Location via proxy:   [ UP ]  
[Report a bug]   [Manage cookies]                
Skip to main content
In the twenty-first century, changing global power equations are impacting the dynamics of foreign and security policy choices of small states, as they seek to develop alliances and partnerships to offset their geopolitical and... more
In the twenty-first century, changing global power equations are impacting the dynamics of foreign and security policy choices of small states, as they seek to develop alliances and partnerships to offset their geopolitical and geo-economic vulnerabilities. In this context, Armenia’s security orientation is largely seen as consistently intertwined with Russia even after independence. Armenia has also attempted to develop a “normative alliance” with the European Union, relying mostly on its special relations with France. In recent years, various factors including domestic politics, deficit of security, and Russian dominance have led to a gradual re-orientation in the Armenian alliance trajectory towards more multilateral partnerships indicating a tendency towards “hedging” alliances. Conceptualizing from a theoretical foundation relating to small-state alliance options, this paper presents a case for Armenia-India strategic partnerships, given the historical and cultural ties between the two nations and the rapid growth of India as an emergent giant in the multipolar world. In this context of strategic analysis, the Georgia-Armenia-Iran corridor has a potential of vital geo-economic and geopolitical axis for India as well as for Russia, the EU, and China. The position of Armenia with its “both… and” integration approach, approximation with the EU, and strategic partnership with Russia has proved to be insufficient in security issues; however, the friendly disposition of a rising power, such as India, leaves Armenia with the capacity to diversify its security as a local civilizational and geo-economic connector.
This study is a comparative analysis of the United States-Iran relations and the resultant security and geo-economic implications on Armenia and beyond. It deals with the fundamentals of regional security and geopolitical and economic... more
This study is a comparative analysis of the United States-Iran relations and the resultant security and geo-economic implications on Armenia and beyond. It deals with the fundamentals of regional security and geopolitical and economic imperatives of the United States, Iran, and Armenia. Notwithstanding a solid rationale for mutually beneficial economic and political partnership, the Iranian nuclear issue and the relations of enmity between the United States and Iran have generated mutual mistrust making the reconciliation initiatives difficult. Hence, the paper takes into consideration the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). The normalization of the US-Iran relations will fundamentally transform the regional security architecture. The issue is of crucial relevance for Armenia. The paper utilizes the materialist and constructivist framework of the Copenhagen School of Security Studies, par excellence the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT), to contextualize both the geostrategic ideas and practices. The empirical starting point for this study is the fact that Iran-with its vast energy reserves, huge export potential, and key geopolitical location in Eurasia-has the potential to become a regional stabilizer and significantly diminish the geopolitical and geoeconomic challenges of the wider region opening a myriad of opportunities for Armenia as a transit route to Europe. Effectively this can happen with the US-Iran rapprochement. This comprehensive perspective allows us better understand the structure of regional security and prospects of stability vis-à-vis grand geopolitical designs.
The paper offers a comprehensive study of Hugo Grotius’s vision for the new co­existential paradigm in Europe and ideas of European integration through the prism of political philosophy and international relations. The paper proceeds with... more
The paper offers a comprehensive study of Hugo Grotius’s vision for the new co­existential paradigm in Europe and ideas of European integration through the prism of political philosophy and international relations. The paper proceeds with the construction of a theoretical framework from various ideas of the thinker and de­fines it as the Grotian theory of European integration. Based on the complex analy­sis of the Grotian concept of a community of sovereign nations and with an inter­pretive approach, the paper studies the visions of European unity in early modern and modern times. Grotius’s recommendation of “general congresses of Christian powers” had a constructive role in the configuration of the emerging European sys­tem of sovereign nation-states and for the new patterns of co-existential consensus. Hence, Grotius’s idealistic and holistic approach towards nations and society of na­tions is viewed within the framework of the theories of structural constructivism and intergovern...
The paper offers a comprehensive study of Hugo Grotius’s vision for the new co­existential paradigm in Europe and ideas of European integration through the prism of political philosophy and international relations. The paper proceeds with... more
The paper offers a comprehensive study of Hugo Grotius’s vision for the new co­existential paradigm in Europe and ideas of European integration through the prism of political philosophy and international relations. The paper proceeds with the construction of a theoretical framework from various ideas of the thinker and de­fines it as the Grotian theory of European integration. Based on the complex analy­sis of the Grotian concept of a community of sovereign nations and with an inter­pretive approach, the paper studies the visions of European unity in early modern and modern times. Grotius’s recommendation of “general congresses of Christian powers” had a constructive role in the configuration of the emerging European sys­tem of sovereign nation-states and for the new patterns of co-existential consensus. Hence, Grotius’s idealistic and holistic approach towards nations and society of na­tions is viewed within the framework of the theories of structural constructivism and intergovernmentalism of European integration.

