All theories of globalization have been put hereunder in eight categories:

liberalism, political realism, Marxism, constructivism, postmodernism, feminism ,

Trans-formationalism and eclecticism. Each one of them carries several variations.

1. Theory of Liberalism:

Liberalism sees the process of globalisation as market-led extension of

modernisation. At the most elementary level, it is a result of ‘natural’
human desires for economic welfare and political liberty. As such,
transplanetary connectivity is derived from human drives to maximise
material well-being and to exercise basic freedoms. These forces eventually
interlink humanity across the planet.

They fructify in the form of:

(a) Technological advances, particularly in the areas of transport,

communications and information processing, and,

(b) Suitable legal and institutional arrangement to enable markets and

liberal democracy to spread on a trans world scale.Such explanations
come mostly from Business Studies, Economics, International Political
Economy, Law and Politics. Liberalists stress the necessity of
constructing institutional infrastructure to support globalisation. All this
has led to technical standardisation, administrative harmonisation,
trans lation arrangement between languages, laws of contract, and
guarantees of property rights.But its supporters neglect the social forces
that lie behind the creation of technological and institutional
underpinnings. It is not satis fying to attribute these developments to
‘natural’ human drives for economic growth and political liberty. They
are culture blind and tend to overlook historically situated life-worlds
 and knowledge structures which have promoted their emergence.All
people cannot be assumed to be equally amenable to and desirous of
increased globality in their lives. Similarly, they overlook the
phenomenon of power. There are structural power inequalities in
promoting globalisation and shaping its course. Often they do not care
for the entrenched power hierarchies between states, classes, cultures,
sexes, races and resources.

2. Theory of Political Realism:

Advocates of this theory are interested in questions of state power, the

pursuit of national interest, and conflict between states. According to them
states are inherently acquisitive and self-serving, and heading for inevitable
competition of power. Some of the scholars stand for a balance of power,
where any attempt by one state to achieve world dominance is countered
by collective resistance from other states.Another group suggests that a
dominant state can bring stability to world order. The ‘hegemon’ state
(presently the US or G7/8) maintains and defines international rules and
institutions that both advance its own interests and at the same time
contain conflicts between other states. Globalisation has also been
explained as a strategy in the contest for power between several major
states in contem porary world politics.They concentrate on the activities
of Great Britain, China, France, Japan, the USA and some other large
states. Thus, the political realists highlight the issues of power and power
struggles and the role of states in generating global relations.At some
levels, globalisation is considered as antithetical to territorial states. States,
they say, are not equal in globalisation, some being dominant and others
 subordinate in the process. But they fail to understand that everything in
globalisation does not come down to the acquisition, distribution and
exercise of power.Globalisation has also cultural, ecological, economic and
psychological dimensions that are not reducible to power politics. It is also
about the production and consumption of resources, about the discovery
and affir mation of identity, about the construction and communication of
meaning, and about humanity shaping and being shaped by nature. Most
of these are apolitical.Power theorists also neglect the importance and role
of other actors in generating globalisation. These are sub-state authorities,
macro-regional institutions, global agencies, and private-sector bodies.
Additional types of power-relations on lines of class, culture and gender
also affect the course of globalisation. Some other structural inequalities
cannot be adequately explained as an outcome of interstate competition.
After all, class inequality, cultural hierarchy, and patriarchy predate the
modern states.

3. Theory of Marxism:

Marxism is principally concerned with modes of production, social

exploi tation through unjust distribution, and social emancipation through
the transcendence of capitalism. Marx himself anticipated the growth of
globality that ‘capital by its nature drives beyond every spatial barrier to
conquer the whole earth for its market’. Accordingly, to Marxists,
globalisation happens because trans-world connectivity enhances
opportu nities of profit-making and surplus accumulation.Marxists reject
both liberalist and political realist explanations of globalisation. It is the
outcome of historically specific impulses of capitalist development. Its legal
and insti tutional infrastructures serve the logic of surplus accumulation
 of a global scale. Liberal talk of freedom and democracy make up a
legitimating ideology for exploitative global capitalist class relations.The neo
-Marxists in dependency and world-system theories examine capitalist
accumulation on a global scale on lines of core and peripheral countries.
Neo-Gramscians highlight the significance of underclass struggles to resist
globalising capitalism not only by traditional labour unions, but also by new
social movements of consumer advocates, environmentalists, peace
activists, peasants, and women. However, Marxists give an overly restricted
account of power.There are other relations of dominance and subordination
which relate to state, culture, gender, race, sex, and more. Presence of US
hegemony, the West-centric cultural domination, masculinism, racism etc.
are not reducible to class dynamics within capitalism. Class is a key axis
of power in globalisation, but it is not the only one. It is too simplistic to
see globalisation solely as a result of drives for surplus accumulation.It
also seeks to explore identities and investigate meanings. People develop
global weapons and pursue global military campaigns not only for
capitalist ends, but also due to interstate competition and militarist culture
that predate emergence of capitalism. Ideational aspects of social relations
also are not outcome of the modes of production. They have, like
nationalism, their autonomy.

