Papers by Selin Turkes-Kilic
The book series European Studies in the Caucasus offers innovative perspectives on regional studi... more The book series European Studies in the Caucasus offers innovative perspectives on regional studies of the Caucasus. By embracing the South Caucasus as well as Turkey and Russia, it moves away from a traditional viewpoint of European Studies that considers the countries of the region as objects of Europeanization. This second volume demonstrates this by looking into forms of inter-regionalism in the Black Sea–South Caucasus area in fields of economic cooperation, Europeanization of energy and environmental policies, discussing how the region is addressed in the elaboration of a new German Eastern Policy. In the section on norm diffusion, the contributors assess the normative power strategy of the EU and its paradoxes in the region, its impact on civil society development in Armenia, and democracy promotion in Georgia. In the section on legal approximation, issues of a global climate change regime and competition law in Georgia as well as penitentiary governance reform in the South C...
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European Foreign Affairs Review, 2018
The current accession countries experience an observable slowness in the pace of their European U... more The current accession countries experience an observable slowness in the pace of their European Union (EU) negotiations. This article aims to assess the impact of the EU's changing enlargement strategy on this accession inertia. Our comparative analysis of the post-2004 negotiation experiences reveal that the variation in the technical accession progress can be explained by modalities of the new negotiation framework including the Copenhagen-plus pre-accession criteria, settlement of border conflicts, benchmarks and the increased focus on the rule of law chapters, which all together provided a new opportunity structure to those veto players seeking to suspend the accession of the current candidates.
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Turkish Studies
ABSTRACT This paper seeks to uncover what drives European Parliament (EP) discussions on a privil... more ABSTRACT This paper seeks to uncover what drives European Parliament (EP) discussions on a privileged partnership for Turkey. In line with Habermas’s Communicative Action Theory, it scrutinizes the justifications used by the Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) in the Plenary Sessions between 2005–2012, i.e. from the start of accession negotiations until the privileged partnership’s falling into disuse in EP discussions. The research reveals that the alleged benefits of privileged partnership in contrast to the costs of Turkey’s full membership constitute the backbone of the right-wing groups’ arguments whereas the objection to a privileged partnership is justified by MEPs from left-wing groups for being against the EU’s official commitments to Turkey. In disputing Turkey’s full membership, the members of the right-wing parties reconstruct a European identity in which Turkey is the constitutive other.
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Journal of European Public Policy, 2015
ABSTRACT This article investigates the influence of the institutions that aim to foster democracy... more ABSTRACT This article investigates the influence of the institutions that aim to foster democracy in Europe, such as the European Union, European Court of Human Rights and Venice Commission on political party closure cases in Europe, through a comparative study on the Democratic Society Party (DTP) decision in Turkey and the Batasuna decision in Spain. Adopting the theory of communicative action, the arguments presented by the judges in the related reasoned decisions are analysed according to three categories: utility; values; and rights. It is argued that the European norms and principles constitute the main strand of justifications; hence, the European institutions have a considerable right-based influence on national courts.
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MUKADDİME
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Turkish Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 2019
This article analyzes Morocco’s and Turkey’s full membership application processes to the Europea... more This article analyzes Morocco’s and Turkey’s full membership application processes to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1987 from an identity perspective. The construction of both Morocco’s and Turkey’s European-ness are explored alongside aspects of postcolonial and modernization theories rooted in the poststructuralist approach by taking official discourses of the political leaders in the two states at the time of application into account. In the conventional narratives of the establishment of their modern states, Morocco perceived Europe as its other due to the history of European colonialism, whereas Turkey perceived Europe as its other considering it a threat to its national unity prior to the establishment of the Republic in 1923. In spite of this, two states tried to add European-ness into their national identities through their application to the EEC in 1987. In this way, Morocco and Turkey aimed at demonstrating not why European but how much European they were. In Morocco’s case, an obligation for demonstrating one’s European- ness is explained through the lens of postcolonial theory, and in Turkey’s case, the modernization paradigm is applied. Departing from these theoretical standpoints, the study focuses on official European-ness discourses by Moroccan and Turkish leaders, which had taken place as dynamic processes. In this respect, the article unravels how Europe and European-ness that was once regarded as the other by Turkey and Morocco were tried to be included into Moroccan and Turkish national identities on the path to become a full member to the EEC.