🇫🇷  ➡️ 𝑬𝒏 𝒊𝒎𝒂𝒈𝒊𝒏𝒂𝒏𝒕 𝒍’𝑬𝒖𝒓𝒐𝒑𝒆 𝑮𝒓𝒐𝒕𝒊𝒆𝒏𝒏𝒆: 𝑳𝒂 𝒗𝒊𝒔𝒊𝒐𝒏 𝒅𝒆 𝒍’𝑬𝒖𝒓𝒐𝒑𝒆 𝒆𝒕 𝒍𝒆𝒔 𝒊𝒅𝒆́𝒆𝒔 𝒅𝒆 𝒍’𝒊𝒏𝒕𝒆́𝒈𝒓𝒂𝒕𝒊𝒐𝒏 𝒆𝒖𝒓𝒐𝒑𝒆́𝒆𝒏𝒏𝒆 𝒑𝒂𝒓 𝑯𝒖𝒈𝒐 𝑮𝒓𝒐𝒕𝒊𝒖𝒔
RÉSUMÉ
La contribution se propose d’étudier d’une manière compréhensive la vision qu’Hugo Grotius avait du nouveau paradigme de la coexistence en Europe et des idées d’intégration européenne à travers le prisme de la philosophie politique et des relations internationales. Elle procède d’abord à la construction du cadre théorique composé des idées maîtresses du penseur et le définit comme la théorie Grotienne de l’intégration européenne, avant d’aborder l’analyse complexe du concept Gro­tien d’une communauté de nations souveraines, qui, dans une approche interpréta­tive, débouche sur une présentation des conceptions d’unité européenne aux temps modernes. La recommandation faite par Grotius d’organiser des «congrès généraux des puissances chrétiennes» jouait un rôle constructif dans la configuration du sys­tème émergeant d’États-nations souveraines et des nouveaux schémas du consen­sus co-existentiel. L’approche idéaliste et holistique de Grotius au regard des na­tions et de la société des nations apparaît par conséquent dans le cadre des théories du constructivisme structurel et de l’inter-gouvernementalisme de l’intégration eu­ropéenne.

ZUSAMMENFASSUNG
Aus dem Blickwinkel der politischen Philosophie und der internationalen Bezie­hungen betrachtet, bietet der Beitrag eine verständliche Studie zu Hugo Grotius’ Vision des neuen Paradigmas der Koexistenz in Europa und der Ideen über euro­päische Integration, betrachtet. Er zeichnet zunächst den theoretischen Rahmen der wesentlichen Ideen des Denkers und definiert diese als Grotius’ Theorie, bevor dann die komplexe Analyse des Konzepts einer Gemeinschaft souveräner Nationen folgt, die, in einem interpretativen Ansatz in eine Präsentation neuzeitlicher Kon­zeption zur europäischen Einheit mündet. Grotius’ Vorschlag, einen „allgemeinen Kongress der Christlichen Mächte‟ einzuberufen, spielte dabei eine konstruktive Rolle in der Konfiguration des Systems aufstrebender souveräner Nationalstaaten und des neuen Systems, das auf dem co-existenziellen Konsens beruhte. Grotius’ idealistische und holistische Herangehensweise mit Blick auf die Nationen und den Bund der Nationen erscheint folglich im Rahmen der Theorien des strukturellen Konstruktivismus und der intergouvernementalen Integration Europas.
The article offers a holistic approach to the Napoleonic Paradigm of European Integration through the prism of world history and international affairs. In the time of the French Revolution, new patterns of loyalty and national cohesion... more
The article offers a holistic approach to the Napoleonic Paradigm of European Integration through the prism of world history and international affairs. In the time of the French Revolution, new patterns of loyalty and national cohesion were created and new paradigms of identity formation emerged. Napoleon Bonaparte exported French revolutionary ideals aiming at the creation of a French-led commonwealth of European sovereign nations (or United States of Europe), which was to supersede the European equilibrium and the ancien régime of sovereign monarchs. Napoleon’s policy marked an important step towards the formation of the right of nations to sovereignty and self-determination. For the comprehension of Napoleon’s European system, a useful perspective comes from Gramsci’s concept of hegemony. Thus, the article advances a holistic systematization and a comprehensive analysis of the Napoleonic concept and practice of the integration of Europe. Therewith, the paper proceeds with a comparative analysis of five platforms of integration against the background of Europe taken as a whole: European collective memory, European economic union, European collective security system, European public law and politico-administrative system, Napoleonic Europe as a system of integrated nations. In addition, the paper seeks to evaluate the complex interplay between the concepts of integration, legitimacy, and Realpolitik.

Français
Le paradigme napoléonien de la théorie et de l’histoire de l’intégration européenne
L'article propose une approche holistique du paradigme napoléonien de l'intégration européenne à travers le prisme de l'histoire du monde et des affaires internationales. À l'époque de la Révolution française, de nouveaux modèles de loyauté et de cohésion nationale se créent et de nouveaux paradigmes de formation de l'identité émergent. Napoléon Bonaparte a exporté les idéaux révolutionnaires français visant à la création d'un Commonwealth dirigé par la France de nations souveraines européennes (ou États-Unis d'Europe), qui devait remplacer l'équilibre européen et l'ancien régime des monarques souverains. La politique de Napoléon a marqué une étape importante vers la formation du droit des nations à la souveraineté et à l'autodétermination. Pour la compréhension du système européen de Napoléon, une mise en perspective avec le concept d'hégémonie de Gramsci peut être utile. Ainsi, l'article propose une systématisation holistique et une analyse complète du concept et de la pratique napoléoniens de l'intégration de l'Europe. Ainsi, l'article procède à une analyse comparative de cinq plates-formes d'intégration sur le fonds de l'ensemble européen : mémoire collective européenne, union économique européenne, système européen de sécurité collective, droit public européen et système politico-administratif, l'Europe napoléonienne comme système de nations intégrées. En outre, l'article cherche à évaluer l'interaction complexe entre les concepts d'intégration, la légitimité et la Realpolitik.
