Gender Ideology: Components, Predictors, and Consequences

Author(s): Shannon N. Davis and Theodore N. Greenstein

Source: Annual Review of Sociology , 2009, Vol. 35 (2009), pp. 87-105
Published by: Annual Reviews

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/27800070

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 Gender Ideology:
Components, Predictors,
and Consequences
Shannon N. Davis1 and Theodore N. Greenstein2
1 Department of Sociology and Anthropology, George Mason University, Fairfax,
Virginia 22030; email: sdaviso@gmu.edu
2 Department of Sociology and Anthropology, North Carolina State University, Raleigh,
North Carolina 27695; email: Ted_Greenstein@ncsu.edu

Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2009.35:87-105

Key Words
First published online as a Review in Advance on
gender role attitudes, separate spheres ideology, sex role attitudes
April 2,2009

The Annual Review of Sociology is online at

Abstract
soc.annualreviews.org
The purpose of this article is to review research on the construction of
This article's doi:
gender ideology and its consequences. The article begins with a sum
10.1146/annurev-soc-070308-l 15920
mary of research focused on measuring gender ideology?individuals'
Copyright (c) 2009 by Annual Reviews. levels of support for a division of paid work and family responsibilities
All rights reserved
that is based on the belief in gendered separate spheres. We describe
0360-0572/09/0811-OO87S20.O0
the ways this concept has been operationalized in widely available data
sources and provide a categorization schema for the items used to mea
sure gender ideology. We also review the research predicting gender
ideology, focusing on social and demographic characteristics while con
currendy examining studies using cross-sectional, trend, and panel data.
Finally, this article summarizes research focused on the consequences
of gender ideology, both in families and family-related behaviors and in
other areas of social life where beliefs about gender are relevant, such
as the workplace. We conclude with implications for future research for
measurement tools, predictors of gender ideology, and consequences of
ideology in individuals' lives.

*7

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 The U.S. labor force changed markedly from beyond focusing solely on predictors of gen
the 1960s to the mid-1970s. In 1965, 44.7% of der ideology or on one specific consequence.
mothers with children under age 18 reported Rather, it presents an examination of the con
being employed in the previous year. However, sequences of gender ideology in a variety of ar
by 1975, 56.1 % of mothers with children in the eas where beliefs about gender matter (e.g., the
home reported being employed (e.g., Bianchi family and the workplace). In addition, we re
et al. 2006). Public opinion polls captured view research on factors that have led to changes
national worries about the changing division in individual-level gender ideologies over time.
of paid work and family responsibilities, We begin with a discussion of issues regard
especially among mothers of young children. ing measurement of gender ideology. Next we
The first national surveys measuring worries review the research in which gender ideology
about families moving away from a traditional is predicted, incorporating a historical compo
division of paid and unpaid work, with men nent by focusing concurrently on research with
as breadwinners and women as homemakers, trend and panel data. Finally, we summarize re
were conducted in the mid-1960s (Cherlin & search on the consequences of gender ideology.
Walters 1981, Mason et al. 1976). The atti We conclude by discussing fruitful avenues for
tudes captured by these surveys, what we term future research on the measurement and con
gender ideology, represent individuals' levels of sequences of gender ideology.
support for a division of paid work and family Whereas numerous researchers examine
responsibilities that is based on this notion the influence of gender ideology on family
of separate spheres. Not surprisingly, these and work-related behaviors in other countries
early surveys show some hesitation regarding (Batalova & Cohen 2002, Fuwa 2004, Kulik
women's paid employment and engagement 2002), this review focuses primarily on research
with the public sphere, especially when they on the United States. Given the significant po
had young children at home. A slim majority litical and economic changes around the globe
of women in 1964 felt that women who worked since the 1960s, we could not adequately ad
could have a warm relationship with their chil dress the construction and influence of gender
dren, whereas almost 70% of women held this ideologies because of the breadth of histori
attitude in the early 1970s (Mason et al. 1976). cal and contextual factors that would need to
By the mid-1990s, the U.S. labor force re be considered. Therefore, although we refer to
flected mothers' continued full- and part-time some work conducted in other countries, the
employment. For example, in 1995, 75.1% of majority of research reviewed here is based on
mothers with children under age 18 reported U.S. samples.
being employed the previous year (Bianchi et al.
2006). On average, Americans had become
more comfortable with the idea of women, par
MEASUREMENT OF
GENDER IDEOLOGY
ticularly mothers, working at least part time
when their children are young and were much Researchers use a variety of phrases to describe
more comfortable with men sharing household individuals' levels of support for a division of
responsibilities (Bolzendahl & Myers 2004), paid work and family responsibilities that is
The purpose of this article is to place the based on the notion of separate spheres, includ
above findings into context. By reviewing re ing gender ideology, gender role attitudes, at
search on the contemporary construction of titudes about gender, gender-related attitudes,
gender ideology and its consequences on indi gender egalitarianism, and others. The use of a
viduals' decision making and lived experiences, particular phrase may be partly due to the au
this article provides insight into the ways gender thors' beliefs about conceptual distinctions or
ideology has influenced and will continue to in due to a journal's preferences {Journal of Mar
fluence American behavior. This review moves riage and Family discourages authors from using

