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Research in Mathematics Education
Series Editors: Jinfa Cai · James A. Middleton
Tonya Gau Bartell Editor
Toward Equity
and Social Justice
in Mathematics
Education
Series editors
Jinfa Cai, Newark, DE, USA
James A. Middleton, Tempe, AZ, USA
This series is designed to produce thematic volumes, allowing researchers to access
numerous studies on a theme in a single, peer-reviewed source. Our intent for this
series is to publish the latest research in the field in a timely fashion. This design is
particularly geared toward highlighting the work of promising graduate students
and junior faculty working in conjunction with senior scholars. The audience for
this monograph series consists of those in the intersection between researchers and
mathematics education leaders—people who need the highest quality research,
methodological rigor, and potentially transformative implications ready at hand to
help them make decisions regarding the improvement of teaching, learning, policy,
and practice. With this vision, our mission of this book series is:
1. To support the sharing of critical research findings among members of the
mathematics education community;
2. To support graduate students and junior faculty and induct them into the research
community by pairing them with senior faculty in the production of the highest
quality peer-reviewed research papers; and
3. To support the usefulness and widespread adoption of research-based
innovation.
More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/13030

Tonya Gau Bartell
Editor
Toward Equity and Social

Justice in Mathematics
Education
Editor
Tonya Gau Bartell
Teacher Education
Michigan State University
East Lansing, MI, USA
ISSN 2570-4729 ISSN 2570-4737 (electronic)

ISBN 978-3-319-92906-4 ISBN 978-3-319-92907-1 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92907-1
Library of Congress Control Number: 2018950542
© Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature 2018

This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of
the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation,
broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information
storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication
does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant
protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book
are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the
editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors
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This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
To Jaedyn Bartell
toward a more just and equitable future
in which she may live
Preface
Contributions for this volume stem from the 2015 Annual Meeting of the North
American Group of the Psychology of Mathematics Education (PME-NA) held at
Michigan State University. The conference theme Critical Responses to Enduring
Challenges in Mathematics Education invited mathematics education scholars to
reflect upon and critically respond to enduring challenges in teaching and learning
mathematics for all students. To ignite discussion within the field, the conference
was organized around four focal enduring challenges: (1) addressing the needs of
marginalized populations in school mathematics, (2) teaching as responsive to vari-
ous conceptions of mathematics, (3) the role of assessment in teaching and learning,
and (4) the impact of teacher evaluation in high-stakes assessment in teaching.
As suggested by these four challenges, PME-NA has moved beyond a primary
focus on learning as dependent on a psychological representation of the mind alone
to also consider, for example, the social and sociopolitical, attending to context,
identity, culture, power, and the ways systems serve to privilege some and oppress
others along the lines of class, race, gender, and so forth, within and beyond the
boundaries of mathematics education. This book echoes these turns and is intended
for all mathematics educators committed to ongoing work toward equity and justice
in mathematics education. More specifically, authors whose papers explicitly
attended to issues of equity and justice in mathematics education at the 2015
PME-NA conference were invited to contribute chapters. These chapters, then,
reflect current efforts toward equity and justice in mathematics education. The
authors’ work spans across the ten strands of PME-NA (e.g., Student Learning and
Related Factors, Theory and Research Methods, Teacher Learning and Knowledge),
demonstrating a variety of perspectives.
The book is divided into four parts: (1) theoretical and political perspectives
toward equity and justice in mathematics education, (2) identifying and connecting
to family and community funds of knowledge, (3) student learning and engagement
in preK-12 mathematics classrooms, and (4) supporting teachers in addressing the
needs of marginalized learners. Each of these four parts addresses in some way the
enduring challenge of meeting the needs of marginalized students in mathematics
education and examines how race, class, culture, power, justice, and mathematics
vii
viii Preface
teaching and learning intersect in mathematics education to sustain or disrupt

inequities. Each section includes contributions from scholars writing critically
about mathematics education in diverse contexts. Further, scholars were invited to
provide commentaries on each section so that the book might not only provide a
glimpse of research at a moment in time but also continue to push our thinking and
work forward toward equity and justice in mathematics education.
East Lansing, MI, USA Tonya Gau Bartell

Contents
Part I Theoretical and Political Perspectives Toward Equity

and Justice in Mathematics Education
1 Disrupting Policies and Reforms in Mathematics Education
to Address the Needs of Marginalized Learners �� 3
Robert Q. Berry III
2 Making the Implicit Explicit: Building a Case for Implicit Racial
Attitudes to Inform Mathematics Education Research�� 21
Dan Battey and Luis A. Leyva
3 A Socio-spatial Framework for Urban Mathematics Education:
Considering Equity, Social Justice, and the Spatial Turn�� 43
Gregory V. Larnell and Erika C. Bullock
4 Building on “Misconceptions” and Students’ Intuitions
in Advanced Mathematics�� 59
Aditya P. Adiredja
5 Promoting Equitable Systems in Mathematics Education
Starts with Us: Linking Literature on Allywork to the Work
of Mathematics Teacher Educators�� 77
Carlos LópezLeiva, Beth Herbel-Eisemann, and Ayşe Yolcu
6 A Commentary on Theoretical and Political Perspectives
Toward Equity and Justice in Mathematics Education�� 99
David W. Stinson
ix
x Contents
Part II Identifying and Connecting to Family and Community

Funds of Knowledge
7 Connecting Algonquin Loomwork and Western Mathematics
in a Grade 6 Math Class�� 105
Ruth Beatty
8 Conversions for Life: Transnational Families’ Mathematical
Funds of Knowledge�� 127
Miwa Aoki Takeuchi
9 A Commentary on Identifying and Connecting to Family
and Community Funds of Knowledge�� 145
Marta Civil
Part III Student Learning and Engagement in PreK–12 Mathematics

Classrooms
10 “So We Only Have One We Share with More,
and Then They Have Way More and They Share with Less”:
Mathematics and Spatial Justice�� 153
Laurie H. Rubel, Vivian Y. Lim, and Maren Hall-Wieckert
11 Supporting the Development of Bilingual Learners’
Mathematical Discourse in a Multilingual,
Technological Context�� 173
Oi-Lam Ng
12 The Micro-Politics of Counting�� 191
Annica Andersson and David Wagner
13 A Commentary on Student Learning and Engagement
in Pre-K–12 Mathematics Classrooms�� 211
Anita A. Wager
Part IV Supporting Teachers on Addressing the Needs

of Marginalized Students
14 Preservice Teachers’ Strategies for Teaching Mathematics
with English Learners�� 217
Zandra de Araujo, Erin Smith, Ji-Yeong I, and Matthew Sakow
15 “How I Want to Teach the Lesson”: Framing Children’s
Multiple Mathematical Knowledge Bases in the Analysis
and Adaptation of Existing Curriculum Materials�� 241
Frances K. Harper, Corey Drake, Tonya Gau Bartell,
and Eduardo Najarro
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Contents xi
16 Seeing Mathematics Through Different Eyes: An Equitable

Approach to Use with Prospective Teachers�� 263
Christa Jackson, Cynthia E. Taylor, and Kelley Buchheister
17 Using Concept Maps in Teacher Education: Building
Connections Among Multiple Mathematical Knowledge
Bases and Assessing Mathematical Understanding�� 287
Lynette DeAun Guzmán
18 Using Ethnomathematics Perspective to Widen the Vision
of Mathematics Teacher Education Curriculum�� 309
Nirmala Naresh and Lisa Kasmer
19 A Commentary on Supporting Teachers in Addressing
the Needs of Marginalized Students�� 327
Mary Q. Foote
Index�� 331
Notes on Contributors
Aditya P. Adiredja is an Assistant Professor of Mathematics at The University of

Arizona. Adiredja’s research is situated in the intersections between post-secondary
mathematics, equity, and cognition. His work looks at ways that perspectives on
epistemology and learning determine the kinds of knowledge and students that get
privileged in the classroom. This focus is part of a larger goal of turning under-
graduate mathematics classrooms into spaces where underrepresented students can
personally, intellectually, and professionally succeed as they critically engage with
and learn mathematics.
Annica Andersson is an Associate Professor at the Department for Mathematics

and Science Teaching, Malmö University. Andersson earned her Ph.D. at Aalborg
University, with a thesis focusing on teachers’ and students’ identities in the context
of critical mathematics education. Her research is located at the intersection of
mathematics education, language, cultural responsiveness, and social justice with a
particular focus on equity, authority, discourses, and human relationships in
mathematics education school contexts.
Tonya Gau Bartell is an Associate Professor of Mathematics Education at

Michigan State University. Bartell’s research focuses on issues of culture, race, and
power in mathematics teaching and learning with particular attention to teachers’
development of mathematics pedagogy for social justice and pedagogy integrating
a focus on children’s multiple mathematical knowledge bases. She served as a
co-chair of the 2015 Annual Meeting of PME-NA from which this book arose, is on
the editorial board of Mathematics Teacher Education and Development, and is a
co-editor of the Journal of Teacher Education.
Dan Battey is an Associate Professor of Mathematics Education in the Graduate

School of Education at Rutgers University. Battey’s work examines engaging teachers
in learning opportunities that generate and sustain change and which c hallenge deficit
narratives that limit opportunities for African American and Latino students in
mathematics. Battey is currently working on understanding mathematics education
as a racialized space through researching relational interactions in classrooms.
xiii
xiv Notes on Contributors
Ruth Beatty is an Associate Professor at Lakehead University. For the past 5 years,
Beatty has worked with research teams comprising First Nations community
members and educators from Ontario school boards to research the connections
between First Nations cultural activities and the Western mathematics found in the
Ontario curriculum. The goal of this research is to collaboratively design culturally
responsive mathematics instruction and to learn from and incorporate First Nations
pedagogical perspectives in inclusive classroom settings.
Robert Q. Berry III Ph.D., is President of the National Council of Teachers of

Mathematics and is a Professor of Mathematics Education in the Curry School of
Education at the University of Virginia, with an appointment in Curriculum
Instruction and Special Education. Berry teaches in the teacher e ducation program,
and his research focuses on equity issues in mathematics e ducation, with a particu-
lar focus on Black children.
Kelley Buchheister focuses her research and teaching on enhancing students’

thinking and reasoning in early mathematics by developing practicing and prospective
teachers’ understanding of the cultural contexts of learning and constructing appropri-
ately challenging environments that provide the greatest opportunity for all students to
achieve high-quality experiences in the STEM (science, technology, engineering, and
mathematics) disciplines. Furthermore, through her research, Buchheister, along with
her colleagues, closely examines the role of culturally relevant pedagogy and teacher
beliefs in educational experiences and has prioritized equity and cultural contexts of
learning as fundamental elements of early educational experiences.
Erika C. Bullock is an Assistant Professor of Mathematics Education in the

