RASHID AL-DIN AND CHINESE CULTURE

by
KARL JAHN
Leiden

Among the various cultural influences to which Iran was exposed

during the Mongol period those that came from the Far East and
Central Asia are probably the most conspicuous, for they have
proved not only to have had the most marked effect but also one
that lasted for several centuries.

One of the most fascinating tasks for the culture-historian is

without doubt the tracing of the confluence of the ancient cultures
of Iran and the Far East and of their influence on each other. Since
the effects of this process are most clearly reflected in the artistic
products of that epoch, such as the miniatures, it is not difficult to
understand why the subject was first of all investigated from the
artistic point of view, while up till now no attempt has been made
to arrive at a cultural-historical evaluation. A great deal, in fact
almost all of this material will have to be subjected to an intensive
study before the effects of the impact of Sino-Tatar culture on the
Iran of the Mongols can be rightly estimated.
Iranian and non-Iranian sources of the period of course contain
abundant material on the subject. They provide us with information
on the penetration of Far Eastern manners and customs, ceremonies
and titles ; they tell of the adoption of various administrative and
financial institutions such as that of paper currency ; they instruct
us on the work of agricultural and technical experts from the Far
East; finally they testify to the presence and activity in Iran of
numerous physicians, astronomers, artists and scholars of all kinds
from Eastern Asia.

Bearing these facts in mind it is not surprising to learn that at

that time the interest of the enlightened classes of native society,
especially physicians and natural scientists, began to be aroused in
the achievements and ideas of the Far Eastern world. Although this
interest was also widely and actively stimulated by the Mongol
 RASHID AL-DiN AND CHINESE CULTURE 135

rulers themselves, who, since Hülägü, had constantly m

close contact with China and Central Asia, it has been sho
did not really begin to bear fruit in the literary sense unti
of the Ilkhans Ghazan (1295-1304) and his brother Ölje
16), when Rashïd al-Din, the great statesman, historian an
cian,1 for the first time turned his attention to this field
was during this period that, in addition to his well-known
OF CHINA,2 which he composed as part of the first Histo
World, a translation of four apparently lengthy scripts fr
into Persian saw the light of day. According to a gener
of his works3 that dates at the latest from the year
(1310-11 A. D.) these were the following works:
1. the theoretical and practical medicine of the people of
viz. Northern China;
2. Chinese remedies etc., both those commonly used i
others unknown there ;
3. Mongol medicaments of both the above categories;
4. the organization and administration of the kingdo
Khitays and the management of state affairs acco
their customs.

Of these four works, only the first - or a portion of it - has been

discovered, namely in one single MS, No. 3596 in the Aya Sofya.
In the Library Catalogue it is cited as "Anatomical work in the
Persian language", whereas the title of the composite work of which
it formed part and which is to be found on Folio 40 recto reads:
Tänksüqnäma-i llkhãn dar fñnñn-i 6ulñm-i Jchitâ'ï (i.e. The Precious
Work of the Ilkhan on the various Branches of Khitay Learning).

1 On Rashïd al-Dïn's work as physician and promoter of medicine, cf. E.

G. Browne, Arabian Medicine (Cambridge 1921), 102ff.; C. Elgood, A
Medical History of Persia and the Eastern Caliphate from the earliest times
until the year A. D . 1932 (Cambridge 1951), 31 Iff.
2 The late Prof. P. Kahle spent many years on a translation of this work,
which he also intended to edit. His translation of the fragments of the Arabic
version is now in the possession of Prof. H. Franke (Munich) who also has
an English translation of the Persian version by Prof. Hamidullah (Paris).
Prof. Franke, who for some time has been working on the History of China
(cf. H. Franke, Some Remarks on Rashïd al-Dïn's History of China , Oriens
IV, 1951, 2, 113if.) is now planning to publish this work in collaboration with
the present author.
3 Cf. A. M. Mugmov, Persidskaya unikal naja rukopis Rashïd ad-Dinat
UŽIV, XVI (1958), 358; K. Jahn, The still missing works of Rashïd al-Dïn ,
CAJ, IX (1964), 2, 113ff.
 136 KARL JAHN