88 Davis ? Greenstein

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the language of gender roles, for example). In These items can be generally organized into
large part, the research literature reflects the six categories: primacy of the breadwinner role,
influence that that language of roles has had belief in gendered separate spheres, working
on the discipline, even though there has been a women and relationship quality, motherhood
substantial critique of this language with regard and the feminine self, household utility, and ac
to gender (see, for example, Stacey & Thorne ceptance of male privilege. That the research
1985). A quick examination of articles published on this concept still relies on the language of
from 2000 to 2008 (as abstracted in Sociologi roles can be seen from the items used to mea
cal Abstracts) yields 168 articles that discuss in sure these beliefs: Three of the six categories
some manner individuals' levels of support for are clearly connected to the roles that women
a division of paid work and family responsi and men are expected to inhabit in married and
bilities that is based on the notion of separate procreative heterosexual relationships (primacy
spheres: 75 of those use the language of gen of the breadwinner role, working women and
der role attitudes, 53 use the language of gen relationship quality, and motherhood and the
der ideology, 24 use gender attitudes or gender feminine self).
related attitudes, and the remainder are almost Although these attitudes or beliefs are so
equally split among beliefs about gender, atti cial psychological concepts, there is little over
tudes about gender, and gender egalitarianism. lap with the measures of beliefs about gender
We use the term gender ideology to repre roles typically published in social psychologi
sent the underlying concept of an individual's cal outlets (Spence & Helmreich 1978, Swim
level of support for a division of paid work et al. 1995). This could be because the socio
and family responsibilities that is based on the logical literature is trying to tap beliefs about
notion of separate spheres. Many nationally relationships between women and men rather
representative surveys, both cross-sectional than prescribed roles that individuals inhabit.
and longitudinal, include items measuring As such, the measures, while fitting largely un
gender ideology. In particular, the National der the domains wrought with the connotation
Longitudinal Survey of Youth?1979 Cohort of roles, are attempts at measuring beliefs about
(Center for Human Resource Research 2006b) relationships.
and its Child/Young Adult Supplement (Center Many population-based survey designs in
for Human Resource Research 2006a), the terested in gender ideology use measures, like
General Social Survey (JA Davis et al. 2007) those in Table 1, that have been shown to be
and its international counterpart, the Interna valid and reliable. However, some researchers
tional Social Survey Program (Zentralarchiv are working to improve measurement strate
fur Empirische Sozialforschung 2004), the gies and are constructing new methods of mea
National Study of Families and Households suring gender ideology. For example, Baber &
(Sweet et al. 1988), the Marital Instability over Tucker (2006) and Valentine (2001) constructed
the Life Course study (Booth et al. 2003), the questionnaires tapping different components of
Intergenerational Panel Study of Parents and gender ideology. Baber & Tucker examined the
Children (Thornton et al. 2002), the National multiple and diverse social roles women and
Study of the Changing Workforce (Bond et al. men inhabit with an attempt to divorce those
1998), the World Values Survey (European roles from gendered labels. Valentine devel
Values Study Foundation and World Values oped a set of items measuring the aversion to
Survey Association 2006), and the High women who work. Both questionnaires yield
School and Beyond study (U.S. Department of acceptable reliability and validity among under
Education 2001) all include at least two items graduates, suggesting further testing is needed
specifically to measure gender ideology. before those measures are used more broadly.
Table 1 lists these surveys and items, noting The majority of research on gender ideology
items that are used in multiple questionnaires. has asked respondents to report whether they

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Table 1 Items used to measure gender ideology

Primacy of breadwinner role

Both the man and woman should contribute to the household income. ISSP
A man's job is to earn money; a woman's job is to look after the home and family. ISSP
The husband should earn higher pay than the wife. MIOLC
If jobs are scarce, the wife shouldn't work MIOLC
Even if the wife works, the husband should be the main breadwinner. MIOLC
When jobs are scarce, men should have more right to a job than women. wvs
If a woman earns more money than her husband, it's almost certain to cause problems. wvs
Belief in gendered separate spheres
GSS,HS&B,
It is much better for everyone concerned if the man is the achiever outside IPSPC,
the home and the
woman takes care of the home and family. NLSY79&C-YA, NSFH, NSCW
There is some work that is men's and some that is women's, and they IPSPC
should not be doing
each other's.
A woman's place is in the home, not in the office or shop. NLSY79&C-YA
A wife who carries out her full family responsibilities doesn't have NLSY79&C-YA
time for outside
employment.
Working women and relationship quality
A working mother can establish just as warm and secure a relationship with her children as a GSS, ISSP, MIOLC, NSCW
mother who does not work.
A preschool child is likely to suffer if his or her mother works. GSS, ISSP, NSFH
All in all, family life suffers when the woman has a fuU-time job. ISSP
A husband shouldn't worry if his wife is gone overnight in connection with her job. MIOLC
The employment of wives leads to more juvenile delinquency._
NLSY79&C-YA
Wife/motherhood and the feminine self
Women are much happier if they stay at home and take care of their children. HS&B, IPSPC, NLSY79&C-YA
A job is all right, but what most women really want is a home and children. ISSP
Being a housewife is just as fulfilling as working for pay. ISSP
Having a job is the best way for a woman to be an independent person. ISSP
A wife's most important task is (?ring for her children. MIOLC
A working wife feels more useful than one who doesn't hold a job. NLSY79&C-YA
In a successful marriage, the partners must have the freedom to do what they NSFH
want
individually.
Do you think that a woman has to have children in order to be fulfilled?_
WVS
Household utility
A wife should not expect her husband to help around the house after he comes home IPSPC
from a
hard day's work
If a wife works full-time, the husband should help with homework. MIOLC
NLSY79&C-YA
Men should share the work around the house with women, such as doing dishes, cleaning,
and so forth.
Employment of both parents is necessary to keep up with the high cost of living. NLSY79&C-YA
If a husband and wife both work full time, they should share household tasks equally._ NSFH
{Continued)