Department of Curriculum and Instruction at the University of Wisconsin-Madison.
Bullock’s work exists at the intersections of curriculum studies, urban education,
and mathematics education. She historicizes issues and ideologies within mathe-
matics education to examine how power operates within mathematics education to
create and maintain inequities. Bullock’s work has been published in outlets
including Educational Studies, Educational Studies in Mathematics, The Journal of
Education, and Teachers College Record.
Marta Civil is a Professor of Mathematics Education and the Roy F. Graesser

Chair in the Department of Mathematics at The University of Arizona. Civil’s
research examines cultural, social, and language aspects in the teaching and l earning
of mathematics; the connections between in-school and out-of-school mathematics;
and parental engagement in mathematics. She has led funded projects working with
children, parents, and teachers, with a focus on developing culturally responsive
learning environments, particularly with Latinx communities.
Zandra de Araujo is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Learning,

Teaching, and Curriculum at the University of Missouri. de Araujo’s research
examines teachers’ use of curriculum, particularly with emergent bilingual students.
Notes on Contributors xv
Corey Drake is a Professor and Director of Teacher Preparation at Michigan State

University. Drake’s research interests include teachers learning from and about
curriculum materials, as well as the roles of policy curriculum, and teacher prepara-
tion in supporting teachers’ capacity to teach diverse groups of students. Her work
has been funded by the National Science Foundation and the Spencer Foundation
and is published in venues including Educational Researcher, Journal of Teacher
Education, and Journal of Mathematics Teacher Education.
Mary Q. Foote is a Professor Emerita of Mathematics Education in the Department

of Elementary and Early Childhood Education at Queens College of the City
University of New York. Foote’s research attends to equity issues in mathematics
education and broadly stated examines issues in mathematics teacher education.
More specifically her interests are in cultural and community knowledge and prac-
tices, and how they might inform mathematics teaching practice. She is currently
involved researching and developing/facilitating two professional development
projects: one supports teachers to teach mathematical modeling using cultural and
community contexts in Grades 3–5, and the other supports teachers to develop more
equitable instructional practices through action research projects that incorporate
examination of access, agency, and allyship in mathematics teaching and learning.
Lynette DeAun Guzmán Ph.D., is a mathematics education researcher and teacher

educator at The University of Arizona. Motivated by experiences as a Latinx woman
navigating academic spaces, Guzmán’s scholarship centers on addressing inequities
in education for historically marginalized students with attention to identity and
power. She examines discourses and practices in mathematics education to interro-
gate narrow epistemological and ontological perspectives on teaching and learning
that often exclude students of color. Guzmán enjoys working with prospective and
practicing K-8 teachers to transform classrooms with equity-oriented and
humanizing practices that value young people as knowers and creators.
Maren Hall-Wieckert is a former research assistant at Brooklyn College of the

City University of New York. Hall-Wieckert’s interests lie in data science, critical
cartography, and how notions of space and place frame and reframe conversations
in the social sciences, especially around notions of teaching and learning.
Frances K. Harper is an Assistant Professor of STEM Education at the University

of Tennessee at Knoxville. Her research broadly focuses on issues of equity and
social justice in mathematics education and teacher education, particularly within
urban contexts. She aspires to collaborate with both teachers and students to
understand the culturally and contextually specific nuances of equitable c ollaborative
learning and critical mathematical explorations.
Beth Herbel-Eisenmann a former junior high mathematics teacher, is currently a

Professor of Mathematics Education at Michigan State University. She uses ideas and
theories from sociolinguistics and critical discourse literatures to research classroom
xvi Notes on Contributors
discourse practices as well as the professional development of secondary m athematics

teachers. She is especially interested in issues of equity that concern authority,
positioning, and voice in mathematics classrooms and professional development.
Much of her work has been done through long-term collaborations with mathematics
teachers and involves considering how teachers make sense of, take up, and use ideas
from these literatures in their practice through the process of action research.
Ji-Yeong I is an Assistant Professor of Mathematics Education at Iowa State

University. Her research interests include effective mathematical pedagogy for
emergent bilinguals (a.k.a. English language learners), mathematics teacher
education, mathematical modeling, and culturally responsive teaching.
Christa Jackson Ph.D., is an Associate Professor of Mathematics Education in the

School of Education at Iowa State University. Jackson’s research focuses on
teachers’ knowledge and conceptions of equity in the teaching and learning of
mathematics. Within this knowledge base, she seeks to understand the instructional
strategies and teaching practices mathematics teachers use that afford opportunities
for students from diverse cultures, ethnicities, and socioeconomic backgrounds to
learn rigorous, challenging mathematics while simultaneously fostering productive
mathematical identities. Jackson’s work also centers on effective mathematics
instruction at the elementary and middle levels, the preparation of prospective
mathematics teachers, strategies to help students who struggle in mathematics,
STEM education, and STEM learning.
Lisa Kasmer is an Associate Professor in the Department of Mathematics at Grand

Valley State University. Currently, she teaches mathematics courses for undergradu-
ate students pursuing degrees in secondary mathematics education and directs the
Study Abroad: Tanzania program at GVSU. Through this program, prospective
teachers teach in local mathematics classrooms while studying the cultural and
historical aspects of education in Tanzania. Her research interests include d eveloping
intercultural competencies for prospective teachers and curricular reasoning of
middle grades mathematics teachers.
Gregory V. Larnell is currently an Assistant Professor of Mathematics Education

in the Department of Curriculum and Instruction at the University of Illinois at
Chicago. Larnell studied mathematics and African American studies at Lake Forest
College and later studied mathematics education and earned his Ph.D. from the
Colleges of Natural Science and Education at Michigan State University. His work
centers on sociological and sociopolitical inquiry in mathematics education, with
particular attention to mathematics learning experiences and identity; postsecond-
ary remediation and other math-curricular transition issues; urban mathematics
education; and critical approaches to (in)equity and justice concerning mathematics
learning and teaching. Larnell’s work appears in several outlets, including the
Handbook of Urban Education, the Journal for Research in Mathematics Education,
and the Journal of Education.
Notes on Contributors xvii
Luis A. Leyva Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor of Mathematics Education at

Vanderbilt University – Peabody College of Education and Human Development.
Using intersectionality theory from Black feminist thought and counter-storytelling
methodology from critical race theory, Leyva’s research foregrounds the voices of
marginalized undergraduate students to understand their strategies in navigating
oppressive institutional and interpersonal contexts of STEM education toward the
development of positive academic identities at intersections of their gender, race,
sexuality, and other social identities. His work has been published in the Journal for
Research in Mathematics Education, The Journal of Mathematical Behavior, and
Journal of Urban Mathematics Education. Leyva was a past recipient of the
National Academy of Education/Spencer Foundation Dissertation Fellowship and
currently serves as the principal investigator on a research project entitled
Challenging, Operationalizing, and Understanding Racialized and Gendered
Events (COURAGE) in Undergraduate Mathematics funded by the National
Science Foundation.
Vivian Lim is an Assistant Professor of Mathematics at Stella and Charles Guttman

Community College, City University of New York. Lim’s research interest is in
teaching mathematics for social justice and the role of mathematics education in the
development of youth as citizens.
Carlos A. LópezLeiva is an Associate Professor in Bilingual and Mathematics

Education in the Department of Language, Literacy, and Sociocultural Studies at
the University of New Mexico. LópezLeiva’s work focuses on teaching and learning
ecologies – in relation to social interactions through language uses and ideologies,
task designs, relationship development, and what counts as mathematics – that
mediate members’ participation in and meaning making of mathematical practices.
His research comprises three foci: (1) issues of equity in social interactions,
(2) out-
of-
school interdisciplinary mathematics teaching and learning, and
(3) in-school interdisciplinary mathematics teaching and learning.
Nirmala Naresh is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Mathematics at the

University of North Texas. She received her bachelor’s, master’s, and M.Phil.
degrees in Mathematics from the University of Madras in Chennai, India. Naresh
received her Ph.D. in Mathematics Education from Illinois State University in the
USA. She currently teaches mathematics courses for undergraduate students pursu-
ing a degree in mathematics and mathematics education. Naresh’s research interests
lie in the domains of ethnomathematics, teaching mathematics for social justice,
and the teaching and learning of probability and statistics.
Oi-Lam Ng is an Assistant Professor in the Faculty of Education at the Chinese

University of Hong Kong. Ng received her Ph.D. in Mathematics Education from
Simon Fraser University in Canada. Her research interest is on how the design and
use of dynamic geometry technology may influence calculus thinking and support
communication for students with diverse linguistic backgrounds.
xviii Notes on Contributors
Laurie H. Rubel is a Professor of Education at Brooklyn College of the City

University of New York. Rubel’s research interests include teacher education
around diversity and equity in mathematics education, probabilistic thinking, and
the use of real-world urban contexts in the teaching of mathematics. More
information about her work around math and spatial justice can be obtained at
www.mathforspatialjustice.org.
Matthew Sakow completed his Masters of Education in Learning, Teaching and

Curriculum: Mathematics Education at the University of Missouri. Sakow currently
teaches mathematics and the AVID elective as a Knowles Fellow at Columbia River
High School in Vancouver, Washington.
Erin Smith is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Learning, Teaching and

Curriculum at the University of Missouri. Smith’s interests include equity and iden-
tity in mathematics education, the academic success of emergent bi/multilingual
learners, and the use of positioning theory to examine discursive practices.
David W. Stinson Ph.D., is a Professor of Mathematics Education at Georgia State

University, Atlanta. Stinson’s research interests include critical postmodern theory
and identity. Specifically, he explores how mathematics teachers, educators, and
researchers (might) incorporate the philosophical and theoretical underpinnings of
critical postmodern theory into their education philosophies, pedagogical practices,
and/or research methods. Additionally, he examines how students constructed
outside the White, Christian, heterosexual male of bourgeois privilege successfully
accommodate, reconfigure, or resist (i.e., negotiate) the hegemonic discourses of
society generally and schooling specifically, including those found in the mathemat-
ics classroom. Stinson serves as the editor in chief of the Journal of Urban
Mathematics Education and recently completed a 3-year term as a member of the
editorial panel of the Journal for Research in Mathematics Education and a 2-year
term as a member of the AERA Review of Research Award Committee.
Miwa Aoki Takeuchi is an Assistant Professor at the University of Calgary,