This paper analyses the US's strategic interests and policy approaches towards the South Caucasus visa-vis competing geopolitical paradigms. It concerns the security challenges for the region, which arise from contradictions between... more
This paper analyses the US's strategic interests and policy approaches towards the South Caucasus visa-vis competing geopolitical paradigms. It concerns the security challenges for the region, which arise from contradictions between integration, disintegration, and sovereignty in the shared neighbourhood of the European Union (EU) and Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). The geopolitical, geo-economic and security interests of the United States, Russia, the European Union, Turkey, and Iran are all engaged in the South Caucasus, here is where their security interests intersect. The paper utilizes the Regional Security Complex Theory. From this perspective, the strategic fulcrum of regional security lies in the regions and powers. Therefore, the South Caucasus has an ever-increasing importance for the US interests both as a gateway to Eurasia and as the eastern edge of Europe. Thus, within the context of the largest competing alternatives of the geopolitics and geo-economics of the EU, the Russia-led EAEU, China's Belt and Road and India's North-South Corridor-the South Caucasus, an integral of European super-complex, appears as an insulator and corridor between the West and the East, the North and the South. Hence, the US policies have been aimed at making the South Caucasus an eastern extension of the enlarged European regional security complex.
The protection of the right of the people of Nagorno-Karabakh to self-determination is a protection of the civilisational frontiers of Europe. The involvement of Turkey in this conflict with the use of Turkish-sponsored fighters from... more
The protection of the right of the people of Nagorno-Karabakh to self-determination is a protection of the civilisational frontiers of Europe. The involvement of Turkey in this conflict with the use of Turkish-sponsored fighters from Syria and Libya transforms this local conflict into a regional one and communicates to it a civilisational nature.
Read more: https://neweasterneurope.eu/2020/11/03/why-europe-should-care-about-nagorno-karabakh-a-civilisational-and-geopolitical-perspective/?fbclid=IwAR2DVCvc9du_HZ0UFh5RIXHZrUXhy9A4pn5ycnlS2aFEPDfSujgw8bW7yEM
The paper discusses Hugo Grotius’ method of resolution of international problems vis–à–vis the paradigm of co–existential consensus of Magna Carta Libertatum and the Peace of Westphalia. The paradigm of co–existential consensus of Magna... more
The paper discusses Hugo Grotius’ method of resolution of international problems vis–à–vis the paradigm of co–existential consensus of Magna Carta Libertatum and the Peace of Westphalia. The paradigm of co–existential consensus of Magna Carta found reflections also within other European states as well as on a general European level. A number of early European international treaties concerned the rights and the liberties of religious, linguistic or ethnic minorities. In 1648 the Peace of Westphalia ended a general confrontation in Europe and came to ensure the rights and the liberties of various political-religious communities and imperial estates. Thus, the Congress of Westphalia established co–existential consensus between the Catholics and the Protestants of the Holy Roman Empire. Besides, it guaranteed the rights and the liberties of German estates and became a Magna Carta for the estates of the Holy Roman Empire. Moreover, the Westphalian treaties have also served as a structural frame for the modern international order that has endured, with modifications from to time to time, until the present. Hence, introducing the modern concept of sovereignty to the practice of international politics the Peace of Westphalia became a Magna Carta for the European states. In 1815 the Congress of Vienna managed another major regulation of European international order. In 1878 the Congress of Berlin obliged the Ottoman Empire to respect the lives, property and religious liberties of its citizens. Thus, these general European congresses were playing a role of a senate of nations or sovereigns in a continental level checking, balancing and adjusting the multiplicity of national interests and contributing to peace and stability.
The paper analyses the unique position of Armenia within the overlapping paradigms of European and Eurasian integration. It deals with the security challenges for Armenia, which arise from contradictions between integration, fragmentation... more
The paper analyses the unique position of Armenia within the overlapping paradigms of European and Eurasian integration. It deals with the security challenges for Armenia, which arise from contradictions between integration, fragmentation and sovereign nationhood in the shared neighbourhood of the European Union (EU) and Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). On November 24, 2017, Armenia, a member of both Russia-led EAEU and the EU’s Eastern Partnership (EaP), signed an ambitious Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) with the EU. Armenia and the EU managed to make the CEPA, a lighter version of AAs / DCFTAs concluded with Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, compatible with Armenia’s membership in the EAEU. Furthermore, the applicability of Cold War time Finland’s Paasikivi-Kekkonen foreign policy doctrine for Armenia needs to be conceptualized, which will provide valuable insights into the security of EaP countries. Thus, via comparative case study of Armenia’s way of containment and accommodation of the Russian power and its ambitious engagement with the EU, the paper will reveal the possibility of new paradigms for other EaP countries.
The paper presents a case study and a comparative analysis of the migration of Syrian Armenians to Armenia in the context of Syrian Civil War and refugee crisis in Europe. The fierce conflict in Syria, which has broken out in 2011, has... more
The paper presents a case study and a comparative analysis of the migration of Syrian Armenians to Armenia in the context of Syrian Civil War and refugee crisis in Europe. The fierce conflict in Syria, which has broken out in 2011, has become to threaten the very existence of the Armenian community of Syria, one of the most vibrant Armenian Diaspora communities of the last century. Hence, the paper provides a brief overview to the Armenian Diaspora community in Syria. Then it proceeds to a comparative analysis of the causes and demographic consequences of the Syrian Civil War, the European humanitarian response to the refugee crisis and the Syrian Armenian migration to Armenia. The empirical starting point of this research is that Armenia has become the major direction for Syrian Armenian migration. This phenomenon is viewed through the prism of identity based survival strategy. The paper also takes into consideration the challenges for and responses by the Armenian and European authorities towards the refugee crisis. Due to the absence of official quantitative data or reliable estimates on Syrian Armenian migration to Europe, at this point it is difficult to understand and to analyse the actual status and needs, as well as the distribution of Syrian Armenian refugees in Europe. Therefore, the paper focuses very specifically on the case study of Syrian Armenian migration to Armenia.