This is a title not borne b

al-Dïn, though it does remind
belonging to a famous work
great astronomer and natur
by the latter for the Ilkh
Rashïd al-Dïn had consciou
scholar whom he held in hig
The contents of the comp
scribed in detail after the title on Fol. 40 recto - 41 verso. It consisted
of four books whose titles are strikingly reminiscent of those in the
general catalogue, though this similarity is not so far-reaching as to
permit of an identification throughout. If this were so it would apply
primarily to the surviving book, which deals with medicine (in
general), the manner of counting pulse-beats and the anatomy of
the most important organs of the human body. It is a translation
into Persian of a Chinese work in rhyme that bears the title of
Wang-shu-khu after its author.5 The second book deals with the
anatomy of the twelve arteries, the circulation of the blood and the
acupuncture and moxa. It was entitled Nunk-win .6 It seems more
than likely that the title "Nunk win" conceals the "Nan-ching",
viz. "Classic Work of Difficulties", a standard work on Chinese
medicine that commences with the theory of arteries and the
circulation of the blood. Since however the general catalogue lists

4 Cf. F . Tauer in History of Iranian Literature by Jan Rypka (Dordrecht

1968), 471.
5 According to information received through the kindness of Prof. P.
Ratchnevsky (Berlin) this was not the famous Pulse Classic entitled Mo-ching
and written by Wang shu-ho, but a work called Mo-chüeh dating presumably
from the 12th century and containing numerous passages in verse form. This
was wrongly attributed to the author of the Mo-ching. Cf . P. Ratchnevsky,
Historisch-terminologisches Wörterbuch der Yüan-Zeit. Medizinwesen (Berlin
1967), 50, under "Mojue". As I have just heard from Professor W. Fuchs
(Cologne), the same conclusion was already reached in 1960 by Dr. J. Rail
in her article Zur persischen Übersetzung eines Mo-chüeh , eines chinesischen
medizinischen Textes , pub. in Oriens Extremus 7 (Hamburg 1960), 152-157;
cf. ibid., 154 if. for further information on the medical contents of the work
and the relation between the Persian translation and the Chinese original.
6 Perhaps Tung Hsüan Chü Shih's work Wei Chi Pau Shu is referred to here,
a suggestion for which I am indebted to Prof. E. Zürcher (Leiden). Cf. K.
Chimin Wong - Wu Lien-Teh, History of Chinese Medicine (Shanghai 19362),
87 ; Prof. Ratchnevsky is however of the opinion that the contents would
rather indicate the Nan Ching. In this view he is emphatically supported by
Prof. H. Franke, who maintains the correct reading to be "Nankin" - from
the classical Chinese "Nan-king" - in place of "Nunk win".
 RASHiD AL-DiN AND CHINESE CULTURE 137

only one work on Chinese medicine, one may assume th

volumes were there combined to form one whole. The third book
treats of medical practice in ancient China, the various remedies,
their properties and uses.7 Here there is thus no division into
Chinese and Mongolian medicines such as we come across - for
the first time - in the works listed in the general catalogue. The
fourth book shows an even wider divergence, dealing as it does
partly with the organization and administration of the State of
Khitay and partly with a classification of maladies. The list
of contents announces the first part as a description of the disposition
of the emirs to the right and the left according to rank and class.
The second part of the book deals with the laws, which resemble
those of the Shari'a, and their nature. "To this second part was
given the title Tai-lchu-lu-lun ,8 that is the book which, after longevity
and health, is necessary for every man. For the laws, regulations
and organisations of the kingdom resemble (those of) the realm of
the body." In place of the partly political, partly medical orientation
of the Tãnksuqnãma , we find in the general catalogue a work dealing
exclusively with politics.
Speaking generally therefore, the assertion seems to be justified
that despite many similarities we have here two quite different
versions of one and the same composite work. The order in which
the two versions were composed can only be conjectured, in spite
of the observations enumerated above, because the works in the
general catalogue are only known by their very globally indicated
titles. If these titles did in fact correspond with the contents, then
of course the second and final version is indicated.
As to the dates when the four books were translated - at any rate
the so-called first version - the introduction to the first book of the