Canada. Takeuchi’s works are situated in an emerging and transdisciplinary field to
address a complex educational issue: improving access to rich mathematics learning
opportunities, with a focus on linguistic diversity, and cultural and historical
contexts. She approaches this issue through longitudinal and horizontal analyses of
mathematics learning trajectories (both in-school and out-of-school settings),
students’ identities and lived experiences in learning mathematics, students’

collaboration for mathematics learning, and co-design of learning environments
with learners, teachers, and parents.
Cynthia E. Taylor received her Ph.D. in Curriculum and Instruction with a

specialty in Mathematics Education from the University of Missouri and is c urrently
an Associate Professor of Mathematics at Millersville University of Pennsylvania.
In addition to supervising student teachers, Taylor teaches methods courses, content
Notes on Contributors xix
courses for elementary teachers, general education mathematics courses, and

graduate courses in the Master of Education in Mathematics program. Taylor’s
interests include studying mathematics teacher educators (what they say and do in
their classroom) and the preparation of prospective mathematics teachers (instruc-
tional strategies and teaching practices). Prior to joining Millersville, she was a high
school mathematics teacher for nearly 10 years.
Anita Wager is a Professor of the Practice at Vanderbilt University’s Peabody

College. Wager’s teaching and research focus on culturally relevant and socially just
(mathematics) teaching in early childhood and elementary school.
David Wagner is a Professor and Associate Dean in the Faculty of Education at

the University of New Brunswick. Wagner’s research focuses on human interaction
in mathematics and mathematics learning and the relationship between such
interaction and social justice. He serves as an associate editor of Educational Studies
in Mathematics, member of the editorial board of Mathematics Education Research
Journal, managing editor of For the Learning of Mathematics, and member of the
Nonkilling Science and Technology Research Committee.
Ayşe Yolcu is a Research Assistant at the Department of Mathematics and Science

Education, Hacettepe University, Turkey. Yolcu studies the principles of knowledge
as making up people related to issues of equity in mathematics education.
Specifically, she questions how the practices of school mathematics fabricate
particular human kinds and their differences as the politics of mathematics

education.
Part I
Theoretical and Political Perspectives
Toward Equity and Justice in
Mathematics Education
Chapter 1
Disrupting Policies and Reforms
in Mathematics Education to Address
the Needs of Marginalized Learners
Robert Q. Berry III
Abstract This chapter uses a hybrid policy analysis-critical race theory (CRT) lens
informed largely by the work of Derrick Bell to make the case that policies and reforms
in mathematics education were not designed to address the needs of marginalized
learners; rather, these policies and reforms are often designed and enacted to protect
the economic, technological, and social interests of those in power. The chapter offers
contrasting narratives between policy intentions and policy enactment, highlighting
how the language of mathematics education policies, when enacted by educational
professionals, positions marginalized learners as deficient within their cultures, fami-
lies, and communities. This chapter is organized into four sections: (1) The Social
Conditions of Marginalized Learners; (2) Theoretical Framework: CRT; (3) Historical
Perspectives and Unpacking Policies and Reforms; and (4) Discussion and Conclusion.
The Social Conditions of Marginalized Learners section describes central features of
the social and historical context in which marginalized learners now function by con-
textualizing the school and mathematical experiences of marginalized learners. The
Theoretical Framework section outlines CRT as a lens for critically examining policies
and reforms. The Historical Perspectives and Unpacking Policies and Reforms section
focuses on how marginalized students have been framed historically in policies and
reforms. The Discussion and Conclusion considers features that are necessary in poli-
cies and reform documents when discussing the needs of marginalized learners.
Introduction
In its 1989 Curriculum and Evaluation Standards for School Mathematics (CSSM),
the National Council of Teachers of Mathematics (NCTM) argued that schools
were not meeting the economic needs of the time and called for new social
R. Q. Berry III (*)

Department of Curriculum, Instruction, and Special Education, University of Virginia,
Charlottesville, VA, USA
e-mail: rqb3e@virginia.edu
© Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature 2018 3

T. G. Bartell (ed.), Toward Equity and Social Justice in Mathematics Education,
Research in Mathematics Education, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92907-1_1
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4 R. Q. Berry III
goals for education (NCTM, 1989). The four social goals for education were
(1) mathematically literate workers, (2) lifelong learning, (3) opportunity for all,
and (4) an informed electorate. As ideals, these goals can be seen as unproblematic,
with widespread appeal. They can appeal to mathematics educators who view math-
ematics as universal and desire mathematical literacy for all students, and they may
also appeal to those who view mathematics as multicultural and desire contextual-
ized interpretations of mathematics that all students can appreciate (Mutegi, 2011).
These goals may also appeal to mathematics educators who are concerned with
issues of equity in mathematics education as well as those who view mathematics
education practices as independent of historical inequities (Mutegi, 2011). It is dif-
ficult to argue against the four social goals because they appear to be inclusive and
contain generalizing language that suggests working to erase injustices and exclu-
sion experienced by people who are identified as marginalized (defined here as
Black1, Latin@2, Indigenous, and poor). The generalizing language in these goals
includes all of the political, social, and cultural considerations for reformers to
direct the practices and policies of mathematics education, almost without question.
It is the use of such generalizing language that is problematic, however, because it
varies in interpretation and offers few specific points for enactment.
The third goal in CSSM, opportunity for all, does not appear to be overtly prob-
lematic because it challenges mathematics educators by drawing attention to social
injustices and full participation in society for all by stating:
The social injustices of past schooling practices can no longer be tolerated. Current statis-
tics indicate that those who study advanced mathematics are most often white males.
Women and most minorities study less mathematics and are seriously underrepresented in
careers using science and technology. Creating a just society in which women and various
ethnic groups enjoy equal opportunities and equitable treatment is no longer an issue.
Mathematics has become a critical filter for employment and full participation in our soci-
ety. We cannot afford to have the majority of our population mathematically illiterate.
Equity has become an economic necessity. (p. 4)
Combating injustices and creating a just society are noteworthy goals that many
people would not question. This goal situates equity in mathematics education as
protecting economic interests and creating workers, with little consideration for the
moral grounds or the benefit of marginalized people and communities. In order to
produce workers, a utilitarian perspective of mathematics literacy is needed, thus
ensuring the economic and social interests of those with power. Given the high
1
I use the term Black to acknowledge the Black Diaspora and to highlight that Black people living
in North America have ancestry dispersed around the world. Black learners who attend schools and
live in North America are racialized in similar ways regardless of country of origin.
2
I borrow Latin@ from Rochelle Gutiérrez (2013a, 2013b) who stated that the use of the “@ sign
to indicate both an ‘a’ and ‘o’ ending (Latina and Latino). The presence of both an ‘a’ and ‘o’ end-
ing decenters the patriarchal nature of the Spanish language where is it customary for groups of
males (Latinos) and females (Latinas) to be written in the form that denotes only males (Latinos).
The term is written Latin@ with the ‘a’ and ‘o’ intertwined, as opposed to Latina/Latino, to show
a sign of solidarity with individuals who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, question-
ing, and queer (LGBTQ)” (p. 7).
1 Disrupting Policies and Reforms in Mathematics Education to Address the Needs… 5
status that mathematical knowledge is given in business and society, we must

consider the role that mathematics education plays in a democratic society.

Mathematics education is not isolated from the larger society; in fact, it is connected
to patterns of differential economic, political, and cultural power (Apple, 1992).
Mathematical literacy is given high status in reforms because it has “socioeconomic
utility for those who already possess economic capital” (Apple, 1992, p. 98). This
raises questions concerning economic benefits for those who own, control, and
profit from mathematical enterprises. It is plausible to raise questions about whether
mathematics education contributes to social injustices and whether equity in math-
ematics education is an economic necessity or a moral obligation.
An examination of past research, policies, and reforms in mathematics education
suggests that many are a response to economic, technological, and security threats.
For example, the launching of Sputnik brought heightened concern about America’s
national security as well as concern that America was lagging behind the Russians
in mathematics and science. Documents such as A Nation at Risk (Gardner, Larsen,
& Baker, 1983), Before It’s Too Late (National Commission on Mathematics and
Science Teaching for the 21st Century, 2000), Foundations for Success: The Final
Report of the National Mathematics Advisory Panel (National Mathematics
Advisory Panel, 2008), and Rising Above The Gathering Storm: Energizing and
Employing America for a Brighter Economic Future (Augustine, 2005) capture the
driving forces that frame mathematics education policy (Basile & Lopez, 2015).
These documents have demonstrated frequent concerns about maintaining America’s
economic privilege in a global market, technological interests in a technologically
advancing society, and threats to national security.
Through a hybrid policy analysis-critical race theory (CRT) lens, this chapter
makes the case that policies and reforms in mathematics education were not
designed to address the needs of marginalized learners; rather, these policies and
reforms are often designed and enacted to protect the economic, technological, and
social interests of those in power. This chapter offers contrasting narratives between
policy intentions and enactment. These contrasting narratives highlight how the lan-
guage of mathematics education policies, when enacted by educational profession-
als, positions marginalized learners as deficient within their cultures, families, and
communities. Consequently, policies and reforms frame marginalized learners as
problems to be fixed and that if marginalized students adopt the values of the domi-
nant culture, then the economic, technological, and security interests of those in
power are maintained. Policies and reforms are about dominant culture interests
rather than the needs and interests of marginalized students.
The Social Conditions of Marginalized Learners
When I use the term marginalized learners, I am not ascribing a sweeping set of
attributes to the collectives of Black, Latin@, Indigenous, and poor peoples; I
recognize that collapsing these groups into one does not acknowledge the