4. Theory of Constructivism:

Globalisation has also arisen because of the way that people have
mentally constructed the social world with particular symbols, language,
images and interpretation. It is the result of particular forms and dynamics
of consciousness. Patterns of production and governance are second-order
structures that derive from deeper cultural and socio-psychological forces.
 Such accounts of globalisation have come from the fields of Anthropology,
Humanities, Media of Studies and Sociology. Constructivists concentrate on
the ways that social actors ‘construct’ their world: both within their own
minds and through inter-subjective communication with others.
Conver sation and symbolic exchanges lead people to construct ideas of
the world, the rules for social interaction, and ways of being and belonging
in that world. Social geography is a mental experience as well as a
physical fact. They form ‘in’ or ‘out’ as well as ‘us’ and they’ groups. They
conceive of themselves as inhabitants of a particular global world. National,
class, religious and other identities respond in part to material conditions
but they also depend on inter-subjective construction and communication
of shared self-understanding. However, when they go too far, they present
a case of social-psychological reductionism ignoring the significance of
economic and ecological forces in shaping mental experience. This theory
neglects issues of structural inequalities and power hierarchies in social
relations. It has a built-in apolitical tendency.

5. Theory of Postmodernism:

Some other ideational perspectives of globalisation highlight the

signifi cance of structural power in the construction of identities, norms
and knowledge. They all are grouped under the label of ‘postmodernism’.
They too, as Michel Foucault does strive to understand society in terms of
knowledge power: power structures shape knowledge. Certain knowledge
structures support certain power hierarchies.The reigning structures of
understanding determine what can and cannot be known in a given socio-
historical context. This dominant structure of knowledge in modern society
is ‘rationalism’. It puts emphasis on the empirical world, the
 subordi nation of nature to human control, objectivist science, and
instrumentalist efficiency. Modern rationalism produces a society
overwhelmed with economic growth, technological control, bureaucratic
organisation, and disciplining desires.This mode of knowledge has
authoritarian and expan sionary logic that leads to a kind of cultural
imperialism subordinating all other epistemologies. It does not focus on
the problem of globalisation per se. In this way, western rationalism
overawes indigenous cultures and other non-modem life-
worlds.Postmodernism, like Marxism, helps to go beyond the relatively
superficial accounts of liberalist and political realist theories and expose
social conditions that have favoured globalisation. Obviously,
postmodernism suffers from its own methodological idealism. All material
forces, though come under impact of ideas, cannot be reduced to modes
of consciousness. For a valid explanation, interconnection between
ideational and material forces is not enough.

6. Theory of Feminism

It puts emphasis on social construction of masculinity and femininity. All

other theories have identified the dynamics behind the rise of trans-
planetary and supra-territorial connectivity in technology, state, capital,
identity and the like.Biological sex is held to mould the overall social order
and shape significantly the course of history, presently globality. Their main
concern lies behind the status of women, particularly their structural
subordination to men. Women have tended to be marginalised, silenced
and violated in global communication.