7 This work consists of two parts. The title of the first, according to Prof.
Franke, is Yü Yõ Yuri Fang Shu , which is consistent with the Chinese
"Yü-yao-yüan fang-shu", viz. "Book of Prescriptions of the Imperial
Pharmaceutical Office". The work is a slightly varying version of the Hsin-
k*an Hul-min Yü-yao-yüan fang , viz. "Newly printed Prescriptions of
the Imperial Pharmaceutical Office for the Well-being of the People", which
contained 24 chapters and appeared for the first time in 1267.
8 From information received through the kindness of Prof. Franke it is
now clear that the book referred to here is the T'ai-ho lü-ling , "Laws and
Regulations of the Reign of the T'ai-ho". This work comprised 20 chapters
and was a collection of laws and regulations of the Kin Empire. It appeared
at the beginning of the 13th century. Though by that time no longer in
existence, it nevertheless influenced works on legislation during the Mongol
period in China.
 138 KARL JAHN

Tãnksuqnãma leaves us in no
taken and completed by o
Ghazan, by the latter's "h
fixes the period in which it
of Ghazan (1295-1304). As
Rashid al-Dïn's own words that the translation of other Chinese
works was being carried out simultaneously. It is not known in how
far these were incorporated into the Tãnksuqnãma or its later
version, or on the other hand existed as separate works.
Neither Ghazan nor Rashid al-Dïn is mentioned by name in the
Introduction referred to above, but there can be no doubt that
these two persons are meant. The omission of Ghazan's name may
possibly be connected with the fact that the surviving book of the
Tãnksuqnãma exists only in a relatively late copy (20 Sha'ban
713 A. H. = 9 December 1313), and thus dates from a time when
the copyist was in doubt whether he should include the name of the
deceased or that of the reigning Ilkhan (Öljeitü), and finally
decided to omit the name altogether. The identity of the person
who commissioned the work and that of the author were however
so obvious, even though their names were not stated, that Abdülbaki
Gölpinarli, in the Foreword to his pleasing Turkish translation of
the Introduction ( muqaddima ) already expressed his firm conviction
that here Ghazan and his great emir were referred to.9
We are well acquainted with Rashïd al-Dïn's historical methods
and objectives; his extensive theological writings, which still await
publication, will in the future serve us as guide to his religious
thinking;10 as to his private life, the large numbers of his surviving
letters have provided many valuable details;11 but of Rashid al-Dïn
as physician and as representative of the intellectual élite of his

9 See Baki Gölpinarli, Tanksuknamei Ilhan der Fununu Ulûmu Hatai

mukaddemesi , Istanbul Üniversitesi Tib Tarihi Enstitüsü, 14 (1939), 8-9;
the translator's preface (10-18) is followed by a general survey of the contents
by Prof. A. Süheyl Ünver; Mugtabã Mïnovï, Tar juma-i ' ulüm-i chini bafãrsl
dar qarn-i hashtum-i hijrl , Majalla-i Dãnishkada-i Adabiyyãt, III (Tehran
1955), 1, 1-25 (Arab.), especially from p. 10 onwards; Jahn, ibid., 121. On
Tanksuq , cf. G. Doerfer, Türkische u. mongolische Elemente im Neupersischen ,
II (Wiesbaden 1965), 570-3.
10 Cf. E. G. Browne, A Literary History of Persia , III (1928), 75ff. ; K. Jahn,
Study on supplementary Persian sources for the Mongol History of Iran, in
Aspects of Altaic Civilization , ed. by D. Sinor, (Bloomington, 1963).
11 Mukãtabãt-i Rashldl , ed. by M. Shafi (Lahore 1945). A Russian translation
by A. I. Falina is to be published shortly.
 RASHiD AL-DiN AND CHINESE CULTURE 139