6 R. Q. Berry III
intersectionality within these collectives. There are, however, shared histories and
experiences among the collectives. Martin (2013) argued that there is a dominant
discourse in research and policy documents about Black learners and mathematics
focused on a fixed set of cultural and cognitive explanations for negative outcomes,
including cultural differences or deficits, limited mathematical knowledge and
problem-solving skills, family background and socioeconomic status, and opposi-
tional orientations to schooling. Gutiérrez and Irving (2012) identified similar over-
laps in the dominant discourse regarding research and policy documents that Latin@
and Black learners share. Barnhardt (2001) pointed out how Indigenous learners are
positioned as “at risk” and how their culture and languages are positioned in opposi-
tion to schooling. This positioning, and the fact that the use of Indigenous languages
and culture is discouraged in schooling, is associated with the legacy of federal poli-
cies aimed to “civilize” and “assimilate” Indigenous learners into an American cul-
ture (Barnhardt, 2001; Noel, 2002). Although there are differences among the
collectives, they also share legacies of being positioned as deficient in research and
policy documents and share values and beliefs that prioritize community and family,
a respect for spirituality, and interconnectedness with the natural world (Barnhardt,
2001; Berry, 2008; Gutiérrez, 2013b).
When we consider a historical perspective of public education and policies, we
see that there were intentional policies designed to keep marginalized people unedu-
cated and/or undereducated. There were laws, particularly in Southern states, where
it was illegal to teach Black people who were enslaved to read and write (Anderson,
1988). As public education developed and expanded, schools became institutions to
civilize, Christianize, and control Black and Brown children to keep them passive to
social change so that they would not contribute to social upheaval (Watkins, 2001).
It was illegal to teach Indigenous peoples in their native tongues. Congress created
genocidal policies to strip young Indigenous children from their homes, adopting
“kill the Indian to save the man” (Churchill, 2004). There have been policies sup-
porting linguistic nationalism, condemning multilingual and marginalized learners.
Although during Reconstruction many Black children had access to education, the
withdrawal of federal troops in 1877 led to generations of terror, legal segregation,
and substandard educational opportunities. Given these collective legacies, reforms
in education policies often overlook the generational impact that violence has had on
marginalized people. Rather, a narrative of assimilation and control is ever present.
There is a body of research in mathematics education suggesting that marginal-
ized learners experience devaluation, inequities, exclusion, and violence (Berry,
2008; Gutiérrez, 2002; Gutstein, 2003; Martin, 2015; McGee & Martin, 2011).
Research, policy, and reform “has been violent to marginalized peoples, such as [ I]
ndigenous groups, who are represented by perspectives that are neither kind to their
cultural worldview nor accurate regarding their priorities” (Leonardo, 2013, p. 5).
Students from Black, Latin@, and Indigenous communities have disproportionately
low representation in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM)
fields at all levels of education compared to their representation in the general popu-
lation of the USA (National Science Foundation [NSF], 2015). Due to projected
population growth, people from marginalized groups are expected to be more than
half of the US population by 2043 (Colby & Ortman, 2014). By the year 2020, more
than half of the children in the USA are expected to be part of a minority race or
ethnic group (Colby & Ortman, 2014). Yet, Black, Latin@, and Indigenous indi-
viduals collectively make up only 13% of the STEM workforce in the USA and only
16% of all STEM undergraduate degrees awarded (NSF, 2015). The number of
Black, Latin@, and Indigenous people earning science and engineering bachelor’s
and master’s degrees has been rising since 1993, but the number of doctorates earned
in these fields has flattened at about 7% since 2002 (NSF, 2015). Since 2000, Black,
Latin@, and Indigenous students earning degrees in engineering and the physical
sciences have also been flat, and earned degrees in mathematics and statistics have
dropped (NSF, 2015). The High School Transcript Study by the National Assessment
of Educational Progress (Nord et al., 2011) found that high school graduates com-
pleting Algebra I before high school are twice as likely to successfully complete a
Precalculus/Analysis course than students who take Algebra I in high school. Only
12% of Black students and 17% of Latin@ students, however, had taken Algebra I
before high school. A report by the College Board (2013) found that even when
Black, Latin@, and Indigenous students are equally prepared for Advanced
Placement coursework, they are still less likely to experience these courses (p. 2).
The data presented above do not exist in isolation. Data are, however, often pre-
sented with little description of the conditions, contexts, and experiences of margin-
alized students. Research, policies, and reforms must consider the positionality of
marginalized learners and the many conditions and contexts in which marginalized
students exist. Schools are social institutions set up by those in power and are orga-
nized to support and value the types of cultural and social capital held by those in
power (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990). It is plausible to consider that since policies
and reforms support the value of those in power, there may be differences in the
ways marginalized learners are perceived. Policies and reforms in education often
portray marginalized learners as in need of “fixing” and their cultures, families, and
communities as deprived and deficit (Stein, 2004). For example, Basile and Lopez
(2015) point out a deficit positioning and negative narrative in the document Adding
It Up (National Research Council, 2001):
The same survey found large differences between ethnic groups on the more difficult tests
(but not on the Level 1 tasks) with 70% of Asian and 66% of non-Hispanic white children
passing the Level 2 tasks, but only 42% of African American, 44% of Hispanic, 48% of
Hawaiian Native or Pacific Islander, and 34% of American Indian or Alaska Native partici-
pants doing so. Other research has shown that children from lower socioeconomic back-
grounds have particular difficulty understanding the relative magnitudes of single- digit
whole numbers and solving addition and subtraction problems verbally rather than using
objects … This immaturity of their mathematical development may account for the prob-
lems poor and minority children have understanding the basis for simple arithmetic and
solving simple word problems. (p. 178)
The content of the quote from Adding It Up not only presented the data from a
deficit position but also used the language surrounding the data to position margin-
alized learners in “a static racial hierarchy, via what may be inferred as a biological
deficit, with White children” (Basile & Lopez, 2015, p. 534). Also, it implies that
8 R. Q. Berry III
the conditions and contexts of marginalized students are the reasons for
underperformance, rather than structural issues of schooling, ways these learners
might be positioned, or variable access to jobs, healthcare, and other resources.
When examining how policies and reforms respond to the needs of marginalized
learners, there is a constant pattern in which they are routinely given the least access
to advanced mathematics content, the fewest opportunities to learn through methods
other than memorizing facts and mimicking teacher-modeled procedures, and the
least access to well-prepared mathematics teachers (Berry, Ellis, & Hughes, 2014).
As a result, these learners experience the following conditions: (a) reduced access
to advanced mathematics courses that prepare them for higher education and
improved career options; (b) routine exposure to activities that focus primarily on
rote, decontextualized learning through drill and practice with little to no engage-
ment that promotes reasoning and using mathematics as a tool to analyze social and
economic issues, critique power dynamics, and build advocacy; and (c) less access
to qualified teachers of mathematics who both understand mathematics deeply and
understand their students’ cultural and community context deeply in order to give
learners access to mathematical knowledge (Ellis, 2008; Flores, 2007; Martin,
2007). The effect of these conditions on marginalized learners’ attainment in math-
ematics demonstrates well that such an approach constrains outcomes to a narrow
range of proficiencies focused on basic skills.
While the disproportionality in conditions of marginalized learners is a cause for
concern, it is important to understand that addressing the needs of these learners
may not have been the primary goal of prior policies and reforms in mathematics
education. Berry and colleagues (2014) argued that prior policies and reforms in
mathematics education have failed due to having been developed to address the
needs and interests of those in power. In fact, many past policies and reforms in
mathematics teaching and learning have come at the expense of the needs and inter-
ests of marginalized learners by framing policies and reforms based on economic,
technological, and security interests of those in power.
Theoretical Framework: Critical Race Theory
Derrick Bell, a former attorney with the National Association for the Advancement
of Colored People (NAACP) during the civil rights era, employed his interest-
convergence principle to explain how the US Supreme Court issued the landmark
ruling in Brown v Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas (Brown) in 1954. The
Supreme Court’s ruling in the Brown case revoked the “separate but equal” doctrine,
which legally sanctioned segregation in public education and daily life. Bell (2004)
argued that the Brown decision was not the result of America coming to terms with
its democratic ideals or moral sensibilities; rather, the Supreme Court was more
interested in providing “immediate credibility to America’s struggle with commu-
nist countries to win the hearts and minds of emerging third world people” than in
doing what was morally right (p. 233). Under the interest-convergence principle,
Brown is best understood as progress requiring the coincidence of a pressing issue,

more than a commitment to justice (Donnor, 2005).
Brown provided the impetus for legislation, such as the Elementary and
Secondary Education Act of 1965 and its reauthorizations Improving America’s
School Act of 1994, No Child Left Behind Act of 2001 and Every Student Succeed
Act (ESSA) of 2015. Similar to its predecessors, the ESSA has a purpose statement,
“To provide all children significant opportunity to receive a fair, equitable, and high-
quality education, and to close educational achievement gaps” (2015, Sec. 1001).
Stinson (2015) argues that decades of legislation, like ESSA, do not have the “will”
to facilitate the violent reform necessary to change the conditions of marginalized
learners. I argue that such reform is a grassroots proposition, rather than one facili-
tated by federal legislation; that is, activities similar to the Black Lives Matter
(BLM) movement will demand that the perspectives and worldviews of marginal-
ized peoples be given consideration such that the conditions, contexts, and experi-
ences of those marginalized will be understood and appreciated. BLM is a grassroots
effort that is unapologetic in its rhetoric and challenges structural racism, anti-
blackness, and institutionalized violence in school reform, policy, and research.
Grassroots efforts like BLM decentralize whiteness when discussing policies and
reforms. An argument can be made that schools and schooling were created for
maintaining the power and privilege of whiteness. Zion and Blanchett (2011) argued
that the reason large-scale improvement in outcomes for marginalized learners has
yet to be realized is that the problem has not been framed appropriately. It must be
framed as part of the history of racism and, as an issue of civil rights and social
justice, viewed through a critical lens.
Interest-convergence is an analytical viewpoint for examining how policies and
reforms are dictated by those in power to advance their political, social, and eco-
nomic interests (Donnor, 2005). Bell’s (1980, 2004) interest-convergence principle
theorizes that any empowered group will not help any disempowered group unless
it is in their best interest to do so. For Bell, the historical advancement of Black
people’s needs and interests is a result of being fortuitous beneficiaries of measures
directed at furthering aims other than racial equity and social justice (2004). Bell
states, “Even when interest-convergence results in an effective racial remedy, that
remedy will be abrogated at the point that policymakers fear the remedial policy is
threatening the superior societal status of Whites, particularly those in the middle
and upper classes” (2004, p. 69). Interest-convergence principle has its theoretical
grounding in CRT, which draws from a broad literature in law, sociology, history,
education, and women’s studies (DeCuir & Dixson, 2004; Ladson-Billings & Tate,
1995; Matsuda, Lawrence, Delgado, & Crenshaw, 1993; Solórzano &Yosso, 2001).
With respect to the use of CRT in education, as Solórzano and Yosso (2002)
explained, “critical race theory in education is a framework or set of basic insights,
perspectives, methods, and pedagogy that seeks to identify, analyze, and transform
those structural and cultural aspects of education that maintain subordinate and
dominant racial positions in and out of the classroom” (p. 25). In education, interest
convergence provides a framework to discuss power dynamics as framed by
systemic interests and a loss-gain binary (Milner, 2008). Interest-convergence