This article describes the ancient and composite nature of the Armenian diaspora in Europe and provides an explanation for its formation and relative resilience over time. It describes how, starting in the fifth century AD, successive... more
This article describes the ancient and composite nature of the Armenian diaspora in Europe and provides an explanation for its formation and relative resilience over time. It describes how, starting in the fifth century AD, successive waves of migration drove substantial numbers of Armenians into continental Europe, where they established communities and imported religious, cultural, and economic institutions from their places of origin. Additionally, the article explains how, from the late Middle Ages to the Modern era, Armenians developed a far-ranging network of merchants as well as networks of cultural and intellectual centres that contributed to sustaining Armenian communities. These networks provided resources to individuals and to institutions and connected them to one another across borders, thus promoting a sense of common identity and destiny. Finally, those networks and the place of the Armenians in European societies were transformed in the twentieth century as a result of new, substantial waves of migrants and of the transformation of Europe's political and economic landscape. Some of the communities that exist in different European countries today as a result are also described briefly.
On 3 September 2013, the president of Armenia shifted the long-praised process of initialing political association and economic integration with the European Union and announced Armenia’s decision to join the Russia-led Customs Union and... more
On 3 September 2013, the president of Armenia shifted the long-praised process of initialing political association and economic integration with the European Union and announced Armenia’s decision to join the Russia-led Customs Union and participate in the processes of formation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). Practitioners and observers interpreted it either as a U-turn or as a surprise move mainly assuming that what happened was the result of Russian pressure on Armenia. However, when tensions and uncertainty eased, it became obvious that what happened was a result of complex reasons. Geopolitical constraints and socio-political problems that had accumulated in Armenia during recent years coincided with an assertive expansion of Russia’s foreign policy. This research provides a number of explanations for that political decision to understand the primary determinants of that move. It also examines the political and economic implications of Armenia’s membership of the EAEU.
On 3 September 2013, the president of Armenia shifted the long-praised process of initialing political association and economic integration with the European Union and announced Armenia's decision to join the Russia-led Customs Union and... more
On 3 September 2013, the president of Armenia shifted the long-praised process of initialing political association and economic integration with the European Union and announced Armenia's decision to join the Russia-led Customs Union and participate in the processes of formation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). Practitioners and observers interpreted it either as a U-turn or as a surprise move mainly assuming that what happened was the result of Russian pressure on Armenia. However, when tensions and uncertainty eased, it became obvious that what happened was a result of complex reasons. Geopolitical constraints and socio-political problems that had accumulated in Armenia during recent years coincided with an assertive expansion of Russia's foreign policy. This research provides a number of explanations for that political decision to understand the primary determinants of that move. It also examines the political and economic implications of Armenia's membership of the EAEU.
The paper analyzes the geopolitical dimension of the Eastern Partnership area through the prism of the competing models of the Eurasian geopolitics. The geopolitical and geo-economic interests of the European Union, the United States,... more
The paper analyzes the geopolitical dimension of the Eastern Partnership area through the prism of the competing models of the Eurasian geopolitics. The geopolitical and geo-economic interests of the European Union, the United States, Russia, Iran and China are all engaged in Eurasia. The paper utilizes geopolitical theories of Mackinder and Brzezinski. From this perspective the strategic fulcrum lies in the Eastern Europe and Central Asia. Here it is where the vital interests of the EU, Russia and China intersect. Hence, the two largest competing alternatives of the geopolitics of Central Eurasia are the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union, which is supposed to become “a model designed to serve as an effective link between Europe and the Asia-Pacific region,” and the Chinese “Silk Road economic zone,” which is supposed to become an economic belt linking economically the most advanced regions of Eurasia – Western Europe with Eastern Asia – through Iran. The paper outlines an alternative geopolitical path for an effective reset of the EU’s EaP initiative. Remarkably, Iran’s potential role – both geopolitical and (geo-) economic – in resetting the EaP is underestimated. While a variety of international issues such as the Iranian nuclear program have been much discussed by the scholars from various disciplines, little attention has been paid to the multidimensional analysis of EU-Iran-Russia relations and their implications on the geopolitical conjuncture of the EaP area. Clearly, the potential of Armenia-Iran relations can be indicative of broader and stable Europe-Iran relations.
The article deals with the challenges that Armenia faces in choosing between European and Eurasian integration projects. The EU and Russia-led Eurasian integration processes provide new framework to analyze Armenia’s integration choice... more
The article deals with the challenges that Armenia faces in choosing between European and Eurasian integration projects. The EU and Russia-led Eurasian integration processes provide new framework to analyze Armenia’s integration choice through the small states theory. Particularly, the paper tries to conduct discussion on the key political factors that were behind the decision of President Serzh Sargsyan to join Russian led Customs Union and to take part in the formation of the Eurasian Economic Union. The article attempts to address the possible impacts of Ukrainian crisis on Armenia’s elite perception of regional security and reasons of the absence of Maidan scenario in Yerevan. In addition, the article takes into consideration the factor of Armenian Diaspora in Russia in explaining Armenia’s intention to join the Customs Union. For this case a useful perspective comes from cultural studies, par excellence Gramsci’s concept of hegemony, and one from International political economy, particularly neo-Gramscianism. This comprehensive perspective allows us better understand Armenia’s problems and prospects on the way to its aspirations of integration with the European Union.