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Table 1 (Continued)

Acceptance of male privilege

It is more important for a wife to help her husband's career than to have one herself. GSS; IPSPC
Parents should encourage as much independence in their daughters as in their sons. NSFH
A university education is more important for a boy than for a girl. WVS
If you were to have only one child, would you rather have it be a boy or a girl? WVS
On the whole, men make better political leaders than women do. WVS

aInstrument abbreviations: GSS, General Social Survey; HS&B, High School and Beyond; IPSPC, Intergenerational Panel Study of Parents and
Children; ISSP, International Social Survey Program; MIOLC, Marital Instability over the Live Course; NLSY79&C-YA, National Longitudinal Survey
of Youth, 1979 Cohort and Child/Young Adult Sample; NSCW, National Study of the Changing Workforce; NSFH, National Study of Families and
Households; WVS, World Values Survey.

ology over time but also whether there have

agree or disagree with a series of statements
about women's and men's responsibilitiesbeenrel changes in the predictors of gender ideol
ogy in the United States over time. Data sets
evant to the separate spheres framework. How
ever, not all research has used this method.
such as the National Longitudinal Survey of
Hochschild & Machung's (1989) groundbreak Youth, 1979, have allowed researchers to move
beyond trend studies and examine changes in
ing work categorizing individuals as traditional,
ideology and influences on ideology over the
transitional, or egalitarian was based on inter
life course of individuals. Here we review re
views and participant observation rather than
answers to closed-ended questions. Through search on the construction of gender ideology,
these interviews, Hochschild determined thatincorporating findings from cross-sectional and
individuals had ideologies "on top" and "under longitudinal studies, while focusing on social
neath"; they could hold specific beliefs about and demographic predictors of ideology.
women's employment and men's domestic re
sponsibilities (on top ideologies), but their own
Cultural Shifts: Period
lived experiences could reflect a potentially
and Cohort Changes
different reality of shared work (underneath
ideologies). Kroska (2000) questioned whether Period effects on gender ideology are shown
gender ideology should be considered athrough be changes in individual predictors over
lief system or an identity; she reports measurtime. Several researchers using trend data to
ing gender-ideological identity by determin study changes in gender ideology in the United
ing the extent to which respondents reported States have found period effects, although the
impetus for change continues to be unclear
their similarity (and their partner's similarity)
to characters within five same-sex vignettes(Brewster
on & Padavic 2000, Carter & Borch
2005, Ciabattari 2001). What is clear is that
oudook toward women, ideals, and life commit
period effects have influenced men's slower
ments. The vignettes and corresponding ques
pace of gender ideology change since the 1970s
tions seem to provide a method of measuring
(Ciabattari 2001). The influence of context
characteristics associated with gender ideology,
as the measures have high construct validity.on gender ideology differs based on period
(Bolzendahl & Myers 2004, Carter & Borch
2005, Powers et al. 2003). Living in bigger
GENDER IDEOLOGY
cities led to more egalitarian attitudes in the
CONSTRUCTION
1970s and 1980s but not in the 1990s. Living
Given the collection of data in large-scale datain a border state declined in influence from the
sets as described above, sociologists have been1970s to the 1990s, but the gap between the
able to examine not only changes in gender ideSouth and non-South existed in the 1990s even

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 when individual demographic characteristics hold more egalitarian gender beliefs. As there
were controlled. However, region became less is abundant evidence that most people's inter
of an influence on ideologies in the 1990s than ests, regardless of gender, would benefit from
in earlier decades due largely to increasing re gender equality (Barnett & Rivers 2004), why
gional similarity in other characteristics such would someone not hold egalitarian gender be
as employment and education (Powers et al. liefs? One answer is that the interest structures
2003). Bolzendahl & Myers noted that while of women and men are culturally expected to
later periods show few differences in the specific be different based upon the hegemonic gen
influences on gender ideologies, both women der beliefs reifying the notion of polarized gen
and men became more egalitarian in the 1990s der differences (Ridgeway & Correli 2004) and
than in previous periods. that this expectation becomes real in its conse
Cohort effects on gender ideology are the quences (Barnett & Rivers 2004). This explains
result of more egalitarian cohorts aging into why women have more egalitarian gender ide
the adult population and replacing the older ologies than do men, as men are less likely to be
traditional cohorts. This leads to population lieve, based on cultural explanations, that gen
level shifts in attitudes. Brewster & Padavic der equality will benefit them.
(2000) found that cohort succession was more Exposure-based explanations argue that ex
important in attitude change than were changes posure to ideas and situations that are con
in individual characteristics. More recent co sonant with egalitarian ideals will lead to
horts show larger differences between men and the development of more egalitarian beliefs
women and a smaller effect of education on (Bolzendahl & Myers 2004). This exposure may
attitudes. Compared to men born in the pre be in the form of socialization, education, or
baby boom era, men born later are less tradi personal experience. These explanations are in
tional (Ciabattari 2001). Brooks & Bolzendahl herendy about change over time; exposure to
(2004) also found substantial cohort effects in egalitarian ideals or situations encourages the
their analysis of beliefs about gender from the subsequent development of egalitarian ideolo
mid-1980s to the 1990s (over 55% of change gies. Conversely, exposure to situations encour
in attitudes was due to cohort differences), al aging individuals to believe that egalitarian
though ideological learning seemed to mediate ism is not in their best interest would lead to
much of the cohort effect. Changes in social less egalitarian beliefs. Alternatively, individu
structural factors such as labor force participa als could become less egalitarian to reduce cog
tion and marital status played only a small role nitive dissonance in interactions where gender
in attitude change; approximately one-third of egalitarianism is expected but gender inequality
the cohort effects and one-half of the period ef is historically the norm (e.g., in marriages and
fects were mediated by changes in rights-based parenting).
ideology. Whereas exposure to gender egalitarianism
may come in the form of socialization, and
personal interests relative to gender egali
Social and Demographic tarianism may develop through socialization,
Background Characteristics social and demographic characteristics may
Bolzendahl & Myers (2004) argued that indi also influence gender ideology formation. For
vidual "attitudes toward feminist issues," in example, Bolzendahl & Myers (2004) argued
cluding the concept of gender ideology, are a that because women have more of a vested
function of interest-based or exposure-based interest in increased egalitarianism, men are
explanations. Interest-based explanations rely expected to be less egalitarian than women.
on the interest structures of individuals, that Both longitudinal trend studies (Bolzendahl
is, personal goals. When people's interests ben & Myers 2004, Brooks & Bolzendahl 2004,
efit from gender equality, they are likely to Thornton & Young-DeMarco 2001) and

