).
Redistribution refers to access to affordable transport for the work-
ing poor and their families in the urban areas (low-income workers, low-
capital, own-account workers).
Recognition requires taking cognizance of gender-based differences
in transport needs among the urban poor, including safety and personal
security, in view of male and female identities between linked to social
roles, expectations and lifestyles and their contextual significance.
Representation or participation parity requires a process of democ-
ratization within institutions of decision-making, allowing for the articula-
tions of voices on urban transport that have been so far marginalized to
create more space for bottom-up policy research in the field of urban
569732-L-bw-Rivera
transport that seriously take into account the needs and interests of urban
low-income communities.
Figure 5
Conceptual Framework on Transport Justice and Gender
2.2 Women, Gender and Transport in a Development

Context
‘Development’ has historically been equated with economic growth by
dominant development theory. Through the decades, this view has been
challenged, criticized, and exposed as a biased theory which produced bi-
ased practices. Critical theories on development have pushed for a model
of development oriented towards human needs and promoting humane
values (Truong 1997). Thus, the concept of Human Development empha-
sizes that evaluation of development outcomes must place the human ac-
569732-L-bw-Rivera
32 CHAPTER 2
tor at the center stage of development processes. Subsequently, the de-

mocratization of public space becomes a necessity to human creativity,
participation, as well as individual and institutional accountability (Haq
1996, Sen 2009). The development context is therefore not only to be
taken as a given, and measurable according to certain key indicators. “De-
velopment” is also a process guided by some values (equity versus effi-
ciency) and contested from different standpoints. Development, most im-
portantly, is a gendered process.
Women form the majority of the poor, and in some countries, they
form up to 70 per cent of the poor in both rural and urban areas. (UN
Habitat 2013: vii). It is clear from a significant body of research (Uteng
and Turner 2019) that, globally, as a result of gender differences in eco-
nomic and societal roles, men and women differ in:
 The distances they travel
 The means by which they travel
 The purposes for which they travel
 The people and things they travel with and
 How safe and secure they feel when travelling
In a statement almost two decades ago, the Sustainable Transport Ac-
tion Network for Asia and the Pacific decried that the transport systems
and services that hardly meet the needs of the poor are disproportionately
affecting women and their dependents. As Barter and Tanim, (2000)
noted:
The lower the income of the household, the more probable it is that
women will experience greater transport deprivation as compared to men.
Transport deprivation may take the form of women’s use of inferior
modes of transport compared to men, it may take the form of women’s
journey having multiple purposes and thus generating greater anxiety in
the travel context or it may take the form of customary or legal constraint
on women’s right to travel or to use a particular transport mode.
The above quotation clearly refers to the issue of equity and transport.
This is the voice of particular actors making the issues of equity visible to
transport planners.
The literature on gender and transport treats the relation between
women and transport in three distinctive ways: (1) women’s access to
transport and the causal relations of their limited access as compared to
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men; (2) gender in transport research and planning and how gendered as-
sumptions have favored certain types of transport and excluded others
such as multi-modality; and (3) enforcing safety standards for all with
structures of access to safe transport. An examination on how gender is-
sues are reflected in the field of transport studies is necessary to make
women visible in transport planning, policy making and transport inter-
ventions. Treating women as a distinct transportation user group with dis-
tinct travel needs and interests is a key step to challenging the ruling para-
digm that is male-centered.
The authors argue that development institutions are “too important to
ignore” in the struggle for gender equality; hence the need for significant
and sustained engagement within institutions that determine development
outcomes (Razavi and Miller 1995).
2.3 Progress in Gender Analysis of Transport

The evolution of the use of the term “gender” in place of “women” in the
debate on transport can be best understood as running parallel to the his-
torical context of developments in feminist thinking. In the 1970s, the
roots of women’s subordination were traced to inequality between men
and women, the sexual division of labor, and the non-valuation of
women’s work within the household. Feminist thinking in the 1980s then
spotlighted neo-liberal policies, the debt crisis, and top-down develop-
ment projects to show the multiple links between the household, commu-
nity, state, markets and the global economy. Issues concerning women,
gender and transport are inextricably linked to these structural realities.
2.3.1 Women and Transport

In women’s lives, transport provides greater access to various resources
such as employment, childcare, education, health, and political processes.
Women constitute a majority of the public transport market (Hanlon
1996). As consumers of transport services, women’s needs and issues are
often assumed to be identical to men’s (Hamilton and Jenkins 1989) re-
sulting to low level of awareness of women’s distinct travel needs. In other
words, gender issues in the transport arena are severely neglected (Barter
and Tanim 2000). Bryceson and Howe’s (1994) definition of transport
adds weight to daily mobility, as transport is seen as the movement of
people and goods for any conceivable purpose, including the collection of
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34 CHAPTER 2
water, fuel, or firewood, by any conceivable means, including walking and

head loading. Thus said, three important points surfaces with regard to
realities of women of low-income communities: (1) the mode of travel is
not necessarily conventional or motorized; (2) the choice of mode must
be given due attention, regardless of how unimportant it may seem; and
(3) trip purposes should not be disregarded.
In an introductory article of the first major exploration of the topic
Women and Transport that was published in Britain in 1989, Hamilton
and Jenkins (1989) pointed out the ways transport policy had been gender-
blind and had failed to integrate issues affecting women in particular. Gen-
der-blindness means the non-recognition and non-provision of particular
needs and priorities of women. The question of whether women’s poten-
tials is restricted by the state of transport cannot be answered by what little
information is available as most planning and development decisions are
undertaken by men with little or no regard for women’s needs (Turner and
Fouracre 1995). Gender-blindness in discussions on transport implies
blindness to (1) women’s gender roles, multiple tasks, specific needs for
and patterns of transport use; (2) gender as power and norms related to
women’s mobility and permissible means; and 3) women’s coping strate-
gies.
Research on transport starting during the decade of the fifties until the
early eighties, was outright gender-blind. Such gender-blindness is at-
tributed in large part to the fact that researchers on transport emanated
from the predominantly male dominated technical disciplines of transport
planning and engineering, as well as transport geography. However, this
gender-blindness manifested in the literature about transport conditions
in the low and middle-income countries did not pass unnoticed. Construc-
tive criticism emanated from the invaluable works of geographers who
first registered their criticisms against gender-blindness.
More attentive interest in gender aspects of transportation slowly
emerged in the mid-eighties. Research proceeded to address structural
constraints on women’s daily mobility (Law 1999). Geographers in the
North were the forerunners of research on women and transport. One
such research was that done by Pickup (1984) who utilized the concept of
gender to explain transport patterns. This research cited gender roles as
the primary reason for low travel mobility of women. Gender roles had
three components: family roles, gender-related tasks, and conditions un-
der which women travel. Although Pickup directed attention to unequal
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access to household resources (such as a vehicle), the use of the concept

gender role becomes not only problematic but also static, in the mold of
the often-cited “women in development” (WID) approach in gender anal-
ysis literature. Social roles and their fulfillment cannot be detached from
the context wherein role equivalence, consensus and choice of fulfillment
are defined, negotiated, or imposed upon. By leaving out power relations
this static approach misses out on the complexity of gender and its inter-
section with other social relations.
During the decade of the nineties, description and measurement of
structural constraints posed by patriarchal social relations began to unravel
in research on women and transport. Feminists during the past decade
after the Beijing World Conference on Women called for future research
to be more upfront about gender (Elson 1995, Jackson, and Pearson 1998,
Kabeer 2000, Miller and Razavi 1998,). There were parallel calls by re-
searchers who tackled gender and transport (Bryceson 1993, Tillberg
1998, Cervero 1998, Center for Transport Studies 2006).
2.3.2 Gender and Transport: A Question of Social Equity

The conceptual shift from “women” to “gender” seeks to distinguish be-
tween biological differences versus socially constructed inequality. The use
of the concept of gender as socially constructed inequality sets the stage
for an elucidation of gender relations. Tackling gender relations implies a
rejection of the tendency to homogenize the concept of “women”. Un-
derstanding disadvantages along dimensions of gender, language, class,
schooling, leadership experience, and various other categories illustrates
diversity and difference. All these dimensions must not be assumed in the
concept “women.” The argument of the conceptual shift from “women”
to “gender” is to move beyond concentration on women and men as un-
related categories, and to take the relations between them on board to
reveal the complexity of unequal social dynamics through which resources
are allocated, tasks and responsibilities assigned, values given, and power
mobilized (Kabeer 1996).
In this context, the concept of households considered to be primary in
resource allocation needs to be unpacked. Just as “household head” was
criticized as a misleading term given many untenable assumptions with
regard to household composition, the concept of female-headed house-
holds which signifies poverty came under attack (Jackson 2005). Being the
head of a household would not necessarily be detrimental for a woman.
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36 CHAPTER 2
The call then was to unpack the concept of households in research to be

able to sharpen the gender dimensions.
Parallel to the critique of the household as a social construct which calls
for more precision to provide adequate guidelines for the debate on re-
source distribution and social equity, social constructivism emphasized the
construction of gender identities, which begun to overshadow the begin-
ning interest in structural constraints on women’s travel situation. Re-
search initiated by geographers revealed a range of positions which framed
specific issues, giving rise to the tensions between emphasis on the mate-
rial process versus the ideational process13 (Massey 1994, 2005).
This is affirmed in studies which integrated the economic and socio-
cultural dimensions of transportation use and experiences. Available liter-
ature about the low and middle-income countries also point out the need
to take into account women’s modal preferences in transport infrastruc-
ture planning. For example, one study in Dhaka, Bangladesh by the World
Bank showed that 35 per cent of female commuters relied on cycle rick-
shaws as their sole mode of transport. (Peters 1999: 2) Another cites
women using rickshaws in combination with bus services and scooters.
One fourth of all women also relied on rickshaws for accessing educa-
tional facilities. When the government of Bangladesh recently proposed
to ban rickshaws from the streets of Dhaka, they were in fact singling out
not only the most environmentally friendly mode available, but the one
transport choice most essential and accessible to women, thereby gravely
affecting their mobility (Sustainable Transport 1998). Burton and John-
son’s participatory research (2010, as cited in Grant-Smith et al. 2017) with
socially disadvantaged communities identified factors such as class (as in-
tersecting with race and ethnicity), disability and gender as having substan-
tive impact on people’s mobility and transport choices. Fritze’s study
(2007:63) also pointed to the difficulties of travelling with children, and
accomplishing daily tasks involving so, when transport systems and built
environments are not designed with their needs in mind:
Women and children (among others) are often poorly served by public
transport which systemically discriminates against their needs based on an
increasing neo-liberal push for service productivity and efficiency (even at
the expense of equitable access). This is evidenced in peak commuter ser-
vice bias in the policy, planning and delivery of services, and infrastructure
usage practices such as overcrowding and crush-loading on vehicles which
result in insufficient space for passengers to enter the vehicle without
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causing physical (and sometimes emotional) discomfort to the other pas-

sengers … These practices can affect women and children disproportion-
ally because they already experience heightened safety concerns when us-
ing public transport.
2.3.3 Women, Transport and Mobility

The established body of research on transport has poured information on
the transportation context in low and middle-income countries affecting
women’s daily mobility. Infrastructure and vehicle supply, expensive
transportation costs with low-income groups spending higher percentage
of their earnings on transport, the low spatial supply of public transport
have been tackled as well as how all these affected the mobility of the
poor, particularly women. However, such research was noticeably not be-
ing enriched by dialogue or developments in feminist theory. Domosh
(2005) registered the increasing isolation of the emerging topic of gender
and transport from the rich texture of research and experience of
transport geography and feminist geography.
Today, in the twenty first century, it is a more crucial to witness the
historical development of transport research on realities in countries with
diverse contexts. The often linear tendency to import the high-income
country perspective to low- and middle-income countries still prevails.
A perfect illustration of the resulting mismatch is how, through the
years, authors have tackled mobility. Extensively taken up in transport and
development literature, many authors define mobility simply as ability to
move. The standard measure of mobility in transport literature is the num-
ber of trips made per person. Most of the models originated from the
high-income countries and have been followed as a universal package
within the rest of the world. In many references on transport, mobility is
indeed used as a pivotal conceptual handle (De Boer 1986, Hall and Suss-
man 2004, Hamilton and Jenkins 2005, Matin 2002, Mumtaz and Salway
2005, Peters 2001, Tillberg 1998, Urry 2000, Vasconcellos 2001). The con-
cept of mobility is however unable to capture the diverse gendered realities
since the reproduction processes in society is not accounted for.14 Repro-
ductive processes take place through the organization of care (often re-
ferred to as the care economy) and its mixed arrangements, the variables
of which depend on contexts (social income through state policy, private
income, and kinship support and market availability of services).
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38 CHAPTER 2
Interest in the care economy marks a high point of interest in gender

aspects of transportation. This is rather recent in transport and develop-
ment studies. Much of this kind of research is concentrated in rural Africa,
particularly in the Sub-Saharan region, vis-à-vis agriculture, food produc-
tion, distribution, and economic growth (Masika and Baden 1997, Fer-
nando and Porter 2002, Bryceson and Howe 1994), with little mention of
the urban contexts. Similar transportation studies, whether in the rural or
urban contexts, are even fewer in Asia. Another observation is that many
of these studies are found in Word Bank project reports (Shefali 2000,
Fernando and Porter 2002, Vu Ngoc Uyen olmo, Du and Kurz 2003); for
studies in Africa, many were also conducted by the World Bank and
transport planners and researchers from Europe, specifically from the
United Kingdom. In Lee, Vojnovic and Grady’s (2018) study women’s
travel patterns and behaviors, covering work and non-work activities, they
noted how much childcare work and other traditionally gendered roles
influence of women’s travels in terms of timing, duration, location of des-
tinations, frequency and sequencing of activities, number of stops and trip
length. This was affirmed in several earlier studies (Greed 2012, Hanson
and Pratt 1995, Law 1999, Lee and McDonald 2003, Rosenbloom 2005,
Uteng and Cresswell 2008); the concept of “trip chaining” or making sev-
eral stops for various purposes within a single journey, captures this reality
of many women (Primerano, Michael, Pitaksringkarn and Tisato 2008,
Srinivasan 2005, Thill and Thomas 1987).
Research tackling the intersection of gender, transport and mobility is
admittedly rather recent. This is a critical gap in literature. Sanchez de
Madriaga (2013) coined the term “mobilities of care” to describe the travel
experiences and needs of women, and as a key concept in understanding
and addressing their issues. Indeed, as Hamilton and Jenkins (2000) point
out, addressing women’s transport needs has great potential to improve
transport outcomes for children, and transportation planning in general
(Levy 2012). However, transport research and planning very often neglect
life course and gender-based analysis (Scheiner 2014), much less in
transport policy formulations and service delivery (Fritze 2007, Greed
2008, Hanlon 1996, Sánchez de Madariaga 2013).
While mobility can be easily broken down into various operational in-
dicators, this concept is more applicable in a developed world context
where society is functionally organized (Center for Transportation Studies
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2006, Vasconcellos 2003). Space is often, a distinctive, straightforward fea-

ture in developed countries in that functional boundaries in land use in
cities in the developed world are more delineated by law and policy. How-
ever, space is more structured around distinct cultural, ethnic, and reli-
gious characteristics in most low and middle-income countries. The struc-
turing of space by way of symbolic coding that selectively limits or facili-
tates mobility is an area where feminist post-structuralist analysis offers an
important contribution.
2.3.4 Integrating Gender to the Transport Discourse

The thesis cannot simply try to create new knowledge but must also take
into account the political implications of the research. To implement
change, development studies research must be enabled to capture the plu-
rality of human life and the plurality of meaning making processes. By
going beyond affirmative research that creates certain explanatory models
of how social life actually is, development studies research moves towards
an emancipatory aim that politicizes human life and makes the marginal-
ized speak. This necessarily includes the understanding that the marginal-
ization of certain perspectives results from the establishment of explana-
tory models that actively exclude possible encounters with the marginal-
ized, in the case of my research, those of ordinary women in the city.
Gender mediates the production and deployment of what can be con-
sidered knowledge. This research stresses gendered terrain, and this in-
cludes knowledge production. Gender, as much as other variables of class
and race, determines too what counts as “true” knowledge. Socialist fem-
inism is instructive on the underpinnings of women’s marginalization and
exclusion from knowledge creation (Jaggar 1983, Haraway 1991, Row-
botham 1973) Women remain in nature and men are seen as the creators
of culture/knowledge. Socialist feminists have harsh words for what is
implicit in this viewing, for this seems to be saying that women are less
human, existing as they are in the natural world. How can they engage in
praxis -- the essential human activity of acting on the material to transform
it for the fulfillment of one’s basic needs -- if they are nature-bound? Of
what importance is knowledge coming from one who is not fully human?
Feminist scholars and activists challenge the dominant view that only
those things which can be measured and observed truly count. Women’s
lived experiences constitute knowledge. This thesis advocates for ways of
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40 CHAPTER 2
building and adding to knowledge in ways that are inclusive, participatory,

and empowering.
How does gender interact with transport arrangements and their un-
derlying rationales leading to the formation of specific links between
transport deprivation and capability enhancement among working men
and women? Gender is an institutionalized system of social practices for
constituting people as two significantly different categories, men, and
women, and organizing social relations of inequality on the basis of that
difference.
Like other multilevel systems of difference and inequality such as those
based on race and class, gender involves cultural beliefs and distribution
of resources at the macro level, patterns of behaviour and organizational
practices at the interactional level and selves and identities at the individual
level.
Gender is a dynamic structure and a term for a network of processes,
phenomena, conceptions, and expectations, which through its interrela-
tions gives rise to a sort of pattern-like effects and regularities (Levy 2012).
Gender has two principles, or logics. Firstly, the logic of separation, based
on the conceived dichotomy between male and female and meaning that
these should not be mixed. Second is the logic of male as norm, based on
a view of men as the normal and the universal.
That these logics can be found in urban policy and practice has been
pointed out by various authors (Greed 2005, Markovich and Hendler
2006). Wajcman (2006) whose work dwells on the social shaping of tech-
nology asserts that functionalist urban planning is an expression of a sym-
bolic division of the city into a “masculine” inner city and “feminine” sub-
urbs. In the division of growing societies, women were relegated to the
private and reproductive sphere. Home was woman’s place. By separating
housing areas from industry and administrative and commercial centres,
and by organizing transport space according to the conceived needs of
men, women became even more removed from participating more mean-
ingfully in public life.
This is also parallel to the history of planning related to the locational
outcomes of continental Anglo-American planning efforts. In general,
planning throughout the western world sought to impose rationality at
odds with a sentimental view of human relations. Rosenbloom (2006) de-
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scribes the initial basis of city development which was purely physical con-
ception. After World War II, with the application of positivist social sci-
ence methods, the male domination of city planning used order and effi-
ciency as criteria to determine appropriate forms of spatial disposition.
Planning was built on a contractual conception of freedom and legitimacy,
and parallel to political thought, did not consider the particular needs of
women. It was assumed that women should bear the principal responsi-
bility for maintaining the household and raising children; household affairs
were largely considered private matters, inappropriate for public oversight
(Rosenbloom 2006, Greed 1994).
Even if reform was promoted by women, many of the assumptions
underlying mainstream planning regarding gender was taken for granted.
Only with the more proactive voices of women’s organizations in the
1970s did planning go beyond concerns with inequities produced by class
and race, resulting to keener attention to disadvantage resulting from gen-
der. This critique reflected the substance of a wider feminist attack.
(Rahder and Altilia 2004)
The critique did not revolve only on inequitable public policy but on
the very epistemology and oral universe that underlay planning. For the
principal justification of planning had always been rationality, but now ra-
tionality was being assaulted from the left as a legitimation of privilege and
a part of a way of thinking that imposed an unfeeling, male view of the
world (Beauregard 2003, Milroy 1992). Whereas until then the public in-
terest had provided the broadly accepted governing criterion for planning,
postmodern deconstructionists regarded it as a term that masked the real
(white, male, capitalist, western) interest that it defended in the guise of
representing all.
Thus planning, beyond enforcement of traditional morality, did not
deal with the consequences of dependency and obligation which bound
women. The application of the efficiency criterion to the city likewise pro-
moted an urban form which prioritized aggregate wealth over equitable
outcomes. Later, in the same rationalistic tradition, planners used models
to predict travel and settlement patterns and develop plans for the most
efficient spatial arrangement; in adding so, they assumed household be-
haviour and location derived from the journey-to-work choices of the man
in the house and took as natural the household division of labor (Beneria
2003, Borja and Castells 1997, Markusen 1981 as cited in Rosenbloom
2005)
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42 CHAPTER 2
Parallel logics are at play in transport policy and practice, forming a

transport hierarchy system based on ideology that transport policy is per-
meated by a logic of separation, while the logic of male as norm would
have its transport analogy in the logic of motor vehicle and people missing
as transport users as norm.
The transport needs of users are discursively suppressed by city plan-
ners and traffic engineers, as seen in their plans, measures and practices.
Due to a lack of public debate or political discussion, city officials, politi-
cians and planners have subordinated the transport needs of “users” to
movement of motor vehicles, and non-motorized transport as less im-
portant mode to the motorcycles.
The emphasis of the thesis is on the discursive suppression of users’
needs and their subordination to policy discourse on motorized vehicles.
The study will elaborate on how this suppression can be elucidated and
understood with a gender lens. For the sake of clarity, it is not that motor
vehicles and walking are masculine or feminine technologies, nor are they
confined to be used by specific genders. Different modes of transport
have male or female users. Men do own and drive private and public mo-
tor vehicles to a larger extent than women, and the private motor vehicle
does have a significant place in male culture. This is, however, not the
interest of the thesis. The thesis instead uses concepts from gender theory
as an analogy when analyzing ideology and hierarchy in urban land
transport policy and practice.
2.4 Analytical Issues on Women and Transport

The spectrum of approaches outlined in the preceding section is captured
in the following discussion of researches on women and transport in var-
ious contexts, with special emphasis on low- and middle-income coun-
tries. Several related intersecting concerns permeate the existing work,
making it difficult to pinpoint the central core of the problem or to make
acceptable classifications of issues and concerns into stringent categories.
Still, utilizing such themes can help better appreciate the issues on gender,
women, transport, and development.
2.4.1 Defining Gender and Situating Women’s Interests

To reiterate, gender is a constitutive element of social relationships based
on perceived differences between the sexes. Therefore, gender issues must
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not be confined into a corner marginalized as “women’s issues” because

gender constitutes social relationships between men and women. Thus,
gender concerns both men and women.
Gender relations, like all social relations, are multi-stranded: they em-
body ideas, values, and identities. They allocate labor between different
tasks, activities, and domains; they determine the distribution of resources,
and they assign authority, agency and decision-making power. This means
that gender inequalities are multidimensional and cannot be reduced
simply to the questions of material or ideological constraints (Kabeer
2003.) Kabeer (2016:314) reiterates the processes which give rise to such
inequalities by citing insights from early feminist writer Gayle Rubin, who
wrote about “the endless variety and monotonous similarity” of patriar-
chal structures across the world. This means that claiming their rightful
share of benefits for women are ultimately, very context specific with ev-
idence about the varied texture of experiences of women in different parts
of the world.
Therefore, women’s interests in the context of gender relations mean
optimizing labor time and effort from the perspective of the women them-
selves. The concept of women’s interests could be seen more clearly in
findings as how external transport interventions were destined to solely
enhance men’s mobility at the expense of women’s welfare (Malmberg-
Calvo 1992). To illustrate, research on intermediate transport (IMT) raise
many important insights on how projects have glossed over the question
of how men’s and women’s transport activities can be redistributed more
equally. IMT improvements in particular were found to be enjoyed by men
yet there were no attendant changes in the gendered allocation of func-
tional tasks and associated transport responsibilities within the household.
Attention to the gender division of labor and activities is useful in help-
ing understand travel demand or the reasons why men and women make
trips to places at certain times. Existing research on gender and transport
in the developed world already includes a substantial discussion on com-
ponents of spatial and temporal differences in the organization of
women’s work and men’s work, both paid and unpaid (Rosenbloom 2004,
Grieco et al 1989, Hanson and Pratt 1995). However, little parallel work
emanates from research in the low- and middle-income countries.
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44 CHAPTER 2
2.4.2 Culture and Gender Logic in Transport Planning

Conventions
The intertwining of gender relations and cultural constraints emerge as a
second primary area of interest in women and transport research.
Fueling the debate on cultural conventions are researches which sug-
gest that taken for granted cultural rules concerning transport spell out
cultural impropriety. Researches have surfaced the need to acknowledge
the gendered disadvantage of women very specifically in discussions of
women and transport. A case in point is the interaction of culture with
various other factors which present challenges for women in using
transport technologies. Various local contexts captured by groundbreak-
ing research exhibit which modes of transport are or are not permissible
for women to use.
Cultural conventions affecting the transport situation of women also
consist of prohibitive religious practices. Specific religious practices tack-
led by Matin et al. (as cited in Fernando and Porter 2002) reveal that well
to do women are more concerned with maintaining the family’s izzat (re-
spectability and honor).
As stressed by Fernando and Porter (2002) a focus on women’s
transport burden is not enough. The cultural conditions that constrict
women’s mobility limit their physical orbit and their command over the
political and social processes that determine their lives. It is just as im-
portant to address gendered power relations that enable women to have
greater mobility and more control over transport decision making in the
household as well as in the wider political context.
2.4.3 Geography and Location

Interacting with culture affecting the transport situation of women are
factors related to geography and location and how these shape women’s
economic, socio-cultural, and political realities. Patterns of mobility are
complex and depend on the interplay of both cultural and access factors,
plus geographical and locational factors. The latter two are well noted in
the available literature as crucial factors on mobility patterns and transport
burdens. Review of available work also reveals that research on women
and transport in urban areas is scarce compared to existing work done
about the transport situation of women in rural areas. Urban studies of
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travel time and time budgets of women constitute a promising area for
future research (Cervero 1998).
One study debunks the belief that proximity to urban centers and high
density of transport in urban and peri-urban areas automatically mean bet-
ter accessibility. Mukherjee (as cited in Fernando and Porter 2002) cap-
tured the journeys of rural women to and from the metropolis to empha-
size this point. Domestic helpers, vendors, industrial workers, and gov-
ernment institution laborers who travel from the outskirts of Calcutta, In-
dia into the city spend approximately 12 hours outside their homes. Their
daily travel experiences include overcrowded, irregular public transport,
long waiting for transport, lack of facilities, and harassment by pickpock-
ets.
Related literature also mentions how transport has not been integrated
with discussions on settlement issues. For one, transport is not tightly wo-
ven in discussions on the location on credit, housing, water and basic ser-
vices in communities. According to a study done in the City of Nairobi,
27 per cent of female headed household depended on walking as their
primary form of mobility, compared to only 15 per cent of the male
headed households (Barwell 1996). Hook and Peters (1998) also noted
that women in urban areas are more likely than men to be dependent on
walking as their only modal choice. Other modes are often not available
to them, either because they are too expensive, or located too inconven-
iently and far away.
Research about households whose location is close to paved roads
compared to off-road residences highlights location as a key concern. This
is best illustrated by a number of studies done about public transport. In
Belo Horizonte, Brazil, assignment of public transport routes meant poor
women living in peripheral settlements had longer trips and changed
transport more often than men (Schmink 1982). Added to locational fac-
tors such as unreliable transport services which translate into women’s
untimely arrival at urban markets (Fernando and Porter 2002) are those
which influence gender roles and affect women’s ability to benefit from
transport improvements, as well as opportunities to purchase and benefit
from transport. In Faridpur, a town 145 kilometers from the capital of
Bangladesh, a village study presented how the majority of poor women
travel by walking to the union center to participate in income generating
activities. Social restrictions prohibit women from getting into public
transport along with men. There are only a few seats reserved for women
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46 CHAPTER 2
in buses, and women are low priority for public transport. When buses are
full, conductors do not take women into the buses. Women have to wait
a long time for the next bus and often use rickshaws or rickshaw vans,
which charge expensive fares.
2.4.4 Transport Safety and Safe Travel for Women