7. Theory of Trans-formationalism:
This theory has been expounded by David Held and his colleagues.
Accord ingly, the term ‘globalisation’ reflects increased interconnectedness
in political, economic and cultural matters across the world creating a
“shared social space”. Given this interconnectedness, globalisation may be
defined as “a process (or set of processes) which embodies a
transformation in the spatial organisation of social relations and
transactions, expressed in trans continental or interregional flows and
networks of activity, interaction and power.”While there are many definitions
of globalisation, such a definition seeks to bring together the many and
seemingly contradictory theories of globalisation into a “rigorous analytical
framework” and “proffer a coherent historical narrative”. Held and McGrew’s
analytical framework is constructed by developing a three part typology of
theories of globalisation consisting of “hyper-globalist,” “sceptic,” and
“transformationalist” categories.The Hyperglobalists purportedly argue that
“contemporary globalisation defines a new era in which people everywhere
are increasingly subject to the disciplines of the global marketplace”. Given
the importance of the global marketplace, multi-national enterprises (MNEs)
and intergov ernmental organisations (IGOs) which regulate their activity
are key political actors. Sceptics, such as Hirst and Thompson (1996)
ostensibly argue that “globalisation is a myth which conceals the reality of
an interna tional economy increasingly segmented into three major
regional blocs in which national governments remain very powerful.” Finally,
transformationalists such as Rosenau (1997) or Giddens (1990) argue that
globalisation occurs as “states and societies across the globe are
experi encing a process of profound change as they try to adapt to a
more interconnected but highly uncertain world”.Developing the
transformationalist category of globalisation theories. Held and McGrew
present a rather complicated typology of globalisation based on
globalization’s spread, depth, speed, and impact, as well as its impacts on
infrastructure, institutions, hierarchical structures and the unevenness of
development.They imply that the “politics of globalisation” have been
“transformed” (using their word from the definition of globalisation) along
all of these dimensions because of the emergence of a new system of
“political globalisation.” They define “political globalisation” as the “shifting
reach of political power, authority and forms of rule” based on new
organisa tional interests which are “transnational” and “multi-layered.”These
organisational interests combine actors identified under the hyper-globalist
category (namely IGOs and MNEs) with those of the sceptics (trading
blocs and powerful states) into a new system where each of these actors
exercises their political power, authority and forms of rule.Thus, the
“politics of globalisation” is equivalent to “political globalisation” for Held
and McGrew. However, Biyane Michael criticises them. He deconstructs
their argument, if a is defined as “globalisation” (as defined above), b as
the organisational interests such as MNEs, IGOs, trading blocs, and
powerful states, and c as “political globalisation” (also as defined above),
then their argument reduces to a. b. c. In this way, their discussion of
globalisation is trivial.Held and others present a definition of globalisation,
and then simply restates various elements of the definition. Their definition,
“globalisation can be conceived as a process (or set of processes) which
embodies a transformation in the spatial organisation of social relations”
allows every change to be an impact of globalisation. Thus, by their own
definition, all the theorists they critique would be considered as
“transformationalists.” Held and McGrew also fail to show how
globalisation affects organisational interests.
8. Theory of Eclecticism:

Each one of the above six ideal-type of social theories of globalisation

highlights certain forces that contribute to its growth. They put emphasis
on technology and institution building, national interest and inter-state
compe tition, capital accumulation and class struggle, identity and
knowledge construction, rationalism and cultural imperialism, and
masculinize and subordination of women. Jan Art Scholte synthesises them
as forces of production, governance, identity, and knowledge.Accordingly,
capitalists attempt to amass ever-greater resources in excess of their
survival needs: accumulation of surplus. The capitalist economy is
thoroughly monetised. Money facilitates accumulation. It offers abundant
opportunities to transfer surplus, especially from the weak to the powerful.
This mode of production involves perpetual and pervasive contests over
the distribution of surplus. Such competition occurs both between individual,
firms, etc. and along structural lines of class, gender, race etc.Their
contests can be overt or latent. Surplus accumulation has had transpired
in one way or another for many centuries, but capitalism is a
comparatively recent phenomenon. It has turned into a structural power,

and is accepted as a ‘natural’ circumstance, with no alternative mode of

production. It has spurred globalisation in four ways: market expansion,
accounting practices, asset mobility and enlarged arenas of
commodification. Its technological innovation appears in communication,
transport and data processing as well as in global organisation and
management. It concentrates profits at points of low taxation. Information,
communication, finance and consumer sectors offer vast potentials to
capital making it ‘hyper-capitalism’.Any mode of production cannot operate
in the absence of an enabling regulatory apparatus. There are some kind
of governance mechanisms. Governance relates processes whereby people
formulate, implement, enforce and review rules to guide their common
affairs.” It entails more than government. It can extend beyond state and sub-
state institutions including supra-state regimes as well. It covers the full scope of
societal regulation.In the growth of contemporary globalisation, besides political
and economic forces, there are material and ideational elements. In expanding
social relations, people explore their class, their gender,their nationality, their race,
their religious faith and other aspects of their being. Constructions of identity
provide collective solidarity against oppression. Identity provides frameworks for
community, democracy, citizenship and resistance. It also leads from
nationalism to greater pluralism and hybridity.Earlier nationalism promoted
territorialism, capitalism, and statism, now these plural identities are feeding
more and more globality, hyper-capitalism and polycentrism. These identities
have many international qualities visualised in global diasporas and other group
affiliations based on age, class, gender, race, religious faith and sexual
orientations. Many forms of supra-territorial solidarities are appearing through
globalisation.