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panel studies (Cunningham et al. 2005, Fan shown to engage in more sex-typed treatment
& Marini 2000) noted that men are less of their children and to be more involved with
gender egalitarian than are women. Young their sons than their daughters, giving fathers
men in particular are hesitant to challenge more opportunities to model traditional atti
the cultural standard of the mother role and tudes and behaviors for their sons (Bulanda
the expectation of negative child outcomes 2004; McHale et al. 2003, 2004). Researchers
due to maternal employment (Jorgenson & who have examined fathers' and mothers' gen
Tanner 1983, Mason & Lu 1988, Thornton der ideologies together have found that moth
et al. 1983). Perhaps this hesitation is because ers and daughters tend to be more egalitarian
in general, men benefit from women's unequal than sons and fathers within the same families
performance of family and household tasks. (Burt & Scott 2002, Kulik 2002), that nontra
One key factor in socialization is the inter ditional fathers are more involved in parent
generational transmission of ideology. Mothers ing than traditional ones, regardless of mater
play a key role in socialization, and as a re nal gender ideology (Bulanda 2004), and that
sult much of the previous research has fo in terms of beliefs about marital roles fathers'
cused on maternal influence. Maternal educa attitudes?but not mothers'?are significantly
tion and employment are both representative of related to their children's attitudes.
mothers' increased exposure to egalitarian be In sum, parental ideologies are positively
liefs and practices (Banaszak & Plutzer 1993, associated with child gender ideologies, such
Ciabattari 2001, Liao & Cai 1995, Rhodebeck that more gender egalitarian parents are likely
1996, Tallichet & Willits 1986). Mothers' own to have more gender egalitarian children. This
ideologies are expected to change in response intergenerational transmission of beliefs occurs
to increased exposure to gender egalitarianism. through direct interaction, modeling, and the
Further, mothers act as role models during so construction of the child's home environment
cialization. Maternal education and labor force (Sutfin et al. 2008). Sutfin et al. found that
participation provide children with exposure to parents with more traditional gender ideologies
a more gender egalitarian method of household organized their home environments in ways
organization. Not only are increased mater that reinforced sex stereotypes that in turn inde
nal employment and education associated with pendently encourage the development of tradi
egalitarianism in children (Bolzendahl & Myers tional gender ideologies among children. How
2004, Ciabattari 2001, Fan & Marini 2000, ever, regardless of socialization, the saliency of
Harris & Firestone 1998), but more egalitarian family-of-origin effects on attitude formation
mothers tend to have less gender-role stereo seems to recede during adolescence as the
typed children (Bliss 1988, Myers & Booth influence of adolescents' peers and their own
2002, Thornton et al. 1983). Myers & Booth life experiences becomes stronger (Davis 2007).
(2002) noted that having both mothers and fa Racial and ethnic differences in gender ide
thers who are gender egalitarian significantly ology have roots in historical racial and eth
increases the likelihood that boys will also be nic differences in labor force participation and
forerunners in gender egalitarianism (this rela access to education. African Americans are ex
tionship does not exist for girls). pected to be more gender egalitarian than
Fathers' gender ideologies seem to be inde whites because African American women have a
pendently influential in the socialization pro higher rate of labor force participation (Bureau
cess. Fathers are likely to set expectations for of Labor Statistics 2005) and African Americans
their children and model how to divide family have a higher commitment to egalitarianism
responsibilities in a manner similar to mothers. in general (Harris & Firestone 1998). Among
However, the lion's share of childrearing con those studies that find racial and ethnic differ
tinues to be performed by mothers. Further ences in gender ideologies, African American
more, compared to mothers, fathers have been women are more egalitarian than white women