time there exists no better evidence than that given in

duction to the Tãnksuqnãrna. In the truest sense of the
a piece of spirited autobiography and as such deserv
attention. A commentated translation would best serve th
but the very considerable size of the script -77 folio pages
a barrier to such an undertaking, at any rate in the present
For this reason an attempt will now be made to trace b
ideas and observations on which this Introduction is based.
As regards its subject matter, the Introduction may be described
as a kind of defence of the unique character of Chinese culture and
the bringing into prominence of some of its highest achievements.
It is directed to Iranian and to Moslem physicians in general in an
endeavour to broaden their horizons and extend their interests by
encouraging them to apply themselves to the study of Chinese
medicine. Up to that time -thus Rashid al -Dm - Iranian medicine
had been based on "the works of Greek scholars translated at the
command of Härün al-Rashid", together with those works of the
Franks and the Byzantines that were founded on them, and a few
others derived from Maghrib and India.13 Now the thus far unknown
and untranslated medical books from Khitay, Chin, Machin and
adjacent countries were added to them and were intended to supple-
ment existing knowledge.
Among the highest accomplishments of ancient Chinese culture a
special place must certainly be accorded to calligraphy, printing
and music. Up to a certain point moreover these facets of culture
can be explained to and understood by the non-Chinese, as opposed
to the world of thought of the Far East which differs so widely from
that of Western Asia. It is therefore not to be wondered at that
Rashid al-Din chose just these fields to give his colleagues an
impressive introduction to ancient Chinese culture, whereas he only
touched on the fringe of the Far Eastern world of ideas, mentioning
its peculiarities in an attempt to create a recognition of its intrinsic
character.

According to prevalent conceptions - so Rashïd al-Dïn tells us -

natural scenery and the respective situations of the countries (of the
earth) plaj^ a decisive part in determining the greater and lesser
differences that distinguish peoples one from the other, whether we

12 The author of the present study is planning a facsimile edition of the MS

with translation and commentary.
13 See fol. 6 recto .
 140 KARL JAHN

consider their appearance, c

in script, language, art and k
on these two factors and c
peoples of Chin, Machin, Kh
at the edge of the first an
temperament. This latter h
dense population and an in
any more potent mark of a
procreation and propagatio
have named and in the nei
are more wise and experien
where. But because the Ch
us and we do not know th
doubt here as to the existen
As I said before, logical co
this opinion. Only by means
language, secrets and wisd
and aided by experience I re
of knowledge. At the com
to translate some of their b
on, I have also taken pains
degree understand their boo
book .... and (other) books
metals, trees, animals, fishe
passage that the number o
in commission from him w
of the year 710 A. H. (131
When making brief mentio
system, our author again c
Iran so sadly misjudged F
he tells us that the great
astronomical tables, had f
Chinese scholar,15 a man fr
Hülägü. Yet the only thing
used by the Mongols on th
14 See fol. 8 recto .
15 In Kashid al-Dïn s History of China (MS Topkapisarayi, Hazine 1654,
Preface) this scholar is called Fum.nji (= Fu Mêng-chi or Fu Mu-chai),
commonly known as Sinksink (= Hsien-sheng, i.e. master, lord, doctor).
See J. A. Boyle, The longer Introduction to the Zij-i Ilkhani of N asir -ad-Din
Tusi , Journal of Semitic Studies, III (Manchester 1963), 253 and Note 4.
 RASHÏD AL-DÏN AND CHINESE CULTURE 141

beginners. In this manner however Chinese learning cam

discredit in Iran, though the peoples of Khitay, Chin, M
Solanga,17 Jiirjet,18 Qarakhitay19 and Uighur, as far as the
of Turkestan and India, all owed their knowledge of astro
Chinese books. The Uighur cycle of the Twelve Animals2
of Chinese origin, though difficulties in establishing dates p
themselves here after no more than 200 years. This was
case with the Chinese system, according to which the calend
calculated for 10,000 years ahead.21 It is interesting too t
here Rashid al-Din's comparison of the peoples of the "C
with those of the "Mediterranean" spheres of culture ("f
borders of Egypt, Syria, Northern Africa and Aden as far a
of Turkestan, India and the Franks"). The book knowledg
latter peoples - at any rate scientific knowledge - was a
proximately uniform level, in spite of the prevailing differ
script and language. And this latter fact, which also ap
the peoples included in the "Chinese" cultural sphere, did no
the acute perception of Rashid al-Din.

