Political Psychology in Plato's Alcibiades
Political Psychology in Plato's Alcibiades
Political Psychology in Plato's Alcibiades
Praxis Filosfica
Nueva serie, No. 31, julio-diciembre 2010: 25-44.
7-16
ISSN: 0120-4688
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1. Introduction
The Alcibiades I1 is an attempt at a philosophical propadeutic2. It is
an ad hoc conversation as it were, whereby the setting remains indistinct
(presumably it is a private conversation: where it takes place we do
not know). It is a performed dialogue: we are shown the actions of two
fictionalized characters in the present tense, without the filter of a narrator.
The dramatic date of the Alcibiades I occurs some seventeen years before
the Symposium (416 BCE), and thus, the reader is left to wonder if by this
time Socrates has already been initiated into the pedagogical mysteries of
eros by the prophetess Diotima. Presumably he has. Nevertheless he still
seems to be unseasoned in the erotic art of psychagoge3 or soul-shaping.
We will take this into account as perhaps one of the limitations of his
approach to Alcibiades at this point in time, and, arguably, as perhaps one
of the reasons for his ultimate failure to steer Alcibiades longing away
I have used the Loeb Classical Library edition of Platos Alcibiades I. Trans. W.R.M Lamb
(Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1964). Other references from the Corpus Platonicum are from
The Complete Works of Plato, ed. John M. Cooper (Cambridge: Hackett, 1997). Citations
are by Stephanus number. References from Aristotle are from The Basic Works of Aristotle,
ed. Richard McKeon (New York: Modern Library, 2001).
2
The Arabic medieval philosopher Al Farabi considered the Alcibiades I the gateway
into the Platonic corpus. The dialogues were either read out-loud or performed for an
audience of pupils (c.f. Aristotle Politics 1263b16, where reference is made to reactions
to a Platonic dialogue by listeners) in the academy, the selection of dialogues taking
place in accordance with the spiritual and intellectual development of school members.
For an interesting discussion on the chronology and scholarly debate about the authenticity
of the Alcibiades I, see Gary Alan Scott, Platos Socrates as Educator (New York: State
University of New York Press, 2000), pp 205-207. For further discussions about paideia in
classical political philosophy see the work of Waller R. Newell Ruling Passion the Erotics
of Statecraft in Platonic Political Philosophy. (Laham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2000) with
Catherine H. Zuckert Platos Philosophers: The Coherence of the Dialogues. (Chicago: U
Chicago P, 2009), pp. 229-237. Consider also the important work of Pierre Hadot What is
Ancient Philosophy? Trans. Michael Chase. (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 2002), especially
pp. 149-157. A classical observation about the relation between the historical Socrates and
young Alcibiades can be found in Xenophon Memorabilia I.2.39.
3
Plato Laws 650b6-9.
from his love of being praised by the demos towards the love of wisdom
and the philosophical way of life.
The action of the dialogue begins with Socrates praising Alcibiades
beauty. Beauty functions as a catalyst for attention: it evokes awe (and
attraction if we think the object of desire is attainable) and/or fear (if
we expect rejection, especially on the basis of past failures). Many of
Alcibiades suitors have felt attracted to the promising youth and yet have
tended to become distant from him, intimidated by his keen spiritedness.
Now he no longer has the pristine beauty of a child (pais), and is becoming
a grown up (meirakion), a young man; presumably not only his beard has
started to show, but also his voice is turning thicker, graver. Socrates had
remained distant yet most attentive to the boys elementary education
his daimonion prevented him from approaching Alcibiades at such early
stage (103a6)but now he considers that it is the right moment (kairos) to
explain him the reason why he feels his arrogant character (megalophnon,
103b5) is too much for others to bare (104 a).
Plutarch. Lives. Drydens translation. Ed. and intro. Charles W. Elliot. (Danbury: Grolier,
1980) pp. 106. According to C.D.C. Reeves introduction to Platos Republic (Indianapolis:
Hackett, 1992), pp. viii, Platos father, Ariston, also died when Plato was still a boy, and his
mother re-married Pyrilampes, a friend of Pericles.
5
Political power presupposes but also reinforces friendships: holders of public office can
do many people a good turn (Aristotle, Rhetoric 1188b15).