A fourth issue is about safe travel for women. Concern about personal
security during travel as well as being free from attack and physical harm
is an important theme of gender and transport research.
Personal security has been taken up in conventional transport sector
research, focusing on the vulnerability of pedestrians, cyclists and people
using slow moving non-motorized transport modes. The vulnerability of
women is covered, as women are usually pedestrians and users of slow-
moving transport modes.
A gender aware transport perspective enables one to surface yet an-
other dimension of safety in women and transport research. Bryceson
(1993) explains that it is not simply a matter of balancing child carrying
capacity with mobility, as most women are carrying children in addition to
other loads. The nature of women’s multi-tasking at any one moment in
her workday dictates that she must carry an assortment of goods while
transporting young children.
The above highlights how a large percentage of the female population
carries a very young baby close to her body. In a study in Ethiopia (Abegas
and Junge 1990), women spent an average of 3.8 hours daily carrying a
child. Child carrying came second to food preparation as the most time-
consuming activity performed by women.
Physical safety also means that women are free from attack during
travel. Research on the geography of women’s fear has revealed pervasive
awareness of the reality of sexual assault on women. A study on public
transport in Colombo, Sri Lanka, Faisalabad, Pakistan and Dar es Salaam,
Tanzania (Sohail et al. 2006), surfaced views of respondents attributing to
the lack of transport infrastructure the harassment of young girls, rape
attempts on women and the danger for women to walk. Another research
in Lima, Peru, discussed safeguards against physical attack and how sexual
harassment on public vehicles restricted women’s use of all types of
transport (Anderson and Panzio 1986). In similar vein, a Philippine study
brought to fore the sexual harassment experiences of women workers and
569732-L-bw-Rivera
members of communities in Metro Manila (Herrera 2007). These are at-

tempts to transform private cases of public transportation incidents into a
public safety issue.
The Lima and Metro Manila studies above show how women riding
public transport have employed an array of self-protection strategies and
behavioral constraints such as traveling with a companion and deliberately
avoiding certain places at certain times. These self-imposed measures of
precaution have limited not only women’s mobility, but likewise contrib-
uted to the continued underrepresentation of women in specific settings
out of fear and risk. This is what has prompted government institutions
involved in transportation to be involved in what is known as “safety au-
dits.” These have led to the creation of Safe Cities programmes in some
countries, which involves fulfilling a set criterion as well as environmental
design to enhance and improve safety (Trench et al. 1992 as cited in Law
1999).
2.4.5 Intersecting Levels, Integrating Various Sectors

A fifth issue on gender and transport concerns the intersection of
transport with other sectors (Cervero 1998). The inability or failure of pol-
icymakers to consider and address the relationship between transportation
policies and other government policies has serious consequences. One of
the most obvious is that outcomes expected sought from such transpor-
tation policies do not happen precisely due to changes in other policy areas
which have affected the conditions or assumptions inherent in such trans-
portation policies (Rosenbloom 1977: 319).
Experience has shown how integrated approaches which combine
transport with other sectors have more promising impact on women, par-
ticularly if they consider men’s and women’s transport-related roles, re-
sources, constraints and priorities. Studies have seen the links between ac-
cess to social and health services and transport, access to education and
transport, as well as transport and access to trade and markets. These
tackle the intersectionalities of parts of the lives of women in communi-
ties.
Most transport research during the past decades has been criticized to
take a conventional and isolationist route of seeing transportation without
connecting its other multi-faceted aspects. Thus, points disclosed in many
researches about roads are very worthy to note (Bryceson 1993, Porter
569732-L-bw-Rivera
48 CHAPTER 2
2005). Road investments are presented as transport solutions for eco-

nomic development but ironically, these have not automatically led to
equal benefits for men and women.
Researchers found that the total stock of tasks of household transport
has not actually changed as new tasks have replaced old tasks. Old tasks
have also become easier to do due to improvement of transport (Dawson
and Barwell 1993, Edmonds 1998). As there are no changes in gender re-
lations or the gender division of household labor, the multiple workload
burdens has become increasingly heavier on women’s lives. Other authors
are more straightforward by declaring that by promoting traditional road-
based solutions; we are effectively directing 90 per cent of resources to
serve just 10 per cent of the population, majority of women excluded.
Simply building more roads is not going to alleviate poverty and may even
make poverty worse (Hook 2006).
In a similar vein, intersecting levels on understanding women and
transport has meant considering the merging of what gender specialists
have termed as practical versus strategic needs (Moser 1993). The former
means addressing short term survival level needs while the latter means
addressing the level of structural and long-term transformation on
women’s lives. For example, positive impact of transport interventions has
always been seen in terms of women’s time savings. This has been criti-
cized to only stress the potential benefits to overall household impact ra-
ther than to the implications to women themselves. Moser (1992) carefully
identifies this thinking amongst development agency initiatives, describing
it as a failure to give priority to women’s strategic needs by instead priori-
tizing practical needs. This essentially sidesteps the deep seated political
and economic dimensions of women’s subordination in society, in favor
of non-controversial attempts to instead address basic needs.
2.4.6 Participation: Women Practicing Power

Last but not the least is the issue of women themselves charting the course
for changes in their lives or what is well known in the literature as a sense
of “agency.” To address transport needs or to acquire and use transport
technologies and services, men and women in poor communities usually
must negotiate with powerful stakeholders— policy makers, politicians,
local officials, transport providers, local government officials, and even
financial institutions. Although women are responsible for most of the
transport demand, they are not recognized by policy makers as transport
569732-L-bw-Rivera
stakeholders. In assessing the level of transport demands and resources,

women’s and community needs are nonexistent. As was given weight in
the preceding sections, the harsh reality is that data on travel and transport
burden is highly generalized and aggregated in many poor countries (Pe-
ters 2001). In recent years there have been a few initiatives to reduce dis-
crimination and ensure a greater voice and influence for women’s needs
and priorities in transport, and more generally in human settlements.
Much attention can be seen in the area of income generation for women.
It is now common to find discussions on women’s livelihood and
transport needs together (Brown and Lloyd-Jones as cited in Rakodi and
Lloyd-Jones 2002).
Figure 6
Analytical Framework of Transport Justice and Gender
569732-L-bw-Rivera
50 CHAPTER 2
Women need to be more involved in the planning and implementation

of transport interventions so that their perspective and needs are more
central. Political representation by transport users, specifically women, is
important. However, ordinary men and women in communities, without
the confidence to register their travel needs, are relegated to the lower rung
of captive transport users who are burdened with barriers to representa-
tion, because often, they are unorganized, making their demands invisible.
2.5 Conclusion
The preceding discussion showed in many ways how a rethinking process
of outdated notions of work, the economy, and development- needs seri-
ous attention. The “economy” is not only the productive or commercial-
oriented economy (formal and informal) which is solely measured in quan-
titative terms. A pure technology and infrastructure orientation still con-
tinues to dominate the transport sector; therefore, pressure must be pur-
sued to push that the social and cultural aspects of transport be seriously
articulated in the policy planning process. Integrating gender must take
center stage in this rethinking process.
The work of women, excluded in policy and planning because it is not
used for exchange in the market, must be made visible and be given value.
Excluding the economy of social reproduction from the transport sector
framework translates into ignoring equity and efficiency in the design and
delivery of transport sector activities. The crucial task of reexamining con-
ventional notions means treating the transport sector as a gendered struc-
ture, recognizing the implications of transport policies on men and
women and implications of gender relations for sector level analysis and
policy options.
This way, the crucial element of equity, or fairness could be tackled
head on. This proposed approach is not meant to complement existing
approaches, but more so, it is high time to replace outdated approaches.
As the dominant approach calls for efficiency even at the expense of eq-
uity, the proposed approach calls for equity as a primary objective, inte-
grated with enhanced efficiency because feminist analysis emphasizes that
as you make use of half of the human resources of half of humanity,
women are more motivated and productive due to rewards and encour-
agement for their productivity.
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Notes
10 For example, previous studies have shown that there are gender differences in
relation to reasons for traveling, transportation mode choices and travel patterns:
women commute more than men, except for work-related trips (Olmo and
Maeso 2013); - cite in bibliography women commute or walk to their destination
more often than men (Diaz 1989, Monzon, Valdes and Xue 2008, Vega and Ro-
man 2011); and despite having similar productive and reproductive roles and
tasks, women’s travel patterns differ from that of men.
11 Parts of this chapter are drawn from the author's previously published work
(Rivera 2007).
12 Review of research on definitions, patterns and trends on low incomes suggest
that the most commonly used definition of low pay or low income is equivalent
to two thirds of the median wage for all employees in the economy (Grimshaw
2011: 3).
13 The formation of ideas and the orientation of thinking about a phenomenon
(in this case "transport" and transport policy).

14 To illustrate, City Planning traditions did not deal with the consequences of the
assigned responsibility to many women: dependency and obligation. In the ap-

plication of the efficiency criterion to the city, planning promoted the urban form
which most contributed to aggregate wealth rather than equitable outcomes.
Planners assumed household behavior and location derived from journey-work
choices of the males in the house and took as natural the household division of
labor (Beneria 2003, Borja and Castells 1997, Markusen 1981 as cited in Rosen-
bloom 2005).
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3 Research Methodology
3.1 Introduction
This chapter15 presents the components of the research design, the oper-
ationalization of key concepts and techniques of data gathering, showing
how these concepts were used to bring to life the users’ perspectives. The
first describes the design and levels of analysis and explains the main indi-
cators that have been used to give concrete meanings to transport depri-
vation, as a sub-concept affiliated with transport justice, from the perspec-
tives of the users. The second section discusses the sampling methods as
well as the data management and analysis processes implemented in the
research. The section also describes the range of qualitative methods used
in the study as well as the feminist research protocols it adopted. A sum-
mary table of the links between the research objectives, research questions
and data gathering tools is included in this section. The chapter takes into
consideration the values and limitations of the research methodology,
weaving in a discussion of application and experience of methodological
pluralism.
3.2 Research Design

This research moves in the direction of framing access to affordable
transport as a social right. The research will tackle how gender systems
interact with class and urban spatial differentiation leading to barriers of
access to mobility for women as differentiated across geographical loca-
tions (within the city downtown or outside) and income groups (living
below or above minimum wages). To do this, the methodology seeks to
obtain original data at various levels (the household, the local community)
to be analyzed with data obtained from debates on transport in the mu-
nicipality and national contexts. The research espouses methodological
pluralism. Various data gathering methods16 were also used. In contrast to
52
569732-L-bw-Rivera
Research Methodology 53
the predominantly quantitative transportation studies available, this re-

search is an attempt to use various data gathering methods. Quantitative
approaches tend to conceal any variations in demand of interest to poli-
cymakers and planners together with much of the details of transport use
and supply (Fouracre et al. 2006) There is a problem with the purely quan-
titative approach as it focuses on average values and patterns which reflect
an historic and largely static picture of transport supply. I have opted to
complement quantitative data with qualitative data in a way that both types
mutually enrich each other.
The research location is in Davao City which is a major urban area in
the island of Mindanao, specifically in Region XI, Philippines. Global at-
tention has focused on Mindanao during the past years due to the peace
and order situation.17 Davao City as a primary city in the island of Minda-
nao is a meaningful starting point to explore urban transport and devel-
opment on several counts: (1) Davao City being the largest city in the Phil-
ippines in terms of land area emphasizes an important site of research; (2)
Davao City’s sprawling urban metropolis has emerged as the business, in-
vestment and tourism hub for southern Philippines in recent years; and
(3) the openness of the city government, civil society organizations, and
local communities to conduct the field work was a major motivation to
choose Davao City. To date, very few researchers have focused on social
development and urban transportation in Mindanao. Neither has there
been any research which covered gender and urban transportation in Min-
danao cities.
3.2.1 Key Concepts

Transport Deprivation18
The following modes of transport arranged according to the most to the
least environment friendly are: (1) travel by foot (2) pedal powered non-
motorized transport (NMT) (3) public transportation (PT) and (4) private
motor vehicles (PMV). Walking as a mode of transport is people moving
on foot and using their bodies as a mode of transport. “Pedestrians” in-
clude people standing, people sitting at benches at tables, individual walk-
ers, walkers in groups, walkers with children, children playing, joggers and
runners, people with handcarts, and vendors with carts. These very differ-
ent people have varying actual needs, abilities, impacts and economic value
to the city. Pedal powered non-motorized transport includes bicycles for
carrying loads and goods, and bicycles with sidecars large enough to
569732-L-bw-Rivera
54 CHAPTER 3
transport two or three passengers within a short distance (locally known

as pedicabs or trisikad). These non-motorized modes are also considered
intermediate modes of transport (IMT), which are the most vulnerable to
crashes yet are the most environment friendly form of transport, next to
walking; thereby considerations of equity and environment are built in
when discussing such non-motorized modes. The third mode of transport
is public transportation19 (also called public transit or mass transit), includ-
ing various types of services and vehicles. As the concept of public
transport has very specific meanings in different contexts, PT in this re-
search will broadly mean transport services for a fee made available to the
general public, whether public or private. Private motor vehicles (PMV)
refer to motorized transport such as motorcycles, cars, jeeps, trucks and
other motor vehicles which are owned, used for personal and/or family
use and not for hire.
The research accepts that poverty in high-income countries as dis-
cussed extensively in the literature is very different from poverty in low
and middle-income countries. With these assumptions about poverty in
mind, transport deprivation as a concept may be a useful starting point for
the research, mainly because of the substantively different conditions of
infrastructure and accessibility in low-income countries. Poverty may be
associated with mobility impairment and transport deprivation may be as-
sociated with accessibility impairment (Vasconcellos 2003). Time-ineffi-
ciency and high cost make people deprived next to mobility impairment
and accessibility impairment: they do use transport (bicycle or by foot) but
it takes a lot of time. If they use a vehicle, it costs more than 20% of
income. Therefore, transport deprivation can be unpacked into categories
related to non-vehicle time intensive; vehicle-time-intensive; vehicle-high-
cost; and low accessibility, low mobility.
Transport deprivation is captured from the point of view of the user. The
following guidelines to capture transport deprivation will be used20:
 Distance from place of work is more than 5 kilometers.
 time of travel to place of work is more than 1 hour;
 transport cost is more than 20 percent of income;
 number of daily trip legs to work is more than 3.
Choice of the above figures (i.e., 5 kilometers, 1 hour, 20 percent of
income and more than 3 trips) was based on measures related to quality
569732-L-bw-Rivera
of life in cities (UN Habitat, 2016:34). For example, a single “trip” is de-
fined as any movement out of a location for longer than 10 minutes total
time.
Gender and Gender Relations
Gender relations refer to hierarchical relations of power between women
and men that disadvantage women. These gendered hierarchies can be
seen in gendered practices, such as the division of labor and resources,
and gendered ideologies that produce gender identities and gendered
norms and expectations of social behavior of women and men. The gen-
der division of labor in ideas and practices define what roles and activities
are deemed proper for women and men. The social construction of gender
division of labor such as ideas, beliefs and practices shall be seen in con-
text-specific patterns of genders and how each is valued. These include
separation of spaces, cooperation in joint activities, conflict, negotiation,
and other forms of relations between men and women (Beebeejaun 2016,
Güney 2014, Metropolis and WICI 2018).
The use of the concept gender will focus on two levels: (a) the con-
nectedness of men’s and women’s lives, and the imbalances of power em-
bedded in male-female relations; (b) the tacit and often unconscious influ-
ence of specific gender norms in knowledge of everyday life on transport
and mobility and in institutional or ‘expert’ knowledge that informs policy
making, and how they relate to women’s transportation needs and desires.
Guidelines on gender differences in transport deprivation would include:
 time use and time poverty: how much time men and women allocate
for travel— where they go, for how long, and for what purpose, and
the scheduling of trips and trip legs they make; Gender differences
in the proportion of travel trips for other than paid income trips;
 access to resources for travel: whether men and women use author-
ized or unauthorized modes of transport and the reasons they use
these modes of travel; and
 expressed views on their travel experiences – comfort, physical se-
curity, personal safety, time.
Gender Equity
Generally, the notion of equity implies a need for fairness in the distribu-
tion of gains and losses and the entitlement of everyone to an acceptable
569732-L-bw-Rivera
56 CHAPTER 3
quality and standard of living (Beider 2006). As women’s interests and

gender needs are the focus for this research, the study utilizes the concept
of gender equity. Gender equity will refer to the equivalence in life out-
comes for women and men, recognizing their different needs and inter-
ests, and requiring a redistribution of power and resources (SIDA 2016).
The goal of gender equity, also referred to as substantive equality
(CEDAW,1981), is transformative or changing gender relations towards
achieving more equivalence outcomes. Gender equity goals are thus polit-
ical than the seemingly neutral gender equality, and therefore it is not sur-
prising that gender equity is generally less accepted in many planning and
policy documents.
Gender equity recognizes that women and men have different needs,
preferences, and interests. Only through different treatment of men and
women in all the diversities of the genders can there be equality of out-
comes.
The first step to initiate a rethinking process for policies and programs is
the need to understand men’s and women’s realities by gathering basic
data on gender differences in transport. Thus, guidelines for gender dif-
ferences in transport would include:
 How much benefits or disbenefits experienced by different groups
of men and women
 Evidence which considers contexts of men and women and other
factors, such as geographical location and income levels, which dis-
aggregates transport experiences according to gender
 Quality of Participation in spaces for inputs on policies, programs
and decision making (community and city levels)
3.2.2 Institutional Approach to Data Analysis

The research proceeds from the assumption that people cannot be sepa-
rated from the social arrangements in which they live. It seeks to capture
the notion of transport deprivation at different levels of abstraction, in-
cluding the following:
1. The reality of people in the city,
2. The institutions and social environment or context through which
transport deprivation can be situated.
569732-L-bw-Rivera
3. The actors that contribute to the shaping of forms of transport

deprivation or its reduction (i.e., the different interest groups, pol-
icy makers, ordinary citizens in the city, etc.), and their interactions
within the social context of the city. These interactions are medi-
ated through the specific institutional context and can have unex-
pected outcomes regarding the wellbeing of disadvantaged groups.
By delineating the three levels and working on all of them, it is possible
to assess the functioning of institutions according to a co-constructed vi-
sion of a transport system that meets the goals of gender and social equity
(Litman 2013c). This shall mean simultaneously working on all levels, ra-
ther than focusing on one and assuming that its effects will ripple to other
levels.
Table 3
Research Objectives, Questions and Data Gathering Method
Research Objectives Concrete Questions Data Gathering Methods
To analyze experiences of What are the transport con-  Random Sample

transport users using a ditions of men and women  Survey (quantitative and
gender lens in various locations in the qualitative)
city?  Sub Sample Interviews
(qualitative)
 Focus Group
 Discussions (qualitative)
 Observation (qualitative)
To explore the interface What are the gender  Secondary Data (qualitative
between transport planning assumptions of the current policy reports and quantita-
and gender to surface how transport policies and plans? tive)
transport policy Are women’s organizations  Key Informant Interviews
understands, involved in transportation (qualitative)
misunderstands, or ignores decision making on  Focus Group Discussions
the transportation needs of community, city, and
men and women in the city national levels? Why or why
not?
To argue for a new approach What is the main value-  Random Sample Survey
to gender in transport added insights of a (quantitative and qualita-
studies multidimensional tive)
concept on gender to  Sub Sample Interviews
current thinking on (qualitative)
women, development  Focus Group
and transport?  Discussions (qualitative)
 Key Informant Interviews
(qualitative)
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58 CHAPTER 3
3.2.3 Linking Objectives, Research Questions and Methodology

Table 3 shows how the research objectives are concretized in questions,
which in turn became the basis for developing tools according to the iden-
tified data gathering method. Data gathering methods were mostly quali-
tative; only random sample survey was used to generate quantitative data
on people’s experiences and perceptions of the Davao City transport sys-
tem.
3.3 Data Gathering Methods

Various data gathering methods will be used to provide a distinct basis
and character to the research. A random sample survey method is used
alongside qualitative methods such as a subsample and focus group dis-
cussions which use a “messier process producing fuzzier results” (Darier
and Schle 1999). Careful text analysis is carried out to provide a whole
picture. A distinctive feature of the research process in the complementa-
tion of using various methods is the intention to capture pluralities of the
representation of reality. This research purposely shifts away from the tra-
ditional sole reliance on only one data gathering method. The mix of both
quantitative and qualitative approaches provided a richness, depth, and
sensitivity to contexts, in turn enabling more insightful analysis of
transport justice and gender.
3.3.1 Secondary Data

The first stage of the research is to establish the parameters of the study
and is essentially qualitative in nature. The major component of this stage
is an extensive literature review from countries of various incomes, which
identifies the main parameters of the gender and transport frame. This
also includes a review of transport initiatives designed specifically to ad-
dress issues of women in low- and middle-income countries, specifically
in Asia, and more particularly, in the Philippines.
Secondary literature with cross-country information about transport
safety and security is analyzed to see a whole picture. This means focusing
on an analysis which highlights issues of misrepresentation as well as in-
visibility that is crucial in a transport justice frame. Statistics from various
global, national, and local literature is also included.
A review of official local unpublished and published reports and doc-
uments followed, specifically sections related to transport.
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Text Analysis
Various documents and data about Davao city transport practices and
transport policy were analyzed by deconstructing the meanings of gender
in policy as well as in transport templates.
Table 4
Respondents of the Random Sample Survey
No. of re-
District Workplace Setting Name
spondents
District 1 Open market Bankerohan Market 40
Public sector Davao City Hall 40
Private sector Davao Doctors Hospital 40
District 2 Open market Agdao Market 40
Public school Buhangin Elementary School 20
Public school Bernardo High School 20
Private sector San Miguel Foods, Inc. 40
District 3 Open market Mintal Market 40
Public school Don Juan Elementary School 20
Public school Doña Carmen High School 20
Private sector Nenita Farms 20
Private sector Magnolia Plant 20
Total Respondents 360
3.3.2 Primary Data

Random Sample Survey
A survey was done to obtain responses from a random sample that could
be coded with variable labels and statistically analyzed. The study sought
to capture a sample of women in Davao City who are members of the
local labor force of paid work. Official documents21 report that female
labor participation rate in Davao City is one of the highest in the country
which could be a result of substantial opportunities in the city for women.
569732-L-bw-Rivera
60 CHAPTER 3
The random sample survey (RSS) was done to explore the transport con-
ditions of different groups of men and women in the city (Table 4).
Table 5
Respondents of the Subsample
Dis- Names Workplace Age Arrival in Household Civil Education

trict City Situation Status
1 Ju- DDH 24 y 1984 brother/sister single college

lienine from Oza-
miz
3 Bebet Mintal 36 y 1992 Extended; hus- married HS

from Laac band in prison
1 Judet SP 30 y 1978 Nuclear; 6/2 yr solo college

since olds parent
birth
3 Rosario Nenita 49 y 1977 Nuclear; sepa- college

from Bo- 21/23/25 yr rated
hol olds
3 Monday Dona C 59 y 1975 Extended; with married MA

Carmen from An- grandchildren
tique
1 Delsa Bankerohan 60 y 1948 Nuclear; married HS

since 15/20/22 yr
birth olds
1 Mary Bankerohan 20 y No data working stu- single in college