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Greece and Turkey in Conflict and Cooperation: From Europeanization to De-Europeanization, 2019
1999 has been a milestone in Turkish Greek relations as the decades-long tension between the two ... more 1999 has been a milestone in Turkish Greek relations as the decades-long tension between the two neighbors deescalated and multiplied the opportunities for cooperation in a wide variety of issues including trade, commerce, tourism, environmental protection, investment, energy, policing matters in combatting terrorism, illegal immigration, organized crime and arms trafficking. Accordingly, in the first decade of rapprochement, approximately 100 bilateral agreements in low politics were signed between the two. Building on this experience, the scholars following the Neo Liberal approach heralded the endurance of rapprochement owing to the advantages that both Greece and Turkey enjoy. However, rapprochement has not spread to high-politics issues and the main problems related to the security interests of Turkey and Greece remained frozen. This paper adopts a critical approach towards rapprochement and puts the post 2010 Turkish Greek relations under scrutiny. By analyzing the official statements at the level of the Foreign Ministries, the paper reveals a significant change in the tone of Turkish and Greek official discourses on the unresolved disputes signaling a growing tension between Greece and Turkey.
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Turkish Studies, 2019
This paper seeks to uncover what drives European Parliament (EP) discussions on a privileged part... more This paper seeks to uncover what drives European Parliament (EP) discussions on a privileged partnership for Turkey. In line with Habermas’s Communicative Action Theory, it scrutinizes the justifications used by the Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) in the Plenary Sessions between 2005–2012, i.e. from the start of accession negotiations until the privileged partnership’s falling into disuse in EP discussions. The research reveals that the alleged benefits of privileged partnership in contrast to the costs of Turkey’s full membership constitute the backbone of the right-wing groups’ arguments whereas the objection to a privileged partnership is justified by MEPs from left-wing groups for being against the EU’s official commitments to Turkey. In disputing Turkey’s full membership, the members of the right-wing parties reconstruct a European identity in which Turkey is the constitutive other.
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Mukaddime, 2018
Bu makale, Avrupa Komşuluk Politikası’nda uluslararası göç olgusunun bir güvenlik konusuna dönüşt... more Bu makale, Avrupa Komşuluk Politikası’nda uluslararası göç olgusunun bir güvenlik konusuna dönüştürülmesini Kopenhag Okulu’nun Güvenlikleştirme Teorisi çerçevesinde incelemektedir. 2003-2015 yılları arasında Avrupa Komisyonu’nun (2011 ve sonrasında AB Dış İlişkiler ve Güvenlik Politikası Yüksek Temsilcisi ile birlikte) yazdığı İletişim Belgeleri’ndeki söylem mercek altına alınarak uluslararası göçün AKP içindeki inşa süreçleri güvenlik ekseninde değerlendirilmektedir. AKP söyleminde farklı zamanlarda tercih edilen yasadışı ve düzensiz göç/göçmen, mülteci krizi gibi ifadelerin nasıl oluştuğu ve ne şekilde güvenlik sorunu haline getirildiği çalışmanın odak noktalarını oluşturmaktadır. Güvenlikleştirme söyleminin göç politikaları ile ilgili konuların geleneksel politika alanından olağan politika oluşturma prosedürlerinin dışında ele alınabildiği acil durum politikasına aktarılmasını kolaylaştırmak için bilinçli olarak kullanıldığı varsayımına dayanan bu çalışma, Avrupa Birliği’nin uluslararası göçe karşı alabileceği olağan üstü politika önlemlerinin bu ifadeler aracılığıyla meşrulaştırıldığı iddiasını savunmaktadır.
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The current accession countries experience an observable slowness in the pace of their European U... more The current accession countries experience an observable slowness in the pace of their European Union (EU) negotiations. This article aims to assess the impact of the EU's changing enlargement strategy on this accession inertia. Our comparative analysis of the post-2004 negotiation experiences reveal that the variation in the technical accession progress can be explained by modalities of the new negotiation framework including the Copenhagen-plus pre-accession criteria, settlement of border conflicts, benchmarks and the increased focus on the rule of law chapters, which all together provided a new opportunity structure to those veto players seeking to suspend the accession of the current candidates.