10 R. Q. Berry III
p rinciple has been used to examine policies and practices related to teacher education
programs (Milner, 2008), practices for STEM education serving marginalized learn-
ers at universities (Barber, 2015), intercultural movements in multicultural educa-
tion (Caraballo, 2009), inclusion in special education (Zion & Blanchett, 2011),
intercollegiate athletics (Donner, 2005), the development of historically Black
colleges/universities (Gasman & Hilton, 2012), and postsecondary access for Latino
immigrant populations (Alemán & Alemán, 2010). This body of work provides a
lens for using the interest-convergence principle to examine the motivating factors
for policies and reforms in mathematics education in order to understand whose
interests are served and the resulting fortuitous beneficiaries.
In mathematics education, Gutstein (2009, 2010) and Martin (2003, 2009, 2013,
2015) have examined several mathematics education policies using critical theory
and the interest-convergence tenet of CRT. Gutstein argued that the policies and
reforms are motivated primarily by the desire to maintain global economic
superiority against the rising educational and intellectual infrastructure of other
nations. For example, in President Obama’s Educate to Innovate campaign:
Whether it’s improving our health or harnessing clean energy, protecting our security or
succeeding in the global economy, our future depends on reaffirming America’s role as the
world’s engine of scientific discovery and technological innovation. And that leadership
tomorrow depends on how we educate our students today, especially in math, science, tech-
nology, and engineering … And that’s why my administration has set a clear goal: to move
from the middle to the top of the pack in science and math education over the next decade.
(White House, 2009)
Gutstein (2010) pointed out that framing education as a US economic problem

that affects us all, and therefore would benefit all, is based on the assumption that
the benefits will “trickle down” from those whose interests are served. He suggested
this is misleading, as US productivity has increased since the 1970s, yet income and
wealth polarization has grown. Consequently, while the policies claim success will
benefit all citizens, only those with the most wealth have received any benefit.
Policies are more about the interests of those in power, and with wealth, and less
about the interests of marginalized people. Martin (2003, 2008, 2009, 2013, 2015)
has also examined the many ways in which mathematics education policy docu-
ments have worked to erase the lived experiences of marginalized learners. That is,
within mathematics education research and policy, race has typically been invoked
only as a categorical variable used to disaggregate data and to rank students in a
racial hierarchy of mathematics ability; racism is rarely invoked. Martin found that
mathematics education policy and reform documents promote a market enterprise
working for the financial benefit of a select few. Martin (2003) stated that the
status of African American, Latino, Native American, and poor students has not been a
primary determinant driving mathematics education reform. When discussions do focus on
increasing participation among these students, it is usually in reference to workforce and
national economic concerns. (p. 11)
Often, education policy documents have aligned mathematics illiteracy with

Black, Latin@, and Indigenous learners as a threat to the economic well-being,
prosperity, and elite status of the USA (Martin, 2003, 2008, 2009, 2013).
Unpacking Historical Perspectives, Policies, and Reforms
A common theme among policy and reform documents is a call for increased
participation of marginalized learners in STEM fields. These calls usually refer-
ence increased demands on the US economy, the drive to stay ahead technologi-
cally of international competitors, and a need to secure the USA from international
security threats. Rarely are there references focused on the needs of marginalized
communities. Positioning marginalized people’s increased participation in mathe-
matics to meet interests that may not include their own commodifies them by affix-
ing a market value to their collective potential labor and intellectual property, or
what Basile and Lopez (2015) describe as racial commodification. Racial com-
modification is the method by which racial hierarchies are replicated. From a CRT
perspective, we must consider whose interests are protected and how policies and
reforms maintain the protections of those with power. In Foundations for Success:
The Final Report of the National Mathematics Advisory Panel (NMAP, 2008), we
see examples of commodification:
Moreover, there are large, persistent disparities in mathematics achievement related to race
and income—disparities that are not only devastating for individuals and families but also
project poorly for the nation’s future, given the youthfulness and high growth rates of the
largest minority population. (pp. 4–5)
In this example, and throughout the document, there is little discussion of the
conditions, contexts, and experiences of marginalized students. It appears that this
document is suggesting that the youthfulness of the largest minority population
reflects a segment of the population that needs to be tapped to protect the interests
of those with power. In fact, marginalized learners are commodified by suggesting
that increased participation in mathematics among marginalized learners will pro-
vide benefit and potential resources for economic gain. It is not clear, however, how
marginalized people will benefit from such gains. One might assume that benefits
for marginalized people will “trickle down” from those in power or that benefits
might be widespread, but historically this has not been the case.
Many policy and reform documents simultaneously commodify marginalized
populations while blaming them for the disappointing performance of the USA on
international mathematics assessments (Basile & Lopez, 2015; Martin, 2013).
Innovation America: Building a Science, Technology, Engineering and Math
Agenda (National Governors Association, 2007) described this simultaneous com-
modification and blaming by stating:
Projected demographic shifts have the potential to magnify the U.S. problem if STEM
achievement gaps are not rectified. As the U.S. domestic college population stabilizes at
about 30 million students from 2010 to 2025, population groups currently underrepresented
in STEM fields will attend college in growing numbers. If the achievement gap persists,
increasing numbers of students will be unprepared to succeed in college and in STEM
degree attainment. (p. 6)
Such language positions marginalized students as responsible for the entire

performance of the USA on international measures; by discussing achievement
12 R. Q. Berry III
gaps next to international test scores, this language, and other similar languages,
suggests a causal link between the marginalized students and international
performance (Basile & Lopez, 2015).
Policy documents and reforms in mathematics education build from a history
and legacy of protecting economic, technological, and security interests of the
USA rather than considering the needs and interests of marginalized communities
and people. In their review of the history of school mathematics, Ellis and Berry
(2005) noted a tension between reforms in mathematics education focused on effi-
ciencies with an emphasis on procedural learning and a belief that mathematics
beyond arithmetic should be reserved for those deemed capable of advancing to
such heights. The focus on efficiencies is found in calls that focus on measuring
knowledge attainment using efficient standardized assessments. Efforts to improve
mathematics education
situated many learners in an a priori deficit position relative to disembodied mathematical
knowledge—meaning learning mathematics was taken to be harder for certain groups of
students due to their backgrounds and/or innate abilities—and failed to acknowledge the
importance of mathematics for all students. (Ellis & Berry, 2005, pp. 10–11)
Throughout this history, systems of standardized assessment were developed as