Ann dent
2 Marlyn DDH 45 y 1964 Nuclear; 14/21 married college

since yr old with dis-
birth abled child
Subsample
A subsample of eight women was chosen from the RSS respondents. Fo-
cusing on women’s lives and views provided space for qualitative infor-
mation which is not captured in the more stringent data gathering method
of a survey.
The semi-structured interviews in the subsample attempted to capture
mini biographies which, in the words of C.W. Mills (1959), can be trans-
lated into “groups” of people in specific historical contexts, namely, their
569732-L-bw-Rivera
families, their households, and communities. It sought to see such con-

texts as important to balance the static limitation of a random sample sur-
vey by highlighting the important variety of backdrops of women in the
city. The subsample also intended to capture the views of women about
changes during the years they have traveled within the city. In doing so,
the research confirms their non-invisibility and they are the subject as peo-
ple who should be at the center of development. More details about their
needs, how transportation affects their lives are expressed here. This is
significant to address their reduction as mere users or beneficiaries of
transport.
Other criteria for the selection of subsample interviews included fac-
tors such as the women’s ability to articulate their views or to register ob-
servations of changes in the city landscape of transport vis-à-vis their own
personal lives given the number of years they have lived in the city.
While the interviews of the RSS were done in the workplaces of the
respondents, interviews of the subsample took place in the respondent’s
homes during the first quarter of 2009. Each face-to-face interview for the
subsample took at least an hour and not more than two hours.
The research protocol/field guide (appendix 2) for the subsample cov-
ered their travel diaries during weekends, the changes they observed in
their life in the city. Probing was done on their positive and negative ex-
periences with regards to mobility and accessibility in the city. The sub-
sample sought to capture realities such as the division of responsibilities
as well as access to and control of resources within the household. The
face to face one on one interview probed on decision-making processes
related to transport expenses and resources. In addition, it documented
the experiences and views of women with regard to transport programs
and projects of their immediate community or the city. The subsample
guide also attempted to draw from the women how they could relate their
experiences within the system of transportation in the city.
Focus Group Discussions
FGDs were done to obtain a richer picture to complement the usual tables
and figures of a survey. FGDs sought to capture how providers, partici-
pants, and various stakeholders of the urban transport arena in Davao City
“name” transport-related issues, delving deeper than the surface. The
FGD allowed transport participants to reflect on what needs to be
569732-L-bw-Rivera
62 CHAPTER 3
changed and how such changes can take place. Issues of their participation
in change making were also tackled in the FGDs.
FGDs were held in March 2008 with the following groups: (1) feminist
leaders and representatives of youth and community-based organizations;
(2) the transportation sector in Davao City, i.e. heads of jeepney associa-
tions, tricycle driver and operators, and public transport providers associ-
ations of the city; (3) the public sector including teachers, employees of
Davao city hall, and elected officials from local communities; and (4) rep-
resentatives from NGOs, development organizations, and professionals
from the private sector. A screening guide was used to map out variables
as criteria for the participants to be invited to the FGDs. A field guide was
used to systematize the flow of the discussion of the FGD as data gather-
ing method. The FGDs were held at the University of the Philippines
Mindanao located in central Davao City.
Key Informant Interviews
A total of thirteen Davao City officials and national policy makers were
interviewed.22 Among the key informants who were interviewed in Davao
City were: (1) elected Representatives of the City Council who lead the
Committee on Environment and Natural Resources and the Committee
on Women, Children and Family Relations; (2) officers of the Traffic Con-
trol Management Committee and the Chief Technical Assistant of the City
Administrator’s Office;(4) the Chief of the Engineering Department; (5)
the Officer in Charge of the Gender and Development Office; and (6) the
Director of the City Planning and Development Office.
In Metro Manila, the key informants interviewed in 2008 were (1) the
Director of the National Center for Transportation Studies; (2) the Dep-
uty Director of the National Commission on the Role of Philippine
Women (now the Philippine Commission on Women); and (3) an official
from the Transportation Studies Society of the Philippines.
To update the information from the interviews, additional key inform-
ant interviews were conducted in January 2015 to update information ear-
lier gathered. Three key informants were the City Administrator, a City
Planning and Development Officer and for a second round, the head of
the Gender and Development office. Interviews were held in their office
at Davao City Hall.
It is necessary to disclose that I have been working with the feminist
movement and the sustainable transport movement for more than two
569732-L-bw-Rivera
decades. I have personally witnessed the processes and struggles of advo-

cate leaders of the collective forces of these social movements; thus, I have
developed a personal knowledge of the range of issues. These experiences
pose both advantages and limitations on the study. On the one hand, it
might have influenced the tenor of the data gathered as well as the data
interpretation. Further, my identification as a feminist advocate informs
and constitutes my theoretical foundations.
On the other hand, my personal relationship with the key figures in the
transport sector enabled me to have direct access to them and to official
documents from the government. However, I still ensured crosschecking
for validity and integrity of the data. Lastly, my personal knowledge of the
issues allowed me to better contextualize data in the appropriate milieu.
Police and Hospital Records
Accident files from the Davao city police were studied. Medical records
and emergency room logbooks of one major hospital located in the city
center were culled and summarized.
Figure 7
Using Medical Records at the Davao Doctors Hospital
569732-L-bw-Rivera
64 CHAPTER 3
Raw data from the hospital emergency room and the city police data
files were first systematized and then analyzed from a transport justice
perspective. In the light of the view of social policy on safety and security
of the body, a close review of accident data was done through looking into
the standards of assessment of the causes cited in various texts.
3.4 Sampling
Systematic random sampling was used for the random sample survey. A
list of employees was taken from the management of each workplace and
a table of random numbers was used. A pre-coded instrument was pre-
tested by three trained local interviewers, a female and two males, who
together with the author/lead researcher, comprised the “field team.” The
interview proper for the random sample survey was conducted by the local
interviewers and myself. I was with the local team in conducting the inter-
views, specifically of hospital employees and public-school teachers as
these group of respondents could speak Tagalog and English. The local
team members interviewed the market vendors, factory workers and office
employees.
The decision to choose a sample in identified workplaces is a recog-
nized limitation of the study: that those working in the informal sector
prevalent in the low and middle-income countries are not reflected in the
study. Given the limitations of time and resources, I made a conscious
decision to cover field areas in a space where it was more manageable to
cover respondents who were more available and accessible.
The subsample of eight was purposively done from the 360 random
samples. The criteria used for the selection of in-depth interviews were a
configuration of the variables of location, age, schooling experience, and
civil status, nature of household, arrival in Davao City, experience in com-
munity leadership and level of articulation of experiences.
The field research team met each week to exchange observations and
preliminary insights from interviews during the RSS phase. The field re-
search team decided on the respondent women for the subsequent sub-
sample based on a continuing collective exchange about who could best
express experiences and views reflective of various contexts. By contexts
we were thinking beyond variables of social location such as their respec-
tive income category, civil status, phase in their life cycle, or whether they
were the household head or not.
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3.4.1 Groupings by Income, Gender, and Location

The 360 respondents chosen randomly for the survey are classified in
terms of income, gender, and location. Respondents were assigned to in-
come groups (low and high income) on the basis of per capita income,
measured in 2008. The data on per capita income was derived from self-
reports of daily, weekly, or monthly household income from the survey.
The poverty threshold of Davao City was used as demarcation line be-
tween the two categories of income groups used in the study. In 2008, the
daily minimum wage in Davao City is 250 pesos, while the poverty thresh-
old of the region is 8,000 pesos per month for a family of five. All re-
spondents whose income is below the poverty threshold of 8,000 pesos
are categorized as coming from a “lower income” group while those who
earn 8,000 pesos and above comprise the “higher income” group.
The study recognizes that the results should be interpreted with care.
In the case of market stall owners for example, income figures represent
gross earnings, not yet deducting the expenses on consumer goods and
transport. There is no such thing as a fixed salary income for market stall
owners who state their income in terms of profits per day, week or month.
Despite this, some market stall owners clearly generate significant gross
income.
As for the groupings by gender, standard labels of male and female are
used. I recognize that there is much debate and resistance to the use of
these binary categories in the available progressive literature. The study
registers the limitation of utilizing these binaries, and later sections criti-
cally examine the assumptions which accompany them.
The sample is almost equally comprised of lower income (with incomes
below official poverty threshold) and higher income (within and above
poverty threshold incomes) between genders (females and males).
3.4.2 Data Management, Processing, and Analysis

The results of the pre-coded random sample instrument were processed
and analyzed using SPSS 17. Intersectionality, or the ways in which gender
intersects with other dimensions of social differences (class, ethnicity, age,
geographical location, etc.) to shape dynamics of dis/privileges in society,
guided the process of discourse analysis of transport policy and practice.
Specifically, the study considered the intersections of gender, geographic
569732-L-bw-Rivera
66 CHAPTER 3
location, socio-economic class of transport users within a social environ-

ment of transport provision.
3.5 Feminist Methodology

3.5.1 The Research Process and Ethical Considerations
Several feminists have brought to attention how many researches lack a
gender perspective. On the other hand, some researchers (Austin, 2009;
Riley, 1999; Risman, 2009.) explicitly state that their research are not about
gender issues at all. Maybe they do so as a tactical route, believing that
saying issues are not gender related might be better assurance for policy
recommendations to have traction.
This research takes a stand that being gender blind (insisting that there
is no difference for men and women) or gender neutral (pretending that
women and men similarly and equally benefit from the current transpor-
tation system) hinders emancipatory ideas and practices. I consciously take
a feminist perspective on how to conduct this research—with its partici-
pants, not for or on them. Dialogue, critical reflection and a search for
ways for transformative change is embedded in its methodology.
As a feminist researcher, I am sensitive of my various intersecting
selves as an academic, an activist and policy expert. However, I am also
aware that in doing this research, I realize that my academic self should be
the dominant voice because I am engaging with a body of very complex
knowledge with the intention of addressing an academic audience. I am
not writing a report as a consultant nor leading a revolution.
My involvement in the research process have taken diverse roles such
as being a feminist scientist with an expert role, a facilitator of knowledge
sharing processes, and my own personal internal reflection role. Many
conflicts and dilemmas have surfaced. I believe it is not necessary to re-
solve these conflicts and dilemmas which I have experienced. Being con-
scious of how these affect the analytical processes for my research is more
crucial. As an engaged scholar, I want to articulate the voice of the re-
search participants, contribute to fresh knowledge through my work, and
hopefully, this will lead to critical and substantive exchange in the scientific
community.
569732-L-bw-Rivera
Notes
15 Portions of this chapter are from previously published work (Rivera 2008, Ri-
vera 2010).
16 The author was involved as a member of the Philippine research team in a
four-country study of The World Bank on Urban Poverty led by Dr. Caroline
Moser. The research design of my study was inspired by my intense involvement
in this collaborative research as well as by the rigorous training and discussions
during the preliminary and post research fieldwork proper workshops held at
Washington DC. See Moser, Gatehouse, & Garcia, Urban Poverty Research
Sourcebook Module 1: Indicators of Urban Poverty, 1996.
17 For instance, the bombing of the Davao City international airport in early 2003,
high profile kidnappings, and the conflict situation related to Muslim separatist
movements. International development agencies and donor organizations have
been supporting projects in the island to fuel economic activity to “stabilize” the
situation.
18 For definition of Transport Justice, see Chapter 1, Figure 1.
19 In industrialized countries, public transport connotes the idea of subsidized
transport for wide use by the 'public' or common people. It is a form of shared
passenger transportation service available for use by the general public. Today in
low and middle income countries, it is increasingly privatized. In most case, the
term mass transport may be more appropriate since it simply means transport
for the masses or the ordinary commuters, which can be either subsidized or
include private operations. Glover (2011) discusses the debates on public
transport as common pool of resources
20 I distinguish between trips and trip legs. A trip is from origin to destination,
while trip leg is a part of a trip that is made with a different transport mode or
interrupted by a short activity.
21 Office of the City Planning and Development Coordinator, Socio-Economic
Indictors: Davao City

22 Jose Gestuveo, Head, City Engineer’s Office, Davao City; Angela Librado-
Trinidad, City Councilor, Chair of Committee on Women, Children and Family

Relations, Davao City ; Leonardo R. Avila III, City Councilor, Chair of Commit-
tee on Environment and Natural Resources, Davao City ; Alfredo A. Pontillo,
Chief Technical Assistant, City Administrator’s Office; Mario Luis Jacinto, City
Planning and Development Coordinator; Cesar Gempesaw, Secretary, Traffic
Management and Control Board, Davao City ; George Esguerra, Transport En-
gineer, Private Sector, Metromanila; Loren Umali, National Commission on the
Role of Filipino Women, Manila; Lorna Mandin, Officer in charge, Integrated
569732-L-bw-Rivera
68 CHAPTER 3
Gender and Development Office, Davao City ; Regin Regidor, Dr. Engineer;
Director National Center for Transportation Studies – University of the Philip-
pines, Quezon City; Head, City Engineer’s Office, Davao City; Assistant Plan-
ning and Development Officer, Davao City
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Redistribution and Representation
4 of Access to Transport
4.1 Introduction
This chapter23 provides data and analysis of the gendered character of
transportation in Davao City, as contextualized in the city’s geography and
demographic profile, as well as transportation policy frameworks at the
national and local levels influencing the people’s movement, women in
particular. As the chapter shows, transport planning literature and policies
in the country is focused on infrastructural development – zoning, road
construction, and traffic management. People’s experiences are largely in-
visible, if considered at all, while the diverse stakeholders in transport are
generally gender blind.
The last two sections of this chapter present people’s transport experi-
ences by way of describing the various transport modes in Davao City, as
well as the profile of transport users according to groupings of income,
and gender. Primary data was gathered through a survey, and in-depth in-
terviews from the survey sub-sample. The main purpose of the chapter is
to communicate new, original local knowledge and analyze these along the
lines of gender. The intention is to point out how gendered knowledge on
transport is critical to addressing women’s transport access issues and their
exclusion from transport planning
4.2 Context of the Study: Davao City

Davao City was chosen as the site of study because it is one of the most
important cities in the Philippines. It is considered the primary city in the
island of Mindanao, and the only one categorized as a highly urbanized
city24 in Region XI. It is the largest city in the Philippines in terms of land
area. In recent years, the sprawling urban metropolis has emerged as the
business, investment, and tourism hub for southern Philippines.
69
569732-L-bw-Rivera
70 CHAPTER 4
Global attention has focused on Mindanao during the past years due
to the peace and order situation, i.e., the bombing of the Davao City in-
ternational airport in early 2003, high profile kidnappings, and the conflict
situation related to Muslim separatist movements. International develop-
ment agencies and donor organizations have been supporting projects in
the island to fuel economic activity to “stabilize” the situation.
In the island of Mindanao, Davao City occupies an area of 2,444 square
kilometers. Its size is almost four times that of Metro Manila in Luzon,
and more than twice that of Metro Cebu in the Visayas. According to the
2015 census population, its population of 1.663 million ranks Davao city
as the fourth largest city in the country. Between 2000-2015, the average
annual population growth rate in the city was 2.3 percent, which is high
relative to 1.74 percent population growth rate of the region, and 1.72
percent at the national level. Mindanao has 41 percent poor families
against the national average of 28.4 per cent. In terms of income poverty,
the threshold for the region is 8,000 pesos monthly income. Among the
cities and municipalities in Davao Region, Davao City is the least poor.
Within the city, nearly one third of population is comprised of income
poor families. Davao City is also the only city categorized as “highly ur-
banized” in the Region.
The population in Davao City is generally young, with a 1:1 gender
ratio (NSO 2013). Data on the age distribution show that the median age
is 24 years old, meaning half of the population in the city is below this age.
Females outnumber males in the age brackets of 15-29 years old, and 45
years old and over; the opposite is true in the age brackets of 0-14, and
30-44 years old.
The strength of the women’s movement in Davao is evident not only
with the presence of very active women’s organizations compared with
other Philippine cities, but also the fact that many women activists now
occupy high profile elected public offices and other leadership positions
with public decision-making powers. This is likewise evident in the pas-
sage of the landmark legislation Women Development Code of 1997, the
forerunner of other local government units’ gender policies as the Davao
experience served as the role model to be replicated in the Philippine local
governance landscape. 25
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Redistribution and Representation of Access to Transport 71
Figure 7
Location of Davao City, Mindanao Island, Philippines
Davao is a linear city26 evolving from an urban sprawl type of growth

based on low-rise development. The overall densities of the large tracts of
land are kept relatively low. Built up areas used for residential, institutional,
commercial, and industrial areas currently represent 15.3 per cent of the
569732-L-bw-Rivera
72 CHAPTER 4
total land area or 36,916.74 hectares. The city government proposes to

increase this to more than 50 per cent until the year 2020. Land use for
agriculture is 67.19 per cent, reflecting the role of agriculture as the city’s
largest economic sector with major crops such as bananas and other fruits,
corn, vegetables, coffee, grains, and cacao.
The city is conducive to business as evidenced by the presence of the
country’s top 200 companies in the area. Trade officials in the country
stressed the distinctive standpoint and huge potentials of industries in
Mindanao, and how Davao City is in a special position to provide a solid
support system. These opportunities in Mindanao are such that govern-
ment agencies are tasked to work together and put priority on agriculture,
agro-industrial food processing, manufacturing, and tourism. Mindanao,
being the country’s second-biggest island, accounting for 34 per cent of
the Philippines’ total land area, was on top of the list of investment op-
portunities given incentives by the Board of Investments (BOI). Among
the lucrative industries entitled to tax perks include the export of global
favorite tropical fruits like coconut, mangosteen, banana, pineapple, and
papaya – fruits all grown in Davao City.
Given the thrust on expanding the huge business potentials of the city,
the policy towards urban poor residents and other informal settlements in
the city center is eviction and resettlement. Resettlement areas or the ur-
ban poor can be found in areas of more than 10 kilometers from their
original inner-city areas. In 2006, 100 million pesos were added to the 1995
allocation of 80 million for housing in support of land banking for social-
ized27 housing. In 2007, the city government reported that more than
2,905,092 square meters of housing services were provided through vari-
ous facilities such as the Slum Improvement and Resettlement, Relocation
Areas, Private Relocation assisted by the City, Urban Land Reform Pro-
gram and other City Assisted projects. The Comprehensive Urban Shelter
and Services Development Code of Davao City or the Shelter Code was
also passed in 2008 by the City Council. In 2017, Davao City has the larg-
est agricultural land converted into industrial-commercial area in the re-
gion (Philippines Statistics Authority-Davao 2017), where 34 percent of
these space conversions are residential areas i.e., subdivisions and condo-
miniums. In compliance with the Urban Development and Housing Act of
1992, all commercial real estate developers are required to develop an area
for socialized housing.
569732-L-bw-Rivera
The positive business environment as projected by the government,

however, deserves a closer look. To contrast the economic progress of the
city and the position of low-income families in the city is part of a neces-
sary demystification process. This will entail looking more carefully at the
framework to improve the living conditions of the poor, encourage their
participation in the crafting and execution of local government policies,
particularly regarding transport. Per 2015 census, national poverty inci-
dence stood at 21.9 percent, while that of the Davao Region was slightly
higher at 22 percent.
4.3 Transport Policies and Decision-Makers

Transport policies in the country are informed by national level plans and
guidelines on the other hand, and the local government (e.g., Davao City)
specific priorities and approaches regarding transport sector issues. This
is possible because of the policy of decentralization (as provided in Re-
public Act 7160, or the Local Government Code), which gives a greater
leeway to local government units (LGUs) to set development plans and
programs in their jurisdictions, including those concerning infrastructure
and transportation. Prior to the decentralization, transport policies and
planning are with the national government. To date, the function of the
two national government agencies directly involved in transportation, the
Department of Transportation (DOTr) and the Department of Public
Works and Highways (DPWH), largely revolves around policy formula-
tion, services regulation, and international cooperation. The DPWH is
also responsible for the planning, designing, construction and mainte-
nance of national roads, bridges, and major flood control systems.
References to national level transport policy and program directions
also include the Philippine Development Plan 2011-2016, which states the
country’s vision for “a safe, secure, efficient, viable, competitive, depend-
able, integrated, environmentally sustainable, and people-oriented Philip-
pine transportation system” (NEDA 2011: 127). The policy document
also encouraged the use of renewable energy to power vehicles, improve-
ment of systems and facilities for non-motorized transport, and compli-
ance to international safety and security standards. It further stated that
transportation systems and design should consider the specific needs of
people such as the frail, elderly and differently abled, among others (ibid.).
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74 CHAPTER 4
4.3.1 Transport Planning in Davao City

The local policy directions of Davao City, as articulated in its development
plans, run parallel to that of the national government. The Comprehensive
Development Plan (CDP) of the LGU, for instance, is explicit about the
concept of equity in development and building systems and infrastructure
oriented to addressing the needs of the people, especially the marginalized.
To wit:
These plans/programs are also in consonance with the desire of the City
government to establish social equity and accessibility giving preferential
attention to the depressed areas…. This can be accomplished by equitably
distributing infrastructure, economic activities, opportunities, and basic
services throughout the city.
The extent to which these are manifested in transport policies, systems
and facilities in the City is debatable. For one, the notion of equity implies
a need for fairness in the distribution of gains and losses and the entitle-
ment of everyone to an acceptable quality and standard of living. Yet intra-
city land transport policy and planning in Davao City is very infrastructure
and vehicle-oriented, instead of people-oriented. The Asian Development
Bank (2013), for instance, observed that there seemed to be a focus on
road network widening as a solution to its “perceived” traffic congestion
issues. Its sights are set on transforming Davao towards a direction of a
Metropolitan city, parallel to Metro Manila, even as its transport policies
and strategies of the city are “weak” as they are couched in broad terms,
lacking details regarding content, financing, and timeframes. There is also
no coherent framework weaving through the various transport-related
policies, including those covering land use, infrastructure development,
and regulation of transport modes.
A discussion of the socio-cultural dimensions of transport however is
missing from official documents, or even mention of people as transport
users and their issues. There is no information about actual problems of
safety and security of people in the city. Despite the professed public con-
cern for road safety and the dismal record of motor vehicle accidents and
physical injuries caused, these data do not find its way into transport plan-
ning documents of the city gathered and examined for this study. This
disconnect between the reality of the streets and the plans being cobbled
together for the city’s transport does not bode well for the welfare of the
569732-L-bw-Rivera
city’s commuting publics. Furthermore, this problem is not limited to Da-

vao City as it is also absent as in national policy deliberations on transport.
The official transport policy actors in Davao City include elected offi-
cials (e.g., city council heads of transportation committees), public sector
officers (the Planning offices of the City Hall, Office of the City Engineer,
Transport Management Coordinating Board).28 These institutions of the
city base their prescriptions on implicit norms that are linked to stated
goals in the official documents or unstated goals in their everyday prac-
tices. As previously mentioned, planning documents begin with explicit
statements of several norms that form the rationale and related goals of
transport practice. These norms in the stated goals in official documents
reflect specific values. Explicit in official policy, the norm of equity
stresses the importance of equal access of all people to various opportu-
nities, work, social services, health services, schools, and educational cen-
ters. However, the norm of technical efficiency is often invoked by official
transport actors when queried about their practice:
It should be a top to bottom approach (experts should participate because
they are the ones who know the issue) and bottom-top (the grassroots
need to be consulted since they will be affected of any change). The ex-
perts concern is on transport engineering, more on geometry, measure-
ments, type of roads, safety, and technical side of transport infrastructure.
It is more people friendly now. There is what we call as transport mathe-
matics, concerned on measuring distances, angles, etc.
The above quote from the Davao City Engineer29 points out that the
norm of efficiency is associated with standards coached in language offi-
cial transport policy actors understand best because it would be “too tech-
nical” to discuss with non-official transport policy actors. Thus, the dis-
course on and practice of transportation policy, planning and implemen-
tation is predominantly technological in orientation thus, exclusive to “ex-
perts” who are mostly male.30
This highlights another dimension of transport planning in the city: it
is gender-blind. The focus on infrastructure and motorized vehicles at the
expense of pedestrians also has gendered implications because it is the
women who are more frequently public transport users and pedestrians.
First is that although the city has been lauded as one of the first major
city in the country to have enacted its Women Development Code, which
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76 CHAPTER 4
includes gender mainstreaming in development programming, it has lim-

ited application beyond gender-disaggregation of demographic and socio-
economic data, and traditional areas of concern such as health, crimes
(e.g., violence against women), and family welfare. In other fields than
those traditionally associated with women’s activities, such as health care
and childcare, gender is clearly absent as a factor in planning. This is evi-
denced by the silence of the Comprehensive Development Plan (CDP) on
gender and gender equality goals in the light of transport planning, even
as it forwards social equity as an overarching framework.
Second, the interviews and focus group discussions with key stakehold-
ers also reveal the gaps in the appreciation of gender mainstreaming in
transport, as well as the importance of increasing women’s participation
in formal decision-making bodies on such. Even among community mem-
bers (women leaders, small-scale transport providers, representatives of
local organizations), clear articulation of transport issues from a gendered
perspective is uneven or lacking. The concerns raised and recommenda-
tions in focus group discussions with stakeholders were generally gender-
blind i.e., presented as affected both women and men similarly and equally;
socio-economic class-related issues (e.g., limited access of low-income
households) and road safety for children were more likely to be linked by
stakeholders to transport. Women’s groups, however, identified more nu-
anced issues such as limited public transport during late hours, which has
implications on female night workers’ security, and the lack of women’s
representation and participation in transportation planning. (See Table 6).
While transport is central to people’s actual life circumstances, top-
down decision making based on a ‘generic’ definition of ‘transport’, ‘af-
fordability’ and ‘safety’ comes into conflict with daily life experiences of
users. Transport policy and planning documents in Davao city have not
utilized any data about people’s experiences with the city’s transport sys-
tem, much less viewed these from gendered lenses. Women’s situation is
invisible and has not been brought to the negotiating table.
569732-L-bw-Rivera
Table 6
Issues, concerns & recommendations raised
during Focus Group Discussions
Point Put Forward /

FGD Participants Expressed Transport Concern / Issue
Recommendation
Women Leaders ▪ Very unsafe public transport modes ▪ Put in place a genu-
▪ Very uncomfortable public transport ine institutional
modes mechanism to chan-
nel, register/ follow
▪ Absence of safe facilities for pedestrians up, monitor inputs
▪ Many parts of the city have insufficient into transport poli-
public transport cies and plans by
▪ Time of operation of safe public transport users and
transport is usually only until 10 pm providers
when many women are employed in 24-
hour establishments
▪ Non-representation and no power in
community decision making body on in-
frastructure, specifically (1) Budget pri-
orities and expenditure decisions (2) Lo-
cation of infrastructures, i.e., transport
facilities
▪ No regular institutional mechanism for
women, especially mothers, to com-
municate, participate and negotiate on
transport related concerns
Small-scale ▪ Do not believe that development in Da- ▪ Thorough Situationer

authorized vao City means expensive transport like of all the forms of
transport private cars and building big structures public transport pro-
provider ▪ Total disregard of public service value of viders
authorized and unauthorized transport ▪ Location of transport
providers to the ordinary citizens of the terminals
city ▪ Systematically map-
▪ Disregard for transport as small business ping out territories
with important economic contribution of various transport
to the city’s wealth modes
▪ Absence of a forum to register and nego- ▪ Genuine participa-
tiate fairly related to transport situa- tory and functional
tion related dilemmas such as public mechanisms for var-
transport terminal space is owned by ious
private businesses operators of both
▪ Legitimacy of transport on one hand and authorized and un-
provision of service according to area authorized public
should not compete against each other transport modes to
input into the city’s
▪ Fear that tricycles will be taken off the transport policies
streets and plans
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78 CHAPTER 4
Point Put Forward /

FGD Participants Expressed Transport Concern / Issue
Recommendation
The private sec- ▪ Transport modes used by the poor are ▪ Mechanism to assure
tor and citizens invisible and not a priority in city safe transport for
organizations transport policy. all, especially the
▪ Unsafe transport modes in many parts of poor. Local govern-
the city used by young children on ma- ment units (LGUs
jor roads must facilitate the
engagement be-
▪ Efficient Infrastructure program to ad- tween transport
dress flooding in the city and unreliable providers and users,
transport options during floods i.e., fare conflicts
▪ Transport is only about road building
and use of cement and more cement.
Absence of mothers with their children
going to school, mothers with young
children in difficult transport situations
▪ No sidewalks for walking
4.4 Transport Provision in the City