The paper aims to present the historical trace and the development of the idea of national sovereignty and the right of nations to self-determination from the Peace of Westphalia (1648) to Helsinki Final Act (1975). It tends to evaluate... more
The paper aims to present the historical trace and the development of the idea of national sovereignty and the right of nations to self-determination from the Peace of Westphalia (1648) to Helsinki Final Act (1975). It tends to evaluate Grotius’ place in the context of the European enlightenment and the history of the formulation of the right of nations to self-determination. According to these approaches nations are constructed with common beliefs and organizational structures. Therefore, nations, i.e. the organized political communities, have the right to political self-determination. The Peace of Westphalia symbolized the transformation of the European-world order based on the hierarchical structures of medieval Christendom to the horizontal system of sovereign territorial states. The rising sense of national individualism was promoted by the Renaissance and Reformation. Meanwhile, the start of the secularization and its adjacent idea of self-determination entailed the principle of peaceful coexistence among legally equal members of international society, which found its fundamental expression in the Helsinki Final Act. Thus, socio-philosophical as well as geo-strategic incentives of the European nation building process are taken into consideration. In the time of the French Revolution new patterns of loyalty and national cohesion were created and new paradigms of identity formation emerged. The paper offers a new interpretation of the historical trace and the logic of development of the idea of political self-determination and a comparative analysis of its enforcement history. Then, in the aforementioned context, it analyzes the case of self-determination of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (Republic of Artsakh), a successful European de facto state in the Eastern-most Europe. Therefore, one of the highly articulated features in the discourse of the Armenian leadership about Nagorno-Karabakh’s belonging to the European family and to the European international community is the notion that “Europe starts in Nagorno Karabakh.”
The independent Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh became a successful de facto state with its own public institutions, economy, foreign affairs and permanent representations in many countries. Moreover, in Freedom House’s rankings of political... more
The independent Republic of Nagorno-Karabakh became a successful de facto state with its own public institutions, economy, foreign affairs and permanent representations in many countries. Moreover, in Freedom House’s rankings of political rights and civil liberties, Nagorno-Karabakh performs better than Azerbaijan and many other countries in the region... The renewed military actions between Armenian and Azerbaijani armed forces have the potential to shatter the whole established security complex, particularly that of the Caucasus and that of Eastern Europe in general.
Read more: http://neweasterneurope.eu/old_site/articles-and-commentary/1944-nagorno-karabakh-in-the-eastern-european-security-complex
The article comparatively examines the new paradigm in international relations based on the French revolutionary ideas and sifted by Napoleon Bonapart. The armies of the Revolutionary France were transforming Europe in accordance with the... more
The article comparatively examines the new paradigm in international relations based on the French revolutionary ideas and sifted by Napoleon Bonapart. The armies of the Revolutionary France were transforming Europe in accordance with the republican values and the universal principles of Liberté, Égalité and Fraternité. In this context the goal of Napoleon’s policy of exporting the French Revolution was the creation of commonwealth of European sovereign nations, which was to supersede ancien régime and sovereign monarchs, based on the European equilibrium. His policy marked an important step towards the formation of the right of self-determination of nations. The Napoleonic structural and institutional reforms promoted the rise of the national ideologies and the modernization of European societies and states into modern nation-states. Thus, the Napoleonic period marked the transition from the ancien régime to the modern era.
The French Revolution was the first great pan-European social upheaval, which had a secular logic, thus affecting also the neighbouring Islamic world. Moreover, its ideas caused a great schism between Christianity and states affecting the very basis of group cohesion and creating new patterns of loyalty and new paradigms of identity formation. Thus, the ideas of French Revolution found their reflections also among the Christian subjects of the Ottoman Empire. Particularly, the Greek and the Armenian elite of Constantinople, who were familiar with the Western culture, were linguistically and intellectually prepared to accept the revolutionary ideas. The idea of liberty in the Ottoman context acquired a new political content becoming the war-cry of the national liberation struggles of the oppressed people against the Ottoman despotism. The idea of equality due to the corporative structure of the Ottoman society found itself in a different context having little effect when appealing to the individuals, but getting profound response while appealing to the ethnic or religious groups. Thus, the idea of equality was raised from individualistic level to the interethnic level and found its expression as equality between nations, which was later raised to the right of self-determination of nations.
The Napoleonic “Grand Empire,” which was stretching from Holland to Poland and from Spain to Balkans, represented a conglomeration of three groups of territories: annexed lands, conquered countries, and allied countries. Conditionally we call this as the Napoleonic System of International Relations, where the ideas of national sovereignty, liberty and fraternal equality were recognized at least in the ideological sense. Remarkably, Napoleon’s European policy had a profound influence on both ideological and structural unification of Europe. The creation of administrative and legal uniformity, economic unity, and the territorial reorganization in various parts of Europe helped to stimulate national aspirations.
In contrast to the Napoleonic system the victorious conservative powers gathered in Vienna for the refoundation of Europe made their decisions based on the principles of équilibre, légitimité and compensation trying to stop the general transformation. Thus, Napoleon’s concept of the integration of European nations was replaced with the great powers’ Concert of Europe. However, Napoleon’s victories and the French hegemony over Europe proved the supremacy of the French nation-state and sent a clear signal to the European rulers that modernization of state apparatus based on the French model was indispensable if they wanted to survive and to continue playing a decisive role in the international arena.