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 (Bolzendahl & Myers 2004, Fan & Marini ual marriages, though this process is moderated
2000, Kane 2000). While some research ar by social class. Middle- and upper-class Con
gues that there is little difference in gender servative Protestants tend to be more egalitar
ideologies among men (Kane 2000), Ciabattari ian than lower-class Conservative Protestants,
(2001) found that African American men were likely as a way to reduce cognitive dissonance
less traditional than white men on attitudes to (Bartkowski 2001). The narratives surrounding
ward employed mothers. These relationships appropriate gendered responsibilities, such as
are complicated by social class, however. Recent men as the heads of households, are altered to
upwardly mobile middle-class African Amer explain the pragmatic egalitarianism that may
icans may be more traditional than African exist in daily life. Women's employment con
Americans with a middle-class background, as tinues to be problematic because of the possi
a way of distancing themselves from stereo bility of child neglect, but men's participation
types about black families (Hill 2002). African in childrearing is seen as an example of their
American women who have recendy achieved headship in the family (Gallagher 2003).
middle-class status see living out the separate Context also shapes an individual's gender
spheres model and being a homemaker as a ideologies; living in a state with a higher propor
privilege. Lower-class African American moth tion of fundamentalists is negatively associated
ers tend to hold traditional beliefs while mod with holding egalitarian gender beliefs (Moore
eling egalitarian behavior. Some evidence also & Vanneman 2003). Research performed in
suggests that Hispanics are less egalitarian than Louisiana comparing covenant and standard
are non-Hispanic whites (Fan & Marini 2000, marriages found that couples in covenant mar
Kane 2000), especially regarding attitudes to riages hold more traditional gender ideologies
ward separate spheres (Ciabattari 2001, Kane than do those in standard marriages (Baker
2000). et al. 2009). Covenant couples see their mar
Although the relationship between aspects riage choice as an outward expression of their
of religion and beliefs about gender is com gender ideologies, intentionally using their re
plex (Dent?n 2004), increased levels of religious lationships to perform a patriarchal model of
practice are expected to reinforce traditional gender within marriage.
viewpoints and reduce support for gender egal Education provides exposure to egalitarian
itarianism (Hertel & Hughes 1987, Peek et al. ideas and counters acceptance of gender myths
1991). Further, specific tenets within religious and stereotypes (Cassidy & Warren 1996, Davis
doctrines often focus on gender relations and & Robinson 1991, Rhodebeck 1996). Trend and
women's and men's relative responsibilities for panel studies have shown that increased educa
childrearing. As such, religions are expected to tion is associated with increased gender egali
differ in their teachings about gender relations tarianism (Bolzendahl & Myers 2004, Brewster
and thus lead to different ideologies among & Padavic 2000, Brooks & Bolzendahl 2004,
their followers. Findings generally indicate that Ciabattari 2001, Corrigall & Konrad 2007,
Conservative Protestants are the least support Cunningham 2005, Fan & Marini 2000, Moore
ive of gender egalitarianism, and Jews are the & Vanneman 2003, Tallichet & Willits 1986).
most supportive, with Catholics and mainline Bryant (2003) reported that both women and
Protestants somewhere in between (Baker et al. men become less traditional after four years of
2009, Bolzendahl & Myers 2004, Ciabattari college, and the college experiences that lead to
2001; but see Fan & Marini 2000, Greeley this change are similar for women and men.
1989, Hoffmann & Miller 1997, Moore & Labor force participation also provides ex
Vanneman 2003). Religious affiliation and per posure to new ideas and people. For young
sonal religious beliefs influence gender ideol women in particular, labor force participation
ogy by constructing narratives regarding the increases confidence and expectations for fi
appropriateness of power-sharing in heterosex nancial independence and provides additional

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role models for negotiating family and work In sum, the literature provides evidence for
roles (Klein 1984). Labor force participation Bolzendahl & Myers' argument that gender
seems related to young men's interests as well, as ideologies are a function of interest-based and
Gerson (1993) and Coltrane (1996) both noted exposure-based explanations. Among interest
that men who experience blocked opportuni based explanations, individuals' social loca
ties in the labor force are likely to become tion vis-?-vis social inequality seems to influ
more gender egalitarian as they change their ence their gender ideology. Women and men
definitions of success. Being in the labor force hold different gender ideologies, with women
does seem to be related to holding more gen slighdy more egalitarian than men. There is
der egalitarian beliefs among women, depend some evidence for racial and ethnic differences
ing on the age at which the relationship is mea in gender ideologies, although the differences
sured (Bolzendahl & Myers 2004, Corrigall & seem to be more a function of the intersec
Konrad 2007, Cunningham et al. 2005, Fan & tions of sex and social class with race than race
Marini 2000, Harris & Firestone 1998, Moore and ethnicity per se. Exposure-based explana
& Vanneman 2003, Tallichet & Willits 1986), tions include the influence of parental ideolo
with no corresponding effect for men. How gies, socialization (including modeled behavior
ever, men whose wives work less than full time by parents), religion, educational attainment,
have more traditional gender beliefs than men employment, and entrance into the tradition
whose wives work full time (Ciabattari 2001). ally gendered relationships of marriage and par
Marriage is a highly gendered institution. enthood. The literature also shows the complex
Men who enter coresidential unions (either nature of gender ideology construction over
marriages or cohabitations) behave in more time, both as a person matures and gains life
traditional ways than they did when living as experience and as historical time passes. Influ
a single person (Gupta 1999). Fan & Marini ential life experiences, personal characteristics,
(2000) found that entering marriage typically and social contextual factors waxed and waned
led to young women becoming less egalitarian, in their import for gender ideology construc
whereas men in their early twenties who mar tion throughout the late twentieth century, and
ried became slightly more egalitarian. Moore & evidence suggests these changes will continue
Vanneman (2003) found that individuals who into the twenty-first century as well.
were divorced or separated were more egali
tarian than were currently married individu
als, whereas Cunningham and colleagues (2005)
CONSEQUENCES OF
GENDER IDEOLOGY
found no effect of relationship status change
(either to cohabitation or marriage) on gender This section summarizes research on the con
attitudes. sequences of gender ideology. Focusing first on
Previous research has also used the number families, we review research examining the ef
of children to identify traditional family cir fects of gender ideology on relationship forma
cumstances (Bolzendahl & Myers 2004, Plutzer tion and dissolution, including on cohabitation
1991), as married couples with several children and marriage, on fertility and birth timing, and
are considered the most traditional family ar on the processes within relationships and fami
rangement and are expected to be less gender lies such as the division of household labor and
egalitarian. However, there is little evidence to perceptions of its fairness. We next review the
suggest that the birth of children has the same literature on the effects of gender ideology on
traditionalizing effect across the life course and workplace and educational outcomes such as
for both women and men (Bolzendahl & Myers labor force participation, occupational choice,
2004, Ciabattari 2001, Corrigall & Konrad educational expectations, and educational at
2007, Cunningham et al. 2005, Fan & Marini tainment. We conclude by offering some sug
2000, Tallichet & Willits 1986). gestions for further theoretical refinement of