Like many cities in the Asia-Pacific region, the variety of transport in Da-
vao City reflects the ingenuity of its residents. The concept of “multimo-
dality” captures the reality at Davao City. Multimodality suggests trans-
portation infrastructures and practices that embody social diversity.
Through negotiations over urban transportation, the concept of multimo-
dality examines the predicament of living amidst social diversity in a
shared built environment. This conceptual shift is coincident with the rise
of multiculturalism in public debates and with the growing importance of
biodiversity in environmental arenas. (Patton 2007)
Multimodality reflects Davao transport modes. There are more than a
dozen intra-city land transport modes found in several legal and “illegal”
sites serving as terminals. This study chooses to consider the modes of
transport in Davao city in terms of “authorized” or “non-authorized”
public transport modes. The various modes of transport used by its citi-
zens may be categorized into five types as outlined in Table 7 below.
Modes of transportation within the city include public utility jeepneys
(PUJ), autocalesa31 (AC) and air-conditioned taxis. There are also small,
reconditioned Japanese vans popularly called by the city people as “multi-
cab”. “Uso Uso” is another type of unauthorized jeepneys. The name is
coined from the word “uso”, which means “trendy”. It is a jeepney rigged
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with an engine of a small truck, making it more powerful and faster than
a regular jeepney.
Table 7
Modes of Transport in Davao City
● Walking
● Pedal-powered, non-motorized bicycle, pedicabs

transport
● Unauthorized Public Transport habal habal, payong payong, trisiboat, uso-uso
● Authorized Public Transport tricycle, trisikad, jeepney, multicab, bus, taxi
● Private Motorized Transport motorcycle, jeep, car
There are also various types of tricycles, such as the (1) standard type
where the motorcycle is attached on the left of a sidecar; (2) the center cab
where the motorcycle is in the middle of a jeepney-like cab; (3) the open
cab, popularly called “payong payong” where an open sidecar, usually roof-
less or with an umbrella, is attached to a motorcycle; (4) the “trisiboat” is a
motorcycle having the motor of a banca, a small boat used by fishermen;
and (5) trisikad or pedicab, a non-motorized mode bicycle with an attached
sidecar. The most common of all the motorcycle propelled modes is the
“habal habal”, a single motorcycle taxi which sits as many as five people.
For the purpose of the research, the category “Unauthorized public
transport” is used for motorized modes that are not legally allowed as
public transport by the local government but have been historically toler-
ated by the authorities. “Authorized public transport” refers to those mo-
torized modes of transport that serve commuters and whose operators
pay the required fees of the land transportation office of the city govern-
ment. “Private motorized transport” includes privately owned motorcy-
cles, jeeps, cars, trucks, or other motorized vehicles.
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80 CHAPTER 4
Figure 9
Unauthorized Public Transport Modes: Habal Habal
Figure 10
Authorized Public Transport Modes: Tricycles in the City:
Jeepney-like Tricycle
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Figure 11
Unauthorized Public Transport Modes: Tricycles in the City: Open Cab
Figure 12
Authorized Public Transport Modes: Jeepneys
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82 CHAPTER 4
Figure 13
The Motor Vehicle as Public Transport: Taxi
The operators of unauthorized public transport do not pay the required

city registration fees. However, “illegal”, these modes continue to ply spe-
cific routes in many areas of the city and serve the city population. This
category is important in the light of the reality of unauthorized transport
arrangements in cities in the low and middle-income countries.
A case in point is the trisikad, which is considered illegal, yet continued
to ply major roads of the city. If caught, the trisikad is confiscated by au-
thorities and thrown into a city truck. Some have been dumped inside the
Traffic Management Coordinating Board compound, piled up and left to
waste.
Quick rounds of entrances to residential areas within the city in all dis-
tricts of the city reveal queues of trisikad. The triskad provides short dis-
tance transport to homes of residents. A review of regulations concerning
NMT in Davao City –whether “illegal” or banned, is one dimension of
ensuring equitable and gender responsive transport. This includes ensur-
ing the informal sector is free to operate transport services or a review of
policies which restrict the operation of the unauthorized sector.
While the global environmental movement assumes the ecological
value of pushing for non-motorized transport for short distances within
cities, this is very far from the realities in many parts of the Philippines.
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Figure 14
Scrapped Non-Motorized Transport
The existence of several associations of pedicab drivers reveal that

these unauthorized means of public transport have been operating in Da-
vao City for many years, serving the transport needs in many communities
in the city. Since they ply routes crossing boundaries of different baran-
gays, most elected officials have a NIMBY (“not in my backyard”) atti-
tude, refusing to address concerns of the pedicab associations since they
occur beyond their geographical boundaries. There is also no city-level
ordinance to respond to this.
The TMCB agree that the roads in Davao City should be shared with
the various modes of transport. Non-motorized transport such as the trisi-
kad is seen by the TMCB as the epitome of what blocks the very goal of
an efficient transport system: the flow of traffic which is officially assumed
to be vehicles and anything that moves on the road. Official documents
of the city affirm that such forms of NMT like the trisikad are also the
means of transportation of the poor and their families. The interview with
a key informant from the TMCB reveals the prevailing official position is
that trisikads should not be allowed to ply the roads of the city. The official
thinking is also that since there is no law about it, therefore, it is illegal. It
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84 CHAPTER 4
cannot be legalized since this requires registration. The City council passed
Resolution No. 0176-01 on stricter trisikad regulation in 2001.
4.5 Travel Differences in the City: Results of a Multi-

Dimensional Examination
Are there differences in travel behavior between higher income and lower
income females? Between men and women? Between men and women in
different locations of Davao City? What are the implications of these dif-
ferences in the construction of the transport system shaping Davao City?
If there are differences in travel experiences and needs of people in the
city, is there information to inform decisions about which projects can
serve the “greatest public good?”
The following fields where data is gathered for the interaction of gen-
der and transport maybe useful to those involved in making decisions in
cities: access to different modes of transport. The cost of transport, trip
characteristics (modes, frequency, trip length, reasons for trips), transport
qualities. What are the distinctive characteristics of women’s experiences?
This examination of travel differences will allow understanding the effect
of given policies in the city on different groups, as well as the response to
different government policies and the programs on specific groups. This
section shall present data from the survey and its subsample. Trips and
trip legs consider all means of transport except walking. Where appropri-
ate, the survey data is also contextualized with data from the focus group
discussions with different stakeholder groups, and in-depth interviews
with women.
4.5.1 The Income Earners in the City

The survey represents aspects of the experiences of people of the city who
are involved in a range of regular and irregular income earning activities.
Table 8 shows the range of income earning work in the city, from the
words of the workers themselves. Work settings covered by the survey
include schools, markets, private and public sector offices, a hospital, a
factory plant, and a farm. Table 9 categorizes their work according to the
ILO occupation classifications used globally. As these tow tables show,
there is a wide variety of occupations for men as for women. Table 10
shows the distribution of men and women over income categories. The
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“lower income group” in this section refers to those whose monthly in-
comes are below the poverty line, while the “higher income group” refers
to those who are not considered economically “poor” because their in-
come is above poverty line. The poverty threshold of Davao City is 8,000
pesos per month. All respondents whose income is below the poverty
threshold of Davao City of 8000 pesos are categorized as coming from a
“lower income” group while those who earn 8,000 and above comprise
the “higher income” group.
Market workers in the lower income group comprised 17 per cent of
the total respondents while market stall owners in the higher income
group comprised 5 per cent of total respondents. Medical professionals
and finance, sales, cost, and budget analysts in the higher income group
made up 5 per cent of the respondents. Office clerks in city hall were both
from the lower income and higher income groups.
Table 8
Sources of Income of Respondents
Source of Income Male Female Mixed
Baker x
Beautician x
Billing section assistant x
Branch Manager x
Broiler Production Representative x
Budget Analyst x
Carinderia owner x
Carpenter x
Cashier x
Cellphone Technician x
Clerk warehouseman x
Collector x
Construction worker x
Computer assistant x
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86 CHAPTER 4
Computer Programmer x
Computer Technician x
Cost analyst x
Daycare Worker x
Debit cash collector x
Doctor x
Driver x
Encoder x
Farm laborer x
Finance Analyst x
Foreman x
Hand Packer x
Helper x
Hospital Food server x
Human Resource assistant x
Janitor x
Manicurist x
Messenger x
Midwife x
Nurse x
Nursing Aide x
Office Clerk x
Operations Assistant x
Orderly x
Pest control worker x
Population program officer x
Pharmacist x
Procurement officer x
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Production analyst x
Record officer x
Salesman x
Sales Analyst x
Sales Coordinator x
Sari-Sari store vendor x
School Principal x
Security guard x
Stall and market sales x
Stall owner x
Stock Clerk x
Tailor x
Teaching Professional x
Telephone Operator x
Therapist x
Waiter X
Watch repairman x
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88 CHAPTER 4
Table 9
Occupation Classification and Gender
Gender
Grand
ILO occupation classification
no infor- Total
female male
mation
clerical support worker 28 24 52
crafts and related trades worker 9 9
elementary occupations 11 53 64
manager 9 4 13
plant and machine operator & assem- 4 4

blers
professionals 52 40 92
service and sales workers 64 36 1 101
technicians and associate profession- 11 7 18

als
incomplete information 3 3 1 7
Grand Total 178 180 2 360
Table 10
Income and Gender
Gender
Grand
Income per month
no infor- Total
female male
mation
below PhP 8,000 [below Davao 78 93 1 172

City poverty threshold]
PhP 8,000 - below PhP 20 34 54

10,000 [below national poverty
threshold]
PhP 10,000 - 16,000 [low in- 55 33 88

come but not poor]
PhP 16,001 - 32,000 [lower 12 7 19

middle income]
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PhP 32,001 - 79,000 [middle in- 4 1 5

come]
PhP 79,001 - 118,000 [upper 4 4

middle income]
PhP 118,001 - 158,000 [upper 2 2

income but not rich]
above PhP 158,000 [rich] 1 1
insufficient information 5 6 1 12
unpaid family worker 1 2 3
Grand Total 178 180 2 360
To understand the travel patterns of the respondents who have a de-

fined work destination, it becomes necessary to categorize whether they
are regular or irregular income earners. Both self-employed and employed
respondents described their status at work as either permanent or tempo-
rary. Temporary includes respondents who cited their work status as tem-
porary, contractual, on probation or casual.
Figure 15
Work Status by Income and Gender Group
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90 CHAPTER 4
Figure 16
Hours of Work by Income and Gender Group
All income and gender groups also have similar fixed start time in a
shift of eight or more hours. Work, in terms of number of hours spent in
paid work, is parallel for both male and female as they spend eight or more
hours at work. The long hours at work (i.e., more than the standard 8
hours) is indicative of underemployment, which means having to be pre-
sent more hours at work – whether in a single job or because they have
multiple ones – than they would like in order to compensate for the low
earnings per hour.
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Figure 17
Distribution within Hours of Work
A few have some time flexibility but must be there at work or are able
to plan their own work hours. It is important to stress that in the differ-
ences of work period across income groups, planning of one’s own work
hours, can mean many things. This could reveal that these respondents are
self-employed, engaging in business enterprises as a survival strategy, ra-
ther than to exploit commercial opportunities. In the setting of the re-
search, it must be emphasized that having one’s own work hours is not
always considered a “privilege” by the respondents. Fixed 8-hour work is
often associated with a having regular income, compared to the variability
of the same in flexible-hour jobs.
Available literature on gender differences in high-income countries
tackle transport modes, modal choice, trip distances, trip purposes and
public transport use. (Transportation Research Board 2009) The few avail-
able studies in the low and middle-income countries, specifically in South
Asia and in parts of Africa, likewise use the same categories. (Thynell
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92 CHAPTER 4
2015) As there have been very few studies done in the Philippines focusing
on gender differences in transportation patterns, the data using these
standard variables can be a starting point. But in adding the dimension of
nature of work and work hours across genders may further contextualize
these data: why do women and men make the number of trips they do,
the distance they cover, and the transport modes they choose.
In their journey to and from their workplace, respondents make a num-
ber of trips and trip legs daily. Results of the study reveal that such trips
range from no trip at all to twelve trips and trip legs. For each trip, a person
has different transport roles — one can be a pedestrian, a passenger in a
vehicle or a driver of the vehicle.
Ideally, transport is usually examined by distance of the standard vari-
ables of residential location (origin) and workplace (destination). Standard
transport literature considers this as origin-destination studies. Berner
(1997) notes distances are given as the number of jeepney rides rather than
kilometers, considering that the actual accessibility of a place is much more
relevant than its physical distance from the respective point of reference.
This is affirmed in the responses of respondents who were carefully asked
about their travel diary. Many respondents are unable to express accurately
the number of kilometers distance of their homes to their place of work.
To capture the point of view of the respondents, the study uses the num-
ber of trip and trip legs to provide an estimation of distance from home
to workplace. Respondents were first asked about each trip they made in
their daily commute from their home to their place of work and back.
Secondly, they were asked about the specific purposes of each trip. The
time each trip started and ended is likewise noted to calculate how long
each trip took.
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4.5.2 Travel Differences According to Income and Gender Group
Figure 18
Travel Time by Income and Gender Group
Travel Time, Number of Trip Legs and Travel Cost

Figure 18 shows that among all income and gender groups, most travel
for less than an hour, followed by more than 1.5 hours. A small percentage
of each group does not travel at all as their place of work is where they
also live. This is true for some of the respondents who live in the market-
place.
Most of those that travel for less than an hour are lower income males
while most of those that travel for more than 1.5 hours are females. Re-
lated to this statistic, it was observed that it is not always the distance from
the point of origin to destination that determines the time needed for com-
mute. Rather several factors are considered: the route of the public utility
vehicle, the traffic, number of transport mode transfers, and the time of
travel. For instance, it takes Mary Ann 45 minutes to get to her school
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94 CHAPTER 4
from her house, although the school is only two kilometers away. She
leaves her house at 4:00 pm to attend her night classes, which end at 8:00
pm. Mary Ann’s commute was only 15 minutes less of Julienne’s travel
time to her work. Julienne is a nurse whose workplace is around 10 kilo-
meters away from her house. Her working hours are from 3:00 pm to
11:00 pm.
4.5.3 Number of Trip Legs
Figure 19
Number of Trip Legs by Income and Gender Group
The income and gender groups have similar patterns. More than 45 per
cent of each income and gender group have 2 to 4 trip legs to get to their
intended destination, followed by 5 to 7 trip legs, then 8 or more trip legs
and those who make no trips at all. Lower income males appear to be the
least dispersed with around 78 per cent of the group having 2 to 4 trip legs
while higher income females appear the most evenly distributed.
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People in the lower income groups have fewer trip legs (2-4) compared
to the higher income groups with males having more trip legs than fe-
males. On the other hand, people in the higher income groups have more
trip legs (8 or more) with females having slightly more trip legs than males.
Figure 20
Travel Cost as Percentage of Income and Gender Group
4.5.4 Travel Cost as a Percentage of Income

While on the average, the lower income male and female groups has
shorter travel time and less number of trip legs in their journey to and
from their workplace, the relative cost of their transportation to their in-
come is higher. (Figure 20). There are those who spend upwards of more
than 20 per cent of their income on transport costs while the majority of
the lower income’s transport expenses make up less than 10 per cent of
their income. On the average, lower income women spend more on travel
cost than lower income men.
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96 CHAPTER 4
There are more people in the lower income groups whose travel cost
is more than 20 per cent of their income than people in the higher income
groups. Slightly more lower income women than lower income men spend
more than 20 per cent of their income on transportation; possible expla-
nations for this trend may be attributed to (1) lower income women’s
travel route entails more switches of transport modes, and (2) they stop at
more places on a single trip. Interviews with women also show that their
reproductive tasks also entail bringing their children along in some parts
of their trips, leading to more trip legs thus doubling the travel cost.
On the other end, around 40 per cent of those whose travel cost is less
than 10 per cent of their income belong in the higher income female
group.
Figure 21
Travel Cost as a Percentage of Income
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Around 67 per cent of the higher income females have travel cost that
is less than 10 per cent of their income. Similarly, majority of the higher
income males and lower income females have travel costs less than 10 per
cent of their income (45 per cent and 37 per cent respectively). There are
28 per cent of the lower income males have no travel cost while 27 per
cent have travel cost less than 10 per cent of their income. Interviews with
some women commuters point to vehicle ownership as less costly in the
long run, compared to the cost of daily commute. However, this option is
open only to women of a certain (higher) income, as well as line of work.
Rosario (not her real name) is a supervisor in a large corporate farm in
District 3. She was issued a company motorcycle which she uses for in-
spection and monitoring work in the plantation, and also to get her to and
from her workplace and home. Rosario only spends 125 pesos to fill up
the motorcycle gas tank with. 2.3 liters every two days. There is also a
provision in her contract that the ownership of this company’s motorcycle
will be transferred to her name after four years.
Compared to Rosario who can claim the motorcycle as her own, in
Mary Ann’s household, the use of their car is contingent on one’s capabil-
ity to pay for its gas, not always on the need. Permission from her stepfa-
ther, who is considered the household head, is also needed. Mary Ann is
a working student thus commutes almost everyday from her house to ei-
ther her workplace or school.
4.5.5 Trip Purposes

Trip purposes mentioned in the survey were home, work, market, grocery,
and school, eating a meal, health related trips, visiting friends, picking up
or dropping off a family member. Income earning work related purposes
include trips to their workplace, trips to work-related meetings with their
colleagues at work and trips towards paid work. Non-income earning re-
lated trips include bringing a child to school, shopping at the grocery or
market, going to the bank, accompanying a family member on a health-
related trip. Leisure-related trips were minimal across all income group-
ings. Trips with purposes related to their paid work and to unpaid work
are categorized in Figures 21 to 23.
Trip Purpose: Paid Work
The average number of trips among all respondents is around 2 trips with
a standard deviation of around 1.29 trips.
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98 CHAPTER 4
Most of Lower Income Males take one trip with a graph slightly skewed
to the right. The other income and gender groups appear more normally
distributed. Most Lower Income Females take between 1 or 2 trips while
most of Higher Income Females take 2 trips. Similarly, most of Higher
Income Males make 2 trips with those taking 1 trip coming second.
Figure 22
Number of Work-Related Trip Legs by Income and Gender Group
Within groupings according to gender and income, it is observed that

for lower income women there is an almost equal percentage of women
who make no trips at all (meaning they walk to their workplace), and
women who make 2 or more trip legs en route their workplace on a single
travel (See Figure 22). On the other hand, the greater percentage of higher
income women make 4-5 trip legs in the same circumstances, which indi-
cates their commute is multi-modal. This may be explained by the distance
of their point of origin (home) from their workplace: higher income
women tend to live farther from their workplaces (e.g. in suburbs, where
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real estate prices are lower). The use of multi-modal transportation neces-
sarily implies walking short distances to access the next ride, although this
element of commute is not captured in the data. The same pattern is ob-
served when the surveyed population is disaggregated according to in-
come.
Figure 23
Distribution within Number of Trips
Trip Purpose: Unpaid Work

The average number of trips taken among all respondents is 0.28 trips
with a standard deviation of 0.742 trips.
More than 75 per cent for each income and gender group take trips
that are not related to income generation. However, more females take
unpaid trips compared to males with slightly more higher income females
than lower income females.
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100 CHAPTER 4
Figure 24
Number of Trips for Unpaid Work by Income and Gender Group
The texture of household dynamics specifically in terms of unpaid

work vis-à-vis transport is often invisible in quantitative data available on
transport. These trip legs for unpaid work include traveling as part of care
or reproductive work. The former is highly gendered as women are still
expected to do this. This has implications to women’s travel time, cost and
needs – all of which have been measured in transport studies but with a
gender-blind framework. Two cases illustrate data on travel time, cost and
needs of women in relation to their unpaid work that are missed in main-
stream transport surveys:
 Marlyn is a 45-year-old teacher in Buhangin, which is located 5 kil-
ometers away from her home. Angeline, the elder of Marlyn’s two
daughters, has cerebral palsy. Marlyn recounted how as a parent she
struggled with the city’s very limited facilities for special children
like Angeline. From Angeline’s elementary to college years, Marlyn
took her daughter to school in a non-aircon taxi. “Kasama niya sa
sasakyan ang walker niya. Tapos pagdating sa school, ibababa niya ang walker
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at sasakay siya dito in going to the different floors kung saan siya papasok.”
[She loads her walker into the taxi. Then she unloads it when we get
to the school and uses it going to the different floors where her
classrooms are located]. They decided to enroll their daughter at the
Holy Cross of Davao City school because this is one of the few
schools in the city that has facilities for people with disabilities. The
HCDC is a private college. “HCDC [has a] pathway designed for
walkers in going to different floors of the school buildings, but this
one is not mechanized, it is just a cemented pathway for walkers.
Walang ibang university daw na may ganon. [No other university has
things like that] Also, HCDC has elevators and has policy nai-prior-
itize ang mga differently abled persons sa use ng elevators.] [ HCDC
has elevators and has a policy where the differently abled persons
are prioritized in the use of the elevators}
 Maria Judet, 30 years old, works as an administrative assistant at the
Davao City Hall. She is a mother to two young children, aged 2 and
the other 6 years old. Unlike most who do attend to the health needs
of their children on weekends, Maria Judet usually dovetails the
needs of her children during weekdays on the way to or from work.
Health needs of her children include buying medicines or needed
supplies as well as consulting the staff of the health clinic for related
situations of her children. On weekends, she is usually at home with
her young children as she wants to spend time with them so she can
give them the attention they need as she is busy at work the whole
week.
4.5.6 Transport Modes

The above presentation on paid and unpaid work reveals much about time
and the respondents’ juggling of time for mobility. The following data will
now present the various modes of transport used by the citizens. The time
factor of the different transport modes reveals much about valuation of
time of respondents. Is the average speed at which different transport
modes can move relevant for decisions of the respondents? Is time spent
traveling considered a loss for the respondents?
Choice of transport mode is an important variable because it is most
likely influenced by income grouping since access to various modes is de-
pendent on ability to pay. The results indeed show how income affects
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102 CHAPTER 4
aspects of travel behavior: mode choice for trips, number of trip legs, time
spent, and travel cost.
 Bebet is a solo parent to two children. Apart from her and her daugh-
ters, five other people are part of her household, including her
mother and sisters. Travel decisions regarding unplanned trips are
contingent on the availability of money. Transportation from their
house to the city downtown is expensive because the roads are un-
paved, and in some parts muddy. The quickest way to get to down-
town, that is, with the least stops, is to catch an airconditioned van
plying their area which is expensive. If they are in a hurry, the surest
way to get a ride is to make an extra trip to the van terminal in an-
other part of the city because the van is often full by the time it
reaches their stop. For shorter distances, their transport options in-
clude the jeepney and trisikad (when she has to bring her goods to
sell at the market) and the habal habal if she is rushing to be at a
community-related meeting
 To go to her place of work, Marlyn takes both authorized and unau-
thorized public transport such as jeepneys, open cab and tricycle are
used. To bring her special child to school, the non-airconditioned
taxi was the mode of transport.
Figure 25 shows the differences between the income and gender
groups in modal choice and the number of trips made by each group using
the different categories of transport modes per trip leg. It must be noted
that “no trip” for each mode is indicated. Among those in this category of
“no trip” are respondents who also do not travel at all to income-earning
work because their home and their place of work are one and the same,
or their workplace is near enough so they see that they consdier them-
selves not making a trip at all.
Walking
We only consider walking as part of a trip with other transport modes. For
example, walking to the transport terminal or bus stop.
The average number of trips taken by walking in combination with
other modes of transport is 1.33 with a standard deviation of 1.47 trips.
When it comes to walking, more females walk with slightly more
Higher Income Females than Lower Income Females compared to males.
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Figure 25
Number of Walking Trip Legs by Income and Gender Group
Non-Motorized Transport
The average number of non-motorized trip legs is 0.12 with a standard
deviation of 0.49 trip legs.
More than 90 per cent of each income and gender group take motor-
ized transport. With regard to non-motorized transport, there are fewer
higher income males compared to the other income and gender groups
that take these. People who have grew up in the city noted that this was a
change from when they were younger, and people walked more often. The
lack of sidewalks was also observed: “Seldom na lang may sidewalks. Makipot
na usually ang mga sidewalks. Saka karaniwan sa mga tao sumasakay na kahit
malapit lang pupuntahan. Hindi tulad noon, kahit mga estudyante naglalakad lang.”
[There are not many sidewalks. I also noticed that sidewalks are very nar-
row. Most people now always take a ride, even for short distances. It was
not like in the past when students used to just walk to school.]
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104 CHAPTER 4
Figure 26
Number of Non-Motorized Trip Legs by Income and Gender Group
Authorized Public Transport

The average number of authorized public transportation trips is 1.76 with
a standard deviation of 1.72.
More than half of lower income males do not take authorized public
transportation. On the other hand, around 45 per cent of higher income
females take 3 or more trip legs using authorized public transportation.
Unauthorized Public Transport
The average number of unauthorized public transport trip legs is 0.54 with
a standard deviation of 1.04 trip legs.
More than 70 per cent of all income and gender groups do not use
unauthorized public transport. There are more higher income males who
take unauthorized public transport compared to the other income and
gender groups.
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Figure 27
Number of Trip Legs using Authorized Public Transport
by Income and Gender Group
Figure 28
Number of Trip Legs using Unauthorized Public Transport
by Income and Gender Group
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106 CHAPTER 4
4.6 Discussion of Findings