18 In the Preface to his History of China (MS Topkapisarayi, Hazin

fol. 2516) Rashid al-Din emphatically draws attention to the fact th
and "Khitay" refer to one and the same country, namely Norther
"Southern China is called Manzi by the North-Chinese, Nangas by
gols and Machin by the Indians. (The last name), which comes from
viz. Great China, is also used by other peoples who do not know th
meaning of Mahã." Rashid al-Din thus shows that he was well a
with the circumstances and that his knowledge was ahead of that
centuries. Cf. P. Kahle, China as described by Turkish geographers fr
sources , Proceedings of the Iran Society, Vol. II, 4 (London 1940), pa
50-51, 59.
17 Territory adjacent to the Jiirjet. The Mongols referred to the North-
Koreans as Solanga. Cf. here 'Ata-Malik Juvaini, The History of the World-
Conqueror, transi, by J. A. Boyle, I (Manchester 1959), 19034; Rasid-ad-Din,
Sbornik Letopisei , II, transi, and comm. by Yu. P. Verkhovskij and B. I.
Pankratov (Moscow 1960), 18312.
18 In the Preface to the History of China the "steppe peoples living in the
neighbouring districts to the Qarakhitay are called Yuji (Yugi) by the Chinese
and Jurja (Jurjah) [viz. Jurjet] by the Mongols and other peoples".
18 In the Preface to the History of China we read: To the north ot Jvnitay
there lives a steppe people similar to the Turkomans. In this country and in
Khitay these people are called J. d. n. (= K'i-tan?) and the Mongols call
them Qarakhitay." Consequently the Mongols at that time designated as
Qarakhitay both the Khitay who had remained in their original places of
abode and also those who had migrated to the west.
20 Literature on the subject is to be found in D. Sinor, Introduction à
V Etude de VEurasie Centrale (Wiesbaden 1963), 351-2.
21 See fol. 9 recto and verso .
 142 KARL JAHN

It is not really surprising

lations from the Chinese h
complaining of the amou
standing he met with amon
was engaged on the trans
other books. That he neve
was only, he says, becaus
hereby "the wise and jud
the subtleties and profun
their knowledge and their
of the truth, they would
suspicion would turn to go
that they would apply th
Rashid al-Din is however well aware of the difficulties involved in
comprehending the translated works. He therefore considers it
necessary that an abstract, an interpretation or a good commentary
on each of them should be written, but the services required of him
by His Majesty leave neither time nor opportunity for him to fulfil
such a task himself. "Neither do I believe that I shall be able to
devote myself to it nor to write a commentary to my satisfaction.
Often already in the past, as in this case, I have given up the hope
of completing many a thing, but with the help of the Exalted God
it will (still at last) be possible. If God, the Exalted, aids me and
graciously prolongs my life I shall be able to write commentaries
on some of them. But if this proves impossible it will fall to the wise
and learned men of centuries to come to complete this work with
God's help."22
It may be taken for granted that in the Islamic world no one
before Rashid al-Dïn, and certainly no one after him, took so much
interest in Chinese script and displayed so much fervour in applying
himself to its problems. His own words can best express this: "It
had been known for a long time - he writes - that the Chinese
possess no letters but that they denote each name (of a person or
thing) and each word by means of a picture. But since the number
of their words is very great one seldom finds a scribe who is master
of the whole of the script. Now he who knows it in its entirety attains
to the highest degree of learning among them. Every person with
common sense who hears of this is either filled with amazement or