The paper comparatively analyzes and illustrates the transition of European politics from the medieval universal world order to the modern international relations system. The Peace of Westphalia (1648) was a turning point in the history... more
The paper comparatively analyzes and illustrates the transition of European politics from the medieval universal world order to the modern international relations system. The Peace of Westphalia (1648) was a turning point in the history of international relations. It symbolized the transformation from the system of political rule based on the hierarchical structures of medieval Christendom to the horizontal system of sovereign territorial states. Throughout the middle ages, the post-Roman myth of the empire still had a great significance. The rising sense of national individualism was promoted by the Renaissance and Reformation, which replaced the Papacy and Empire upon which the hierarchies of western Christendom had been centered. As a result, after the Peace of Westphalia formalized relations between modern states based on mutual recognition of sovereignty displaced the criss-crossing relations between heterogeneous feudal and non-state actors organized by the hierarchical claims of the Empire and the Church. With the consolidation of the means of violence by sovereigns and the emergence of territorially bounded states, the European politics was differentiated into distinct domestic and international spheres. Thus, sovereign states became the only legitimate political actors which were governed by sovereign rulers, acknowledging no rival authorities above them and none below. These processes affected the international dimension of conflict by furthering the fragmentation of Europe into distinct states. Around the states a new kind of political life – international politics – started to develop. The start of the secularization and its adjacent idea of selfdetermination entailed the principle of peaceful coexistence among legally equal members of international society. However, the concept of a universal world order remained on the political agenda, but it meant only the preeminence of a monarch within a system of fragmented and overlapping sovereignty rather than direct rule over a European super-state.
The paper examines comparatively the role of Diaspora in the integration paths of two post-Soviet Eastern European states, Armenia and Moldova. Both countries are members of the Eastern Partnership and share some common situations with... more
The paper examines comparatively the role of Diaspora in the integration paths of two post-Soviet Eastern European states, Armenia and Moldova. Both countries are members of the Eastern Partnership and share some common situations with their Diasporas that are increasing their role in the foreign policy of their homelands. Both countries were supposed to sign Association agreement and DCFTA with the EU, while Moldova signed, but Armenia has not, announcing its U-turn intention to join the Russian led Customs Union and to participate in the formation of the Eurasian Economic Union. The paper goes beyond the reasons of the integration choices of these countries. The main reflections are oriented on the issue of the Diasporas’ influence on the integration choices and its implications for Diaspora communities. Thus, the research is concentrated on the case-studies of Armenian and Moldovan Diasporas as foreign policy assets in the host land-homeland relations. This issue can be better understood by setting its study within the shared theoretical framework of constructivism and liberalism: both constructivism and liberalism are likely to explain the impact of both identity and domestic activities on international sense.
The paper discusses Hugo Grotius’ international political thoughts and their influence on the formation of constructivist thinking in international relations from the perspective of modern constructivism. In relation to Grotius’ thought... more
The paper discusses Hugo Grotius’ international political thoughts and their influence on the formation of constructivist thinking in international relations from the perspective of modern constructivism. In relation to Grotius’ thought different constructivist approaches to international politics are taken into consideration. Therefore, the paper proceeds with the conceptualization of the influence of Grotius’ political thought on the theory and practice of international relations in the light of constructivism and speech act theory. Hence, Grotius’ idealistic and holistic approach towards nations and society of nations is regarded within the framework of Alexander Wendt’s theory of structural constructivism. According to these approaches, nations (states) are constructed with common beliefs and organizational structures that give them territorial monopoly of legitimate violence. This comprehensive perspective allows us better understand the evolution of holist and structuralist theories of international relations and Grotius’ role in the formation of constructivist theories in international relations.
Աշխատանքում քննարկվում են Ասիա-խաղաղօվկիանոսյան տարածաշրջանի աշխարհաքաղաքականության հիմնախնդիրները տարբեր տեսությունների շրջանակներում: Մասնավորապես, փորձ է արվում Ասիա-խաղաղօվկիանոսյան տարածաշրջանի աշխարհաքաղաքականությունը մոդելավորել... more
Աշխատանքում քննարկվում են Ասիա-խաղաղօվկիանոսյան տարածաշրջանի աշխարհաքաղաքականության հիմնախնդիրները տարբեր տեսությունների շրջանակներում: Մասնավորապես, փորձ է արվում Ասիա-խաղաղօվկիանոսյան տարածաշրջանի աշխարհաքաղաքականությունը մոդելավորել Եվրոատլանտյան մոդելով: Ասիա-խաղաղօվկիանոսյան անվտանգության համայնապատկերում ռազմավարական հենման կետն ընկած է Արևելյան Ասիայում: Այստեղ են հատվում աշխարհի տնտեսապես ամենահզոր երեք պետությունների՝ ԱՄՆ-ի, Չինաստանի և Ճապոնիայի, կենսական շահերը, որոնք, կապված նաև Հնդկաստանի, Ինդոնեզիայի և Ավստրալիայի աճող նշանակության հետ, տարածվում են առաջացնելով Հնդկա-խաղաղօվկիանոսյան ավելի լայն անվտանգության համալիր: Այս տարածաշրջանը գտնվում է համաշխարհային տնտեսական, հետևաբար, նաև քաղաքական ուժերի նոր և մարդկության պատմության մեջ ամենաարագ վերաբաշխման կենտրոնում: Այս փոխակերպությունների թիկունքում կանգնած է Ասիական երկրների տնտեսական արագ աճը, ինչը ենթադրում է նաև միջազգային հարաբերությունների համակարգում քաղաքական վերափոխումների արագացող ձգտում:
This paper is a comparative analysis of the current problems pertaining to authoritarian regimes, legitimacy and political development. I will begin with a brief survey of the main types of justification for authoritarian rule. Then, I... more
This paper is a comparative analysis of the current problems pertaining to authoritarian regimes, legitimacy and political development. I will begin with a brief survey of the main types of justification for authoritarian rule. Then, I proceed to a comparative analysis by elaborating and contrasting different theories and histories regarding the legitimacy of authoritarian regimes. This comparative perspective allows for the identification of fundamental differences in the respective patterns of cooperation and conflict at the domestic and international levels.