The findings show that there are similar and different travel experiences
across gender and income groups. Generally, both women and men use
multi-modal transportation to get to and from their workplaces, do their
caring work (e.g., bringing their children to school) or access services. Ma-
jority of them take a number of trips per day and spend less than 10 per
cent of their monthly income on travel expenses.
While not directly asked in the survey, the distance traveled to and from
work or income-generating activities (approximately less than 5 kilome-
ters) point to the respondents’ preference for working near their place of
residence. This observation is supported by the literature (Hansen 1999,
Transportation Research Board 2009, Turner 2012). Residence near as
possible to their places of work means less transport costs. This is likely
an important consideration for low-income households already disadvan-
taged by their limited financial resources.
However, the relatively short distance is undermined by the length of
time spent traveling, possibly pointing to transportation concerns of avail-
ability and accessibility of vehicles (e.g., waiting times, walking from one
transportation terminal to another), mode of transportation selected, or
structural issues such as traffic and road quality. Excluding the respond-
ents whose paid work is located in their place of residence such as the
market vendors, the range of travel time is from less than an hour to more
than 1.5 hours.
Layering the above general findings with gender as a variable show that
differences in the behavior of males and females regarding transport are
not very pronounced. Significant differences are found in the travel time,
number of trip legs en route their work (one-way), and travel costs.
Women take more time and have more trip legs when going to their work
than men. Their travel costs are also less than men’s, mainly because they
take less expensive (but multiple) modes of transportation. This also
means that they walk more than the men to catch one mode of transpor-
tation after alighting from another. Women are also more likely to choose
authorized modes of transportation, which may lengthen their travel route
and time, compared to men who opt for unauthorized modes of transpor-
tation, which are expensive but can go through side streets to avoid road
traffic. However, it should be noted that choice of transport mode may be
569732-L-bw-Rivera
a function of several interrelated factors such as safety, security, and reg-

ulated fixed costs of fare. Unauthorized public transport modes can also
be cost effective for its users, especially because the fare is not standard-
ized, and thus can be negotiated lower. It is still expensive, but this is lev-
eled off by the less time spent on traveling i.e., getting to one’s destination
quicker and with less discomfort
Walking, as a mode of transport, reveals limitations in terms of time
and requirements of assumptions on a traveler’s health. The data in the
survey showed that few trips of more than 5 kilometers are made regularly.
Travel surveys tend to dismiss short trips. One study emphasized that as
high as 83 per cent of the poor women compared to 63 per cent of men
walked to work. (Sri as cited in Turner 2013) The figures in another city
were 59 per cent of the women surveyed walked, while only 39 per cent
of the men walked. Turner (2013) stresses walking as very powerful in the
planning of the spatial location of local services and facilities, as well as
planning the transport network itself. Available studies often disregard
walking and the figures available do not take account of walking associated
with other modes of transport (i.e., walking to a terminal to access the
public transport mode) (Porter 2002, Forsyth, and Southworth 2008) This
is very important to note as walking is often taken for granted. Thus, not
only those in the paid economy who need to access public transport
through walking but the many women who are not in the paid work group,
who are in the care economy such as full-time mothers and housewives,
comprise the large numbers who have an impact on walking as a travel
demand.
Related to this, every time men and women in Davao city use a jeepney,
habal habal, multicab, tricycle, they are not only public commuters, but also
pedestrians. Cities become unfriendly to these modes when transport
spaces are designed with only motor vehicles as the priority. People walk-
ing need safe spaces. Cities will only improve on an aesthetic, humane and
human scale if streets include large numbers of people walking and playing
safely. Since walking is an element to public commuting, streets must be
made safe to crime, friendly to vulnerable users such as women, children,
the disabled, and the elderly.
On the other hand, when many public commuters depend on motor
vehicle use for their basic transport needs, the situation creates a political
demand for greater provision of motor vehicle facilities and road space,
resulting in Davao City local government to press for stricter measures for
569732-L-bw-Rivera
108 CHAPTER 4
drivers in terms of enforcement of safe driving habits such as driving and

drinking. Given these, not only do men and women often use available
motor vehicles for short trips, but also demand facilities that reduce time
for long trips. This can be seen in their use of motorized, sometimes even
unauthorized, public transport even for short trips. Such conditions serve
to increase exposure of people on roads with less-than-optimal conditions
for ensuring road safety. While men may be more exposed to more road
safety issues as drivers and because of their more frequent use of unau-
thorized public transport vehicles when commuting, women are no less
vulnerable because of their use of multi-modal transportation in less-than-
ideal traffic and road conditions and related infrastructure such as side-
walks, and footbridges.
Travel time is another dimension of transport studies, and this study,
in viewing it with a gendered lens, also surfaced the experience of women
traveling for longer periods than men for the following reasons: multiple
transfers of transport for a single trip, and multiple stops en route to the
intended destination. These in turn may be linked to the reproductive
work that women, more than men, are likely to engage in: bringing and
fetching children to school and buying food and household supplies for
the day’s consumption, for instance. Women’s preference for authorized
modes of transportation is also a factor to their longer travel times, as
mentioned earlier.
As mentioned earlier, the findings in this section are parallel to other
studies using conventional survey as the data shows some consistency with
available research. The research process may then be applied to a wider
group in the city, apart from those who took part in this study. Emphasis
is also on the limitations of surveys, i.e., being static at one point in time.
To address this, the study complemented the survey data with focus group
discussions (on transport policies and policy directions) and in-depth in-
terviews with eight women (travel needs, and experiences). These data
sources appear to support each other thereby provide triangulation of
methods for gender analysis of access to transport in Davao City. Specif-
ically, it confirmed the invisibility of gendered realities in transportation-
related researches, in policymaking and among different stakeholder
groups, and even with women themselves who may view their transporta-
tion needs as same as everyone else’s or not important to be part of the
city’s transport planning.
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Figure 29
Summary of Findings: Redistribution and Representation
Notes
23Parts of this chapter are drawn from the author's previously published work (Rivera
2010)
24 As defined in the Local Government Code (RA 7160), a highly urbanized city is “A
city with: (1) a minimum population of 200,000 inhabitants, as certified by the National
Statistics Office; and (2) the latest annual income of at least 50 million pesos based on
1991 constant prices, as certified by the city treasurer.”
25For a discussion on the contributions of women’s NGOs to Davao City development,
see also Coolige (2017)
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110 CHAPTER 4
26 The linear city was an urban plan for an elongated urban formation. It is one which
consists of several functions running parallel to each other with the same width in defi-
nitely in both directions. The city would consist of a series of functionally specialized
parallel sectors. The sectors of a linear city would be (1) a purely segregated zone for
railway lines, (2) a zone of production and communal enterprises, with related scientific,
technical and educational institutions, (3) a green belt or buffer zone with major highway,
(4) a residential zone, including a band of social institutions, a band of residential build-
ings and a “children’s band”, (5) a park zone, and (6) an agricultural zone with gardens
and state-run farms. (Doxiadis, 1967).
27This is a distinct concept used in development literature. Has the same meaning as
“socialized” in the international audience.
28No data is available on the percentage of women in elected positions and those work-
ing in the local government, specific to Davao City. In the Davao Region (which is com-
posed of Davao City and other municipalities), however, women comprise 19.48 percent
of elected local officials, and 45.1 percent of LGU workers.
29 Jose Gestuveco, personal communication, 17 September 2008.
30 The following were the key city transport planners in Davao City, who were also in-
terviewed for the study: Jose Gestuveo, Head, City Engineer’s Office; Angela Librado-
Trinidad, City Councilor, Chair of Committee on Women, Children and Family Rela-
tions; Leonardo R. Avila III, City Councilor, Chair of Committee on Environment and
Natural Resources; Alfredo A. Pontillo, Chief Technical Assistant, City Administrator’s
Office; Mario Luis Jacinto, City Planning and Development Coordinator; and Cesar
Gempesaw, Secretary, Traffic Management and Control Board.
31 Autocalesa is another word for jeepney. As the Filipino jeepney is an icon of Filipino
culture and heritage, it reveals the Filipino people’s ingenuity. The jeepney evolved from
the Calesa – the Filipino version of a horse-drawn carriage. In 1932, an enterprising Fili-
pino came up with a novel idea of manufacturing a “new” version of the Calesa. He
positioned it as a cheap alternative to the expensive taxis, which were starting to grow in
numbers then. This new mode of transportation, dubbed the “auto-calesa,” was based
on a front-wheeled DKW transporter that was becoming popular in the rural areas of
Germany and which were being imported into the Philippines in early part of the
20thcentury. By joining the chassis with a locally manufactured carriage, similar to a
Calesa, one could produce a low-priced public carrier that can go anywhere, on wide or
narrow streets. The concept vehicle was marketed by DKW-AC Company, Manila in
1932. Retrieved from <http://aboutph.com/2010/04/auto-calesa-%E2%80%93-the-
jeepney%E2%80%99s-greatgrandfather/> accessed 02 September 2013.
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Recognition: Safety and Security
5 of Transport Users
O
5.1 Introduction
This chapter32 sets out to show why and how issues related to transport
environment (safety and security) should be included in current transport
planning discourses in the Philippines. First it elaborates on the normative
meanings of transport safety and vulnerable users, developed by the
World Health Organization (WHO), using standardized data of country
studies to show the magnitude and characteristics of transport environ-
ment problem on a global scale and their variations according to national
income level. The case of the Philippines will be discussed next, starting
with discussion on the weakness of transport planning research and an
emerging critique on the techniques of defining safety and monitoring
traffic accidents adopted by government bodies. Such a critique may open
new avenues for a more comprehensive understanding of the transport
environment and the social distribution of vulnerability to transport acci-
dents. The findings in Davao City on traffic accidents and gender-based
attitudes and beliefs in transport safety may help to establish a new basis
to study transport safety in the context of local politics of spatial planning.
The main aim of this chapter is to illustrate the importance to bring to the
center of transport policy and planning in Davao City, the realities, and
voices – particularly of women – that have been placed on the margins of
scientific and political representation. Transport safety, as road safety and
security of users, should be brought under the planning frame of social
policy in community development where it can receive due attention in
the local planning processes. Going beyond numbers and using a gender
lens in gathering data and scrutinizing can also contribute to more nu-
anced understanding of the meanings of safety and security.
111
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112 CHAPTER 5
5.2 Vulnerability and Urban Transport: Main Findings

Vulnerable transport users may be conceptualized in terms of specific
groups of population who cannot afford a secure mode of travel and must
opt for existing modes with which they face high risks of injury. The sig-
nificance of both poor transport safety and security goes beyond the direct
injury and trauma suffered by those involved in accidents. Attitudes to-
wards vulnerability in transport also have important social policy implica-
tions. The absence of transport safety can affect people’s travel habits and
ultimately shorten the extent of their mobility at best or lock them in an
immobile situation at worst. This can work against local community de-
velopment efforts that encourage active participation of those with no or
low incomes, who are most likely inclined to protect themselves by with-
drawing from socially important activities, such as adult education classes
held during the nights for women (Caiazza 2005, Sakaran 2003, Yavuz and
Welch 2010)
International standards on transport safety and security are relatively
new. The World Bank (2002) distinguishes the two terms, “transport
safety” and “transport security;” the first one refers to the vulnerability to
accidental injury, usually involving at least one vehicle as the instrument
causing the injury, while the latter is the vulnerability to intentional crimi-
nal or anti-social acts suffered by those engaged in trip making. A key idea
here is the vulnerability of people when they are in a public space: they
may be injured by a vehicle, regardless if the vehicle is motorized or non-
motorized (safety), and they may also be subject to intentional harm from
other people while they are in transit from one point to another (security).
The WHO definition of transport-related injuries is narrower, focused
only on road safety (injuries arising from vehicular impact). The main ref-
erence is the WHO International Classification of Diseases-11 (ICD-11),33
which is used by hospitals, regions, and countries worldwide in reporting
and monitoring various diseases. This enables comparison and sharing
data using a comparable and consistent standard across time. The ICD-11
incorporates 18 specific categories and definitions of events, objects and
people involved in transport accidents. The WHO ICD-11, for instance,
forwards “transport accident” as “any accident involving a device de-
signed primarily for, or being used at the time primarily for, conveying
persons or goods from one place to another”, in contrast to the more
specific “traffic accident” which is any vehicle accident occurring on the
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Recognition: Safety and Security of Transport Users 113
public highway (i.e. originating on, terminating on, or involving a vehicle

partially on the highway).34 (WHO 2018b)
Regardless of the terms adopted by international agencies, it is clear
that by 2010, global discussions on the broad idea of transportation – from
its niche in national economies and development planning, to its impact
on energy, the environment and climate change -- has gained traction. In
March 2010, the United Nations General Assembly proclaimed 2011 to
2020 as the Decade of Action for Road Safety, with a goal of stabilizing,
then reducing forecasted traffic fatalities in the world.35 The document
adopts a “safe systems” approach which:
… aims to develop a road transport system that is better able to accom-
modate human error and take into consideration the vulnerability of the
human body. It starts from the acceptance of human error and thus the
realization that traffic crashes cannot be completely avoided. The goal of
a safe system is to ensure that accidents do not result in serious human
injury. (United Nations Road Safety Collaboration, 2010)
The approach implies a shift from the view that responsibility for road
user safety largely lies with the road users themselves, to one that sees
transport system designers and planners as primarily responsible. This in-
cludes road managers, the automotive industry, law enforcers, politicians,
and legislators. Other stakeholders that should also be engaged in
transport, specifically in road safety, are the health service providers, the
judiciary, schools and non-government organizations (ibid.). Consistent
with this, the Global Plan for the Decade of Action on Road Safety iden-
tifies five pillars for national and local level actions on transport, namely:
road safety management (institutional capacity building), safer roads and
mobility (development of road networks and related infrastructure), safer
vehicles (improvement of vehicle safety standards, including on perfor-
mance assessment and technologies), safer road users (behavior), and
post-crash response (emergency treatment and long-term care for crash
survivors. (ibid.)
Whereas reference to road safety was absent in the Millennium Devel-
opment Goals (MDGs), a global blueprint of action for reducing extreme
poverty (2000-2015), it was included under two of the Sustainable Devel-
opment Goals (2015-2030), specifically in Goal 3 (Ensure the healthy lives
and promote well-being for all at all ages) and Goal 11 (Make cities and
human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient, and sustainable) to wit:
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114 CHAPTER 5
Goal 3.6 By 2020, halve the number of global deaths and inju-
ries from road traffic accidents
Goal 11.2 By 2030, provide access to safe, affordable, accessible,
and sustainable transport systems for all, improving
road safety, notably by expanding public transport,
with special attention to the needs of those in vulner-
able situations, women, children, persons with disabil-
ities and older persons
(United Nations Development Programme, n.d.)
The SDG takes off from the accomplishments of the MDGs and ex-
panded global targets or focus areas from the eight to 17 to address not
only extreme poverty and its symptoms, but also issues that have great
impact on development outcomes such as sustainable production and
consumption, peace-building good governance, and justice. Particular to
road safety, it goes beyond reducing fatalities from vehicular crashes but
also recognizes the social context of transport systems where the needs of
women, children, people with disabilities and the elderly are not being
considered in designing and planning. (ibid)
5.2.1 The Magnitude of the Problem of Transport Safety

Traffic safety is a public health issue that can lead to social and economic
losses from the individual to national levels (Global Mobility Report
2017).36 Road safety encompasses “safety of mobility across all modes of
transport by avoiding fatalities, injuries, and crashes from transport mis-
haps.” (ibid.) The statistics on transport-related crashes and deaths is a key
indicator of road safety. According to the Global Mobility Report in 2017,
motorcycle users have the highest risk for road deaths, followed by cyclists
and pedestrians, relative to car occupants, while bus riders are 10 times
more likely to be safer than car occupants. Rail and air transport have the
lowest frequency of crashes among public transportation modes. World-
wide, 40 to 50 percent of traffic fatalities also occurred in urban areas. The
WHO also brought to the attention of policy makers and transport plan-
ning scholars that 1.35 million deaths on the world’s roads, yet this num-
ber had to be viewed in the context of a parallel 15 percent global increase
in registered vehicles (WHO 2013)37. Moreover, it presented the term of
569732-L-bw-Rivera
“vulnerable road users” (VRU) to apply to the most at-risk road users such
as pedestrians, cyclists, motorcyclists and passengers of unsafe public
transport (WHO 2009). It is estimated that 54 percent of road traffic fa-
talities are pedestrians, cyclists, and motorcyclists (WHO 2018c). A signif-
icant number of pedestrian and bicyclists’ deaths (13%) are recorded in
low-income countries which account only for 1 percent of the total regis-
tered motor vehicles worldwide, compared to high income countries (7%)
where 40 percent of registered motorized vehicles worldwide come from.
Of all VRUs, pedestrians are most at risk in urban space due in part to the
large amount of pedestrian and vehicle activity in urban areas (Zegger and
Bushell 2012:1).
However, road safety issues – and especially for VRUs – go beyond
fatalities. As early as the 1990s, policy research on transportation observed
that the extent of safety and security issues for pedestrians and cyclists are
heavily underestimated (OCDE/OECD 1998). In the USA in 2017 alone,
5,977 pedestrians and 783 bicyclists were killed in crashes involving motor
vehicles. From 12.6 percent in 2003, the total traffic fatalities in the USA
jumped to 18.2 percent in 2017. It is notable, too, that while fatalities in-
volving pedestrians and bicyclists involving motor vehicles increased by
32 percent from 2008 to 2017, in the same period, overall traffic fatalities
(covering fatalities who are not pedestrians and bicyclists) decreased by
0.8 percent (Pedbike info, n.d.). An interpretation of this statistic may be
that systems and technologies have been improved that it can lessen the
risk of fatalities in the event of crashes, however, certain groups of road
users remain to be highly vulnerable, specifically the pedestrians and bicy-
clists. Transport scholars have begun to work on issues regarding the so-
cial distribution of risks of accident and explore the legitimacy of favoring
the most vulnerable road users. Virtually no low income and less-motor-
ized country has been successful in reducing the number of road traffic
crash fatalities and injuries in the recent past. (Grimm and Treibich
2012:3). The situation and problems of low and middle-income countries
(LMICs) are far more complex than high-income countries since the
standards instituted for vehicles, roads and highway furniture are based on
traffic patterns and types of crashes which are very different (Mohan 2008:
727). Many countries in the world are undergoing rapid urbanization and
motorization, increasing exposure to determinants of road traffic injuries
such as unsafe public transportation, higher speeds and a diverse vehicle
mix on the road (Hyder and Peden 2003: 2034). Almost a decade after the
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116 CHAPTER 5
Hyder and Peden report, these findings are confirmed by Grimm and
Trebich (2012) in a review of several studies around the world on road
traffic crash fatalities, citing parallel reasons for this greater complexity as
(1) a large proportion of income poor road users; (2) a high proportion of
vulnerable road users sharing the road with motorized vehicles; (3) high
population density in urban areas; (4) a low enforcement level of road traf-
fic rules and regulations; and (5) severe limitations on public resources
available for roads and other infrastructure (Grimm and Treibich 2012: 3).
Clearly, pedestrian safety should not be taken as an ordinary public is-
sue, but one which manifests policy failure on many levels, and can have
wider repercussions on social development. While many countries in the
world have strategies laid out to address the serious trends in pedestrian
crashes, it is clear that pedestrian safety amenities are not a priority in many
low and middle-income countries. The issue of VRU has been ignored for
decades and future projections provide stern signals. Reports predict that
in the last 30 years of the 21st century, more private cars will be produced
than in the first 100 years of motorization. Majority of these vehicles will
be introduced to the roads of low and middle-income countries, many of
which host unprecedented numbers of VRU fated to become road crash
victims (Bliss and Breen 2012). In the same period, road crash deaths and
injuries in low- and middle-income countries are projected to be the 4th
largest cause of healthy life years lost by the total population in 2030, com-
pared with tuberculosis (26th) and malaria (15th)38 (Bliss 2008).
5.2.2 Income Inequality and Road Traffic Injuries:

Comparison Across Countries
With increasing numbers and exposure of VRUs, combining mobility and
safety of VRUs is an emerging issue in industrialized as well as in LMICs.
On the other hand, increasing motorization on improved roadways in
many high-income countries has been found to have reduced the exposure
of pedestrians and bicyclists, and the number of pedestrian and cyclist fa-
talities decreased even more than the overall number of traffic fatalities
(Shinar 2012: 1). On the other hand, in industrialized countries as the US,
the latest data show that trends in VRU injuries have recently increased in
urban areas, due to environmental, economic and traffic congestion (Con-
stant and Lagarde 2010:1).
From a comparative perspective, between 1968 and 1985 road acci-
dents decreased by around 20 percent in OECD countries, and increased
569732-L-bw-Rivera
by 300 percent in Africa, and by almost 200 percent in Asia (TRRL Over-
seas Unit 1991) Countries like Brazil, India and China have been experi-
encing high increase of road accidents over recent decades (Vasconcellos
2001: 26). It is important to take note that through the decades, significant
safety improvements for motor vehicle drivers and passengers have not
necessarily had a parallel development in the safety of VRUs, as is the
situation in LMICs (WHO 2009). From 2013 to 2016, there were no im-
provements in the number of road deaths in all low-income countries,
compared to the reduction of the same in 48 middle- and high-income
countries. In the same period, the statistics on road fatalities even in-
creased in 104 countries (WHO 2018).
Figure 30
Proportion of Population, Road Traffic Deaths, and
Registered Motor Vehicles by Country Income Category
Source: WHO 2018c
Figure 31 show that in the distribution of road traffic deaths by various

transport modes on the road, pedestrians are highest in low and middle-
income countries. In high and middle-income countries, most road user
fatalities are those riding motorized 4 wheelers. This graphic presentation
compares LMICs and HIC pedestrian deaths, where a greater portion of
fatalities occurs in the LMIC countries. Figure 31 shows more specific
data on traffic fatalities by user type and by WHO region.
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118 CHAPTER 5
Figure 31
Distribution of Road Traffic Fatalities by Road User Groups
by WHO Regions
Source: WHO 2018c
Table 11 shows in more detail the data on road deaths alongside the
countries’ income classification and number of registered vehicles in the
context of Southeast Asia. As with the global trends, high income coun-
tries (Singapore and Brunei Darussalam) have the lowest rate of road traf-
fic deaths, while the highest are found in middle income countries, partic-
ularly in the upper middle-income countries. Regardless of the income
classification of the country, majority of these deaths involved drivers or
passengers of motorized 3 and 2-wheeled vehicles which are popular in
the Southeast Asian region.
569732-L-bw-Rivera
Table 11
Distribution of Road Fatalities by Country Income Levels
and Road User Groups in the ASEAN Region
Esti- Percentage of road traffic deaths

mated by road user type (%)
Rate of
Total
Road Drivers Drivers Cy- Pe- Others
Country and Total Number Number
Traffic or pas- or pas- clist destri-
Income of Registered of Road
Deaths sengers sengers s ans
Classifica- Vehicles Traffic
per of 4- of 2 or 3-
tion (2013) Deaths
100,000 wheele wheeled
(2016)
popula- d vehi- vehicles
tion cles
(2016)
High income
Singapore 974,170 197 2.8 18 46 8.9 27 1
Brunei Da- no data no data 8.0 no data no data no no no

russalam data data data
Upper middle income
Malaysia 23,819,256 7,129 23.6 24 62 2 7 6
Thailand 32,476,977 24,237 32.7 13 73 2 8 4
Lower middle income
Indonesia 104,211,132 38,279 12.2 6 36 2 21 35
Lao PDR 1,439,481 971 16.6 19 67 3 9 2
Myanmar 4,310,112 10,809 19.9 26 23 9 26 16
Philippines 7,690,038 10,379 12.3 25 53 2 19 1
Timor Leste 65,533 188 12.7 no data no data no no no

data data data
Vietnam 40,790,841 22,419 26.4 no data no data no no no

data data data
Low income
Cambodia 2,457,569 2,365 17.8 9 70 2 13 6
Source: World Health Organization 201639
The WHO data is not disaggregated by gender, or other demographic

information on the victims. Even available literature on smaller scale re-
search samples only provides a glimpse on the gender dimension of the
transport environment. Grimm and Treibich’s study (2012) based on a
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120 CHAPTER 5
1989-2006 dataset, which covered 21 Indian states and four Union terri-
tories, conclude that of the total incidences of traffic accidents, more fe-
males were victims as pedestrians and passengers on motorcycles. As
women disproportionately walk, rarely drive or have a driver’s license, and
because on the average their travel distance is shorter – official statistics
reveal lower rates of female labor force participation. Related studies also
cite that helmet usage is very low among women who are drivers and pas-
sengers of two-wheelers (Grimm and Treibich 2012: 928).
Two of the best performing countries since the late 1990s, Sweden and
the Netherlands, emphasized an ethical underpinning which should un-
derline all policy: Road deaths and injury should not be seen as a necessary
price to be paid for improved mobility (Tingvall 1995 as cited in Von
Holst, et al. 2000; Wegman and Elsenaar 1997). They emphasize that
transport policy is guided by norms of road safety guided by the motto of
Zero Tolerance as the essence of the preventive principle. Two ethical
principles underpin Zero Tolerance: (1) Life and health can never be ex-
changed for other benefits within society (2) Whenever someone is killed
or seriously injured, necessary steps must be taken to avoid a similar event.
(Tingvall and Haworth 1999: 2) Thus, all road-related fatalities should not
be seen as an inevitable fact of life and that priority should be given serious
attention, and that zero fatalities are an achievable outcome of strategy
implementation (Dann and Fry 2009). It must be noted that during the
conduct of these valuable work highlighting the ethical dimension of dis-
cussions on road safety, most of this cutting-edge work were still dealing
with aggregate data sets as the gender, age and location factors of the pre-
ceding work has not been looked into as yet.
The weakness of data collection is well recognized (Constant and
Lagarde 2010, Grimm and Treibich 2012, Hyder and Peden 2003). An
analysis of research investments worldwide on the burden of disease for
several conditions showed that road traffic injuries have been found to be
severely underfunded for research investments compared with other
health issues such as infectious diseases. The World Bank (2002: 67) traces
the policy neglect of transport to the lack of reliable evidence describing
the dimensions and extent of transport safety. Available urban transport
safety and security data, according to this report, is likely to be biased due
to factors such as the reduced ability of low wage earners who are often
women, to afford hospital treatment (ibid: 67). In LMICs, the current lack
of management capacity for enforcing standards of road safety presents a
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difficult challenge. A clearly defined results focus is often absent, coordi-

nation arrangements are ineffective, supporting legislation is weak, fund-
ing is insufficient, promotional efforts are poorly targeted, mandates are
ill-developed, and knowledge transfer is limited (Bliss and Breen 2011).
The lack of data to assess the actual extent of the burden highlights
that much remains to be done to investigate the potential solutions (Con-
stant and Lagarde 2010: 101). The absence of research on road crashes is
important not only because it makes the issue invisible and minimizes how
serious the problem is, but it hinders the search for and selection of ap-
propriate remedies. (World Bank 2002). There are few locality studies on
VRUs, much less exploring the intersections of road safety and gender.
The studies of Campbell (2004) and Rosén and Sander (2009) forwards
that men, more than women, are likely to be victims of road fatalities as
pedestrians, attributing this to their higher risk-taking behaviors, and ex-
posure to vehicles with high impact speed. Eluru, Bhat and Hensher
(2008) found that men who are 60 years old and above are also more likely
to be killed in road crashes than women of the same age group. A case
study in Mexico also found that girls under 5 years old and women above
50 years old have a higher risk of dying in motor vehicle-pedestrian colli-
sions. Overall, though, the mortality rates of males in vehicular crashes as
pedestrians are much higher than females (10.6 per thousand for males,
compared to 4.0 per thousand for females) (Hijar, Kraus, Tovar and Ca-
rillo, 2001). The review of literature reveals mostly macro level analysis of
longitudinal statistics, limited to a laborious collection of large amounts of
quantitative, empirical data, and thereby contributing to lack of infor-
mation of the unique context and conditions existing in a specific place as
well as the socio-demographic characteristics of those affected. In the
Philippines, Verzosa and Miles (2016) noted that before 2008, age and sex-
disaggregated data was not always available on road crash statistics from
the Metro Manila Accident Reporting and Analysis System (MMARAS).
Nevertheless, available data showed the following: fatalities are higher
when it involves heavy and multiple motorized vehicles and elderly pedes-
trians (60 years old and above) as well as those occurring in the evening
(7:00 pm to midnight) and late at night (1:00 am-5:00 am), most of the
fatal road crashes occur in high-speed, high-traffic volume and multi-lane
roads. Generating and using these data, according to the researchers,
would greatly enhance policy and planning on road safety, particularly for
the vulnerable pedestrians.
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122 CHAPTER 5
There are also few accounts of a consideration of the reality of per-

sonal tragedy at the micro level, except for a few journalistic accounts used
in road safety campaigns. Grimm and Trebich (2012 :16) recommend
more micro data covering information about road users risk attitude, risk
knowledge and risk exposure to further enrich analysis. Related to this, it
is important to note that it is not enough to take evidence at face value
given that the bulk of current research have not gone beyond lengthy de-
scriptions of situations. More often than not, this points to a lack of tools
to guide readers in further analysis, or to the absence of a guiding theory
for interpretation of causality.
5.3 Transport Safety and Security Research in the

