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Research in Mathematics Education
Series Editors: Jinfa Cai · James A. Middleton
Toward Equity
and Social Justice
in Mathematics
Education
Research in Mathematics Education
Series editors
Jinfa Cai, Newark, DE, USA
James A. Middleton, Tempe, AZ, USA
This series is designed to produce thematic volumes, allowing researchers to access
numerous studies on a theme in a single, peer-reviewed source. Our intent for this
series is to publish the latest research in the field in a timely fashion. This design is
particularly geared toward highlighting the work of promising graduate students
and junior faculty working in conjunction with senior scholars. The audience for
this monograph series consists of those in the intersection between researchers and
mathematics education leaders—people who need the highest quality research,
methodological rigor, and potentially transformative implications ready at hand to
help them make decisions regarding the improvement of teaching, learning, policy,
and practice. With this vision, our mission of this book series is:
1. To support the sharing of critical research findings among members of the
mathematics education community;
2. To support graduate students and junior faculty and induct them into the research
community by pairing them with senior faculty in the production of the highest
quality peer-reviewed research papers; and
3. To support the usefulness and widespread adoption of research-based
innovation.
This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
To Jaedyn Bartell
toward a more just and equitable future
in which she may live
Preface
Contributions for this volume stem from the 2015 Annual Meeting of the North
American Group of the Psychology of Mathematics Education (PME-NA) held at
Michigan State University. The conference theme Critical Responses to Enduring
Challenges in Mathematics Education invited mathematics education scholars to
reflect upon and critically respond to enduring challenges in teaching and learning
mathematics for all students. To ignite discussion within the field, the conference
was organized around four focal enduring challenges: (1) addressing the needs of
marginalized populations in school mathematics, (2) teaching as responsive to vari-
ous conceptions of mathematics, (3) the role of assessment in teaching and learning,
and (4) the impact of teacher evaluation in high-stakes assessment in teaching.
As suggested by these four challenges, PME-NA has moved beyond a primary
focus on learning as dependent on a psychological representation of the mind alone
to also consider, for example, the social and sociopolitical, attending to context,
identity, culture, power, and the ways systems serve to privilege some and oppress
others along the lines of class, race, gender, and so forth, within and beyond the
boundaries of mathematics education. This book echoes these turns and is intended
for all mathematics educators committed to ongoing work toward equity and justice
in mathematics education. More specifically, authors whose papers explicitly
attended to issues of equity and justice in mathematics education at the 2015
PME-NA conference were invited to contribute chapters. These chapters, then,
reflect current efforts toward equity and justice in mathematics education. The
authors’ work spans across the ten strands of PME-NA (e.g., Student Learning and
Related Factors, Theory and Research Methods, Teacher Learning and Knowledge),
demonstrating a variety of perspectives.
The book is divided into four parts: (1) theoretical and political perspectives
toward equity and justice in mathematics education, (2) identifying and connecting
to family and community funds of knowledge, (3) student learning and engagement
in preK-12 mathematics classrooms, and (4) supporting teachers in addressing the
needs of marginalized learners. Each of these four parts addresses in some way the
enduring challenge of meeting the needs of marginalized students in mathematics
education and examines how race, class, culture, power, justice, and mathematics
vii
viii Preface
ix
x Contents
Index������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 331
Notes on Contributors
Ruth Beatty is an Associate Professor at Lakehead University. For the past 5 years,
Beatty has worked with research teams comprising First Nations community
members and educators from Ontario school boards to research the connections
between First Nations cultural activities and the Western mathematics found in the
Ontario curriculum. The goal of this research is to collaboratively design culturally
responsive mathematics instruction and to learn from and incorporate First Nations
pedagogical perspectives in inclusive classroom settings.
Abstract This chapter uses a hybrid policy analysis-critical race theory (CRT) lens
informed largely by the work of Derrick Bell to make the case that policies and reforms
in mathematics education were not designed to address the needs of marginalized
learners; rather, these policies and reforms are often designed and enacted to protect
the economic, technological, and social interests of those in power. The chapter offers
contrasting narratives between policy intentions and policy enactment, highlighting
how the language of mathematics education policies, when enacted by educational
professionals, positions marginalized learners as deficient within their cultures, fami-
lies, and communities. This chapter is organized into four sections: (1) The Social
Conditions of Marginalized Learners; (2) Theoretical Framework: CRT; (3) Historical
Perspectives and Unpacking Policies and Reforms; and (4) Discussion and Conclusion.