On 23 January, 2015 in commemoration of the 100th anniversary of Armenian Genocide, the Department of World History, Yerevan State University, and the Institute of History, University of Iceland, organized a lecture-discussion on the... more
On 23 January, 2015 in commemoration of the 100th anniversary of Armenian Genocide, the Department of World History, Yerevan State University, and the Institute of History, University of Iceland, organized a lecture-discussion on the history of Armenian Genocide and diaspora. The lecture was delivered by PhD students of World History Department, Narek Mkrtchyan and Tigran Yepremyan. The lecture consisted of two parts: first, a lecture “The Armenian Nation and Genocide” was delivered by Narek Mkrtchyan which was followed by another lecture “The Armenian Diaspora: from Expatriate Communities to Transnation” by Tigran Yepremyan.
Tigran Yepremyan, Nation State as a New Socio-Historical Phenomenon and an Entity: the Formation, - The article discusses the features of the formation of nation-state, a new kind of international political unit and a socio-historical... more
Tigran Yepremyan, Nation State as a New Socio-Historical Phenomenon and an Entity: the Formation, - The article discusses the features of the formation of nation-state, a new kind of international political unit and a socio-historical phenomenon which emerged in Europe in the early modern times. The paper comparatively examines and analyzes the two basic components of “national-state” – the “nation” and the “state”. Thus, socio-philosophical as well as geo-strategic incentives of the European nation building process are taken into consideration.
Woodrow Wilson's Doctrine and the New World Order: 19-20-րդ դդ. սահմանագծին ԱՄՆ-ի արտաքին քաղաքական հայեցակարգը որակական լուրջ փոփոխություններ կրեց. կախված ժամանակի պահանջներից և ամերիկյան հնարավորությունների մակարդակից` վերամեկնաբանվեց և... more
Woodrow Wilson's Doctrine and the New World Order:
19-20-րդ դդ. սահմանագծին ԱՄՆ-ի արտաքին քաղաքական հայեցակարգը որակական լուրջ փոփոխություններ կրեց. կախված ժամանակի պահանջներից և ամերիկյան հնարավորությունների մակարդակից` վերամեկնաբանվեց և զարգացվեց “Մոնրոյի դոկտրինը”: Այն է` եթե նախկինում նորաստեղծ պետության կայացման համար կարևոր էր Ամերիկյան մայրցամաքով սահմանափակվելու իրողությունը, ապա այժմ այն հույժ խոցելի կողմերից էր: Ըստ այդմ` ամերիկյան անվտանգությունն այլևս անբաժան էր դառնում մնացյալ մարդկության անվտանգությունից[1]: Դա մասնավորապես արտահայտվեց նախագահ Թոմաս Վուդրո Վիլսոնի (1913-1921 թթ.) հայեցակարգում` “ազգերի ինքնորոշման” ու “կոլեկտիվ անվտանգության” սկզբունքներով և “ժողովրդավարության արտահանման” («exporting democracy») քաղաքականությամբ:
https://wilsonarmenia.wordpress.com/2011/06/28/վուդրո-վիլսոնի-դոկտրինը-եվ-նոր-աշխարհ/
Տիգրան Եփրեմյան, ԱՄՆ պատմություն: Երևան, ԵՊՀ հրատ., 2024, 544 էջ. Սույն դասագիրքը ներկայացնում է ԱՄՆ պատմության կառուցակազմիկ շրջափուլերը՝ գաղութատիրության դարաշրջանից մինչև արդի ժամանակներ: Այն ներառում է ամերիկյան ազգաշինության... more
Տիգրան Եփրեմյան, ԱՄՆ պատմություն: Երևան, ԵՊՀ հրատ., 2024, 544 էջ.
Սույն դասագիրքը ներկայացնում է ԱՄՆ պատմության կառուցակազմիկ շրջափուլերը՝ գաղութատիրության դարաշրջանից մինչև արդի ժամանակներ: Այն ներառում է ամերիկյան ազգաշինության պատմական փորձառությունը՝ տասներեք գաղութների հիմն ադրումից մինչև համաշխարհային գերտերություն: Գիրքը նախատեսված է համալսարանական ուսանողների, դասավանդողների և ընթերցողների լայն շրջանակի համար:

This textbook presents the formative periods and perspectives of American history from the colonial era to contemporary times, from the establishment of the thirteen colonies to a global superpower. It proceeds with the origins of American nationhood, presents and comprehensively analyzes the unity and diversity of American society and how differences in international affairs, geography, ethnicity, race, religion, community, class, society, economy, culture, and human experience have shaped the historical comprehension, self-understanding, and collective memory of the United States. Based on a bunch of secondary and key primary sources and formative documents of the history of the United States, the textbook presents how foreign policy doctrines, geopolitics, class and race relations, socio-philosophical ideas and political ideologies, developments of social and economic systems, scientific and technological innovations influenced the course of the American history.
Looking at global interactions across time and space within the context of world history, this textbook provides a deeper understanding of the historical, international, geopolitical, cultural, and socio-economic forces that shaped the present United States of America. It provides an opportunity to study the emergence of the American nation and the impulses and stages of its historical development.