Philippines
5.3.1 National Level Research: Gaps and Critical Issues
An emerging critical perspective on the state of the art of transport safety
and security research may help pave the way for a more comprehensive
approach to this field of study. This comprehensive approach has major
consequences for issues of social justice in terms of recognizing the vul-
nerable transport users and their issues, as well as finding channels to voice
their concerns. More aggressive policy advocacy for the allocation of re-
sources and privileges in transport planning would help reduce their vul-
nerability to accidents, disabilities, and fatal injuries.
In the Philippines, focused research on transport safety and security is
in its infancy stage with predominant focus on preliminary monitoring of
road accidents. There have been attempts, however, over the last decade
to align the reporting with ASEAN countries and regional guidelines. The
Philippines started to be guided by the “ASEAN Region Road Safety and
Strategy and Action Plan (ADB, 2005). Interaction between transport re-
searches in the Philippines with peers at the regional level has been a useful
starting point. In 2004, the ASEAN Region Road Safety Strategy and Ac-
tion Plan was a useful milestone when initiatives of 10 countries using 14
categories were highlighted.40 Among the fourteen categories listed, the
findings on the category on Road safety funding reveal four countries
(Brunei, Myanmar, Malaysia, Vietnam) were assessed to be fair and four
countries (Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos and the Philippines) were assessed
to be poor. Only one country (Singapore) was cited to have a strong com-
mitment to earmark budget for road safety. In addition, for the category
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of Road safety research and costing, almost all the countries lack activities
except for Singapore and Malaysia. Six ASEAN countries (Philippines, In-
donesia, Laos, Cambodia, Myanmar, and Vietnam) were assessed to be
poor on Road safety research and costing. Two countries (Brunei and
Thailand) were rated as fair. (ibid.)
The road safety assessment of the Philippines is not surprising. Road
crash fatalities increase by 4 percent annually on the average since 2006,
despite the various policies, programs and plans that have been crafted to
address the issue (Worley, 2006). A major gap in intervention planning
and implementation is the poor data management on road safety, includ-
ing underreporting by concerned agencies. For instance, in 2013, the De-
partment of Public Works and Highway reported only 1,513 traffic-related
deaths in contrast to 10,379 reported by WHO in the same year. Caleda,
et al. (2018) noted that there are various agencies which collect, process,
store and disseminate information on road safety, including the Depart-
ment of Transportation, Department of Health, Philippine National Po-
lice, Metro Manila Development Authority, and the Philippine Statistics
Authority. However, much is still needed to improve the coordination sys-
tem among these agencies and strengthening the foundations for evi-
dence-based road policies and programs on road safety. The data pub-
lished by Department of Health on its Online National Electronic Injury
Surveillance System (ONEISS)41 shows the urgency of road safety: from
the last quarters of 2013 to 2018, transport or vehicular crashes was the
leading cause of external injuries, more than falls, assaults, or exposure to
chemicals (see Table 12) (Department of Health n.d.).
Transport research is also limited. Available national literature related
to transport safety and security in the Philippines (Lidasan et al. 2009,
Sigua 2008, Viloria 2000) bring to light research frames42 which focus on
(1) aspects of motorization, and (2) private ownership’s technical under-
standing of transport and urban planning with much emphasis on motor-
ization. There is some confusion about “public transport” as transport
afforded by the State with the principle of equity and “public transport”
as licensed private transport for public use. Except for emphasis on the
economic losses of accidents on the road and the use of some hospital
data, available research is silent on the valuable social dimensions of
transport safety and security.
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124 CHAPTER 5
Table 12
Percentage of Injury Cases Recorded by External Causes (2013-2018)
Percentage from Recorded Cases
Injuries by Oct-Dec Oct-Dec Oct-Dec Oct-Dec Oct-Dec Oct-Dec

External Causes 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018
n=10,698 n=11,947 n=18,394 n=36,757 n=34,343 n=43,439
Transport / Vehicular 33.61 33.97 35.28 32.68 32.84 33.20

crash
Bites / Stings 8.02 10.36 11.37 13.24 15.71 14.30
Fall 18.32 17.13 15.62 1.32 11.32 13.50
Mauling / Assault 17.65 12.40 13.57 12.87 14.30 12.30
Contact with sharp 13.22 17.99 18.99 14.38 12.82 11.30

object
Burns 1.60 2.13 2.07 1.60 1.48 1.50
Gunshot 0.71 0.84 1.10 0.84 0.60 0.50
Sexual Assault /Abuse, 0.04 0.13 0.04 0.07 0.01 0.12

Rape (incl. alleged
cases)
Hanging / Strangula- 0.14 0.13 0.09 0.09 0.04 0.10

tion
Chemicals / 0.15 0.24 0.30 0.28 0.19 0.09

substances
Firecracker 0.27 0.19 0.28 0.13 0.07 0.07
Exposure to forces of 0.12 0.07 0.04 0.01 0.06 0.03

nature
Drowning 0.01 0.06 0.09 0.06 0.07 0.03
Others 6.14 5.83 3.71 11.62 11.43 9.80
Injuries from vehicular crashes, both fatal and non-fatal, is also the
leading cause of injury by external causes in the country from 2013 to 2018
based on the last quarter data from the Online National Electronic Injury
Surveillance System (ONEISS) (see Table 12).
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An alarming note to the recent available national data is that pedestri-

ans are even listed high on the transport related injuries list by type of
vehicle, next to that of motorcycles, confirming global data cited earlier
about pedestrians in low and middle-income countries. (Figure 30) The
national report does not indicate the gender of pedestrians affected, thus
difficult to establish links between gender and road safety and security in
the Philippines. It is possible, though, to draw on the findings of other
studies on global and regional experience transport, although these are not
conclusive. While some studies point to the higher vulnerability of male
pedestrians compared to females (WHO 2009, Gören, et al. 2005, Tom
and Granie 2011), which is attributed to the males’ higher risk-taking atti-
tudes and likelihood to violate pedestrian rules, other studies found no
correlation between gender and risk for transport-related injury (Dandona
et al. 2008, Moe 2008, Ibrahim et al. 2012). Stoker et al. (2015) observed
that gender can influence pedestrian risk, particularly, the performance of
gender roles in the public sphere. Drawing from their literature review,
they pointed out that women as a group walk more than men in the 45
poorest countries in the world in relation to their housework or reproduc-
tive tasks (e.g., carrying water, buying food). The longer time spent by
women on the road, often carrying heavy loads, puts them at higher risk
for road injuries. However, Stoker et al. also qualified that this needs to be
explored further, and more research is needed on gender and transport in
low-income countries.
A decade ago, Sigua (2008) discussed Philippine official statistics, la-
menting that there was gross underreporting of accidents. Data from the
Philippine National Police reports, for instance, were of unlikely propor-
tion to official data from other developing countries.43 Sigua also decried
the lack of directed effort to improve the situation, that is, accidents were
generally considered as natural and common occurrences, and that there
was no clear understanding of the loss to society of road accidents.44 Sigua
proposed to push for translating commitment through channeling finan-
cial resources for road safety programs. He concludes that a policy per-
spective is absent. Safety must be afforded a high priority in transport pol-
icy both by the national and local governments. As to the gender dimen-
sions, it is clear from both monitoring data and available researches that
this is largely unexplored, if not totally absent in the case with the pub-
lished ONEISS data.
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126 CHAPTER 5
Table 13
Number of Cases of Transport Related Injuries
by Type of Land-Based Vehicle (2013-2018)
Percentage from Recorded Cases
Oct-Dec Oct-Dec Oct-Dec Oct-Dec Oct-Dec Oct-Dec

Type of Vehicle
2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018
n=3,557 n=4,058 n=6,489 n=12,014 n=11,279 n=14,440
Motorcycle 57.58 57.27 62.38 50.27 58.33 61.59
None (Pedestrians) 15.41 13.58 9.55 9.71 9.54 10.08
Tricycle 5.65 8.92 6.01 5.50 4.42 3.99
Bicycle 3.06 2.88 2.91 2.02 2.23 2.47
Van 2.22 1.75 0.91 0.11 0.96 0.06
Car 1.27 2.56 2.00 0.19 1.61 1.70
Jeepney no data no data 1.11 1.22 1.14 0.92
Bus 0.45 0.44 1.00 0.21 0.36 0.19
Truck no data 0.34 0.37 0.64 0.32 0.46
Unknown 11.36 9.29 13.16 26.55 14.59 16.60
Others 3.01 - 0.57 0.62 0.43 -
Source: Department of Health, n.d.
The key points of this section are first, there is a relationship between
income level and road traffic injuries which is revealed in data from cross-
cultural studies across various countries which use level of national in-
come as basis for comparison. Explicit ethical concerns on safe transport
reflect that these have affected differences in the level of fatalities in the
various countries with different level of incomes and different expression
of ethics of their policies. It is safe to conclude that having resources is
not a sufficient condition for transport security and safety. Explicit ethical
considerations in national policy are a very significant factor which influ-
ences people’s safety and security in their transport environment.
Secondly, gender dimensions of transport environment are beginning
to gain public attention all over the world. While the database is insuffi-
cient to draw general conclusions, there are already specific gender-fea-
tures which can be observed from the existing data base. These include
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mixed modality, i.e., walking and the use of public transport is found to
be more common among women therefore assessing transport accident
cannot be restricted to the use of motorized vehicles alone. It is also cru-
cial to look closely and carefully into the transport environment in which
motorized vehicles are being handled as well as the individuals behind the
wheels. This way, the ground is set for raising the validity of the “gender
structure of the transport environment.”
The next section uses field findings from Davao city to offer new ideas
on how transport planning based on a new understanding of social equity
as equal distribution of a “safe space” for transport users in spatial plan-
ning may help advance the goal of transport justice.
5.3.2 Davao City Amidst Motorization: Police and Hospital

Accident Records
The global and national situation provides the setting for bringing in what
can be gleaned from looking further into the local. In Davao City, various
sources of data including police and hospital accident records, surface in-
sights not revealed in any available local research. In 2001, Davao City was
reported, to have the highest motor vehicle density in the region at 51
vehicles per kilometer of road. Contrary to claims in traffic management
reports that the number of vehicular accidents has decreased, annual data
on the same data do not support this (Table 14). Yet transport officials
attribute a large part of the felt traffic improvement to the installation of
traffic signalization at major intersections of the central business district.
While the number of vehicular accidents is reported to not have in-
creased (Table 14) in the past five years, reported cases reveal that the
number of physical injuries or people affected by vehicular crashes during
the same period presents cause for alarm. (Table 15). There is no available
gender disaggregated data on traffic accidents in the police records.
A closer look at available records shows how physical injury cases al-
most doubled during the ten-year period. This underscores how safety is
a crucial transport-related environmental problem in the city but is not
given the attention it deserves (Figure 32).
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128 CHAPTER 5
Table 14
Vehicle Accidents in Davao City C.Y. 1999-2007
Year No. of vehicle accidents
1998 4,601
1999 5,202
2000 3,397
2001 5,496
2002 4,801
2003 3,420
2004 3,806
2005 3,795
2006 4,103
2007 4,621
Source: culled from Statistics on Vehicular Accidents, Davao

City Police Office Reports
Table 15
Physical Injury Cases in Vehicular Accidents
Year Number of cases
1998 462
1999 597
2000 379*
2001 617
2002 579
2003 658
2004 708
2005 998
2006 1,085
* (Jan-Aug only)
Source: Statistics on Vehicular Accidents, Davao City Police
Office C.Y. 1999-2008
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Figure 32
Vehicular Accidents and Physical Injury Cases
Parallel to the above, hospital records in Davao Doctors Hospital, lo-

cated in the central business district, reveal that approximately 80 per cent
of the cases in emergency room records were vehicle related accidents
(Table 16). The remaining cases were from gunshot wounds, mauling,
stabbing and bombing-related cases.
Personal accident experiences were shared by several respondents of
the random sample survey of this study.45 Some respondents were injured
as passengers during these accidents: “Two years ago, the multicab I rode
was bumped by a PUJ,” or “My back was injured when the PUJ I was
riding was bumped by a car,” “The tricycle my wife and I were riding was
hit by a jeep,” “I had minor injuries for both accidents I had on the mo-
torcycle which was hit by SUVs,” “The motorcycle I was riding was hit.”
Some respondents shared specific accident experiences as pedestrians: “I
was walking, a delivery truck hit me and I hit my head badly on the street,”
while another said that “I was walking and a motorcycle hit me.” “Naka-
bangga ng tao ang sinasakyan,” [A pedestrian was hit by the vehicle I was
riding -author’s translation] One related the experience of her child: “A
private car hit my son who was hospitalized.”
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130 CHAPTER 5
Table 16
Emergency Room Admissions 1998-2007 Davao Doctor’s Hospital
Road acci- No. of Non-road

No. of road
Year Total Cases dents as % Non-road accidents as
accidents
of total accidents % of total
1998* 170 136 80.0 34 20.0
1999 319 279 87.4 40 12.6
2000 298 255 85.5 43 14.5
2001 370 315 85.1 55 14.9
2002 336 270 80.3 66 19.7
2003 338 261 77.2 77 22.8
2004 267 204 76.4 63 23.6
2005 163 118 72.3 45 27.7
2007* 166 121 72.8 45 27.2
TOTAL 2,427 1,959 80.7 468 19.3
Source: Emergency Room Admissions Logbook, Davao Doctor’s Hospital, Davao City, July-Dec
2007 only.
5.3.3 Gendered Beliefs about Safety and Security: Attitudes and

Preferences towards Transport in Davao City
Findings from the random sample survey in Davao City show that, ironi-
cally, the majority of the respondents from both genders did not consider
their travel to and from work as dangerous at all. In other words, unsafe
transport standards seem to have been accepted as a way of life. Never-
theless, when asked about the actual safety-related conditions experienced
by people in the three districts of the city, 86.8 per cent of all respondents
considered sidewalks to be a very important means of avoiding traffic ac-
cidents.
On the topic of personal security, unlike the survey, the in-depth inter-
views of the subsample capture this invisible nuance:
Every day, Julienine, 24 years old, spends an hour commuting using au-
thorized public transport modes, such as the jeepney and the multicab, to
reach her workplace; Davao Doctor’s Hospital in District 1 located less
than 10 kilometers away from her home in Nova Tierra, Lanang. Julienine
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shares her experiences as a public commuter on matters of security: “Dur-

ing one jeepney ride to work, another passenger pointed a gun at me and
demanded for my cellphone. Nobody inside the jeepney dared to stop him
because he had a gun.” After this experience, Julienne fears traveling at
night. She also feels very stressed about commuting with reckless drivers
on the wheel, especially at night.
“Pati yung pagbibiyahe na nag-iisalang akong babae sa jeep ay nakakapagbigay ng
stress sa akin.” [Traveling alone and being the only woman in a jeep at night
is a source of great stress for me -author’s translation.]
While Julienne talks about the stress of night travel, Marlyn, a 45-year-
old teacher at the Bernardo Carpio National High school in Buhangin,
recounted experiences related to security in her intra city travel as a pedes-
trian. Despite almost all areas in downtown Davao City having pavements
for pedestrians, she recalls three traumatic incidents she personally expe-
rienced: a bag snatching incident while walking with her mother in Barrio
Obrero, a cellphone snatching incident while walking on the premises of
University of Mindanao in Bolton, and another cellphone snatching inci-
dent while walking with her co-teacher. For Marlyn, there are places in the
city notorious for criminal incidents such as Carpenter Street near Mag-
saysay Park in Agdao. Marlyn only travels short distances within the city.
She does not want to travel long distances by land because this is very
stressful for her. She also never travels alone. Despite these experiences,
Marlyn does not consider traveling in Davao City as dangerous.
The third experience is of Luzvina or “Bebet”, 36 years old, a solo par-
ent with two children aged 12 and 9, claims that a source of stress for her
are drivers who drive too fast.
“Lalo na mga L300 na aircon from Calinan to downtown. Wala kang magawa kasi
ganun talaga mabilis sila magpatakbo, yun nga lang madali ka rinmakakarating sa
pupuntahan mo. Kaya ngamarami din sa nag-aabang ng L300 na sasakyan sa
aminkasi din hindi siya masyadongnagpipick-up ng mga pasahero sa daankasipuno
na siya bagoumalis ng terminal sa may Calinan. Nakakasakaylang kami dyan kung
may babababagodumating sa Mintal, siyempre may vacant seats na. [We cannot do
anything about the L300 air-conditioned vans which are used as public
transport from Calinan to downtown. That’s how they are, the drivers go
really fast. Well, at least you get to where you want to go fast, too. The
very reason why many people also ride these vans is because the vans do
not stop along the way to pick up other passengers as they are already full
of passengers when they leave the terminal. We are only able to board an
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132 CHAPTER 5
L300 vehicle if a passenger happens to get down along the way to Mintal
and there is a vacant seat. -author’s translation]
Manang Delsa, born in Davao City, and has lived there for 60 years,
relates two distinct experiences in her life in the city related to travel safety
and security:
“Pinupuntahan ko si mama sa palengke nang mag-isa lang ako. Sumakay ako noon
ng jeep, ako na lang ang naiwang pasahero. Nagtaka ako nang biglang huminto ang
driver sa may liblib na part ng daan, walang ilaw. Sabi ng driver nasira daw ang
makina kaya’t kailangan niyang tignan. Bumaba siya pero sa akin siya papalapit sa
back seat hindi sa may makina. So ang ginawa ko tinulak ko siya, nang makalabas
ako ng jeep, kumuha ako ng bato at pinukol ko sa kanya saka ako tumakbo. [I
used to go to my mother at the market. I was traveling alone. Once I rode
a public jeepney, I was the only passenger inside. I wondered why the
driver suddenly stopped by the roadside in a dark isolated area. The driver
said that something was the wrong with the jeep and that he had to check
it out. He got out of his seat but instead of going in front of the vehicle to
check the motor, he was heading toward me. What I did was I pushed him
and when I was out of the vehicle, I picked up a stone and threw it at him,
and then I ran away as fast as I could. -author’s translation]
The second incident shared by Delsa was when she was around 30
years old. It was around 3:00AM and she was waiting for a jeep at the
terminal. A taxi pulled up to where she was. There was a Caucasian pas-
senger inside. He asked her, “How much?” which meant he mistook her
for a prostituted woman waiting for customers. Manang Delsa’s immedi-
ate reaction was anger. She drew a cleaver knife from her bag and
screamed at the man, “You want this?” The taxi sped away.
How else does safety and security figure in the beliefs and values of the
people in the city? Table 17 presents specific values of male and female
respondents on transport along several dimensions such as price, time use,
safety, security and comfort. The percentages refer to the share of males
or females who ranked the particular item as number 1, 2 or more.
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Table 17
Gendered Values on Transport
VALUES ON TRANSPORT M% RANK F% RANK
Security 92.1 1 96.70 1
Streetlights at night 92.1 96.70
Safety 87.97 3 85.87 2
Safe driving of Public transport drivers 95.5 91.7
Safe brakes, lighting, machine condition 96.1 92.2
Sober Drivers 89.9 90.6
Separate lanes for NMT 77.0 79.4
Safe sidewalks 88.8 82.8
Zebra crossings for pedestrians 92.7 92.2
Pedestrian Overpasses 75.8 72.2
Comfort 74.7 2 70.98 3
Public Transport is not overcrowded 69.1 68.9
Improvement of exiting footpaths & roads 84.8 76.1
Protection from rain & weather at transport stops 84.8 76.1
Ban baring music/noise on public transport 60.1 62.8
Price 68.5 4 67.65 4
Cost of fare 77.0 73.3
Discounted fare for commuters 60.0 62.0
Time Use 66.3 5 60.8 5
Provide Transport Services where I live 65.2 54.4
Improve access to NMT 61.8 61.1
Improve existing footpaths 75.3 67.8
Proximity of transport stops 62.9 60.0
The survey results show that security and safety are the highest concern
of both male and female respondents compared to values related to price,
time use and comfort. Safety encompasses several specific elements which
569732-L-bw-Rivera
134 CHAPTER 5
were indicated to be the most valued by both female and male respond-
ents. Of all seven elements under the safety category, female respondents
indicated highest rating of “Zebra crossings for pedestrians” and “Safe
public transportation—brakes, lights and machine condition.” For male
respondents, “safe public transportation—brakes, lights and machine
condition ranked the highest, followed closely by “Safe driving of public
transport drivers”.
Security is the highest of all the transport concerns of almost all re-
spondents, regardless of gender, compared to other transport related con-
cerns of price, time use and comfort. Both genders also ranked price lower
compared to safety and security. Comfort, compared to safety, ranked
higher among males. The lowest ranked concern compared to safety and
security – for both males and females – is time use. A study of seat choice,
front or back, of solo taxi passengers found that a significantly greater
number of men than women sat next to the driver in large urban areas,
but that no sex difference in front-seat choice appeared in smaller com-
munities. Very few women taxi drivers were observed. (Watson and
Kearins 1988) The data were interpreted in terms of sex differences in
feelings of security, with solo women feeling more vulnerable than men,
particularly in large cities.
A relevant set of questions that has emerged from the findings which
scrutinizes: who is harmed by traffic accidents, or how traffic accidents
are socially distributed, what are the main mechanisms and consequences
from the perspective of transport justice? There are no official data in the
transport policy documents of Davao City to ascertain facts about the type
of people harmed by the record of traffic accidents. Police records of ac-
cidents were not woven in planning decisions of the short, medium and
long-range transport documents studied. Nevertheless, information of
this research culled from the medical records and emergency logbooks of
one centrally located hospital may pressure more systematic research in
the future to stress the urgent need of the importance of transport safety
in the lives of people in the city.
Table 18 shows the same data disaggregated by income group.
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Table 18
Gendered Values on Transport by Income Group
Lower Lower Higher Higher

Values on Transport Income Income Income Income p-value
Males Females Males Females
Security
Streetlights at night 91.4 94.4 93.5 98.8 0.149
Safety
Safe driving of Public transport 91.4 88.9 100 94.0 0.033*

drivers
Safe pub trans-brakes, lighting, 93.5 87.8 100 96.4 0.006*

machine condition
Sober Drivers 83.9 83.3 96.1 97.6 0.001*
Separate lanes for NMT 75.3 72.2 81.8 86.7 0.034*
Safe sidewalks 86 75.6 90.9 90.4 0.013*
Zebra crossings for pedestrians 89.2 88.9 97.4 95.2 0.078
Pedestrian Overpasses 77.4 73.3 77.9 72.3 0.739
Comfort
Public Transport is not over- 63.4 61.1 77.9 79.5 0.002*

crowded
Improvement of existing footpaths 78.5 65.6 92.2 86.7 0*

& roads
Protection from rain & weather at 77.4 76.7 94.8 92.8 0*

transport stops
Ban blaring music/noise on public 61.3 54.4 61.0 69.9 0.141

transport
Price
Cost of fare 77.4 74.4 75.3 73.5 0.997
Discounted fare for commuters 52.7 56.7 66.2 69.9 0.028*
Time Use
Provide Transport Services where 62.4 53.3 68.8 59.0 0.15

I live
Improve access to NMT 65.6 50 59.7 69.9 0.014*
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136 CHAPTER 5
Lower Lower Higher Higher

Values on Transport Income Income Income Income p-value
Males Females Males Females
Improve existing footpaths 74.2 58.9 77.9 77.1 0.004*
Proximity of transport stops 55.9 57.8 71.4 61.4 0.141
* with significant differences p > 0.05
While Table 18 shows only minimal difference between the responses

of females and male within their income groups, the additional infor-
mation provided by the respondents in the survey on what stresses them
in their travel within the city contextualizes their responses toward a more
nuanced differentiation. The subsample also reveals women’s experience
with regards to safety:
Rosario, separated from her husband, has three grown up sons aged
21, 23 and 25, the latter two already living independently. She and her
youngest son share the daily household chores. In 1990, Rosario with her
then two-year-old child, had an accident while on the motorcycle she was
driving. The accident happened in front of the market. Vehicles were on
crawling pace as traffic in front of the market was very heavy. Suddenly, a
truck drove so fast from their behind, ramming into her motorcycle.
Biglang umandar ang medyo mabilis na truck na nasaaming likuran kaya’t kami ay
napatilapon. Nang kami matumba, parang umikot ang aming motor at nakitakong
papunta sa aking anak ang isang gulong ng aming motorcycle, tumilapon kasi siya
papalayo sa akin. Kaya’t pinilit kong gumapang para maabot at maprotektahan ang
aking anak. Buti na lang nahabol ko pa, nakuha ko ang akin anak. [A fast-mov-
ing truck bumped into us so my son and I were suddenly thrown off our
motorcycle. My son was thrown off away from me. I saw that our motor-
cycle was skidding toward my son. I forced myself to crawl quickly to him.
Luckily, I reached him in time. uthor’s translation]
Rosario relates that when they went to the police station to talk to the
driver of the truck, she asked him his driver’s license and other documents
and he could not show them anything. She had all her official documents
ready and complete. The owner of the truck came into the station and was
telling her that they would pay for everything. She told the owner, “Pag
binayaran mo kami, para na rin naming binenta ang aming sarili.” [If I accept
your money that is just like saying we have sold ourselves. -author’s trans-
lation]
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The preceding quote of Rosario illustrates how she insists that her
safety cannot be bought.
Rosario believes that the changes in the city she has observed through
the years have brought about some amount of convenience in terms of
mobility of the citizens. Asked if she sees these changes as positive or
negative, “Positibo. Marami nang puwedeng sakyan, hindi na ikaw ang maghahabol
sa sasakyan, sila na ang maghahabol sa ‘yo.” [These changes are positive. There
are many transportation modes to choose from. You do not need to chase
after your ride anymore. Now it is the drivers who are convincing you to
ride. -author’s translation]
As with the survey of their beliefs and values, the responses are the
same: the experience of traffic, non-availability of public transport at cer-
tain hours and in certain areas, reckless and rude drivers and overcrowded
public transport are experiences not unique to women or to men. How-
ever, a closer look at the responses also revealed that females, more than
males, feel more vulnerable or threatened by acts of violence directed at
their gender, that is, sexual harassment. Sexual harassment is dispropor-
tionately experienced by females than males. This refers mostly to physical
(e.g. touching, being pinched in the buttocks) and verbal (e.g. catcalls)
forms. A form of sexual harassment particular to females is being targeted
by flashers (men who show their genitals in public places and takes pleas-
ure in the shocked reactions of their audience) in public transport. One
woman also narrated being mistaken by a foreigner as a prostituted
woman. The woman was able to stop his harassment by brandishing a
knife which she carries for protection (because she often leaves the house
for work at dawn). Another woman also reported carrying a small knife
wherever she goes because of a traumatic experience she had when she
was only 10 years old and was almost raped by the driver of the jeepney
she took to go home.
Sexual violence is also an underlying fear when women report feeling
uneasy traveling late in night, passing through areas deemed unsafe or no-
torious for violence (both when riding a public vehicle or walking), and
non-lighted streets. The presence of neighborhood gangs in streets leading
to their houses was also linked to sexual harassment. Apart from the con-
cern of having their pockets or bags picked, women are also concerned
about being sexually harassed when in overcrowded vehicles or jostling
with other people to get a ride.
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138 CHAPTER 5
One male respondent acknowledged the vulnerability of women to