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This article investigates the influence of the institutions that aim to foster democracy in Europ... more This article investigates the influence of the institutions that aim to foster democracy in Europe, such as the European Union, European Court of Human Rights and Venice Commission on political party closure cases in Europe, through a comparative study on the Democratic Society Party (DTP) decision in Turkey and the Batasuna decision in Spain. Adopting the theory of communicative action, the arguments presented by the judges in the related reasoned decisions are analysed according to three categories: utility; values; and rights. It is argued that the European norms and principles constitute the main strand of justifications; hence, the European institutions have a considerable right-based influence on national courts.
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EU Neighbourhood Policy - Survey and Perspectives : 5th Network Europe Conference Jerusalem, 20th - 23rd October 2013 Publisher: Schulthess Verlag Editors: Andreas Kellerhals, Tobias Baumgartner, 2013
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RECONSTITUTING DEMOCRACY IN EUROPE RECON Online Working Paper series, 2011
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ÖZ. 18 Mart 2016 tarihinde Türkiye ve Avrupa Birliği (AB), Türkiye’den AB ülkelerine Yunanistan ü... more ÖZ. 18 Mart 2016 tarihinde Türkiye ve Avrupa Birliği (AB), Türkiye’den AB ülkelerine Yunanistan üzerinden gerçekleşen düzensiz göçün uluslararası hukuka uygun olarak önlenmesi ve insan kaçakçılığı şebekelerinin çökertilmesi için işbirliği yapmayı kabul etmiştir. Söz konusu mutabakat, devletlerin çıkarlarına hizmet ederken insan hakları boyutuyla da tartışmalara neden olmaktadır. Bu çalışmadaki amaç, mutabakat koşullarının doğrudan etkilediği Türkiye ve Yunanistan’daki tartışmalarda mutabakatın çıkar boyutunun mu, insan hakları boyutunun mu ağır bastığının cevabını aramaktadır. Bu bağlamda, iki ülke basınının argümanları Habermas’ın İletişimsel Eylem Kuramı çerçevesinde bu iki kategoride incelenmiştir. Çalışma, Türkiye ve Yunanistan basınının 18 Mart mutabakatını eleştirmek ya da desteklemek için ağırlıklı olarak devlet çıkarları odaklı gerekçeler kullandığını, insan hakları odaklı gerekçelerin tartışmalarda önemli bir rol oynamadığını ortaya koymaktadır. Habermas’ın meşruiyet kavramından hareketle, basında insan hakları odaklı gerekçelerin tercih edilmemesi, 18 Mart Mutabakatı’nın Türkiye ve Yunanistan’da genel olarak devlet çıkarları boyutuyla ele alındığı çalışmanın temel iddiasıdır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Geri Kabul Anlaşması, Düzensiz Göç, Türkiye, Yunanistan, İletişimsel Eylem Kuramı.
NATIONAL INTERESTS OR HUMAN RIGHTS? PRESS DISCUSSIONS ON THE FIGHT AGAINST IRREGULAR IMMIGRATION IN TURKEY AND GREECE
ABSTRACT. On 18 March 2016 Turkey and the European Union (EU) agreed upon cooperation to stop irregular immigration from Turkey to the EU states via Greece. The agreement has two main dimensions: on the one hand it serves the national interests of the parties, but on the other hand it can be problematic in terms of human rights. This paper aims to provide answers to whether the national interest or the human rights dimension of the agreement prevailed the discussions in Turkey and Greece. For this purpose, within the theoretical framework of Habermas’s Communicative Action, the arguments are analyzed under two categories; if the arguments are justifying and/or criticizing the agreement by referring to the national interests then they are categorized as utility-based but if they are referring to the human-rights dimension then they are categorized as right-based. The analysis suggests that in Turkey and Greece, interest-based validity claims dominate the arguments supporting or criticizing the agreement in press vis-a-vis rights-based validity claims. Based on Habermas’s conceptualization of justifications, the paper argues that the 18 March Agreement is dominantly evaluated from the perspective of national interests in Turkey and Greece.
Keywords: Readmission Agreement, Irregular Migration, Turkey, Greece, Communicative Action Theory.