The textbook presents the fundamental aspects and structural cycles of American history thematically and chronologically. Nevertheless, history is not just a simple memorization of events, names, and dates. The study of history is an extremely complex task and an extremely dynamic process. Historians pose historical problems, and research questions, weigh the evidence of primary sources, examine and challenge competing interpretations, and argue their conclusions. Therefore, history is also an ongoing discourse about the narratives of the past. Old conclusions are subjected to the scrutiny of new shreds of evidence, new perspectives, new references, new theories, and interpretations. Historical interpretation requires method, rigor, perspective, and reverse perspective. The study of international and transnational processes is extremely important for the understanding of world history. The names of the leaders and the dates of the events may not change, but the weight that scholars give them and the context in which they are formed are constantly evolving.
The other idea, which is reflected in the textbook, concerns the fundamental processes of evolution through revolutions, i.e. the United States managed to evolve stronger due to the accurate assessment of internal and external crises. Unlike other historical environments and entities, the United States has managed to turn those crises into incentives for development. The past and the present of this country unfold as a historical process: from crisis to crisis. And every time after an ‘apparent end’ it appears in a new historical outfit.
The study of American history enables access to one of the richest repositories of human experience, as the laboratory of American experience and the American nation-building endeavor encompasses the implementation of the most innovative achievements of Western civilizational values and socio-political ideas and intellectual thought. They have a pan-historical significance and content; therefore, they are universal for understanding the historical development paths of societies formed on the basis of republican ideals. Accordingly, the textbook identifies and explains the major historical processes underlying colonialism, the American Revolution, and the creation of the American nation, as well as the major impetuses of Manifest Destiny, the westward expansion, the ‘civilizing mission’ and the enlargement of the American frontier. The textbook consists of 22 chapters that start with the discovery of the New World, clashing civilizations, colliding cultures, competing empires, and different paradigms of European colonization exemplified with New Spain, New France, and New England. It covers, presents, and interprets the most important events and processes of American history, the main areas of social agreements and disagreements, co-existential convergencies and divergencies, intra-societal fusion and division; the sectional crisis and the deep causes of the Civil War; the Industrial Revolution and Capitalism; the Age of Imperialism and the First World War; the Great Depression and the paradigm for overcoming it; the Second World War and the Cold War; the New World Order and the Old; the only superpower and the lonely superpower; the end of history and the return of it.
Thus, this comprehensive overview offers a deeper understanding of continuity and change, tradition and innovation in American history, and how the United States has transformed from the perspective of the early republic to the present. Hence, the civilizational, socio-economic, and geopolitical heritage of the United States, as well as the impact of intercultural encounters on the transformation of American society is evaluated within the context of world history.
Եփրեմյան Տ., Արդի աշխարհակարգի մեկնարկը. Վեստֆալյան համակարգը: Դասախոսությունների նյութեր: Եր.: Հեղ. հրատ., 2023, էջ 98: Հրատարակության է երաշխավորել ԵՊՀ պատմության ֆակուլտետի գիտական խորհրդը: Դասընթացը վերաբերում է արդի աշխարհակարգի... more
Եփրեմյան Տ., Արդի աշխարհակարգի մեկնարկը. Վեստֆալյան համակարգը: Դասախոսությունների նյութեր: Եր.: Հեղ. հրատ., 2023, էջ 98:
Հրատարակության է երաշխավորել ԵՊՀ պատմության ֆակուլտետի գիտական խորհրդը:
Դասընթացը վերաբերում է արդի աշխարհակարգի կազմավորմանը, ըստ որի՝ բացահայտվում է անցումը միջնադարյան Եվրոպայի վերազգային աշխարհակարգից ինքնիշխան պետությունների արդի միջազգային համակարգին, որը նշանավորվեց պետությունների կողմից ինքնիշխանության համախմբման գործընթացներով: Ընդսմին, ներկայացվում է արդի համաշխարհային պատմության հիմնարար շրջափուլերից մեկը՝ պարառելով XVII-XVIII դարերը, երբ ձևավորվեց հասարակական-պատմական նոր միավորը՝ ազգ-պետությունը:
Դասախոսությունների նյութերը հասցեագրված են պատմաբանների, միջազգայնագետների և հարցի քննությամբ հետաքրքրված այլ մասնագետներին ու գիտական հանրությանը:
Exploring Yerevan is an interactive travel guide that has been designed to help visitors make productive and enjoyable use of their time in Yerevan and its surroundings. Ranging from low-key daytrips to festive cultural and social events,... more
Exploring Yerevan is an interactive travel guide that has been designed to help visitors make productive and enjoyable use of their time in Yerevan and its surroundings. Ranging from low-key daytrips to festive cultural and social events, the e-guide offers a diversity of programs and an ease of use for all. Videos, introductory virtual tours, picture galleries, 3D and panoramic images, appealing stories about the city, interactive maps, and much more have been used to add to the presentation of the city and its surrounding areas.

1. https://www.avc-agbu.org/type/ebook-learners/exploring-yerevan ;

2. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AISAGtr0nDo ;

3. https://books.apple.com/us/book/id997141176 ;

4. https://viewer.joomag.com/avc-multimedia-e-book-series-ebook2-exploring-yerevan-a-look-inside-the-city/0447097001427110695?short&
The emerging Indian-Armenian ties aim to forge geopolitical and geoeconomic pathways that align with their mutual interests and bolster strategic partnerships...