a means to justify the separation of students within and between schools by race,
class, and ethnicity. The use of assessments to stratify was built on the assumption
that a distribution of mathematical ability exists that can be fairly measured and
meaningfully interpreted as the basis for separating students and providing unequal
access to opportunities to learn mathematics. The conflation of this with societal
beliefs about race and intelligence cannot be overlooked; the interest of those with
power was preserved. To that end, the remaining parts of this section focus on his-
torical markers in mathematics education. The goal is to draw connections between
the history of mathematics education and the positioning of marginalized learners in
policy and reform documents.
Sputnik and the New Math Movement
The launch of the first artificial satellite Sputnik on October 4, 1957, by the Russians
gave impetus to improve mathematics education in America. The response to
Sputnik led to federal funds being allocated for mathematics education through the
National Defense Education Act (NDEA) of 1958 intended to support US national
security interests (Walmsley, 2003). NDEA provided funds to identify the “best and
brightest” scientific minds and was designed to fulfill defense interests in mathe-
matics, science, engineering, and foreign languages. The appeal of identifying the
“best and brightest” was built on protecting national security and defense interests
(Tate, 2004). As one of the most militarized countries in the world, we cannot over-
look the fact that this military motivation for improved mathematics education is
still part of the discourse of policy documents and reforms.
Approximately 3 years prior to the launching of Sputnik, the US Supreme Court
issued the landmark ruling in Brown which revoked the “separate but equal” d octrine.
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
Da hörte ganz plötzlich der Regen auf. Der Donner verstummte,
und einen Augenblick herrschte unheimliche Stille. Nur einen
Augenblick! Die nun folgenden zwanzig Minuten aber werde ich
niemals vergessen. Sie brachten das fürchterlichste, wildeste
Naturschauspiel, das ich jemals erlebt habe, und ich habe doch
ziemlich viel dergleichen mitgemacht. Erst fielen vereinzelte,
schwere Tropfen, dann schmetterte ein Platzregen herunter, wie ihn
nur die Tropen kennen. Gleichzeitig brauste ein betäubender Orkan
über den Strom. Die Fähre stutzte wie vor Schreck, stand einen
Augenblick still, dann drehte sie sich so, daß die Backbordhälfte mit
der Hütte leewärts lag und somit als Windfang und Segel wirkte. Und
sofort trieben wir in reißender Schnelligkeit quer durch die Strömung
zum linken Ufer hin. Der Euphrat mochte hier etwa vierhundert Meter
breit sein, und diese weite Fläche hatte sich in wenigen Minuten mit
gewaltigen, schaumgekrönten Wogen bedeckt, deren Kämme immer
höher emporspritzten und über die Reling der leeren Luvfähre
stürzten. In dieser Hälfte unsres Fahrzeuges stieg das Wasser
beunruhigend an, und ich berechnete schon mit Entsetzen den
Augenblick, da sie untersinken und die andere Hälfte nebst Hütte
und allem mit sich in die Tiefe reißen mußte.
Der furchtbare Druck des Sturms auf die Hütte trieb außerdem
die Backbordfähre so hart leewärts, daß die Reling ganz auf die
Wasseroberfläche zu liegen kam. Nur noch ein paar Finger breit
tiefer, und wir waren verloren! Es knackte und knallte in dem dünnen
Holzwerk der Hütte, als wollte sie jeden Augenblick bersten und in
die Luft fliegen, und zwischen den Planken der Luvwand spritzte der
sturmgepeitschte Regen in wagerechten Strahlen herein. Ich raffte
Karten, Bücher usw. zusammen aufs Bett und barg sie unter Decke
und Regenmantel. Dann stemmte ich mich mit aller Kraft gegen die
Luvwand, um ihren Widerstand gegen den Wind zu verstärken. Ein
heftiger Knall — das Zelttuch draußen ist losgerissen! Eben flattert
ein Zipfel am Fenster vorüber; ich greife zu und habe ihn fest. Naß
bis auf die Haut halte ich nun das wie ein Notsignal hin und her
klatschende Zelt, stemme dabei die Schultern immerfort gegen die
Wand, obgleich ich unter dem Luftdruck kaum atmen kann, und jage
so mit der Fähre in rasendem Tempo — ja, wohin? Keine Möglichkeit
einer Orientierung! Durchs Fenster sah ich nur in ein graues Chaos
von Wogen und Schaumkämmen, die mit erbitterter Wut gegen die
Hütte hämmerten und die Luvfähre mit Wasser zu füllen drohten. Ob
wir wohl noch ein Ufer erreichten, ehe die Fähre bis zum Rande voll
war und sank oder von den Wogen zerschmettert wurde? Trieben
wir parallel mit der Hauptrichtung des Stromes, dann mußte sie
untergehen, ehe wir an Land waren. Der Sturm war aus Südwest
gekommen, und in derselben Richtung strömte dieser Teil des
Flusses. Später zeigte sich glücklicherweise, daß die Gleitkraft der
Wassermasse eine Ablenkung hervorrief, wodurch unsere Richtung
genau östlich wurde.
Betäubendes Donnern und Tosen ringsum; der Regen geht in
Hagel über, Eisklumpen knallen gegen die dünne Wand der Hütte,
als würden wir von einer Menschenmenge mit Steinwürfen
bombardiert. Die Hagelkörner zischen ins Wasser wie Flintenkugeln
und ballen sich auf der Fähre zu kleinen weißen Inseln zusammen;
einige, die ich später maß, hatten einen Durchmesser von achtzehn
bis zwanzig Millimeter. Der Aufenthalt im Freien mußte
lebensgefährlich sein. Meine Leute waren schon bei den ersten
Vorboten des Sturms unter Deck gekrochen; ging die Fähre unter, so
mußten alle vier Mann wie in einer Mausefalle ertrinken.
Araber mit seiner jungen Frau.
Endlich trat etwas Dunkles aus dem Nebel hervor:
Tamariskenbüsche am linken Ufer. Wir waren also quer über den
Euphrat gejagt, nicht aufwärts gegen den Strom. Eben kroch mein
Kapitän Mohammed aus seinem Versteck hervor und brachte durch
sein Schreien auch die anderen auf die Beine. Es war auch die
höchste Zeit! In wenigen Sekunden mußten wir an Land
geschleudert werden — das Vorderteil der Fähre zerriß schon die
Wurzeln der Tamarisken, die wie Vorhänge von der zwei Meter
hohen, senkrechten Erosionsterrasse herabhingen und das Dach
der Hütte fegten. Mahmud schwang sich an einer Tamariske aufs
Ufer hinauf, Kerit folgte ihm, rutschte aber aus und bis an die
Schultern ins Wasser hinein. Im selben Moment prallte die Fähre
heftig auf, der Stoß wurde aber von dem Wurzelwerk aufgefangen.
Schon war auch Hussein an Land und schlang ein Seil um einen
festen Ast. Die Fähre schaukelte und schlingerte, riß sich aber nicht
mehr los. Schnell war das Zelt gerettet und zusammengepackt.
Nun ließ die Heftigkeit des Sturmes bald nach. Regen und Hagel
hörten ebenso plötzlich auf, wie sie gekommen waren. Das Zentrum
des Unwetters zog in nordwestlicher Richtung weiter. Es war
dreizehn Minuten vor 6; die ganze Geschichte hatte nur zwanzig
Minuten gedauert. Das Thermometer zeigte 22 Grad. Die Erde war
noch weiß von Hagelkörnern, die jedoch bald wegschmolzen.
Es dauerte eine Weile, bis wir uns von dem Schreck erholt
hatten. Nach und nach wurde die Luft ganz ruhig, glättete sich die
eben noch so aufgeregte Wasserfläche, und man hörte nur das stille
Brausen der ersterbenden Wogen. Mahmud begab sich nach dem
nächsten Nomadenzelt, um Holz, Brot und Joghurt zu holen. Die
anderen sammelten Tamariskenzweige und machten mit vieler Mühe
ein Feuer an; dann entkleideten sie sich und trockneten ihre Sachen.
Auch in meiner Hütte war alles so durchnäßt, daß Bettzeug und
Decken an Stangen ums Feuer zum Trocknen aufgehängt werden
mußten. Schließlich schöpften meine Leute das Wasser aus der
Steuerbordfähre. Welch ein Glück, daß ich zwei
zusammengebundene Schahtur hatte! Einer allein mit freier Hütte
wäre ohne Zweifel gekentert. Die leere Steuerbordfähre hatte
meinem Fahrzeug die nötige Festigkeit gegeben, um einen solchen
Sturm auszuhalten.
Es dunkelte. Am nordöstlichen Himmel flammten unter einer
pechschwarzen, am Hinterrand scharf begrenzten Wolkenbank
blaue Blitze und erhellten den Strom und die Tamarisken am Ufer,
daß sie wie friedlose Geister mit bittend ausgestreckten Armen
erschienen. Nach dem Lärm, der eben noch unsere Ohren erfüllt
hatte, lag mir die friedvolle Stille der Nacht geradezu beklemmend
auf der Brust. Ich atmete auf, als endlich die Schakale ihr übliches
Abendlied anstimmten, das auf dem einen Ufer mit langgezogenem
Geheul begann, gleichsam im Bogen auf das andere übersprang
und bald wie Hohngelächter, bald wie der Hilferuf bangender Kinder
klang, und dazwischen der traurige Schrei eines Esels vom anderen
Ufer herübertönte.
Diese zyklonartigen Stürme, die von Zeit zu Zeit über
Mesopotamien hinziehen, sind der Schiffahrt auf dem Euphrat
äußerst gefährlich, und wenn ich weiterhin an wracken Booten
vorüberkam, begriff ich nur zu gut, wie solche Schiffbrüche vor sich
gegangen waren. Noch vor einigen Wochen wurde Kapitän Pfeffer,
einer meiner Bekannten aus Dscherablus, als er mit seiner Flottille
von großen, mit Munition und Gewehren beladenen Fähren bei
Rakka vor Anker lag, von einem Zyklon überrascht. Der Sturm kam
ohne jedes warnende Vorzeichen wie ein Dieb in der Nacht,
meterhohe Wellen füllten die Fahrzeuge mit Wasser, und drei davon
sanken; ein Deutscher, ein Photograph aus Metz, ertrank dabei. Ein
ähnliches Schicksal konnte auch der Fliegerabteilung, die zwei Tage
vor mir Rakka verlassen hatte, oder der bayrischen Batterie des
Majors von Schrenk, die ungefähr am 15. April von Dscherablus
hatte aufbrechen sollen, beschieden sein. Wie ich aber später hörte,
erreichte sie der Sturm, der meine Fähre fast zum Kentern gebracht
hatte, nicht; sein Zentrum war also ganz scharf begrenzt gewesen.
Chesney’s Fähre auf dem Euphrat.
(Aus: „Narrative of the Euphrates Expedition“.)
Auch aus älterer Zeit finde ich solch ein Ereignis beschrieben,
das mit meinem Erlebnis die größte Ähnlichkeit hat. In den Jahren
1835/37 untersuchte Oberst Francis Rawdon Chesney im Auftrag
der englischen Regierung die Schiffahrtsverhältnisse auf dem
Euphrat und Tigris. Am 21. Mai 1836, mittags ½2 Uhr, wurde seine
Expedition von einem Zyklon überfallen, der ebenso plötzlich
daherbrauste, wie der von mir erlebte, ebenso mit plötzlicher
Finsternis einsetzte, nur fünfundzwanzig Minuten dauerte und einen
der beiden Dampfer Chesneys, den „Tigris“, versenkte, wobei vier
Offiziere, elf Artilleristen und Matrosen und fünf Eingeborene ums
Leben kamen. Der Sturm preßte den Dampfer so stark nieder, daß
die offenen Kajütenfenster unter Wasser gerieten. Schon war der
Befehl gegeben: Rette sich wer kann! als sich für einen Augenblick
die Dunkelheit erhellte und das Ufer ganz nahe schien. Sofort hieß
es wieder: Jeder auf seinen Posten! Aber im nächsten Augenblick
herrschte wieder schwarze Nacht, und eine Minute später war das
Schiff gesunken. Ebenso schnell wie er kam, war der Zyklon wieder
vorüber, und seine Spur war ebenso schmal gewesen, wie ich es
beobachtet hatte. Chesney, der sich mit zwanzig Mann von dem
sinkenden Schiffe hatte retten können, will Hagelkörner von
anderthalb Zoll Dicke gemessen haben; das erscheint mir etwas
übertrieben, und seine Meinung, solche Zyklone über dem Euphrat
seien „äußerst selten“, widerlegt sich wohl durch meine Erfahrungen.
Chesneys Schilderungen liest man noch heute mit größtem
Interesse. Daß damals an den Ufern des Euphrat noch Löwen
vorkamen, hört man mit einigem Erstaunen; im übrigen ist noch alles
so, wie er es beschrieb; man erkennt die Orte Der-es-Sor, Ana und
Hit deutlich wieder, sogar den Hügel von Babel, wo damals noch
keinerlei Ausgrabungen begonnen waren, und die Karte des
Euphrat, die sich in seinem Werk „Expedition for the survey of the
rivers Euphrates and Tigris in the years 1835–1837“ (London, 1850–
68) findet, ist so gewissenhaft ausgeführt, daß sie noch während
dieses Weltkrieges benutzbar war; man brauchte nur in die
vergrößerte Kopie die Änderungen des Stromlaufs während der
letzten achtzig Jahre einzuzeichnen. Die von ihm angegebenen
Namen der Berge, Hügel, Ruinen, Landzungen usw. stimmten alle,
nur die Ortsnamen waren andere; denn man nennt die Orte am Ufer
nach dem Scheich des Stammes, der dort zeltet. Die Namen
wechseln daher alle Menschenalter.
Chesneys Expedition hatte die Aufgabe, die Möglichkeit einer
schnelleren Überlandverbindung mit Indien zu untersuchen. Der
Euphrat wurde bis Meskene schiffbar gefunden, für nicht zu tief
gehende Dampfer sogar bis Biredschik; bis zum Golf von
Alexandrette wäre dann nur noch eine kurze Strecke zu überwinden
gewesen. Chesney versichert, die Araber an den Ufern des Euphrat
und ebenso die türkische Regierung hätten die geplante Eröffnung
eines neuen Handelsweges zwischen Indien und Europa freudig
begrüßt. Aber ein Menschenalter blieb das Projekt unausgeführt,
und dann machte der Bau des Suezkanals die Euphratstraße für
England überflüssig.
Beduinenzelt am Euphratufer.
Sechstes Kapitel.
Unter Nomaden und armenischen
Flüchtlingen.
W enn Sturm oder Gegenwind mich zwangen, auch am Tage den