[REPUBLIC ACT NO. 9163]

AN ACT ESTABLISHING THE NATIONAL SERVICE TRAINING PROGRAM (NSTP)

FOR TERTIARY LEVEL STUDENTS, AMENDING FOR THE PURPOSE REPUBLIC
ACT NO. 7077 AND PRESIDENTIAL DECREE NO. 1706, AND FOR OTHER
PURPOSES

Be it enacted by the Senate and the House of Representatives of the Philippines

in Congress assembled.

SECTION 1. Short Title. — This Act shall be known as the “National Service
Training Program (NSTP) Act of 2001”.

SEC. 2. Declaration of Policy. — It is hereby affirmed the prime duty of the

government to serve and protect its citizens, In turn, it shall be the responsibility
of all citizens to defend the security of the State and in fulfillment thereof, the
government may require each citizen to render personal, military or civil service.

Recognizing the youth’s vital role in nation-building, the State shall promote civic
consciousness among the youth and shall develop their physical, moral, spiritual,
intellectual and social well-being. It shall inculcate in the youth patriotism,
nationalism, and advance their involvement in public and civic affairs.

In pursuit of these goals, the youth, the most valuable resource of the nation,
shall be motivated, trained, organized and mobilized in military training, literacy,
civic welfare and other similar endeavors in the service of the nation.

SEC. 3. Definition of Terms. — For purposes of this Act, the following are hereby
defined as follows:

(a) “National Service Training Program (NSTP)” is a program aimed at enhancing

civic consciousness and defense preparedness in the youth by developing the
ethics of service and patriotism while undergoing training in any of its three (3)
program components. Its various components are specially designed to enhance
the youth’s active contribution to the general welfare.

(b) “Reserve-Officers’ Training Corps (ROTC)” is a program institutionalized under

Sections 38 and 39 of Republic Act No. 7077 designed to provide military training
to tertiary level students in order to motivate, train, organize and mobilize them
for national defense preparedness.

(c) “Literacy Training Service” is a program designed to train students to become

teachers of literacy and numeracy skills to school children, out of school youth,
and other segments of society in need of their service.

(d) “Civic Welfare Training Service” refers to programs or activities contributory

to the general welfare and the betterment of life for the members of the
community or the enhancement of its facilities, especially those devoted to
improving health, education, environment, entrepreneurship, safety, recreation
and morals of the citizenry.

(e) “Program component” shall refer to the service components of the NSTP as
enumerated on Section 4 of this Act.
SEC. 4. Establishment of the National Service Training Program. — There is
hereby established a National Service Training Program (NSTP), which shall form
part of the curricula of all baccalaureate degree courses and of at least two (2)-
year technical-vocational courses and is a requisite for graduation, consisting of
the following service components:

(1) The Reserve Officers’ Training Corps (ROTC), which is hereby made optional
and voluntary upon the effectivity of this Act;

(2) The Literacy Training Service; and

(3) The Civil Welfare Training Service.

The ROTC under the NSTP shall instil patriotism, moral virtues, respect for rights
of civilians, and adherence to the Constitution, among others. Citizenship training
shall be given emphasis in all three (3) program components.

The Commission on Higher Education (CHED) and Technical Education and Skills
Development Authority (TESDA), in consultation with the Department of National
Defense (DND), Philippine Association of State Universities and Colleges
(PASUC), Coordinating Council of Private Educational Associations of the
Philippines (COCOPEA) and other concerned government agencies, may design
and implement such other program components as may be necessary in
consonance with the provisions of this Act.

SEC. 5. Coverage. — Students, male and female, of any baccalaureate degree

course or at least two (2)-year technical-vocational courses in public and private
educational institutions shall be required to complete one (1) of the NSTP
components as requisite for graduation.

SEC. 6. Duration and Equivalent Course Unit. — Each of the aforementioned NSTP
program components shall be undertaken for an academic period of two (2)
semesters.

In lieu of the two (2)-semester program for any of the components of the NSTP, a
one (1) summer program may be designed, formulated and adopted by the DND,
CHED and TESDA.

