Gezi as a discursive space was widely imagined as liberated from market relationships. This has been a sweet yet susceptive dream to be shattered by hasty efforts to re-signify and re-appropriate, thus homogenize Gezi’s symbols. Our aim... more
Gezi as a discursive space was widely imagined as liberated from market relationships. This has been a sweet yet susceptive dream to be shattered by hasty efforts to re-signify and re-appropriate, thus homogenize Gezi’s symbols. Our aim here is not to suggest that OccupyGezi is a mere extension of capitalist inequality. Neither is it to undermine the political potentials of a scintillating resistance that has already paid irreversible prices. We propose that OccupyGezi was neither market-bound nor purely liberatory in essence and that it was essentially an intertopian space.
The objective of this note is to formulate conceptual links between nation brands, international relations, and politics through the development of research questions that are underpinned by a brand-culture approach. The focus is on the... more
The objective of this note is to formulate conceptual links between nation brands, international relations, and politics through the development of research questions that are underpinned by a brand-culture approach. The focus is on the export of Turkey's soap operas to diverse locations around the globe, but in particular to the Middle East and the Balkans. The note calls for (1) Forging a dialogue across international relations, political science, media, and management studies through a brand-culture lens which allows for a historical understanding, (2) Focusing on historical and political discourses as resources in interpreting nation brands and cultural and creative goods, and, (3) Focusing on nation branding between countries in the Global South. Forging a dialogue across disciplines and focusing on how consumers make use of historical and political discourses informs both commercial and diplomatic co-creators of nation brands.
This study focuses on how through consumers, the market reproduces a discourse that aligns with the political and the cultural spheres. By drawing on fields of production and consumption, we turn to how both Turkey as a nation-brand and... more
This study focuses on how through consumers, the market reproduces a discourse that aligns with the political and the cultural spheres. By drawing on fields of production and consumption, we turn to how both Turkey as a nation-brand and Orhan Pamuk as a cultural producer are produced and consumed at the nexus of political and cultural fields. Based on the analysis of data comprising of interviews with Orhan Pamuk and Amazon consumer reviews of his work, we argue that the consumers of Pamuk's works duplicate and reiterate dualities that have come to represent Turkey. This highlights the role of cultural products as nation-brand makers and the markets as where arts and politics intersect. We suggest that cultural products serve as vehicles through which existing perceptions and real and perceived global political hierarchies are reproduced.
We introduce and explore the notion of hegemonic dividend in the context of a country which does not have hierarchy attenuating means such as legal measures to protect workforce diversity. This paper explains the consequences of two... more
We introduce and explore the notion of hegemonic dividend in the context of a country which does not have hierarchy attenuating means such as legal measures to protect workforce diversity. This paper explains the consequences of two hierarchy enhancing ideologies on workforce diversity in Turkey; meritocracy, an ideology that privileges merit, and ‘biat’, an ideology of subservience to the structures of power. We illustrate how these two ideologies operate as a duality, as meritocracy vanes with dire circumstances for workforce diversity in nation-branding efforts of Turkey. Drawing on Bourdieu and Gramsci, we illustrate hegemonic dividend in the increasingly hegemonic system in which journalism, as a state apparatus, is embedded in Turkey, where privileged few are sustaining and advancing their positions of power by appealing to and submitting themselves to the revisioned nation brand. We focus on the news industry as it commands a special position of power in terms of creating, mo...
We explore the knowledge production experiences of marketing academics who currently work in countries that have previously colonized their home countries. Building on Bourdieu’s concepts of illusio and the field, we first demonstrate... more
We explore the knowledge production experiences of marketing academics who currently work in countries that have previously colonized their home countries. Building on Bourdieu’s concepts of illusio and the field, we first demonstrate that participants are drawn to the appeal of the academic game which perpetuates itself as a toxic field of neo-colonial relations. Second, we illustrate that two dominant exploitative academic practices sustain this toxic field. Third, we demonstrate that there is a toxic illusio which prevents academics from developing a healthy sense of colonial relations in their knowledge production.
This study aims to explore Turkish citizen-consumers’ understanding of and reactions to censorship of websites in Turkey by using in-depth interviews and online ethnography. In an environment where sites such as YouTube and others are... more
This study aims to explore Turkish citizen-consumers’ understanding of and reactions to censorship of websites in Turkey by using in-depth interviews and online ethnography. In an environment where sites such as YouTube and others are increasingly being banned, the citizen-consumers’ macro-level understanding is that such censorship is part of a wider ideological plan and their micro-level understanding is that their relationship with the wider global network is reduced, in the sense that they have trouble accessing full information on products, services and experiences. The study revealed that citizen-consumers engage in two types of resistance strategies against such domination by the state: using irony as passive resistance, and using the very same technology used by the state to resist its domination.
The purpose of this paper is to explore how conflict/war and its political economic and socio-cultural reflections influenced Turkish-Cypriot advertisements. It provides an analysis of the Turkish-Cypriot advertisements during 1940–1974,... more
The purpose of this paper is to explore how conflict/war and its political economic and socio-cultural reflections influenced Turkish-Cypriot advertisements. It provides an analysis of the Turkish-Cypriot advertisements during 1940–1974, which was characterised by intermittent inter-ethnic armed conflict, to illuminate how they are related to the commercial, political, economic and socio-cultural unravelling of the era.