Schutz steiler Uferwände aufzusuchen oder am Lande
festzumachen, gaben mir diese meist unfreiwilligen Aufenthalte, die
meine Geduld auf harte Proben stellten, gleichwohl willkommene
Gelegenheit, meinen Proviant zu vervollständigen und dabei das
Leben der Nomaden an den Ufern des Euphrat aus nächster Nähe
kennen zu lernen.
Gleich am zweiten Tage der Stromfahrt mußten wir bei dem
Zeltdorf Hammam längere Zeit liegen bleiben, und in Begleitung
Kerits, der als arabischer Dolmetsch diente, und des Gendarmen
Mahmud begab ich mich zu den zwanzig schwarzen Zelten am Fuß
der Uferhöhe, die das Dorf bildeten. Drei halbwilde Hunde
empfingen uns, die Einwohner selbst aber verschwanden wie Ratten
in ihren Zelten. Fürchteten sie sich vor uns? Ja, erklärte Mahmud,
„sie halten uns für Werber, die Rekruten sammeln“. Und mit dieser
Vermutung schien er recht zu haben. Denn als ich auf das
vornehmste Zelt, das des Häuptlings, zuging, traten mir zwei Araber
in offenbarer Bestürzung entgegen, und diese wich erst, als sie
hörten, daß wir nichts anderes im Schilde führten, als Eßwaren zu
kaufen. Sie waren vom Stamm der Beni-Said-Araber, die in dieser
Gegend sechzehn Dörfer hatten. Die Männer trugen weiße, weite
Beinkleider, über den Schultern bunte Mäntel und auf den Köpfen
schwarze Lappen, die von zwei weichen Ringen auf dem Scheitel
festgeklemmt wurden. Auf Kissen und zerlumpten Matten saßen fünf
würdige Weißbärte inmitten des großen länglichen Zeltes und
rauchten Nargileh und Zigaretten, die sie selber drehten. Mit
vornehmer Lässigkeit erhoben sie sich und luden mich ein, unter
ihnen Platz zu nehmen. Nachdem wir uns eine Weile unterhalten
und uns gegenseitig mit gleichem Interesse angestaunt hatten,
brachte ich mein Anliegen vor: ob sie uns Eier und saure Milch
verkaufen wollten? Erst machten sie Schwierigkeiten und
versicherten, sie brauchten ihren kärglichen Vorrat selber; die
verführerischen Töne einiger türkischer Silbermünzen lockten aber
bald die Frauen aus ihrem Versteck hervor. Ich tat natürlich so, als
sähe ich sie gar nicht, sondern widmete meine ganze
Aufmerksamkeit dem, was sie herbeischafften. Hier kam eine mit
zwei, dort eine mit fünf, eine dritte mit einem ganzen Haufen Eier; ich
kaufte fünfzig und bezahlte für je drei den verlangten Preis von zwei
Metalliks. Andere brachten Milch und Joghurt in Büchsen, und es
zeigte sich bald, daß die Leute viel mehr entbehren konnten, als wir
brauchten.
Nomadenfrauen bei Hammam.
Beni-Said-Araber.
Der Frauen anfängliche Scheu war nach Abschluß des Handels
spurlos verschwunden, und ich konnte nun sie und ihre grellfarbige,
malerische Kleidung mit Muße betrachten. Ihre dunkelblauen Mäntel,
die gewöhnlich ein bauschiger Stoffgürtel um den Leib hielt, waren
nach vorn zu offen und ließen ein rotes oder weißes westenartiges
Unterkleid vorschimmern. Füße und Arme waren frei. Die
Armgelenke zierten hübsche Silber- oder Messingringe, den Hals
wertlose Perlenschnüre. Ihr Haar war in starke Zöpfe geflochten, und
um den Scheitel schlangen sich schwarze Turbanschleier. Alle
Frauen hatten die Unterlippe blaugrün bemalt, ebenso das Kinn.
Diese Bemalung entstellte sie keineswegs, im Gegenteil vermittelte
das kräftige Blaugrün vortrefflich das Dunkelblau der Mäntel mit dem
bronzenen Braun der Gesichter. Woher diese Sitte? Auf diese Frage
antworteten sie nur: „Das ist bei uns von altersher so Brauch.“ Einige
Frauen trugen kleine braungebrannte Kinder auf dem Rücken oder
an der Brust. Unter den jüngeren fielen mehrere durch echte,
ungepflegte Wüstenschönheit auf.
An den weiten Ufern des Euphrat genießen diese Nomaden eine
unbegrenzte Freiheit. Wenn die Steppe rings um das Dorf abgegrast
ist, ziehen sie mit Zelten und Herden zu neuen Weidegründen. Sie
starren von Schmutz und Ungeziefer, Frauen wie Männer, und ihre
buntscheckige Kleidung ist verschlissen und zerlumpt, voller Flecken
von Fett und Schafblut und vom Ruß des Lagerfeuers geschwärzt.
Das kümmert sie nicht. Abgehärtet von Wind und Wetter fühlen sie
sich stark und gesund; ihre Bedürfnislosigkeit macht sie leichten und
frohen Sinnes; doch der Neugier huldigten sie mit naiver
Unbefangenheit, und selbst die Kinder waren uns wildfremden
Gästen gegenüber gar nicht blöde; Knaben und Mädchen sprangen
übermütig aus und ein und trieben ihren Scherz mit uns. Fähren wie
die meinige sahen sie ja alle Tage vorbeitreiben; höchstens daß
ihnen solch eine Hütte darauf neu war. Mehrfach schon hatte sie
spielenden Knaben als Zielscheibe für ihre Schleuder gedient, und
die kleinen barfüßigen Mädchen am Strande pflegten ohne
Schüchternheit nach dem Woher und Wohin unserer Fahrt zu
fragen. Nur einmal, bei dem Dorf Sedschere, am 15. April, machten
wir Aufsehen und störten sogar ein Leichenbegängnis: das ganze
Gefolge überließ den Toten sich selbst und eilte ans Ufer, um uns
vorüberfahren zu sehen.
Die Zelttücher der Nomaden sind aus grober, schwarzer
Ziegenwolle; sie ruhen auf mehreren in einer Reihe aufgestellten,
senkrechten Stangen, fallen nach beiden Seiten ab und sind mit
Stricken festgemacht. Ringsum ist das Zelt mit Reisigbündeln
umgeben, die als Brennmaterial benutzt und immer erneuert werden.
Das Innere ist durch Wände von Schilfmatten in verschiedene
Räume eingeteilt. Der vornehmste, das Empfangs- und
Konversationszimmer, liegt in der Mitte, links der Stall für Schafe und
Kälber, rechts Vorratsraum und Küche. Dort bereitete eine alte Frau
in einem Topf über dem Feuer das erfrischende Getränk „Airan“ aus
Wasser und gegorener Milch. Die Milch wird in Ziegenfellen
aufbewahrt, die an den Zeltstangen hingen. Milch und Brot ist die
Hauptnahrung dieser Nomaden; seltener wird ein Schaf aus der
Herde geopfert. Mit diesem ihrem Reichtum sind sie sehr sparsam,
wie ich am nächsten Tage erfahren sollte.
Sale, ein Lamm an der Brust haltend.
Die Abenddämmerung hatte meiner Arbeit ein Ziel gesetzt, und
ich ließ meine Fähre bei drei schwarzen Zelten am linken Ufer
halten. Ihre Bewohner kamen uns entgegen und begrüßten uns auf
europäische Art durch Handschlag. Wir folgten ihrer Einladung und
ließen uns in einem der Zelte im Kreise um das Feuer nieder, das
mit stachligen Rasenstücken genährt wurde, die draußen aufgehäuft
waren. So oft ein neuer Arm voll in die Glut geworfen wurde, flammte
die Lohe hoch empor und beleuchtete prächtig diese Kinder der
Wüste, die wettergebräunten Hirten, die dunkelblauen Trachten der
Weiber und das zerlumpte Durcheinander der lärmenden Kinder. Sie
waren vom Stamme al-Murat; ihre Nachbarn auf dem anderen Ufer
gehörten zum Stamm der Bobani. Der Winter 1915/16, erzählten sie,
sei sehr hart gewesen, und es sei reichlich Schnee gefallen; vor fünf
Jahren habe das Flußeis sogar Menschen und Tiere getragen.
Unsere neugierigen Wirte wurden nicht müde, sich über unseren
Besuch zu wundern, uns anzustarren und auszufragen, und als ich
am Abend in meiner Hütte Tee trank, leisteten sie mir vom Ufer aus
Gesellschaft. Ich kaufte von ihnen weiches Brot und Joghurt, aber
ein Fettschwanzschaf wollten sie nicht herausrücken, d. h. sie
verlangten dafür 150 Grütsch oder anderthalb türkische Pfund (fast
30 Mark), einen drei- oder viermal zu hohen Preis, der jeden Handel
unmöglich machte.
Araberinnen vor einem Zelt.

Zwei Tage später hatte ich damit mehr Glück. Wir waren beim
Dorfe Dibse vorübergefahren, dessen Ruine auch unter dem Namen
El-Burdschi, d. h. die Burg, bekannt ist. Hier lag in alter Zeit die
berühmte Stadt Thapsacus, die ehemals die Ostgrenze des
Salomonischen Reiches bezeichnete (1. Buch der Könige, 4, 24).
Gleich oberhalb des Ortes ist noch heute eine Kamelfurt, durch die
seinerzeit der jüngere Cyrus und Alexander der Große den Euphrat
überschritten. Hinter Dibse waren wir an einer Stelle gelandet, die
den Namen Oasta führte. Hier wohnten die Araber des
Oäldästammes. Ihnen gegenüber sollen die Hamidije-Araber ihre
Weideplätze haben, und weiter abwärts am rechten Ufer folgt der
Stamm Hamed-el-Feratsch. Hochgewachsene Männer in braun- und
weißgeränderten, sackähnlichen Mänteln empfingen uns mit dem
Gruße „Salam“. Sie erwarteten das diesjährige Hochwasser erst in
vierzehn Tagen; nach zwei Monaten schrumpfe dann der Fluß zur
Bedeutungslosigkeit zusammen. Ihre Schafherden scheren sie Mitte
Mai; dann kommen die Händler von Aleppo hierher, um die Wolle
aufzukaufen. Für klingendes türkisches Silber erstand ich hier ein
prächtiges Fettschwanzschaf; einer der Araber zog sofort blank und
schnitt mit einem Hieb die Weichteile bis zu den Halswirbeln durch,
daß das Blut über das Gras spritzte. Kerit tauchte die Hand in das
rauchende Blut und malte ein paar breite, rote Streifen über das
Vorderteil der Fähre — jedenfalls ein uralter Opferbrauch, der die
unheimlichen Mächte des Wassers besänftigen und den Schiffern
eine glückliche Fahrt schenken soll. Mit sicherer Hand zog der
Araber das Schaf ab, entfernte die Eingeweide und zerschnitt
kunstvoll das Fleisch; Fett, Niere, Herz und Leber wurden für sich
gelegt. Die Fleischstücke ließ ich an der Hinterwand meiner Hütte
aufhängen, mit Ausnahme derer, die zum abendlichen Gastmahl
meiner Besatzung bestimmt waren.
Araber am Euphrat.
Nachdem die uns begleitenden Araber zu ihren Zelten