22 See fol. 1 1 recto.

 RASHiD AL-DiN AND CHINESE CULTURE 143

expresses disbelief (i.e. of this statement) and attributes it

incompetence and lack of intelligence. I, poor man, h
doubted their intelligence, yet it astonished me. At first I
no one to instruct me in the truth and purpose of it. Only
time did I learn from several of their physicians and scho
because of the many meanings of the words, a separate pi
been invented for each meaning, so that in this way many
be saved from mistaking the meaning. When one bears in
in this fashion all errors in reading are prevented, one re
wide significance of this invention and system."23
Long before Rashïd al-Dïn came to this conclusion - he
engaged upon the translation of the TãnJcsuqnãma -
deavoured to investigate the mystery of Chinese script in
way. Even though the outcome was negative, we are n
interested in this undertaking because in the course of
introduced to two highly important persons who are men
name. The first of these was a versatile scholar named Maulãnã
Safï al-Daula va'1-Dïn, a man who was highly thought of by Rashïd
al-Dïn and who has also been described as "prince of the wise and
learned men, the phoenix of the age".24 The other person is Siu-seh
(Hsiu-hsieh ?), according to Rashïd al-Dïn the most eminent of the
Chinese physicians working in Iran at that time. To this man
Rashïd al-Dïn attached Maulãnã Safï al-Daula va'1-Dïn, together
with a competent interpreter (Kelemechi), so that he might learn the
Chinese script, language and terminology.25 At the end of a year
Safï al-Daula reported on what he had learned, but this once again
only amounted to the known fact that Chinese writing was composed
of pictures and not of letters. To Rashïd al-Dïn's questions as to
the obscure and incredible nature of this script, he was nevertheless
unable to give an answer. When later on our author had found the
23 See fol. 11 verso and 12 recto. The nature of Chinese writing is also dealt
with in the muqaddima (introduction) to the History of China (MS Topkapi-
sarayi, Hazine 1654, fol. 253a and b), though in an abbreviated form.
24 The only other thing we know about the scholar Maulãnã Safï al-Daula
va'1-Dïn, who was held in high esteem by Rashïd al-Dïn and appears moreover
to have been a very skilful physician, is that he was one of the participants
in the discussions which resulted in the extensive philosophico -theological
work entitled ' Asvila vďajviba. This fact can also be learnt from the muqad-
dima (fol. 35 r), where he is described as "Safï-Allâh, our great lord and king
of the sages". On ' Asvila va'ajviba cf. Z. V. Togan, Umumî Türk Tarihine
Giri§ (Istanbul 1946), 269; idem , art. "Resîd-ûd-Dîn Tabîb" (cüz 98, 1963),
711.
25 See folio 12 verso. Cf. M. Minoví, op. cit ., 19, note z.
 144 KARL JAHN

clue to the problem, he c

pronounced it to be the sole
Now when Rashïd al-Dïn
Chinese script, he began t
advantages compared with o
turned out in favour of Chi
signs it is possible to make
Chin, Machin, Tangut, Sola
khitay - an exceedingly la
languages are spoken - but a
other languages; for in Ch
script and not the reverse
word". Herein lies the grea
with all other systems of
degree of interdependence
invented this pictural syste
great superiority justifies t
to learn it.

In the course of his investigations our author was also greatly

indebted to the son of a Chinese physician for much useful infor-
mation. This man had learnt both the Persian and Chinese languages
and script. "In the kingdom of Khitay and Chin - he informs Rashïd
al-Dïn - there are many large towns. In each of these so many
dialects are spoken that they differ even from one quarter to
another. But there is only one way of writing for everybody. In this
they write down everything they wish to say to each other and they
understand it without an interpreter. If on the contrary one writes
languages with characters such as the Indian, Turkish, Mongolian,
Tibetan, Persian and Arabic with Chinese characters, it is usually
incorrect because a whole series of sounds (T, Ž, T, D, D, 6, ť, H, H)
are unknown in their vernacular. On the other hand there are
several sounds in their language that do not occur in others. Bu
this is determined by their nature. It is also the reason why th
Chinese speak such broken Persian".27
It was this informant too who by means of numerous example
explained to our author the principle of the group-sign, whic
indicates the group of ideas to which a given word belongs.28
26 See fol. 13 recto .
27 See fol. 16 recto and verso .
28 See folio 17 verso .
 RASHiD AL-DIN AND CHINESE CULTURE 145

The following conversation, which according to traditio

place between Rashïd al-Dïn and the same man, provides e
evidence of the former's enormous thirst for knowledge. "I en
writes Rashïd al-Dïn, what was first taught to children learn
write. He answered: 'First of all the numbers, and then th
several short books, the first of which deals with love, chari
good manners; the second with the usefulness of writing
pleasure to be derived from it; the third with correct beh
After they have read these short books several times, th
to read others'. I went further into the subject and aske
emphatically : ťYou are acquainted with both Persian and
script and are an astute and learned man. You have y
certainly thought about and asked your masters to what
and to what use and following what wisdom they have const
their system of writing not on letters, but on the contra
invented a special picture for each word'. He answered: 'Th
of this is quite unknown. I too enquired of them about th
they did not know'. When he had given me this answer, I
that its aim and object - which to me, poor man than I
obvious - was not known to anyone in Khitay itself".29 Ther
mistaking the pride of the successful searcher after know
Rashïd al-Dïn's words here !
The complexities of Chinese script, to learn which demands great
exertion and involves considerable expense, have as consequence
that badly -written texts may contain many a costly error. To avoid
this - Rashïd al-Dïn tells us - the following measures have been
taken: "They transfer the book (i.e. the contents in extremely
neat, legible and correct writing) 011 to wooden plates and then print
these off on to paper, just as painters transfer their pictures on to
wood and then print them off the block so that everything comes out
uniformly correct, neat and light. And with the aid of matrices
they can accomplish in one day that which a scribe requires a year
to do.30 And Chinese paper is made very thin in order that a good