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 the concept of gender ideology and possible ditional fathers tend to spend more time in child
arenas for future empirical investigation. care and related activities. In-depth interviews
Gender ideology has very real effects on reveal egalitarian men's definitions of success
family processes. A review of the literature for as reflecting their beliefs; these men note that
the past 20 years or so reveals research on the ef their relationships with their children are better
fects of gender ideology in six general categories markers of success than their financial contri
of outcomes: child care; division of household bution to the household or their business acu
labor (including the perception of the fairness of men (Coltrane 1998, Gerson 1993, Hochschild
the division of household labor and its inequal & Machung 1989). Wada & Beagan (2006) ar
ities); union stability and conflict; relationship gued that men experience greater challenges in
quality; wife abuse; and work, earnings, and oc translating their egalitarian beliefs (when con
cupations. Within each of these areas we can structed) into behavior owing to the gendered
further distinguish whether gender ideology expectations of workplaces, especially among
has a direct effect on the outcome or whether highly demanding professions like medicine.
gender ideology moderates the effect of some Even when men change their definition of suc
other factor. cess to include a balance of work and family,
they encounter structural constraints that in
hibit the enacting of their beliefs. Indeed, al
Fertility and Relationship Transitions though sharing child care is associated with
Stewart (2003) found that traditional ideology holding egalitarian gender ideologies, holding
leads to lower age at first motherhood regard these beliefs is neither a necessary nor sufficient
less of relationship status. Egalitarian gender condition for equal parenting (Deutsch 1999).
ideology positively affects months of indepen
dent living, delays marriage (but not cohabita
Division of Household Labor
tion), and delays timing of first marital birth
(Cunningham et al. 2005). Couples planning Even a cursory review of the literature over the
their wedding tend to divide the wedding plan past 20 years or so turns up dozens of studies
ning labor according to their gender ideologies, that have examined the effects of gender ide
even when they do not intend to do so (Humble ology on the division of household labor and
et al. 2008). Couples in which both partners related issues such as perceptions of fairness.
espouse traditional gender ideologies tend to Nearly all these studies find that the division
conform to traditionally gendered expectations of household labor in heterosexual couples?
in the division of labor around wedding plan usually operationalized as the proportion of
ning, whereas couples with egalitarian gender housework performed by the woman?is re
ideologies tend to negotiate gender in the wed lated to the woman's gender ideology, the man's
ding planning in nonstereo typical ways. gender ideology, or both. Further, some re
search suggests that there is an interaction be
tween the ideologies of the woman and the man.
Child Care
Finally, gender ideology seems to moderate the
A number of studies (Aldous et al. 1998, effects of some factors on the division of house
Appelbaum et al. 2000, Bulanda 2004, Deutsch hold labor.
1999, Gaunt 2006, Ishii-Kuntz et al. 2004) Hochschild & Machung (1989) argued that
have found that father's gender ideology (but gender ideologies, behavior, and emotional
not usually mother's gender ideology) is associ responses to beliefs and the lived reality of
ated with paternal involvement with child care, paid and unpaid labor lead to an individual's
whereas other studies (e.g., Marsiglio 1991) gender strategy; the interplay of partners'
have found mixed evidence. In general, those gender strategies leads to the couple's division
studies observing an effect found that less tra of household labor. Subsequent analyses of