zurückgekehrt waren, machten meine Leute am Ufer Feuer, und nun
begann ein emsiges Kochen und Schmoren. Für mich wurden die
Schafsnieren am Spieß über der Glut gebraten. Jede
Schafschlachtung ist in Asien ein festliches Ereignis. Die Männer
bleiben länger als gewöhnlich sitzen, verzehren unglaubliche
Mengen Fleisch, plaudern und singen und schweigen bloß, so lange
sie essen. —
Neben den schwarzen Zelten der Araber zeigten sich an den
Ufern des Euphrat oft Hunderte weißer Zelte. Das waren die Lager
der armenischen Flüchtlinge. Mehrfach war ich diesen Unglücklichen
schon begegnet, wenn ich tagsüber oder am Abend an Land ging.
Einmal, in der Nähe der Festung Dschabar, hatte ich eine Schar von
ihnen, meist Frauen und Kinder, die auf dem Wege nach Der-es-Sor
und Mosul waren, mit allem bewirtet, was sich an Brot, Eiern und
Fleisch an Bord meiner Fähre fand. Genauer lernte ich ihr Elend erst
kennen, als ich am 18. April das Städtchen Rakka erreichte, das am
Fuß einer isolierten, fünfgipfligen Gebirgspartie liegt.
Zwischen Inseln hindurch, die bald aus Schlamm bestanden,
bald mit Gras bewachsen oder mit Flugsanddünen bedeckt waren,
näherten wir uns dem größten Ort, den ich bisher am Euphrat
angetroffen hatte. Bei Rakka erreicht eine Karawanenstraße von
Urfa her den Strom, der hier sehr breit ist und so gerade läuft, daß
die Ufer keine Erosionsterrassen haben. Diese entstehen nur bei
Windungen, wo der beständige seitliche Druck des Wassers sie
bildet. Auf dem rechten Ufer weidete eine Herde von etwa hundert
Kamelen; wahrscheinlich war sie für die Transportkolonnen
bestimmt, die die Verbindung mit der mesopotamischen Front
aufrechterhielten.
Am linken Ufer waren zahlreiche Frauen bei der Wäsche
beschäftigt, während Kinder im Wasser planschten, und Sakkas,
Wasserträger, ihre Ledersäcke füllten und auf Eseln nach der Stadt
beförderten, die einzige Wasserleitung, die Rakka besitzt.
Armenische Flüchtlinge bei meiner Fähre.

Mohammed und Hussein blieben bei der Fähre als Wache,
während Mahmud, das Gewehr am Riemen über der Schulter, und
Kerit mich nach der Stadt begleiteten. Sie liegt zwölf Minuten vom
Ufer entfernt, damit das Hochwasser, dem das flache Land
ausgesetzt ist, nicht bis zu den Häusern dringt.
Mein Ziel war das Amtszimmer des Kaimakam. Gendarmen
empfingen uns am Tor und führten uns über den inneren,
viereckigen Hof die Treppe hinauf zu einer Galerie oder Veranda und
von dort in das Empfangszimmer des Gouverneurs. Es war mit
einfachen Matten belegt und mit Sofas und Stühlen möbliert. Viele
Besucher warteten, Militärs und Zivilisten. Der Kaimakam, ein alter
Mann mit weißem Vollbart, klobiger Nase, freundlich träumerischen
Augen und rotem Fes, saß vor einem mit Bergen von Briefen und
Akten beladenen Schreibtisch. Sein Dolmetsch stand daneben wie
ein angezündetes Licht.
Nachdem der Kaimakam meinen türkischen Paß durchgesehen,
sich über meine Reisepläne unterrichtet und mir die neuesten
Nachrichten vom Kriegsschauplatz mitgeteilt hatte, bat ich um die
Erlaubnis, Antiquitäten von Rakka kaufen zu dürfen. Die kleine Stadt,
die jetzt zum großen Teil von ihrem Handel mit den in der Umgegend
wohnenden Anese-Arabern lebt, liegt auf dem Platz, wo ehemals die
alte Festung Nicephorium stand. Als Avidius Cassius im Jahre 164
n. Chr. gegen das Partherreich vorrückte, fand er an der Euphratlinie
hartnäckigen Widerstand, doch konnten Europus, Nesibin, selbst die
Hauptstadt der Parther, Ktesiphon, und viele andere Städte, darunter
die Feste Nicephorium, der überlegenen Kriegskunst der Römer
nicht widerstehen. Rakka ist auch dadurch berühmt, daß der Kalif
Harun-er-Raschid hier den Sommer zu verbringen pflegte. Meinem
Wunsch nach Altertümern durfte übrigens der Gouverneur nicht
stattgeben, da die Ausfuhr verboten ist.
Hauptstraße in Rakka.
Während ein alter Offizier mit dem Kaimakam eilige Geschäfte
erledigte, unterhielt ich mich mit dem französischen Dolmetscher. Er
war ein Armenier aus Konstantinopel und mit einer großen Schar
von Landsleuten über Aleppo und Meskene nach Rakka gekommen,
wo sie seit sechsunddreißig Tagen festgehalten wurden. Wir sahen
ihre Zelte am rechten Stromufer, das von Frauen und Kindern
wimmelte. Man schätzte ihre Zahl auf 5000; sie waren aus
Gegenden an der kaukasischen Front ausgewiesen worden. Der
Dolmetsch, der ein treffliches Französisch sprach, hatte dem
Kaimakam seine Dienste angeboten und war sofort angestellt
worden.
Vor zwanzig Tagen, erzählte er mir, sei ein deutscher Offizier auf
einem Schahtur angekommen und habe um die Erlaubnis gebeten,
an die ärmsten Armenier 30 Pfund in Silber austeilen zu dürfen; der
Kaimakam sei selber bei der Verteilung zugegen gewesen. Auf
meine Bitte, dem Beispiel des Deutschen folgen zu dürfen, erwiderte
aber der Kaimakam, er sei für das Angebot herzlich dankbar und
habe an sich nichts dagegen. Aber er habe vom Wali in Urfa gerade
ein Telegramm erhalten, das verbiete, ohne dessen Erlaubnis Gaben
an die Ausgewiesenen zu verteilen.
Ich suchte nun den Basar auf, um meinen Proviant mit Brot,
Käse, Apfelsinen und Salz zu bereichern. Ein armenischer Arzt aus
Eriwan, der seit vielen Jahren in Rakka ansässig war, begleitete
mich durch die staubigen Straßen der langweiligen Kleinstadt. Nach
seiner Versicherung zählte die armenische Kolonie von Rakka gegen
anderthalb Tausend Personen.
Auf unserem Wege folgte uns ein Heer armer Kinder und Frauen
auf den Fersen, lauter Armenier, und als ich an einem Bäckerladen
vorüberkam, auf dessen Tischen große Haufen frischer, runder Brote
aufgestapelt lagen, konnte ich mir das Vergnügen nicht versagen,
den ganzen Ladeninhalt aufzukaufen und an die Hungernden zu
verteilen. Sie stürmten von allen Seiten auf mich ein, stießen sich,
schrieen, fielen zu Boden, traten aufeinander und zerrten an meinen
Kleidern, um nur ihres Anteils nicht verlustig zu gehen, dann
zerstreuten sie sich, jeder mit seinem Fang zufrieden. Es war eine
Herzensfreude sie essen zu sehen, und mit schmerzlicher Teilnahme
dachte ich an die Fünftausend, die auf dem anderen Ufer
verschmachteten. Aber wenn ich auch alles, was ich hatte, an die
Ärmsten verteilte — für so viele hätte es doch nicht entfernt gereicht.
* *
*
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Tonya Gau Bartell Editor

More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/13030

Toward Equity and Social

ISSN 2570-4729 ISSN 2570-4737 (electronic)

Library of Congress Control Number: 2018950542

© Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature 2018

teaching and learning intersect in mathematics education to sustain or disrupt

East Lansing, MI, USA Tonya Gau Bartell

Part I Theoretical and Political Perspectives Toward Equity

Part II Identifying and Connecting to Family and Community

Part III Student Learning and Engagement in PreK–12 Mathematics

Part IV Supporting Teachers on Addressing the Needs

16 Seeing Mathematics Through Different Eyes: An Equitable

Aditya P. Adiredja is an Assistant Professor of Mathematics at The University of

Annica Andersson is an Associate Professor at the Department for Mathematics

Tonya Gau Bartell is an Associate Professor of Mathematics Education at

Dan Battey is an Associate Professor of Mathematics Education in the Graduate

Robert Q. Berry III Ph.D., is President of the National Council of Teachers of

Kelley Buchheister focuses her research and teaching on enhancing students’

Erika C. Bullock is an Assistant Professor of Mathematics Education in the

Marta Civil is a Professor of Mathematics Education and the Roy F. Graesser

Zandra de Araujo is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Learning,

Corey Drake is a Professor and Director of Teacher Preparation at Michigan State

Mary Q. Foote is a Professor Emerita of Mathematics Education in the Department

Lynette DeAun Guzmán Ph.D., is a mathematics education researcher and teacher

Maren Hall-Wieckert is a former research assistant at Brooklyn College of the

Frances K. Harper is an Assistant Professor of STEM Education at the University

Beth Herbel-Eisenmann a former junior high mathematics teacher, is currently a

discourse practices as well as the professional development of secondary m ­ athematics

Ji-Yeong I is an Assistant Professor of Mathematics Education at Iowa State

Christa Jackson Ph.D., is an Associate Professor of Mathematics Education in the

Lisa Kasmer is an Associate Professor in the Department of Mathematics at Grand

Gregory V. Larnell is currently an Assistant Professor of Mathematics Education

Luis A. Leyva Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor of Mathematics Education at

Vivian Lim is an Assistant Professor of Mathematics at Stella and Charles Guttman

Carlos A. LópezLeiva is an Associate Professor in Bilingual and Mathematics

Nirmala Naresh is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Mathematics at the

Oi-Lam Ng is an Assistant Professor in the Faculty of Education at the Chinese

Laurie H. Rubel is a Professor of Education at Brooklyn College of the City

Matthew Sakow completed his Masters of Education in Learning, Teaching and

Erin Smith is a doctoral candidate in the Department of Learning, Teaching and

David W. Stinson Ph.D., is a Professor of Mathematics Education at Georgia State

Miwa Aoki Takeuchi is an Assistant Professor at the University of Calgary,

Cynthia E. Taylor received her Ph.D. in Curriculum and Instruction with a

courses for elementary teachers, general education mathematics courses, and

Anita Wager is a Professor of the Practice at Vanderbilt University’s Peabody

East Lansing, MI, USA Tonya Gau Bartell

Part I Theoretical and Political Perspectives Toward Equity

Part II Identifying and Connecting to Family and Community

Part III Student Learning and Engagement in PreK–12 Mathematics

Part IV Supporting Teachers on Addressing the Needs

16 Seeing Mathematics Through Different Eyes: An Equitable

discourse practices as well as the professional development of secondary m athematics

status that mathematical knowledge is given in business and society, we must

The Social Conditions of Marginalized Learners

Theoretical Framework: Critical Race Theory

Unpacking Historical Perspectives, Policies, and Reforms

Sputnik and the New Math Movement