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Alcibiades is also a few days shy from addressing the Athenian assembly
for the first time (105b1), aspiring to be honored even more than the great
Athenian statesman Pericles12 (105b3). Can the political community
accommodate the imposing ambitions of Alcibiades? Political praxis aims
at containing thumos (fear and anger), channeling it in the direction of
active civic virtue for the purposes of recognition in serving the common
good. But Alcibiades spiritedness is also subordinated to love, to his
desire for immortality, that is, to attain the good always. Can political life
offer him this? Here the pedagogic dynamic of the dialogue presents a
problem: the word philosophy is never mentioned in the Alcibiades I. Why
is philosophy omitted? Plato hints that the future general-statesman will
strive for transcendence (Symposium 208b3-7) through the life of action.
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radical ignorance, a necessary step prior to the sense of wonder that is the
source of the desire to know. But what if Alcibiades is not willing to forgo
doxa? Shadows are sirens. The love of true knowledge or wisdom, has to
be preceded by an aporia or perplexityAlcibiades has to know that he
knows nothing, this pre-noetic experience has to grip him, before Socrates
can turn his desire towards the love of knowing. For knowing that one does
not know does not preclude the probability of further knowing. Knowing
can only make sense if something can be known. The love of knowing
tends to be abstract, meaning that its object(s) may not be tactile, but its
origins are rooted in our common experience. The search for objective
knowledge begins inter homines, that is, with political questions (105a-d).
Socrates appeals to Alcibiades sensibilitieshis pride and ambition
with a political scenario that transcends the horizon of the polis. As noted
before, this is a dangerous proposition: Socrates attempts to have power
over Alcibiades by expanding Alcibiades conception of his object of
longing, from the local or particular to the universal. This, at a political
level, he accomplished. What proved problematic was the further step to
have Alcibiades move from the concrete (love of demos) to abstraction
(love of philosophy) further to the elusive Idea of the Good that illuminates
the Forms (Republic 518d9ff.), and then back to the polisa full process
without which the Socratic teaching, by the standards of the city, has
seditious or at least impious implications13.
Is the love of the demos possible after the awakening of the love of
wisdom? How can these two loves learn from one another? How is
thumotic love of the demos different from Socratic philanthropy?
Is philosophic philanthropy possible? And if so, can (or should) it be
political? Did Socrates succumb to the temptation of vying for Alcibiades
love (105e-106a1) disclosing certain things perhaps unsuited for a young
man of his temperament?14
4. Paideia and War
The discussion has made Alcibiades curious, yet he still remains
somewhat indifferent (106a-b). He is expecting Socrates, like every
teacher, to moralize at him through long rhetorical speeches. But Socrates
will not, for he values Alcibiades attention (106b1-4). Socrates (perhaps
We should also note that excessive piety, or immoderate moderation can also be
detrimental for the well-being of the political community, particularly at war, as the case of
the Athenian general Nicias attests during the Sicilian expedition. Leo Strauss The City and
Man (Chicago: Chicago UP, 1978), pp. 192-209
14
The Master said: Learning without thinking is useless. Thinking without learning is
dangerous. Confucius Analects book II, ch. 25.
13
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as a child Alcibiades knew when other boys where being unfair to him.
Alcibiades swears by Zeus that he cannot tell when he first found out the
meaning of justice (110c11)but, upon reflection, he must have learned
it the way everybody learns about these things: from the multitude (para
ton pollon). Furthermore, didnt he also learn to speak Greek from them?
(111a1). Is language or grammar an object of deliberation? (c.f. Aristotle
N.E. 1112a34-b11). The multitude is a competent teacher of Greek language
because in that field it tends to be of one mind (homonoia). Is this the case
with the question of justice? Are people of the same mind, or do they differ,
when it comes to deciding and acting upon what is just and unjust?
The passions tend to stir the people in different directions making
them disagree with each other with regards to just and unjust men and
their actions. Alcibiades must have seen the incessant quarrels about
questions of justice, or if he hasnt, at least he might have heard about
them from other sourcesparticularly Homer (112 a-c). Alcibiades is
familiar with the Illiad and the Odyssey: he acknowledges the authority
of the poet. The people are not of a common mind about justice and this
is depicted (and shaped?) by epic poetry. Alcibiades is not in a position
to trust wholeheartedly the peoples judgment on this issue, and yet it
was from the people that he came to know about it: he is perplexed. If
Alcibiades did not learn from himself about justice, and if what he thinks
he has learned from the people is found wanting, it seems that, after all, he
might not know what justice is. This, Alcibiades thinks, is what Socrates
is affirming (112e). Socrates corrects him: no, he has only limited himself
to ask questions, all the conclusions Alcibiades has drawn for himself. But
Alcibiades is not convinced (113c1).