sexual harassment in their area. At the time, the place where they lived was
not so populated and the nearest transport stop was a few minutes’ walk.
According to him, he accompanies his wife whenever he can when she
has to go out to protect her from possible harassers.
More males are stressed by factors not necessarily gender linked. Their
top responses include reckless drivers, bad road conditions, weather and
pollution. Male respondents also reported sexual harassment (ranked 5th)
although in significantly less numbers than females.
In May 2019, the Philippine government passed the Safe Spaces Act, a
national law that penalizes sexual harassment in public spaces such as
streets, public utility vehicles and transportation terminals.46 This law, in
effect, expands the coverage of the Anti-Sexual Harassment Law of 1995
which only penalized sexual harassment in the context of work or educa-
tion (e.g., asking for sexual favors in exchange of work promotions or
better grades) (Republic Act 7877). It is also specific that sexual harass-
ment is a form of gender-based violence, not limited to women as targets
of this violence, but also members LGBTQIA++47 community. Acts of
gender-based sexual harassment are considered criminal offenses and are
punishable by imprisonment, fines, or both, depending on the gravity of
the act committed. On Section 6 of the law, it defines the penalties for
sexual harassment in public utility vehicles, to wit:
In addition to the penalties in this Act, the Land Transportation Office
(LTO) may cancel the license of perpetrators found to have committed
acts constituting sexual harassment in public utility vehicles, and the Land
Transportation Franchising and Regulatory Board (LTFRB) may suspend
or revoke the franchise of transportation operators who commit gender-
based streets and public spaces sexual harassment acts. Gender-based sex-
ual harassment in public utility vehicles (PUVs) where the perpetrator is
the driver of the vehicle shall also constitute a breach of contract of car-
riage, for the purpose of creating a presumption of negligence on the part
of the owner or operator of the vehicle in the selection and supervision of
employees and rendering the owner or operator solitarily liable for the
offenses of the employee. (Republic Act 7877, Section 6).
5.4 Conclusion
This chapter has shown the major progress in transport research globally
and the importance of understanding “equity” in transport not just from
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the perspective of access, but also from the perspective of the social dis-
tribution of crashes among certain groups of vulnerable users as an indi-
cator of bias in transport planning.
Large studies on urban transport crashes (WHO 2009, WHO 2018c)
are useful in revealing that they do not happen only due to human behav-
ior but are also related to spatial planning or lack thereof. Country-based
studies reveal a clearer set of dynamics such as identifying the vulnerable
locations, the types of accidents, types of persons involved as the basis for
road safety designs.
In the Philippines, transport studies there is a glaring neglect of the
social dimension of issues, which would be very useful to provide answers
to the specific forms of vulnerability to traffic accident faced by vulnerable
social groups and involving motorized vehicles. Most people have come
to treat road safety as a matter of statistics, quibbling on the number of
people killed or maimed, and doing little more to ensure that the roads are
made safer. Davao City could do well to change course and devote itself
to its traditional constituency of the less affluent road user. The need for
broad footpaths, pedestrian facilities to cross the arterial roads at the rate
one every 200 meters and in the short term, signals for surface crossing of
pedestrians. Without these, Davao city will only be a standing example of
motoring madness, governmental indifference, and even incompetence,
benefiting the maximum number of people but likely missing out on the
specific needs of the vulnerable. Ideas and innovations must be given
space and place to flourish so that limited time and funds is used to max-
imum advantage of the vulnerable.
Attention to the local politics of spatial planning, socially embedded in
layers of local power relations, is needed to expose the mechanisms of
framing “transport safety” as a condition, the inclusion and exclusion of
aspects of “vulnerability” among users. Beyond the goal of reducing acci-
dents and injuries, which incur economic and social costs to individuals
and their families, standards of transport justice should be embedded in
spatial planning at the community level. Beyond the notion of safety as a
set of technical issues, there is a wide range of subjective meanings that
are locally specific and may have further implications for movement in the
city as a key aspect in social participation.
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140 CHAPTER 5
Figure 33
Summary of Findings: Recognition
Notes
32Parts of this chapter are drawn from the author's previously published work (Rivera
2010)
33 WHO is the lead agency – in collaboration with the United Nations regional commis-
sions – for road safety within the UN system. WHO chairs the United Nations Road
Safety Collaboration and serves as the secretariat for the Decade of Action for Road
Safety 2011–2020. Proclaimed through a UN General Assembly resolution in 2010, the
Decade of Action was launched in May 2011 in over 110 countries, with the aim of saving
millions of lives by implementing the Global Plan for the Decade of Acton.WHO also
plays a key role in guiding global efforts by continuing to advocate for road safety at the
highest political levels; compiling and disseminating good practices in prevention, data
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collection and trauma care; sharing information with the public on risks and how to re-
duce these risks; and drawing attention to the need for increased funding. (World Health
Organization 2018)
34 The use of the term motor or vehicular “accidents” in international literature, including
the WHO 2008 standard categorization as a transport-related health issue, is a point of
discussion. Stewart and Lord (2002), for instance, asserts that the term “crashes” is a
more accurate word. It covers a wider range of causes of the phenomenon, including
those which are intentional, thus not accidents per se. According to them, crashes due to
the driver’s intoxication, overspeeding or carelessness are not accidents. (See also
Blanchard, et al. 2003, for a counter response to Steward and Lord’s assertion on acci-
dents versus crashes).
35 It is projected that around a cumulative total of 5 million lives, 50 million serious inju-
ries and US$ 5 trillion could be saved with the conscious efforts of nations to address
road safety issues – an issue which the Decade of Action directly targets. See also Decade
of Action 2011-2020 document (World Health Organization, 2018). Prior to the 2010
General Assembly resolution, global road safety has been the subject of several the
United Nations resolutions starting 2003; the latest was in 2018 (United Nations World
Safety Collaboration, n.d.). There are also the UN legal instruments related to traffic and
road safety such as the 1949 Convention on Road Traffic, the 1968 Convention on Road
Traffic, the 1968 Convention on Road Signs and Signals, the 1958 and 1998 agreements
on technical vehicle regulations, the 1997 agreement on periodic technical inspection of
vehicles and the 1957 agreement on the transport of dangerous goods, in facilitating road
safety at the global, regional and national levels (as cited in UN General Assembly (18
April 2018). Improving global road safety (A/72/271). Retrieved from
<https://www.un. org/en/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/RES/72/271&referer
=/english/&Lang=E>.
36 According to the World Health Organization (2013) traffic crashes will be the third
leading cause of disability and years of life loss by 2024. In countries such as the USA,
traffic crashes is already among the top three causes of disability.
37This pattern remained unchanged as noted by the World Health Organization on its
2018 report, “Road Traffic Injuries: The Facts”. Retrieved from <https://www.who.int/
violence_injury_prevention/road_safety_status/2018/infographicEN.pdf?ua=1>.
38 Presentation of Anthony Bliss, Lead Road Safety Specialist and Manager, Global Road
Safety Facility of the Energy, Transport and Water Department , Sustainable Develop-
ment Network, the World Bank during the International Conference on Road Infrastruc-
ture Safety of the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, London 2008
July <www.fiafoundation.org/Documents/Road%20Safety/anthony_ bliss.ppt> ac-
cessed October 13, 2013.
39 Data used in this table is from the interactive map (World Health Organization 2016).
40 The fourteen categories which guided the qualitative assessment of current initiatives
are the following: (a) Coordination & Management, (b) Road Accident Data Systems, (c)
Road safety Funding, (d) Safety Planning & Design of Roads, (e) Improvement of Haz-
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142 CHAPTER 5
ardous Locations, (f) Road Safety Education of Children, (g) Driver Training and Test-
ing, (h) Road Safety Publicity Campaigns, (i) Vehicle Road Worthiness & Safety Stand-
ards, (j) Traffic Legislation, (k) Traffic Police & Law Enforcement, (l) Emergency Assis-
tance (m) Road Safety Research & Costing, and (n) Cooperation & Collaboration. Sigua
(2008) said that the qualitative assessment of the 10 ASEAN countries concerning cur-
rent initiatives on how to improve the road traffic safety situation was largely based on
the opinion of several respondents on the questionnaire administered by Consultants of
the Asian Development Bank during workshops held in each respective country. The
lineup of categories or sectors was initially identified based on the ADB Guidelines. Ex-
cept for Singapore and Malaysia, almost all the countries lack activities in each sector that
would help improve road safety.
41 ONEISS is the Online National Electronic Injury Surveillance System which is pub-
lished by the Department of Health of the Philippines with the following entities Na-
tional Epidemiology Center, Information Management Service, National Center for Dis-
ease Prevention and Control, National Center for Health
42 Frame consists of a mental model which becomes a filter through which an issue, topic
or situation is observed, and a research problem is defined. Frame can facilitate under-
standing or confuse an issue, especially when the values behind the perspectives are as-
sumed rather than openly discussed.
43This refers to the comparative qualitative assessment of the 14 (Asian Development
Bank 2005).
44 The use of conventional economistic indicators has been found to have many limita-
tions with dangerous implications. Foremost is how the literature highlight how critical
emphasis must be placed on the principle that safety is a necessity rather than a luxury,
and that currently dominant conventional methods of cost benefit analysis tend to see it
as a luxury.
45Out of the 350 respondents, 123 respondents (35.14%) shared their negative experi-
ences as a commuter or driver in Davao City. This was noted in the survey forms.
46 As defined under the law, public spaces include “streets and alleys, public parks,
schools, buildings, malls, bars, restaurants, transportation terminals, public markets,
spaces used as evacuation centers, government offices, public utility vehicles as well as
private vehicles covered by app-based transport network services and other recreational
spaces such as, but not limited to, cinema halls, theaters and spas…”
47 Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transperson, queer, intersex, asexual, and others.
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Transport Justice, Gender, Class,
6 Age and Disability
d Gender
The past two decades have seen significant developments in transport and
transport planning, foremost of which is the shift from motorization and
facilitating people’s access to motorized vehicles to a broader perspective
on transport that highlights people’s mobility, whether through motorized
or non-motorized modes, and the extent which this process of movement
facilitates personal empowerment and local and national development.
People move in public spaces for various reasons: for learning, livelihood
and employment, and recreation; to access goods and services; or to assert
their rights.
Transportation is more than just a technological concern; what is cen-
tral are people’s aspirations which are also intertwined with a country’s
development goals. When transport is grounded on people’s experiences,
it becomes more nuanced and responsive to their needs. This in turn has
implications on how the idea of transport and development is envisioned
and implemented, that is, not primarily considering “First World” techno-
cratic standards but rather one which is contextualized in the user’s reali-
ties – their geo-political location, resources, capabilities, and their way of
life.
This shift is yet to gain traction in many contexts, and even when it did,
it has not automatically translated to better conditions and modes of mo-
bility in public spaces for certain groups, particularly those already mar-
ginalized on the basis of their gender, socio-economic class, ethnicity, age,
geographic location, and (dis)abilities, among others. To ask which
groups’ experiences and perspectives in transport planning are considered
or given most weight is still relevant, and transport justice is concerned
about this. Transport justice, as expounded in this study, highlights (1) the
concrete reality of unequal distribution of transport resources, such as safe
modes of transportation, public infrastructure, as well as real options for
transport which considers factors such as the users’ financial and cultural
143
569732-L-bw-Rivera
144 Transport Justice, Gender, Class, Age and Disability
context; (2) the inequality of representation, if not invisibility, of certain

transport users, in the discourse of transportation, which is often tied to
the other forms of discrimination that these groups face; and (3) the cul-
tural and structural barriers to recognize the needs of these groups and
therefore the importance to engage these groups. Transport justice, at its
core, is about inclusivity in development. Transport justice seeks to inte-
grate the various experiences of users so that transport modes, infrastruc-
ture and systems are responsive to their needs at the personal leve and to
addressing the gaps in transport planning and implementation at the
macro level.
Women are one of the most invisible groups in transport, owing to its
largely technological and male-oriented framing that is, transport as mo-
torization and infrastructure facilitating motorized transportation. This is
true even when women participate in transport studies because frame-
works employed by these studies often assume “gender neutrality” thus
de-contextualizing the use and appreciation of transport by women and
conflating it with those by men. Worldwide, transportation issues are of-
ten perceived from the male experience: Men are comprising the majority
of motorized vehicle owners and drivers, and most at-risk of being vic-
timized in vehicular crashes. However, when a gendered perspective is ap-
plied and the interface of transport and mobility in a public space is broad-
ened beyond motorization, women’s realities surface: distance, time and
effort spent to perform (gendered) productive and caring tasks vis-à-vis
access to transportation; women’s use of non-motorized and unregulated
public transport; and personal security as pedestrians in the male-domi-
nated public space. This “public space” is not just a neutral physical area
where movement takes place; it is also defined by social and cultural fac-
tors and relationships played out in that area: How are women viewed and
how should they navigate the space? And how are children and the elderly
considered in transport systems? Just as independent, autonomous indi-
viduals or also as people with special needs? And what about those with
disabilities? In addition, social class matters, as I have demonstrated in this
thesis. Low-income city dwellers do not necessarily have less transport
needs than high-income people, but are limited in their options for means
of transport, safety and security, and travel time. A second critical idea in
the concept of public space in transport is the visibility, representation and
direct participation in transport planning and decision-making arenas of
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145 CHAPTER 6
women, young and old, lower-class persons, the disabled and ethnic mi-
norities, especially those formally vested with authority to shape systems
for movement in physical areas, and the transport discourse itself.
Figure 34
Key Concepts Review
The study’s framework on transport justice, intersecting with gender

justice, taken as intersectional, builds on three concepts: redistribution,
representation, and recognition.
6.1 Main Empirical Findings: Interface of Transport

Planning and Gender
6.1.1 Redistribution: Experience of Transport with a Gender

Lens and Intersectionality
The current tide of the development discourse is focused on Redistribu-
tion. Yet this is only one part of Transport Justice. As the dominant dis-
course praises motorization and infrastructure, the patterns of women’s
experiences are left invisible and absent.
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Five important findings about gender equality, affordability and acces-

sibility of transport resources unfolded in the study.
● Authorized and unauthorized transport are available in the city.
● More low-income users take unauthorized modes of transport
compared to higher income users
● Women spend more time in travel, have more trip legs and lower
income women spend more of their income on transport than
men.
● More women take a combination of different transport modes, in-
cluding walking, which entails less expense in terms of money
spent, compared to men who take expensive but direct modes of
transport.
● Even though women’s incomes are on average lower than men’s
more women take authorized transport modes than men.
Multimodality reflects Davao City transport modes. There are more
than a dozen intra-city land transport modes found in several legal and
“illegal” sites serving as terminals. This study chose to consider the modes
of transport in Davao City in terms of “authorized” or “non-authorized”
public transport modes. The various modes of transport used by its citi-
zens may be categorized into five types. (1) walking, (2) pedal powered
non-motorized transport, (3) unauthorized public transport (4) authorized
public transport, and (5) private motorized transport.
Results of the study revealed that on each trip a person makes, she or
he utilizes various combinations of transport modes ranging from zero
(walking) to twelve modes in a single journey. For each trip, a person has
different transport roles — as pedestrian, passenger in a vehicle or driver
of the vehicle. The study confirms the dynamics of the multi-modality of
transport in Davao City, the diverse conditions in which women travel,
and their gendered roles and socio-economic status.
Most of those who travel for less than an hour are lower income males
while most of those who travel for more than 1.5 hours are females. Re-
lated to this statistic, it was observed that it is not always the distance from
the point of origin to destination that determines the time needed to com-
mute. Several factors such as the route of the public utility vehicle, traffic,
number of transport mode transfers, and the time of travel are considered.
To illustrate, consider the experience of Mary Ann who spends 45 minutes
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147 CHAPTER 6
to reach school from her house, although the school is only two kilometers
away. She leaves her house at 4:00PM to attend her night classes, which
end at 8:00PM. Mary Ann’s commute is only 15 minutes less of Julienne’s
travel time to her work. Julienne, a nurse whose workplace is around 10
kilometers away from her house, works from 3:00PM to 11:00PM.
People in the lower income groups have fewer trip legs (2-4) compared
to the higher income groups with males having more trip legs than fe-
males. On the other hand, people in the higher income groups take more
trip legs (8 or more) with females having slightly more trips than males.
Around 40 per cent of those whose travel cost is less than 10 per cent of
their income belong to the higher income female group. Around 67 per
cent of the higher income females have travel costs that are less than 10
per cent of their income. Similarly, the majority of the higher income
males and lower income females have travel costs of less than 10 per cent
of their income (45% and 37% respectively). There are 28 per cent of the
lower income males who have no travel cost while 27 per cent have travel
cost less than 10 per cent of their income.
In my research, travel cost as a percentage of income reveals some in-
sights. On the average, the lower income male and female groups have
shorter travel time and less number of trip legs in their journey to and
from their workplace. However, the relative cost of their transportation
to their income is higher. There are those who spend upwards of more
than 20 per cent of their income on transport costs while most lower in-
come earners’ transport expenses make up less than 10 per cent of their
income. There are more people in the lower income groups whose travel
cost is more than 20 per cent of their income than people in the higher
income groups. Slightly more lower income women than lower income
men spend more than 20 per cent of their income on transportation. Pos-
sible explanations for this trend may be attributed to (1) lower income
women’s travel route entails more switches of transport modes, and (2)
they stop at more places on a single trip. Interviews with women also show
that their reproductive tasks also entail bringing their children along in
some parts of their trips, thus doubling the travel cost.
Within groupings according to gender and income, it is observed that
in the lower income group, there is an almost equal percentage of women
who make no trips at all (meaning they walk to their workplace), and
women who have 2 or more trip legs en route to their workplace on a
single trip. On the other hand, the greater percentage of higher income
569732-L-bw-Rivera
women have 4-5 trip legs in the same circumstances, which indicates their
commute is multi-modal. This may be explained by the distance of their
point of origin (home) from their workplace: higher income women tend
to live farther from their workplaces (e.g., in suburbs, where real estate
prices are lower). The use of multi-modal transportation necessarily im-
plies walking short distances to access the next ride, although this element
of commute is not captured in the data. The same pattern is observed
when the surveyed population is disaggregated according to income.
The above findings indicate the possibility of differential impacts
among various groups of the affected public regarding the provision of
transport in an urban setting. This study investigated how particular seg-
ments of the commuting public, specifically low-income groups, and
women, are affected by the arrangements that arise, either authorized or
unauthorized, to meet their mobility and accessibility needs.
These differential impacts tend to vary the benefits of public policy and
spending on transport on the different groups considered in this study,
specifically across income groups and different genders. That is, while the
overall level of public welfare may increase as a result of greater public
spending in the public good of transport, the net welfare benefits may vary
from one group to another and are not uniformly enjoyed. Such results do
not conform to the precepts of a just and equal sharing of benefits by all.
Planners and policy makers in transport should consider these points
when designing transport interventions.
The study confirms the gender division of labor in households which
influences the behavior of low-income female users, and their choices of
means of paid services in public transport available to them. ‘Paid services
in Public transport’ in the study makes clear the local meanings (rather
than meaning subsidized transport), in that the term means ‘paid services
in transport on public roads,’ which can either be authorized or non-au-
thorized.
Across income groups, women spend more time in travel and have
more trip legs. Low-income women spend more on transport than low-
income men. Men have shorter travel times and have slightly less trip legs
in their daily journeys than women yet spend relatively more of their in-
come on travel than women do. Men tend to take more expensive modes
of transport (such as taxis) to save on time but having to spend more for
the privilege. Women, on the other hand, may be more conscious of the
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149 CHAPTER 6
money cost of transport. An observable gender difference is the propen-

sity of women to combine a set of activities relating to their range of
household tasks with the overall structure of their journey. Men of differ-
ent income groups are more likely to take a single purpose unaccompanied
trip. Likewise, more women of different income groups take a combina-
tion of different transport modes, including walking which is cheaper in
terms of cost. Men of different income groups take modes of transport
which get them more directly to their destination.
Examining the travel behavior of the different income groups does
not add any new information. Findings confirm that commuters are
mostly pedestrians and passengers rather than drivers of private vehicles.
Both men and women are predominantly pedestrians and public transport
passengers, with very few driving their own private vehicles. It used to be
the case that drivers of motor vehicles were predominantly males, but this
role is more and more becoming the domain of women as well, but it is
difficult to say from the empirical data how significant this has become in
Davao City.
In terms of mode of transport, it appears that women walk more than
men. Also, more women than men tend to take authorized public
transport. There are several factors for this: security, safety, comfort, and
others, that tend to be important for women but not so much for men.
This illustrates the importance of considering public space as gendered.
Very few men or women take non-motorized transport for their daily
commutes to work. There is little encouragement given to the walking
mode and there is evidence that the road itself is the only usable path of
people. The concerns of walking with motorized traffic is well noted,
which takes us to the findings on security and safety.
6.1.2 Recognition: Identity and Social Relation

One distinct contribution of the integration of a gendered perspective in
transport justice is its emphasis on the concept of personal security, along-
side provision of transport facilities and services. A gendered perspective
looks into the interaction of women within the public space, whether this
interaction is between women and the modes of transport (e.g., motorized
versus non-motorized, government regulated or not, private or public ve-
hicles, walking), women and transport or mobility related infrastructure
(e.g., roads, sidewalks, transport terminals, footbridges), or women and
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other road users. Transport is intricately linked to mobility as well as fac-

tors affecting or may affect women’s choices to engage or not public
spaces for work, education, and other activities integral to developing
one’s capabilities and growth.
An insight of the study relates to the recognition of the combinations
of identities of people in the city and treating these intersectionalities as
important factors in designing and planning interventions. Once the dif-
ferential implications on the diverse identities of people surface, a perspec-
tive on transport becomes more inclusive.
Four important findings about gender as an identity and social relations
unfolded in the study.
● The current transport discourse in relation to user’s needs, as evi-
denced by transport policy and monitoring, is limited to road
safety, specifically traffic and vehicular crashes.
● There is no available gender-disaggregated data on traffic crashes
with regard to victims and transport roles.
● More women than men feel vulnerable to personal attacks in pub-
lic transport because of their gender, e.g., sexual harassment, and
unlighted streets
● More men than women feel more stressed by factors which are
not linked to gender in transport e.g., bad roads and reckless driv-
ers.
The study showed in more detail the data on road deaths alongside the
countries’ income classification and number of registered vehicles in the
context of Southeast Asia. On the trends in the international scene, high
income countries (Singapore and Brunei Darussalam) have the lowest rate
of road traffic deaths, while the highest are found in middle income coun-
tries, particularly in the upper middle-income countries. Regardless of the
income classification of the country, majority of these deaths involved
drivers or passengers of motorized 3 and 2-wheeled vehicles which are
popular in the Southeast Asian region.
The WHO data is not disaggregated by gender, or other demographic
information on the victims. Even available literature on smaller scale re-
search samples only provides a glimpse on the gender dimension of the
transport environment. During the conduct of the fieldwork highlighting
the ethical dimension of discussions on road safety, most of this cutting-
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151 CHAPTER 6
edge work were still dealing with aggregate data sets. The gender, age and
location factors of the preceding work has not been investigated as yet.
An analysis of research investments worldwide on the burden of dis-
ease for several conditions showed that road traffic injuries have been
found to be severely underfunded for research investments compared
with other health issues such as infectious diseases. The World Bank
(2002:67) traces the policy neglect of transport to the lack of reliable evi-
dence describing the dimensions and extent of transport safety. Available
urban transport safety and security data, according to this report, is likely
to be biased due to factors such as the reduced ability of low wage earners
who are often women, to afford hospital treatment (ibid: 67). In LMICs,
the current lack of management capacity for enforcing standards of road
safety presents a difficult challenge. A clearly defined results focus is often
absent, coordination arrangements are ineffective, supporting legislation
is weak, funding is insufficient, promotional efforts are poorly targeted,
mandates are ill-developed, and knowledge transfer is limited (Bliss &
Breen, 2011).
The lack of data to assess the actual extent of the burden highlights
that much remains to be done to investigate the potential solutions (Con-
stant & Lagarde, 2010: 101). The absence of research on road crashes is
important not only because it makes the issue invisible and minimizes how
serious the problem is, but it hinders the search for and selection of ap-
propriate remedies. (World Bank, 2002). There are few locality studies on
VRUs, much less exploring the intersections of road safety and gender.
The studies of Campbelletal (2004) and Rosen and Sander (2009) forwards
that men, more than women, are likely to be victims of road fatalities as
pedestrians, attributing this to their higher risk-taking behaviors, and ex-
posure to vehicles with high impact speed. Elruetal (2008) found that men
who are 60 years old and above are also more likely to be killed in road
crashes than women of the same age group. A case study in Mexico also
found that girls under 5 years old and women above 50 years old have a
higher risk of dying in motor vehicle-pedestrian collisions. Overall,
though, the mortality rates of males in vehicular crashes as pedestrians are
much higher than females (10.6 per thousand for males, compared to 4.0
per thousand for females) (Hijaretal, 2001). The review of literature reveals
mostly macro level analysis of longitudinal statistics, limited to a laborious
collection of large amounts of quantitative, empirical data, and thereby
contributing to lack of information of the unique context and conditions
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existing in a specific place as well as the socio-demographic characteristics