6 Davis ? Greenstein

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quantitative data have found support for the husband's gender ideology is not associated with
relationship between gender ideologies and the housework contributions of men married to
the division of household labor. Most of these traditional women.
studies found that men with less traditional
gender ideologies do a greater share of the
household labor. These findings are confirmed Union Stability and Conflict
in samples from Taiwan (Hu & Kamo 2007), At least two studies (Greenstein 1995,
Germany (Lavee & Katz 2002), Israel (Lavee & Hohmann-Marriott 2006) found that the
Katz 2002, Lewin-Epstein et al. 2006), China woman's gender ideology was unrelated to
(Pimentel 2006), Canada (Brayfield 1992, union stability, whereas others (Davis &
Gazso-Windle & McMullin 2003), Sweden Greenstein 2004, Kalmijn et al. 2004) found
(Nordenmark & Nyman 2003), Great Britain that traditional women were at somewhat
(Baxter 1992, Kan 2008), and the United Stateslower risk of marital instability. Sayer &
(Bianchi et al. 2000; Coltrane & Ishii-Kuntz Bianchi (2000) found that women married to
1992; Cunningham 2005; Greenstein 1996a,b; egalitarian men were at less risk of marital
Hochschild & Machung 1989), as well as in instability, but that wives' gender ideology was
a number of cross-national studies (Batalova not related to marital instability.
& Cohen 2002, SN Davis et al. 2007, Fuwa More important, though, seems to be the
2004, Nordenmark 2004, Yodanis 2005). As moderating effect of gender ideology on union
Kroska (2004, p. 921) noted in a summary stability. Greenstein (1995), for example, found
of many of these studies, "husbands' gender that the effect of wives' employment on marital
ideology may be a stronger determinant of stability was moderated by the wives' gender
housework divisions than the wives' gender ideology: Number of hours worked per week
ideology." was negatively related to marital stability for
There is evidence that gender ideology nontraditional women, but not for traditional
is associated with perceptions of fairness in women. Davis & Greenstein (2004) observed
the division of household labor. Several stud that the effects of age at first marriage on likeli
ies (DeMaris & Longmore 1996, Greenstein hood of divorce were moderated by gender ide
1996a, Nordenmark & Nyman 2003) indicated ology (age at first marriage had a strong effect
that traditional women are less likely than non for traditional women, but no effect for non
traditional or egalitarian women to perceive traditional women). Hohmann-Marriott (2006)
that inequalities in the division of household noted no effects of gender ideology but did
labor are unfair. Greenstein (1996a) found that observe effects of similarity of ideologies be
for married women gender ideology interacts tween husbands and wives on the stability of
with proportion of housework performed to af both marital and nonmarital unions. Sayer &
fect perceptions of fairness: Traditional women Bianchi (2000) did not find an interaction be
are relatively unlikely to perceive inequali tween wives' economic dependence and marital
ties in the division of household labor as un stability, however.
just, whereas the perceptions of nontraditional
women are associated with the extent of the
inequality. Relationship Quality
Finally, Greenstein (1996a) found that the A number of studies have found that gender ide
gender ideologies of women and their hus ology is related to self-reports of relationship
bands interact to affect the amount of house quality. Amato & Booth (1995) and Mickelson
work performed by the husband. The amount et al. (2006), for example, found that nontra
of housework performed by husbands is highly ditional wives tended to report lower levels
associated with the husband's gender ideology of marital quality, whereas nontraditional men
for men with nontraditional wives, whereas the tended to report higher levels. Wilcox & Nock

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 (2006) found that wives' gender ideology was husband's gender ideology moderates the rela
related to three indicators of marital quality tionship between the wife's share of household
(nontraditional women reported poorer rela earnings and her likelihood of being a victim
tionship quality) but that husbands' ideology of assault. Specifically, their study found that
was not. Marshall (2008) noted effects of gender the wife's share of household earnings is pos
ideology on intimacy in dating relationships. itively related to the likelihood of wife abuse,
Two studies (Blair 1993, Xu & Lai 2004), how but only for women married to husbands with a
ever, found no direct effects of gender ideology traditional gender ideology. There was no sta
on marital quality. tistically significant effect of the wife's share
Again, some of the most interesting effects of income for women married to egalitarian
on relationship quality are moderated by gender or transitional men. Perhaps for some tradi
ideology. In a study of American married cou tional men, having their breadwinner status
ples, Greenstein (1996a) found that the effects challenged becomes more than they can handle.
of perceptions of inequity on reported marital This explanation is consistent with inter
quality were much stronger for nontraditional view data from young men who were violent to
wives than for traditional wives. Lavee & Katz ward their dating partners (Tbtten 2003). Tradi
(2002) noted similar findings with a sample of tional beliefs about gendered relations became
Israeli couples. the justification for relationship violence, as the
Tichenor's (2005) research provides a possi boys argued that girls needed to learn their
ble mechanism for understanding the influence place in the world with regard to relationships
of gender ideology on relationship quality, with men. Violence was seen as a mechanism
at least for men. In her research on couples through which they could ensure that their girl
in which women out-earn their husbands, friends would engage in stereotypical behaviors
Tichenor noted that men with egalitarian ide and not threaten their manhood (i.e., get a job
ologies do not see their identities as men being making more money or making them feel or
threatened by their wives' breadwinning status. look stupid in public).
They reframe their work in the relationship as
masculine, regardless of whether it is tradition
ally masculine or not. As such, these egalitarian
Work, Earnings, and Education
men are more comfortable with their relation A variety of studies have examined the rela
ships than are similarly situated traditional men. tionship of gender ideology to human capital
related issues of work, earnings, and educa
tion. For example, Davis & Pearce (2007) ex
Wife Abuse
amined the effects of gender ideology on the
In a meta-analytic review of research on wife educational attainment expectations of adoles
assault, Sugarman & Frankel (1996) found rel cents. They found that girls and boys holding
atively few associations of gender ideology ei more nontraditional or egalitarian ideologies
ther with the likelihood of a given husband as were more likely to aspire to a postsecondary
saulting his wife or with the wife being a victim degree and that the effect was stronger for
of assault by her husband. In fact, some of the girls. Studying mothers' earnings overa 10-year
observed associations were contrary to predic period, Christie-Mizell and colleagues (2007)
tions. For example, maritally violent husbands noted that mothers with a traditional gender
were underrepresented in the "traditional male ideology tended to have lower earnings (the ef
gender" ideology group, and traditional women fect was stronger for whites than for African
were less likely to be victims of assault. Americans). Gender ideology influences paid
One explanation of these counterintuitive work hours, months of full-time employment,
findings is suggested by the findings by and hourly earnings for women, but not for
Atkinson et al. (2005), who observed that the men (Corrigall & Konrad 2007, Cunningham