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Books by Selin Turkes-Kilic
INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION AND CHALLANGES IN THE BEGINNING OF THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY, 2018
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Refereed Journals by Selin Turkes-Kilic
Pamukkale University Journal of Social Sciences Institute, 2021
In recent years, a significant proliferation has been observed in the number of studies combining... more In recent years, a significant proliferation has been observed in the number of studies combining quantitative and qualitative methods in social sciences. This research strategy, defined as a mixed-method, requires a research design and theoretical framework that will enable the integration of different approaches in a single study, beyond the random use of qualitative and quantitative data. This article aims to put forward the principles of the application of mixed methods, which have an increasing weight in the literature and are accepted as the third main research method, with a comprehensive discussion. Following an introductory chapter on the definition, purpose, and advantages of the mixed method, different research designs on how the mixed method can be used will be discussed. These designs will be exemplified by studies from the field of political science and international relations. In the conclusion section, the criticisms directed to the mixed-method, and the difficulties that may be encountered in the application of the method will be emphasized. Thusly, a road map will be presented for researchers who are interested in the mixed method.
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Papers by Selin Turkes-Kilic
Anahtar Kelimeler: Geri Kabul Anlaşması, Düzensiz Göç, Türkiye, Yunanistan, İletişimsel Eylem Kuramı.
NATIONAL INTERESTS OR HUMAN RIGHTS? PRESS DISCUSSIONS ON THE FIGHT AGAINST IRREGULAR IMMIGRATION IN TURKEY AND GREECE
ABSTRACT. On 18 March 2016 Turkey and the European Union (EU) agreed upon cooperation to stop irregular immigration from Turkey to the EU states via Greece. The agreement has two main dimensions: on the one hand it serves the national interests of the parties, but on the other hand it can be problematic in terms of human rights. This paper aims to provide answers to whether the national interest or the human rights dimension of the agreement prevailed the discussions in Turkey and Greece. For this purpose, within the theoretical framework of Habermas’s Communicative Action, the arguments are analyzed under two categories; if the arguments are justifying and/or criticizing the agreement by referring to the national interests then they are categorized as utility-based but if they are referring to the human-rights dimension then they are categorized as right-based. The analysis suggests that in Turkey and Greece, interest-based validity claims dominate the arguments supporting or criticizing the agreement in press vis-a-vis rights-based validity claims. Based on Habermas’s conceptualization of justifications, the paper argues that the 18 March Agreement is dominantly evaluated from the perspective of national interests in Turkey and Greece.
Keywords: Readmission Agreement, Irregular Migration, Turkey, Greece, Communicative Action Theory.
Books by Selin Turkes-Kilic
Refereed Journals by Selin Turkes-Kilic
Anahtar Kelimeler: Geri Kabul Anlaşması, Düzensiz Göç, Türkiye, Yunanistan, İletişimsel Eylem Kuramı.
NATIONAL INTERESTS OR HUMAN RIGHTS? PRESS DISCUSSIONS ON THE FIGHT AGAINST IRREGULAR IMMIGRATION IN TURKEY AND GREECE
ABSTRACT. On 18 March 2016 Turkey and the European Union (EU) agreed upon cooperation to stop irregular immigration from Turkey to the EU states via Greece. The agreement has two main dimensions: on the one hand it serves the national interests of the parties, but on the other hand it can be problematic in terms of human rights. This paper aims to provide answers to whether the national interest or the human rights dimension of the agreement prevailed the discussions in Turkey and Greece. For this purpose, within the theoretical framework of Habermas’s Communicative Action, the arguments are analyzed under two categories; if the arguments are justifying and/or criticizing the agreement by referring to the national interests then they are categorized as utility-based but if they are referring to the human-rights dimension then they are categorized as right-based. The analysis suggests that in Turkey and Greece, interest-based validity claims dominate the arguments supporting or criticizing the agreement in press vis-a-vis rights-based validity claims. Based on Habermas’s conceptualization of justifications, the paper argues that the 18 March Agreement is dominantly evaluated from the perspective of national interests in Turkey and Greece.
Keywords: Readmission Agreement, Irregular Migration, Turkey, Greece, Communicative Action Theory.