The Social Conditions of Marginalized Learners section describes central features of
the social and historical context in which marginalized learners now function by con-
textualizing the school and mathematical experiences of marginalized learners. The
Theoretical Framework section outlines CRT as a lens for critically examining policies
and reforms. The Historical Perspectives and Unpacking Policies and Reforms section
focuses on how marginalized students have been framed historically in policies and
reforms. The Discussion and Conclusion considers features that are necessary in poli-
cies and reform documents when discussing the needs of marginalized learners.
Introduction
In its 1989 Curriculum and Evaluation Standards for School Mathematics (CSSM),
the National Council of Teachers of Mathematics (NCTM) argued that schools
were not meeting the economic needs of the time and called for new social
goals for education (NCTM, 1989). The four social goals for education were
(1) mathematically literate workers, (2) lifelong learning, (3) opportunity for all,
and (4) an informed electorate. As ideals, these goals can be seen as unproblematic,
with widespread appeal. They can appeal to mathematics educators who view math-
ematics as universal and desire mathematical literacy for all students, and they may
also appeal to those who view mathematics as multicultural and desire contextual-
ized interpretations of mathematics that all students can appreciate (Mutegi, 2011).
These goals may also appeal to mathematics educators who are concerned with
issues of equity in mathematics education as well as those who view mathematics
education practices as independent of historical inequities (Mutegi, 2011). It is dif-
ficult to argue against the four social goals because they appear to be inclusive and
contain generalizing language that suggests working to erase injustices and exclu-
sion experienced by people who are identified as marginalized (defined here as
Black1, Latin@2, Indigenous, and poor). The generalizing language in these goals
includes all of the political, social, and cultural considerations for reformers to
direct the practices and policies of mathematics education, almost without question.
It is the use of such generalizing language that is problematic, however, because it
varies in interpretation and offers few specific points for enactment.
The third goal in CSSM, opportunity for all, does not appear to be overtly prob-
lematic because it challenges mathematics educators by drawing attention to social
injustices and full participation in society for all by stating:
The social injustices of past schooling practices can no longer be tolerated. Current statis-
tics indicate that those who study advanced mathematics are most often white males.
Women and most minorities study less mathematics and are seriously underrepresented in
careers using science and technology. Creating a just society in which women and various
ethnic groups enjoy equal opportunities and equitable treatment is no longer an issue.
Mathematics has become a critical filter for employment and full participation in our soci-
ety. We cannot afford to have the majority of our population mathematically illiterate.
Equity has become an economic necessity. (p. 4)
Combating injustices and creating a just society are noteworthy goals that many
people would not question. This goal situates equity in mathematics education as
protecting economic interests and creating workers, with little consideration for the
moral grounds or the benefit of marginalized people and communities. In order to
produce workers, a utilitarian perspective of mathematics literacy is needed, thus
ensuring the economic and social interests of those with power. Given the high
1
I use the term Black to acknowledge the Black Diaspora and to highlight that Black people living
in North America have ancestry dispersed around the world. Black learners who attend schools and
live in North America are racialized in similar ways regardless of country of origin.
2
I borrow Latin@ from Rochelle Gutiérrez (2013a, 2013b) who stated that the use of the “@ sign
to indicate both an ‘a’ and ‘o’ ending (Latina and Latino). The presence of both an ‘a’ and ‘o’ end-
ing decenters the patriarchal nature of the Spanish language where is it customary for groups of
males (Latinos) and females (Latinas) to be written in the form that denotes only males (Latinos).
The term is written Latin@ with the ‘a’ and ‘o’ intertwined, as opposed to Latina/Latino, to show
a sign of solidarity with individuals who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, question-
ing, and queer (LGBTQ)” (p. 7).