SEC. 7. NSTP Offering in Higher and Technical-Vocational Educational

Institutions. — All higher and technical-vocational institutions, public and private,
must offer at least one of the program components: Provided, That State
universities and colleges shall offer the ROTC component and at least one other
component as provided herein: Provided, further, That private higher and
technical-vocational education institutions may also offer the ROTC if they have
at least three hundred and fifty (350) cadet students.

In offering the NSTP whether during the semestral or summer periods, clustering
of affected students from different educational institutions may be done, taking
into account logistics, branch of service and geographical considerations.
Schools that do not meet the required number of students to maintain the
optional ROTC and any of the NSTP components shall allow their students to
cross-enroll to other schools irrespective of whether or not the NSTP
components in said schools are being administered by the same or another
branch of service of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), CHED and TESDA
to which schools are identified.

SEC. 8. Fees and Incentives. — Higher and technical-vocational institutions shall

not collect any fee for any of the NSTP components except basic institution fees,
which shall not be more than fifty percent (50%) of what is currently charged by
schools per unit.

In the case of the ROTC, the DND shall formulate and adopt a program of
assistance and/or incentive to those students who will take the said component.

SEC. 9. Scholarships. — There is hereby created a Special Scholarship Program

for qualified students taking the NSTP which shall be administered by the CHED
and TESDA. Funds for this purpose shall be included in the annual regular
appropriations of the CHED and TESDA.

SEC. 10. Management of the NSTP Components. — The school authorities shall
exercise academic and administrative supervision over the design, formulation,
and adoption and implementation of the different NSTP components in their
respective schools: Provided, That in case a CHED- or TESDA-accredited non-
government organization (NGO) has been contracted to formulate and
administer a training module for any of the NSTP components, such academic
and administrative supervision shall be exercised jointly with that accredited
NGO: Provided, further, That such training module shall be accredited by the
CHED and TESDA.

The CHED and TESDA regional offices shall oversee and monitor the
implementation of the NSTP under their jurisdiction to determine if the trainings
are being conducted in consonance with the objectives of this Act. Periodic
reports shall be submitted to the CHED, TESDA and DND in this regard.

SEC. 11. Creation of the National Service Reserve Corps. — There is hereby
created a National Service Reserve Corps, to be composed of the graduates of
the non-ROTC components. Members of this Corps may be tapped by the State
for literacy and civic welfare activities through the joint effort of the DND, CHED
and TESDA.

Graduates of the ROTC shall form part of the Citizens’ Armed Force, pursuant to
Republic Act No. 7077.

SEC. 12. Implementing Rules. — The DND, CHED and TESDA shall have the joint
responsibility for the adoption of the implementing rules of this Act within sixty
(60) days from the approval of this Act.

These three (3) agencies shall consult with other concerned government
agencies, the PASUC and COCOPEA, NGOs and recognized student organizations
in drafting the implementing rules.
The implementing rules shall include the guidelines for the adoption of the
appropriate curriculum for each of the NSTP components as well as for the
accreditation of the same.

SEC. 13. Transitory Provisions. — Students who have yet to complete the Basic
ROTC, except those falling under Section 14 of this Act, may either continue in
the program component they are currently enrolled or shift to any of the other
program components of their choice: Provided, That in case he shifts to another
program component, the Basic ROTC courses he has completed shall be counted
for the purpose of completing the NSTP requirement: Provided, further, That
once he has shifted to another program component, he shall complete the NSTP
in that component.

SEC. 14. Suspension of ROTC Requirement. — The completion of ROTC training

as requisite for graduation is hereby set aside for those students who despite
completing all their academic units as of the effectivity of this Act have not been
allowed to graduate.

SEC. 15. Separability Clause. — If any section or provision of this Act shall be
declared unconstitutional or invalid, the other sections or provisions not affected
thereby shall remain in full force and effect.

SEC. 16. Amendatory Clause. — Section 35 of Commonwealth Act No. 1,

Executive Order No. 207 of 1939, Sections 2 and 3 of Presidential Decree No.
1706, and Sections 38 and 39 of Republic Act No. 7077, as well as all laws,
decrees, orders, rules and regulations and other issuances inconsistent with the
provisions of this Act are hereby deemed amended and modified accordingly.

SEC. 17. Effectivity. — This Act shall take effect (15) days after its publication in
two (2) newspapers of national circulation, but the implementation of this Act
commence in the school year of 2002-2003.