of those affected. In the Philippines, Verzosa and Miles (2016) noted that
before 2008, age and sex-disaggregated data was not always available on
road crash statistics from the Metro Manila Accident Reporting and Anal-
ysis System (MMARAS). Nevertheless, available data showed the follow-
ing: fatalities are higher when it involves heavy and multiple motorized
vehicles and elderly pedestrians (60 years old and above) as well as those
occurring in the evening (7pm to midnight) and late at night (1am-5am),
most of the fatal road crashes occur in high-speed, high-traffic volume
and multi-lane roads. Generating and using these data, according to the
researchers, would greatly enhance policy and planning on road safety,
particularly for the vulnerable pedestrians.
There are also few accounts of a consideration of the reality of per-
sonal tragedy at the micro level, except for a few journalistic accounts used
in road safety campaigns. Grimm and Trebich (2010:16) recommend more
micro data covering information about road users risk attitude, risk
knowledge and risk exposure to further enrich analysis. Related to this, it
is important to note that it is not enough to take evidence at face value
given that the bulk of current research has not gone beyond lengthy de-
scriptions of situations. Often, this points to a lack of tools to guide read-
ers in further analysis, or to the absence of a guiding theory for interpre-
tation of causality.
Transport research is also limited at the national level. Available na-
tional literature related to transport safety and security in the Philippines
(Viloria, 2000; Sigua, 2005; Lidasan, Espada, and de Leon, 2009) bring to
light research frames48 which focus on (1) aspects of motorization, and (2)
private ownership’s technical understanding of transport and urban plan-
ning with much emphasis on motorization. There is some confusion about
“public transport” as transport afforded by the State with the principle of
equity and “public transport” as licensed private transport for public use.
Except for emphasis on the economic losses of accidents on the road and
the use of some hospital data, available research is silent on the valuable
social dimensions of transport safety and security.
Injuries from vehicular crashes, both fatal and non-fatal, is also the
leading cause of injury by external causes in the country from 2013 to 2018
based on the last quarter data from the Online National Electronic Injury
Surveillance System (ONEISS). An alarming note to the recent available
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153 CHAPTER 6
national data is that pedestrians are even listed high on the transport re-
lated injuries list by type of vehicle, next to that of motorcycles, confirming
global data cited earlier on the situation of pedestrians in low and middle-
income countries. The national report does not indicate the gender of pe-
destrians affected; thus, it is difficult to establish links between gender and
road safety and security in the Philippines. It is possible, though, to draw
on the findings of other studies on global and regional experience
transport, although these are not conclusive. While some studies point to
the higher vulnerability of male pedestrians compared to females (Durak,
Fedakar, Tu¨ rkmen, Akgo¨ z, & Baduro˘glu, 2008; Goren, Subasi, Gur-
kan, Tirasci, & Acar, 2005; Tom & Granie, 2011), which is attributed to
the males’ higher risk taking attitudes and likelihood to violate pedestrian
rules, other studies found no correlation between gender and risk for
transport-related injury (Dandona, Kumar, Ameer, Ahmed, & Dandona,
2008; Moe, 2008; Ibrahim, Day, Hirshon, & El-Seouhy, 2012). Stoker et
al. (2015) observed that gender can influence pedestrian risk, particularly,
the performance of gender roles in the public sphere. Drawing from their
literature review, they pointed out that women as a group walk more than
men in the 45 poorest countries in the world in relation to their housework
or reproductive tasks (e.g., carrying water, buying food). The longer time
spent by women on the road, often carrying heavy loads and often, also
children, puts them at higher risk for road injuries. However, Stoker et al.
also qualified that this needs to be explored further, and more research is
needed on gender and transport in low-income countries.
The key points about Recognition in Transport justice are first, there
is a relationship between income level and road traffic injuries which is
revealed in data from cross-cultural studies across various countries which
use level of national income as basis for comparison. Explicit ethical con-
cerns on safe transport reflect that these have affected differences in the
level of fatalities in the various countries with different level of incomes
and different expression of ethics of their policies. It is safe to conclude
that having resources is not a sufficient condition for transport security
and safety. Explicit ethical considerations in national policy are a signifi-
cant factor which influence people’s safety and security in their transport
environment.
Secondly, gender dimensions of transport environment are beginning
to gain public attention all over the world. While the data is insufficient to
draw general conclusions, there are already specific gender-features which
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can be observed. These include mixed modality, i.e., walking and the use
of public transport is found to be more common among women therefore
assessing transport accidents cannot be restricted to the use of motorized
vehicles alone. It is also crucial to look closely and carefully into the
transport environment in which motorized vehicles are being handled as
well as the individuals behind the wheels. This way, the ground is set for
raising the validity of the “gender structure of the transport environment.”
The local level picture of the study in focusing on the realities of Davao
City where primary data was gathered, offered new ideas on how transport
planning based on a new understanding of social equity as equal distribu-
tion of a “safe space” for transport users in spatial planning may help ad-
vance the goal of transport justice. Findings from the random sample sur-
vey in Davao City show that, ironically, the majority of the respondents
from both genders did not consider their travel to and from work as dan-
gerous at all. In other words, unsafe transport standards seem to have been
accepted as a way of life. Nevertheless, when asked about the actual safety-
related conditions experienced by people in the three districts of the city,
86.8 per cent of all respondents considered sidewalks to be a very im-
portant means of avoiding traffic accidents.
Unlike the survey, the in-depth interviews of the subsample capture
this invisible nuance related to security. The example of the daily experi-
ences of Julienine, 24 years old, who spends an hour commuting using
authorized public transport modes, such as the jeepney and the multicab,
to reach her workplace which is Davao Doctor’s Hospital in District 1
located less than 10 kilometers away from her home in Nova Tierra,
Lanang. Julienine shares her experiences as a public commuter on matters
of security: “During one jeepney ride to work, another passenger pointed
a gun at me and demanded for my cellphone. Nobody inside the jeepney
dared to stop him because he had a gun.” After this experience, Julienne
fears traveling at night. She also feels stressed about commuting with reck-
less drivers on the wheel, especially at night.
The survey results show that security and safety are the highest concern
of both male and female respondents compared to values related to price,
time use and comfort. Safety encompasses several specific elements which
were indicated to be the most valued by both female and male respond-
ents. Of all seven elements under the safety category, female respondents
indicated highest rating of “Zebra crossings for pedestrians” and “Safe
public transportation—brakes, lights and machine condition.” For male
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155 CHAPTER 6
respondents, “safe public transportation—brakes, lights and machine

condition ranked the highest, followed closely by “Safe driving of public
transport drivers”.
Security is the highest of all the transport concerns of almost all re-
spondents, regardless of gender, compared to other transport related con-
cerns of price, time use and comfort. Both genders also ranked price lower
compared to safety and security. Comfort, compared to safety, ranked
higher among males. The lowest ranked concern compared to safety and
security – for both males and females – is time use. A study of seat choice,
front or back, of solo taxi passengers found that a significantly greater
number of men than women sat next to the driver in large urban areas,
but that no sex difference in front-seat choice appeared in smaller com-
munities. Very few women taxi drivers were observed. (Watson &
Kearins, 1988) The data were interpreted in terms of sex differences in
feelings of security, with solo women commuters feeling more vulnerable
than men, particularly in large cities.
A relevant set of questions has emerged from the findings which scru-
tinize: who is harmed by traffic accidents or how are traffic accidents so-
cially distributed; what are the main mechanisms and consequences from
the perspective of transport justice? There is no official data in the
transport policy documents of Davao City to ascertain facts about the type
of people harmed by the record of traffic accidents. Police records of ac-
cidents were not woven in planning decisions of the short, medium and
long-range transport documents studied. Nevertheless, information of
this research culled from the medical records and emergency logbooks of
one centrally located hospital may pressure more systematic research in
the future to stress the urgent need of the importance of transport safety
in the lives of people in the city.
As with the survey of their beliefs and values, the responses are the
same: the experience of traffic, non-availability of public transport at cer-
tain hours and in certain areas, reckless and rude drivers and overcrowded
public transport are experiences not unique to women or to men. How-
ever, a closer look at the responses also revealed that females, more than
males, feel more vulnerable or threatened by acts of violence directed at
their gender, that is, sexual harassment. Sexual harassment is dispropor-
tionately experienced by females than males. This refers mostly to physical
(e.g., touching, being pinched in the buttocks) and verbal (e.g. catcalls)
forms. A form of sexual harassment particular to females is being targeted
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by flashers (men who show their genitals in public places and take pleasure
in the shocked reactions of their audience) in public transport. One
woman also narrated being mistaken by a foreigner as a prostitute woman.
The woman was able to stop his harassment by brandishing a knife which
she carries for protection (because she often leaves the house for work at
dawn). Another woman also reported carrying a small knife wherever she
goes because of a traumatic experience she had when she was only 10
years old and was almost raped by the driver of the jeepney she took to
go home.
Sexual violence is an underlying fear when women report feeling un-
easy traveling late in night, passing through areas deemed unsafe or noto-
rious for violence (both when riding a public vehicle or walking), and non-
lighted streets. The presence of neighborhood gangs in streets leading to
their houses was also linked to sexual harassment. Apart from the concern
of having their pockets or bags picked, women are also concerned about
being sexually harassed when in overcrowded vehicles or jostling with
other people to get a ride.
Focus on recognition as an element of transport justice has shown ma-
jor progress in transport research globally and the importance of under-
standing “equity” in transport not just from the perspective of access, but
also from the perspective of the social distribution of crashes among cer-
tain groups of vulnerable users as an indicator of bias in transport plan-
ning. Large studies on urban transport crashes (WHO, 2009; WHO, 2018)
are useful in revealing that they do not happen only due to human behav-
iour, but are also related to spatial planning or lack thereof. Country-based
studies reveal a clearer set of dynamics such as identifying the vulnerable
locations, the types of accidents, types of persons involved as the basis for
road safety designs.
Attention to the local politics of spatial planning, socially embedded in
layers of local power relations, is needed to expose the mechanisms of
framing “transport safety” as a condition, the inclusion and exclusion of
aspects of “vulnerability” among users. Beyond the goal of reducing acci-
dents and injuries, which incur economic and social costs to individuals
and their families, standards of transport justice should be embedded in
spatial planning at the community level. Beyond the notion of safety as a
set of technical issues, there is a wide range of subjective meanings that
are locally specific and may have further implications for movement in the
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157 CHAPTER 6
city as a key aspect in social participation. Hence, the public space is not
only tangible but also intangible and both appear to be gendered.
What is surprising about the results of my study that while data gather-
ing was done a decade ago, the situation has hardly changed in the mean-
time. There have been improvements in that the discourse on road safety
is gaining momentum in the Philippines, as opposed to the transport sec-
tor where the discourse is still restricted to traffic issues. Gender perspec-
tives are still absent. This context makes this study even more relevant as
it comes at this junction.
6.1.3 Representation: Voice and Participation in formal spaces

of decision-making
Two major findings of the research concerning imprints of the needs of
people in the city on transport policy and plans are:
● Transport policies and planning is infrastructure- and vehicle-ori-
ented (instead of user-oriented), and male-dominated.
● Gendered realities are not considered in transport planning.
The research presented original local knowledge and analyzed these
along the lines of gender, pointing out how gendered knowledge on
transport is critical in addressing access of women to transport. The re-
search put much emphasis on how women are unable to participate in
transport planning. The study gave voice and visibility to diverse experi-
ences. Experiences can only be captured meaningfully with an openness
for interdisciplinary approaches; thus, we talk about methodology—as
contextualized. Counting people and taking all people into account. If not,
we will be taking away the recognition and representation—components
of transport justice. And we are not even talking about gender yet.
Representation as a concept captures the practice of people’s partici-
pation, showing how the principles of democracy and the cultures of free-
doms and rights work in the real world. Three Vs of voices, visibility and
votes reflect how people are present in decision making. The research
showed that expecting critical participation and consciousness on
transport about gender has only begun. Evidence about difference and
equality in the city planning processes is still thin. In the research, the gen-
der factor in city planning has limited application beyond gender-disaggre-
gation of demographic and socio-economic data, and traditional areas of
concern such as health, crimes (e.g. violence against women), and family
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welfare. In other fields than those traditionally associated with women’s

activities, such as health care and childcare, gender is clearly absent as a
factor in planning. This is evidenced by the silence of the Comprehensive
Development Plan (CDP) of Davao City on gender and gender equality
goals in the light of transport planning, even as it forwards social equity as
an overarching framework.
While transport is central to people’s actual life circumstances, top-
down decision making based on a ‘generic’ definition of ‘transport’, ‘af-
fordability’ and ‘safety’ comes into conflict with daily life experiences of
users. Transport policy and planning documents in Davao City have not
utilized any data about people’s experiences with the city’s transport sys-
tem, much less viewed these from gendered lenses.
The diverse situations of women are invisible and have not been
brought to the negotiating table of making transport more equitable to
various types of users. I found that women themselves feel excluded from
the decision-making processes, but they do not assert their place in the
table, so to speak. Could it be that they themselves lack or have limited
grasp of the gendered dimensions of transportation and mobility in public
spaces, thus could not articulate more solid arguments? Their articulations
are mostly class based and related to access issues, but they tend not to be
really gender-differentiated.
6.2 Theoretical Reflections and Contributions to the

Literature
The Operational Dimension of transport includes (1) the relationship be-
tween technology and transport (2) the relationship between transport and
society and (3) the socio-economic, cultural dimensions of accessibility,
affordability and safety. Gender cuts through all three.
The preceding sections attempted to define the interconnection of
transport technology, gender, class, society, and development. Technology
as a concept is a relevant multiverse starting point for a theoretical reflec-
tion on transport. In the course of history, we are witnessing that technol-
ogy is changing the world and people’s lives dramatically. Unfortunately,
these changes have not always brought positive changes, for women, the
elderly and lower income groups. Technology, being value-laden, embod-
ies the prevailing system of the society. This then reinforces and can even
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159 CHAPTER 6
exacerbate the oppression of women’s experience. Despite the good in-

tentions, if not critically planned and implemented, most technologies will
not be able to deliver towards people’s development. It will remain to be
an instrument to impose further power to the already powerless (Stamp,
1989). This research clearly illustrates how technology is gendered:
Women and the poor and elderly are consumers of technology instead of
being active participants in designing and developing new systems of tech-
nology. As Wendy Faulkner mentioned, more women are in the receiving
end of technology, instead of directly involved in creating it (Faulkner,
2001). Wajcman (2010) also noted of the shift of feminist analyses to ex-
amining the processes of development and utilization of technology from
its earlier focus on women’s access to technology. Faulkner (2001) sug-
gested for women to organize as technology consumers as a tactic in push-
ing through reforms in various women’s issues and concerns. This may
also be true for the elderly, low-income groups, disabled persons, etc.
Our childhood education taught us that technology is an applied sci-
ence. This is not a false statement. However, it does not give justice to the
complexity of technology as a concept. Technology could be something
we can touch, an artifact; a process and a system in itself; or a complex
socio-technical system. Whichever form it takes, what is evident is that
there is the dialectical nature of technology, which should take center stage
to initiate deeper inquiry. Our appreciation in this research is that
transport technology is taking a part in shaping society and at the same
time it also being shaped by the society. Technology does not exist in a
vacuum and that society and the existing relations in a society are crucial
when we talk about technology. It is for this reason that gender blindness
of transport systems and planning need to be reconsidered from a socially
inclusive as well as gender perspective, and most importantly, their inter-
sections. This study has provided conceptual tools and has urged to fill
data gaps, which may be useful for the transformation of urban transport
in low- and medium-income countries that serves society in a more just
manner. It is for this reason that gender blindness of transport systems
and planning need to be reconsidered from a socially inclusive as well as
gender perspective. My study has provided the conceptual tools and has
urged to fill data gaps, which may be useful for the transformation of ur-
ban transport in low- and medium-income countries that serves society in
a more just manner.
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Figure 35
Key Empirical Insights
6.3 Future Research

The study is a foray into an area of gender studies and transport studies
yet to be fully explored, proof that there is wide arena to design studies,
to look into other research questions, and guidelines and indicators so as
to enhance existing ‘indicators and tools as it is best to have mechanisms
in place to be measurable in real life. This leads to initiatives to deepen
research questions.
The limitations of the study of covering women versus men and the
intersections of gender with class/income could be expanded in the fu-
ture. As only Davao City is covered, the methodology used has potential
for replication in similar cities and regions, as well as to inform studies in
rural areas. The methodology of the study and its feminist orientation can
569732-L-bw-Rivera
161 CHAPTER 6
also inform studies from the standpoint of other vulnerable groups such
as persons with disabilities and the elderly. Although the data is collected
from only one city, Davao City is the largest in the country, lessons may
be learned from other cities as well.
The findings of my study confirm available material in a recent volume
of work which emphasizes the need to make the invisible social issues
more visible in transport planning (Pereira, forthcoming 2021)49. The au-
thors recognize that social issues are not new. Equity (Pereira et al, 2017
in Pereira, 2021:1), democracy (Enright 2019 in Pereira, 2021:3) and di-
versity, (Bullard 2004; Sanchez et al 2007; Rothstein 2017 in Pereira,
2021:3) has been raised as far back as six decades ago. My study is a con-
tribution along this direction, with fresh empirical data on this invisible
theme of equity, democracy, and diversity I have been able to trailblaze
research with a more focused gender lens, using mixed methods which is
thin in transport planning research. Moreover, my research in only one
country signals that it is time for local governments, academic institutions
and governance bodies in the Global South to embark on serious research
on Transport Justice and Gender to guide the direction of their planning
decisions.
What are my new insights? What should be part of future research?
Future research on gender and transport should address questions like:
How can transport planning address different needs of diverse women?
How can we design inclusive transport which would consider sustainable
and fair subsidies for low-income transport users? How can we attain
transport justice through intersectionality of transport users: through the
incorporation of the needs of different income groups of men and
women.
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Appendices
Appendix 1
Random Sample Survey Instrument
162
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163 AppendiceS
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164 GENDER AND TRANSPORT JUSTICE IN DAVAO CITY, PHILIPPINES
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165 AppendiceS
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167 AppendiceS
Appendix 2
Subsample Instrument
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169 AppendiceS
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171 AppendiceS
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173 AppendiceS
Mga napansin sa panahon na ito, Palagay ninyo sa pagbabago:

mga Pagbabago atbp positibo o Negatibo? Iba pang
masasabi
2000s--------
1990s--------
1980s
1970s
1960s
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1.1.3 CONSTRAINTS TO MOBILITY

Meron ba po kayong karanasan (puwede sa nakaraan or sa kasalukuyan)
….gaya ng lugar na kailangan ninyong puntahan o mahalagang puntahan
o gusto ninyo puntahan na lugar……. ngunit di kayo nakakapunta sa lu-
gar na ito? Kaugnay ng transportasyon …..Ano ang mga pangyayaring
ito? Bakit hindi kayo nakapunta o nakakarating sa dapat ninyong pun-
tahan? (Pakuwento mo sa respondent ang insidenteng o mga pangyayar-
ing ito)
Meron po ba kayong maibabahagi bae sa iyong karanasan, tungkol sa

situwasyon o mga problema sa sistema/infrastructure/services ng trans-
portasyon sa lugar ninyo . (Sa district niya. Sa pagpunta sa mga kelangan
niyang puntahan, atbp.)
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175 AppendiceS
Section 2: CAPABILITIES
2.1.1 MGA GAWAIN SA BAHAY:

Household Size________ (get from RSS)
Sa ordinaryong araw, sino ang gumagawa ng trabaho sa bahay? (take note
of the names on the list in the RSS of the SS respondent) Sa mga trabaho
sa bahay , ilan oras at sino ang gumagawa?
2.1.2 ACCESS AND CONTROL

Anu-ano ang mga sasakyan ng pamilya/HH ninyo? (see RSS to review)
Sino ang may ari nito? Sino ang gumastos para sa mga sasakyan na ito?
Sino ang gumagamit nito?
SASAKYAN SINO ANG SINO ANG MAY- SINO ANG

GUMASTOS ARI MADALAS
GUMAGAMIT
Sa loob ng inyong pamilya/HH, ano ang proceso ng pagdedesisyon na

may kinalaman sa transportasyon ? (halimbawa, gastos, paggamit ng sasa-
kyan, atbp)
Ito ba ay pinaguusapan? Sino ang gumawa ng desisyon tungkol sa mga

bagay na may kinalaman sa transportasyon, gaya ng gastos, atbp?
Halimbawa, kung may sasakyan ang pamilya/HH….yung paggamit ng
sasakyan, sino ay gumagamit nito?
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Pagdating sa mga desisyon ukol sa pagbyahe or transportasyon sa loob

ng inyong HH/pamilya, sino ang may pangunahing desisyon? Sino yung
nasusunod kung may pagkakaiba ng pangangailangan? (conflict—who is
given priority). Halimbawa, tungkol sa gastos na may kaugnayan sa trasn-
portasyon.
Meron po ba kayong karanasan maging kasama sa isang proceso/ sa

meeting/ ng pagkokonsulta or pag uusap sa pagdesisyon tungkol sa
trasnportasyon sa lugar ninyo.
Halimbawa: yung pagdesisyon sa kung saan itatayo ang isang building
gaya ng health center. O ang baranagay hall. O yung simbahan. O yung
building sa serbisyo para sa mga tao sa barangay.
Kung oo, pwede po ba ninyo ikuwento ang karanasan ninyo sa ganitong

proceso.
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177 AppendiceS
1. DIMENSIONS OF VALUE
(note: medyo sensitive/seriosong tanong ito kaya kelangan umabot ka sa isang
malalim na paguusap ng iyong respondent dito)
Anu-ano ang inyong mga mithiin? Para sa inyo, ano ba ang ibig sabihin
ng “maaliwalas o magandang buhay/ good life.” Ano po ang minimithi
ninyo sa buhay?
(puwede ito pangyayari, bagay, gamit, atbp. Ilista ang mga sa tingin ng re-
spondent ay mahalaga para sa kanya)
Nakakatulong ba o nakakasagabal ba ang sistema ng transportasyon sa

pag-abot ninyo ng iyong mga mithiin?
Ano ang pinakamaayos/magandang paraan upang masali sa proseso

pagdedesisyon tungkol sa transportasyon sa lunsod ng Dabaw ang
pangkaraniwang tao?
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569732-L-bw-Rivera
Roselle Leah K. Rivera finished her undergradu-
ate (BA, 1980) and graduate (MA, 1989) degrees in
Sociology at the University of the Philippines Dil-
iman. She defends her dissertation Beyond Access:
Gender and Transport Justice in Davao City Philippines
at the International Institute of Social Studies of
Erasmus University Rotterdam in The Hague, the
Netherlands in December 2021.
She is currently working at the Faculty of the Department of Women
and Development Studies of the College of Social Work and Community
Development, University of the Philippines Diliman where she teaches
graduate courses on Women, Development and Research; Women, Gen-
der and the Environment; and Women, Gender and Technology. She has
worked with various local and global organizations on cross-cutting issues
of Gender for policy and legislative advocacy and has strong experience
in networking with multi stakeholders, i.e., community leaders, govern-
ment officials, international development partners and academics. She has
wide experience in conducting short term evaluation missions, pro-
gramme reviews and strategy formulation.
A feminist at heart, her research and advocacy over the years spans the
range of social development issues. She has been active in education and
organizing work among women workers, peasant mothers, urban and ru-
ral poor, youth leaders and policewomen. She has been working closely
with organizations pushing for the preservation of sound cultural tradi-
tions and in creating spaces to hear the voices of vulnerable populations
of marginalized communities who have been silenced.
Among her recent work are as lead researcher on the initiative Women’s
Right to Safe Public Spaces: a Participatory Study of 6 Cities in Metro Manila, sup-
ported by UN Women, where she worked closely with various local gov-
ernment units to capture relevant and parallel data across various cities in
the National Capital Region, convening and providing a space for diverse
actors of these contexts to ensure more efficient and effective responses
in the communities concerned. In 2021, she serves as National Consultant
for Strategy Development of Violence against women (VAW) Administrative Data
where she works with various government agencies and interagency bod-
ies to collect and analyze data on VAW and migrants; in cooperation with
the academe, women and migrant civil society organizations, labor unions,
209
569732-L-bw-Rivera
and the private sector to improve data management systems to better mi-
grant women’s access to quality legal and social services. She also serves
as Community Engagement Expert for the initiative Digital Health Interven-
tions for Underserved and Under Resourced Communities in the Era of COVID-19.
of the Center for Informatics-University of San Agustin Iloilo, working
closely with various rural communities in the Panay Island in the Philip-
pines.
As an accredited broadcaster of the Kapisanan ng mga Broadkaster sa
Pilipinas (Broadcasting Association of the Philippines), she is Co-Pro-
ducer and Anchor of Sikhay Kilos a weekly radio program in the Public
Service slot of the University radio station, at the DZUP Media Center,
which tackles social development programs, issues and challenges, and
livestreams anywhere in the world.
A Founding Member and Chairperson of the Board of Directors of the
Firefly Brigade, a national organization at the forefront of zero emissions
transport, she is a passionate cyclist who in 1997, did a 3,600-mile trans-
continental bicycle ride, pedaling 100 miles daily for 10 weeks, crossing 13
states in North America and meeting and sharing with communities and
environmental groups on the theme “Sustainable Transportation.” At pre-
sent, she is on the Executive Committee of Partnership for Clean Air, a
member of the Airshed Governing Board convened to promote air quality
management as a multi-stakeholder effort in the Philippines. She is often
invited as resource person on Gender and Transport in various meetings
and conferences in the Philippines and other countries.
569732-L-bw-Rivera

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Beyond Access:

Gender and Transport Justice in Davao City, Philippines

Roselle Leah Kolipano Rivera

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a

Meer dan alleen toegang:

Prof.dr. A.L. Bredenoord

and in accordance with the decision of the Doctorate Board

7 December 2021 at 15.00 hrs

Roselle Leah Kolipano Rivera

Doctoral dissertation supervisor

List of Tables and Figures x

2 Gender Issues in Transport Planning Models 24

2.4.2 Culture and Gender Logic in Transport Planning Conventions 44

4 Redistribution and Representation of Access to

4.5.4 Travel Cost as a Percentage of Income 95

5 Recognition: Safety and Security of Transport Users 111

6 Transport Justice, Gender, Class, Age and Disability 143

7 Using Medical Records at the Davao Doctors Hospital 63

TRRL Transport and Road Research Laboratory

a recipient of their Research award program. Throughout this journey, my

Teva, Moushira Elgeziri, Rose Namara, Mallika Pinnawala – proved oth-

Roselle Leah Kolipano Rivera

Transportation is more than just a technological concern; what is central

perspective of transport justice. The questions raised significant dis-

Keywords: transport justice, gender, gender analysis, multimodal

(voornamelijk vrouwelijke handelaars en arbeiders). ‘Vervoersrechtvaar-

De resultaten wijzen erop dat ongelijke toegang bepalend is voor de

Trefwoorden: vervoersrechtvaardigheid, gender, genderonderzoek,

2012, Vasconcellos 2001) to elucidate how and why particular so-

of the users are related to broader considerations such as the relationship

The usefulness of “transport justice” as a concept is to be found in its

1.2 Placing ‘Urban Transport’ in the ‘Development’ Debate

will be predominantly a developing countries’ affair. In 2008, UN Habitat

Region/Area 1995-2000 2000-2005 2005-2010 2010-2015 1995-2015

World 2.13% 2.27% 2.20% 2.05% 2.16%

High-income .078% 1.00% 1.00% 0.76% 0.88%

Middle-income 2.74% 2.77% 2.61% 2.42% 2.63%

Low-income 3.54% 3.70% 3.70% 3.77% 3.68%

Africa 3.25% 3.42% 3.55% 3.55% 3.44%

Asia 2.79% 3.05% 2.79% 2.50% 2.78%

Latin America and 2.19% 1.76% 1.55% 1.45% 1.74%

Europe 0.10% 0.34% 0.34% 0.33% 0.31%

North America 1.63% 1.15% 1.15% 1.04% 1.24%

Oceania 1.43% 1.49% 1.78% 1.44% 1.53%

Source: UN-HABITAT 2016:7

Source: (Bundesministerium für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und

Figure 2 shows worldwide motorization since 1930. In just 15 years

The practice of unquestionably accommodating motor vehicle growth

The last societal trend which impacts on changing activities on

1.3 Locating Gender in Transport Studies

energy services; (2) workers commute up to four hours a day (including

institutions such as the World Bank, other international development

1.4 Research Objectives and Justification

The aim is to stimulate fresh discussions on how the allocation of scarce

1.5 Epistemological Structure of the Research Design

Feminist scholars have scrutinized inter-subjectivity within research

1.6 A Sociological Approach to Transport

Technical Quantitative Vehicles Individuals Economic

Social Quantitative and People in Individuals Economic