1 Disrupting Policies and Reforms in Mathematics Education to Address the Needs… 5
When I use the term marginalized learners, I am not ascribing a sweeping set of
attributes to the collectives of Black, Latin@, Indigenous, and poor peoples; I
recognize that collapsing these groups into one does not acknowledge the
6 R. Q. Berry III
intersectionality within these collectives. There are, however, shared histories and
experiences among the collectives. Martin (2013) argued that there is a dominant
discourse in research and policy documents about Black learners and mathematics
focused on a fixed set of cultural and cognitive explanations for negative outcomes,
including cultural differences or deficits, limited mathematical knowledge and
problem-solving skills, family background and socioeconomic status, and opposi-
tional orientations to schooling. Gutiérrez and Irving (2012) identified similar over-
laps in the dominant discourse regarding research and policy documents that Latin@
and Black learners share. Barnhardt (2001) pointed out how Indigenous learners are
positioned as “at risk” and how their culture and languages are positioned in opposi-
tion to schooling. This positioning, and the fact that the use of Indigenous languages
and culture is discouraged in schooling, is associated with the legacy of federal poli-
cies aimed to “civilize” and “assimilate” Indigenous learners into an American cul-
ture (Barnhardt, 2001; Noel, 2002). Although there are differences among the
collectives, they also share legacies of being positioned as deficient in research and
policy documents and share values and beliefs that prioritize community and family,
a respect for spirituality, and interconnectedness with the natural world (Barnhardt,
2001; Berry, 2008; Gutiérrez, 2013b).
When we consider a historical perspective of public education and policies, we
see that there were intentional policies designed to keep marginalized people unedu-
cated and/or undereducated. There were laws, particularly in Southern states, where
it was illegal to teach Black people who were enslaved to read and write (Anderson,
1988). As public education developed and expanded, schools became institutions to
civilize, Christianize, and control Black and Brown children to keep them passive to
social change so that they would not contribute to social upheaval (Watkins, 2001).
It was illegal to teach Indigenous peoples in their native tongues. Congress created
genocidal policies to strip young Indigenous children from their homes, adopting
“kill the Indian to save the man” (Churchill, 2004). There have been policies sup-
porting linguistic nationalism, condemning multilingual and marginalized learners.
Although during Reconstruction many Black children had access to education, the
withdrawal of federal troops in 1877 led to generations of terror, legal segregation,
and substandard educational opportunities. Given these collective legacies, reforms
in education policies often overlook the generational impact that violence has had on
marginalized people. Rather, a narrative of assimilation and control is ever present.
There is a body of research in mathematics education suggesting that marginal-
ized learners experience devaluation, inequities, exclusion, and violence (Berry,
2008; Gutiérrez, 2002; Gutstein, 2003; Martin, 2015; McGee & Martin, 2011).
Research, policy, and reform “has been violent to marginalized peoples, such as [ I]
ndigenous groups, who are represented by perspectives that are neither kind to their
cultural worldview nor accurate regarding their priorities” (Leonardo, 2013, p. 5).
Students from Black, Latin@, and Indigenous communities have disproportionately
low representation in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM)
fields at all levels of education compared to their representation in the general popu-
lation of the USA (National Science Foundation [NSF], 2015). Due to projected
population growth, people from marginalized groups are expected to be more than
1 Disrupting Policies and Reforms in Mathematics Education to Address the Needs… 7
half of the US population by 2043 (Colby & Ortman, 2014). By the year 2020, more
than half of the children in the USA are expected to be part of a minority race or
ethnic group (Colby & Ortman, 2014). Yet, Black, Latin@, and Indigenous indi-
viduals collectively make up only 13% of the STEM workforce in the USA and only
16% of all STEM undergraduate degrees awarded (NSF, 2015). The number of
Black, Latin@, and Indigenous people earning science and engineering bachelor’s
and master’s degrees has been rising since 1993, but the number of doctorates earned
in these fields has flattened at about 7% since 2002 (NSF, 2015). Since 2000, Black,
Latin@, and Indigenous students earning degrees in engineering and the physical
sciences have also been flat, and earned degrees in mathematics and statistics have
dropped (NSF, 2015). The High School Transcript Study by the National Assessment
of Educational Progress (Nord et al., 2011) found that high school graduates com-
pleting Algebra I before high school are twice as likely to successfully complete a
Precalculus/Analysis course than students who take Algebra I in high school. Only
12% of Black students and 17% of Latin@ students, however, had taken Algebra I
before high school. A report by the College Board (2013) found that even when
Black, Latin@, and Indigenous students are equally prepared for Advanced
Placement coursework, they are still less likely to experience these courses (p. 2).