g 8 Davis ? Greenstein

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 et al. 2005). Corrigall & Konrad suggested using alternative types of measurement strate
this means that women but not men use gen gies [like Kroska's (2000) work with vignettes]
der ideology as part of their rational planning or the construction of open-ended questions
for combining work and family lives. Christie that provide context to individual responses. A
Mizell (2006) found that traditional attitudes critical eye also needs to be cast upon how qual
reduce earnings for African American men, itative researchers capture the subjective nature
African American women, and white women, of self-identifications relevant to gender ide
with white women experiencing the greatest re ology, paying particular attention to the com
duction in wages due to traditional ideologies. parability of such work across researchers and
Stickney & Konrad (2007), using data from 28 studies.
countries, found that among married individ Second, as suggested above, more longitu
uals, egalitarian beliefs had a stronger positive dinal studies need to include measures of gen
influence on earnings for both women and men der ideology in both their closed-ended survey
working more hours, whereas on average, egal questions and open-ended interview questions.
itarian women had higher earnings than tradi Research is unequivocal in that attitudes toward
tional women. In a three-wave study of mar gender relations change not only as individuals
ried men, Zuo (2004, p. 827) concluded that age but also as life is experienced and as the
"men of a lower breadwinner status relative to world around us changes. To date, relatively
that of their wives are more likely to embrace few large-scale panel studies have included re
egalitarian ideology" and that egalitarian men peated measures of gender ideology. Even such
"are more likely to engage in a more equal shar well-designed studies as the National Longitu
ing of the provider role." Although a decline in dinal Survey of Youth, 1979 (Center for Hu
men's breadwinning status is likely to promote man Resource Research 2006b) do not usually
more egalitarian attitudes among men, perhaps include measures of ideology at each wave of
owing to changing definitions of success, men's the panel, making it difficult for researchers
ideologies cannot de-identify breadwinning as to study changes in individuals' ideologies over
a male responsibility without a commensurate time.
structural shift in workplace organization (Zuo Understanding how gender ideology is con
2004). structed (in a social sense) can help researchers
understand the choices boys and girls make
regarding education and careers, how young
CONCLUSIONS AND
adults choose partners and make decisions
IMPLICATIONS FOR
about fertility, and how individuals negotiate
FUTURE RESEARCH
their family lives. Given the important so
Future research on gender ideology can be incial implications of all these individual de
formed by each of the three sections of thiscisions, more data on how gender ideology
article. First, much more can be done both tois constructed, and data from nationally rep
extend and to refine the measurement of genresentative samples (for example, including
more Hispanic and Asian respondents), are
der ideology. Rather than continuing to create
new measurement strategies with closed-endednecessary.
questions, research should implement the cur Another issue in the construction of gender
rent measures broadly into panel studies al ideology is the relatively atheoretical approach
lowing a better understanding of how ideologytaken by most scholars. For example, much of
changes over the life course of individuals (and this literature has argued that factors such as so
how differing kinds of measures may capture cial class and education undoubtedly affect one's
gender ideology, but the linkages and mecha
ideology differendy at different parts of the life
course). In addition, more work can be donenisms involved are not always clear. A thorough
to extend the measurement of gender ideology understanding of the conceptual or theoretical

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 processes by which such factors affect gender Finally, one of the common threads run
ideology is essential. ning through this literature is that gender ide
Review of the consequences of gender ide ology often functions as a lens through which
ology finds two general ways in which gen many social processes and events are viewed,
der ideology affects outcomes. First, some interpreted, and acted upon. Given the power
outcomes?for example, the timing of first ful organizing characteristics of gender in con
birth?seem to be directly affected by one s gen temporary societies, it is no surprise that gen
der ideology; egalitarian women tend to de der ideology is a primary lens through which
lay first birth longer than traditional women. both women and men view the world. Deci
Other outcomes?say, the likelihood of a mar sions we make in our lives are often guided
ried woman perceiving an unequal division of by the way in which we believe the relation
household labor as unfair or unjust?seem to ships between women and men should be. One
involve gender ideology as a moderating factor. will view one's place in an intimate relation
Greenstein (1995), for example, found that the ship, role as a parent, occupational choice, and
effects of a wife's employment on marital sta many other issues very differently based on
bility were moderated by gender ideology; the whether one holds traditional, transitional, or
wife's employment hours affected marital stabil nontraditional beliefs. Thus, research should
ity for egalitarian women but not for traditional explicidy take into consideration the influ
women. Future research employing gender ide ence of gender ideology as one of the po
ology as a predictor must be alert to both kinds tential explanatory mechanisms for gendered
of effects. behaviors.

SUMMARY POINTS
1. Gender ideology has been measured using many different individual items that can be
organized into six categories: primacy of the breadwinner role, belief in gendered separate
spheres, working women and relationship quality, motherhood and the feminine self,
household utility, and acceptance of male privilege.

2. Although social and demographic characteristics based on vested interests and exposures
to egalitarianism continue to contribute to the extent to which an individual holds an
egalitarian gender ideology, the influence of those characteristics seems to be waning,
owing largely to cohort replacement. However, women continue to be more likely to
hold egalitarian gender ideologies than men.

3. Gender ideology acts as a lens through which individuals view their social world and
upon which they make decisions. Many family-related behaviors, such as fertility tim
ing, relationship timing, quality, dissolution, and childrearing are influenced by gender
ideology. In addition, gender ideology influences the decisions adolescents and young
adults make regarding education and employment as well as the returns on investments
young adults make in their human capital.

FUTURE ISSUES
1. Does the type of measure used to capture gender ideology provide different responses
at different points in the life course? How is the reliability of measures influenced by
individual-level change in respondents? Are certain measures better at different points
in the life course than others?

ioo Davis ? Greenstein

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 2. How will our understanding of gender ideology change once more panel data incorpo
rating truly representative samples of the U.S. population become available?

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The authors are not aware of any biases that might be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this
review.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We thank Laura Hinton for her assistance with the completion of this review. We also thank our
research collaborators, especially Jeremiah B. Wills and Matthew Loyd, for conversations that led
to improvements in this review.

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