29 See fol. 17 verso and 18 recto .

30 The section on Chinese book-printing was taken word for word by M.
Banâkatï (d. 1329-30) from the mvqaddima to the History of China (see ibid.,
fol. 253a) and incorporated into his own Tďrlkh-i Banâkatï (1317). A
translation of the latter is to be found in E. G. Browne's A Literary History
of Persia , III (Cambridge 19282), 102-3; see also Th. F. Carter-L. C.Goodrich,
The Invention of Printing in China and its Spread Westward (New York
19552), 172-3 and 17518.
 146 KARL JAHN

imprint can be made from t

clearly . Suitable printer's ink
Although only one side of t
left blank, the volume of th
third, as a result of the th
from the bark of the mulbe
The inhabitants of the coun
and fashion it with their to
does the inner part of wood
very light and cheap. The
flection on the part of the
and putting it into practic
on and, in connetion with t
Empire, is evident from wh
clear to me and with God's h
to confirm it (the correctne
Paper currency ( ch'ao ) , wh
is also marked by Rashïd
inventions. "Its usefulness is
the ch'ao in circulation in
stone' ; if one were to find
not be worth one-hundred
impossible to bring chao in
allusion to the unsuccessf
introduce paper currency
witness, is here obvious.34
Rashid al-Dïn tells us that the Chinese are also masters in the
field of music, but all we know about it is the following: "If a
musician wishes to sing a song or a difficult ghazal that he has not
learnt before and that would take him several days to learn, a method
lias been invented by which he can learn to play it in a moment on

31 Cf. H. Franke, Kulturgeschichtliches über die chinesische Tusche , in

ABAW, Phil. -hist. Kl., N. F., H. 54 (Munich 1962).
32 See fol. 18 verso to 19 recto .
33 See fol. 19 verso .
34 The cKao is mentioned nowhere in the muqaddima to the History of
China and there is consequently no reference to it in the TaWlkh-i Banãkati
which, as we know, is only an extract from Rashîd al-Dïn and in no sense a
"still fuller world history", as Carter-Goodrich (op. cit. 173) assert. Cf.
also my study Das iranische Papiergeld (ArOr X, 1938, 308-40), recently
revised and rendered into English for the Journal of Asian History under
the title Paper Currency in Iran.
 RASHID AL-DiN AND CHINESE CULTURE 147

the sãz and the flute. This is done in the following manner:
tone they have given a certain sign; the master, who kn
song or ghazal , sings it and writes down the appropriate sign
tone so that the pupil can learn it. When the pupil sees thes
he knows which tone is indicated and can thus play it. A
third time he knows it thoroughly and can play it quite corr
the sãz without mistakes or hesitation. And some one who was
acquainted with this method played in the above manner for His
Majesty and the Great Emirs, and they were all astonished. And
also all musicians of this kingdom engaged in composition who were
present showed great astonishment".
This does not make clear in how far Rashïd al-Dïn was acquainted
with the ingenious system of ancient Chinese music with its pen-
tatonic scale.35 Still his words indicate that he was in no uncertainty
about the principle and application of the Chinese notation. That
he here - as far as I know for the first time - makes mention of the
fact that Chinese music also found its way to the court of the
Ilkhans, where it aroused the admiration of the courtiers and of
native musicians and composers, seems to me of great importance.
He concludes his reports on several of the highest cultural achieve-
ments of the Chinese with the following words : "The Chinese possess
such rules, niceties of speech, truths, clever sayings and inventions
in all spheres of knowledge and art. Of all this I, poor man, learnt
only a little. From the books I translated I got to know many of
their witty and sagacious maxims, but until now I have found no
opportunity to comment on them. For this reason I have for the
time being only written down this little for the use of clever, wise
and learned men". Whence he goes on to a detailed discussion of the
essentials of their views on medicine, for which there is no place
within the framework of this short study.

35 Cf. J. H. Levis, Foundations of Chinese Musical Art (New York 19632),

89ff.; J. A. van Aalst, Chinese Music (New York 1966), 14ff.