The data presented above do not exist in isolation. Data are, however, often pre-
sented with little description of the conditions, contexts, and experiences of margin-
alized students. Research, policies, and reforms must consider the positionality of
marginalized learners and the many conditions and contexts in which marginalized
students exist. Schools are social institutions set up by those in power and are orga-
nized to support and value the types of cultural and social capital held by those in
power (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990). It is plausible to consider that since policies
and reforms support the value of those in power, there may be differences in the
ways marginalized learners are perceived. Policies and reforms in education often
portray marginalized learners as in need of “fixing” and their cultures, families, and
communities as deprived and deficit (Stein, 2004). For example, Basile and Lopez
(2015) point out a deficit positioning and negative narrative in the document Adding
It Up (National Research Council, 2001):
The same survey found large differences between ethnic groups on the more difficult tests
(but not on the Level 1 tasks) with 70% of Asian and 66% of non-Hispanic white children
passing the Level 2 tasks, but only 42% of African American, 44% of Hispanic, 48% of
Hawaiian Native or Pacific Islander, and 34% of American Indian or Alaska Native partici-
pants doing so. Other research has shown that children from lower socioeconomic back-
grounds have particular difficulty understanding the relative magnitudes of single- digit
whole numbers and solving addition and subtraction problems verbally rather than using
objects … This immaturity of their mathematical development may account for the prob-
lems poor and minority children have understanding the basis for simple arithmetic and
solving simple word problems. (p. 178)
The content of the quote from Adding It Up not only presented the data from a
deficit position but also used the language surrounding the data to position margin-
alized learners in “a static racial hierarchy, via what may be inferred as a biological
deficit, with White children” (Basile & Lopez, 2015, p. 534). Also, it implies that
8 R. Q. Berry III
the conditions and contexts of marginalized students are the reasons for
underperformance, rather than structural issues of schooling, ways these learners
might be positioned, or variable access to jobs, healthcare, and other resources.
When examining how policies and reforms respond to the needs of marginalized
learners, there is a constant pattern in which they are routinely given the least access
to advanced mathematics content, the fewest opportunities to learn through methods
other than memorizing facts and mimicking teacher-modeled procedures, and the
least access to well-prepared mathematics teachers (Berry, Ellis, & Hughes, 2014).
As a result, these learners experience the following conditions: (a) reduced access
to advanced mathematics courses that prepare them for higher education and
improved career options; (b) routine exposure to activities that focus primarily on
rote, decontextualized learning through drill and practice with little to no engage-
ment that promotes reasoning and using mathematics as a tool to analyze social and
economic issues, critique power dynamics, and build advocacy; and (c) less access
to qualified teachers of mathematics who both understand mathematics deeply and
understand their students’ cultural and community context deeply in order to give
learners access to mathematical knowledge (Ellis, 2008; Flores, 2007; Martin,
2007). The effect of these conditions on marginalized learners’ attainment in math-
ematics demonstrates well that such an approach constrains outcomes to a narrow
range of proficiencies focused on basic skills.
While the disproportionality in conditions of marginalized learners is a cause for
concern, it is important to understand that addressing the needs of these learners
may not have been the primary goal of prior policies and reforms in mathematics
education. Berry and colleagues (2014) argued that prior policies and reforms in
mathematics education have failed due to having been developed to address the
needs and interests of those in power. In fact, many past policies and reforms in
mathematics teaching and learning have come at the expense of the needs and inter-
ests of marginalized learners by framing policies and reforms based on economic,
technological, and security interests of those in power.
Derrick Bell, a former attorney with the National Association for the Advancement
of Colored People (NAACP) during the civil rights era, employed his interest-
convergence principle to explain how the US Supreme Court issued the landmark
ruling in Brown v Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas (Brown) in 1954. The
Supreme Court’s ruling in the Brown case revoked the “separate but equal” doctrine,
which legally sanctioned segregation in public education and daily life. Bell (2004)
argued that the Brown decision was not the result of America coming to terms with
its democratic ideals or moral sensibilities; rather, the Supreme Court was more
interested in providing “immediate credibility to America’s struggle with commu-
nist countries to win the hearts and minds of emerging third world people” than in
doing what was morally right (p. 233). Under the interest-convergence principle,
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