Alcibiades recollects about what actually takes place in the assembly: in
practice, Athenians take the question of justice and injustice for granted
what they really debate about is the advantageous in contrast to the nonexpedient. The assembly does not engage in political philosophy: they
think justice is something obvious (113d2-3). They deliberate not about the
true what of political questions, but about their how (which assumes
a what). Socrates is undaunted: even if political discourse happens to
be utilitarian or realist the same question remains: how do we know we
are right? (113e). From whom did Alcibiades learn what is advantageous?
Alcibiades notes that from the point of view of the assembly justice and
expediency are not coeval. Socrates urges him, then, to try to persuade him
of the truth of this proposition, through dialectical questions. Socrates makes
Alcibiades aware of the fact that he does not possess Socrates power to ask
questions. What is the difference between knowledge of asking questions
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and the delivery of a discourse? At this point Socrates mlanges the two
to force Alcibiades to think dialectically even though Alcibiades still has
not realized the difference between dialectic and rhetoric15. Question me
the way you would question the assemblySocrates continuesif you
can persuade me, you will have persuaded them: is there any difference
between an orator speaking to the people and an orator speaking in this sort
of conversation, except in so far as the former persuades them all together
while the latter persuades them one by one? (114d) Of course there is a
difference, as the distinction between the techniques of the philosopher
Socrates and the rhetorician Thrasymachus attest. But on this point,
Socrates remains silent.
At this juncture in the dialogue Plato leaves the reader with the
impression that Alcibiades is eager for an education in political science
(politike). Is Socrates prepared to teach him statecraft? Shouldnt Alcibiades
become a philosopher first? But as noted before the word philosophy is not
even mentioned in the text. What would this knowledge of political things
amount to? Is it just a matter of habituation, and thus experience that can
only come to him with time? And in that case why would Alcibiades need
Socrates? Perhaps we should make a brief exploration about some essential
features of statesmanship with the help of Aristotles analytical clarity, to
get a sense of the art of political rule.
6. Politike
Statesmanship or political science (politike episteme) is the practical
science used by statesmen (politikos) in the business of ruling. It has an
active rather than a purely theoretical character. Politike attempts to balance
the understanding of universal standards (the epistemic grasp of first
principles and the hierarchy of ends) with experience shaped by the ethical
endoxa of a given political community (N.E. 118032-1181b12). It is also
a kind of craft (techne) in the sense that it aims at some good by means of
distinct measures (dynamis), as does, say, medicine, or gymnastics. Ethics
and compulsion are the fields of action of statesmanship; ethics aims to
define the human good, happiness (eudaemonia), and to bring it about (NE
1094a 22-24) not only at the level of the individual but also if possible,
for the community at large. Human beings are political animals (Politics
1253a5) and thus the ends which they aim at individually presuppose a
political context with its advantages and limitations. The nature of human
In connection to this distinction we are reminded of the case of Polusa seasoned
rhetorician who is also unaware of dialectical reasoningin the Gorgias (461b4-462a6).
See also Hegel Phenomenology of Spirit. Tras. A.V. Miller. (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1977),
Preface, sections 57-58.
15
On this point I am indebted to W.R. Newells essay Superlative Virtue: The Problem of
Monarchy in Aristotles Politics. Western Political Quarterly, Vol. 40, No.1 (Mar., 1987),
pp. 159-178.
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8. Alcibiades of Arabia
Being entangled in the political rivalries and deliberative minutiae
of democratic politics would distract Alcibiades from becoming a truly
magnificent ruler. He should compare himself not to his fellow citizens,
but to the sovereign rulers of Athens enemy states. Local politics might
not require great preparation but competition with foreign rulers, and
war, can lead to lethal outcomes for the unprepared. Now Alcibiades is
eager to learn and listen. We note in passing that he still thinks the Persian
king and the Spartan generals are no different from any regular politician
(120c2-4). But in any case, wouldnt self-cultivation help him face these
rivals? Could self-cultivation actually harm him? He doesnt think so. Still,
how long would this project of self-shaping take? For we also know that
Socrates, who is also involved in this process of self-cultivation, seems
to have no time left to deal publicly with political matters (Apology 23b).
Can this process of self-knowledge lead Alcibiades away from his political
ambitions? We can almost hear him pondering: would this self-cultivation
make me like you, Socrates? Socrates appeals to Alcibiades prejudices
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that he has made someone else understand it. Now, Pericles is able to
practice politike, but the fact that he has not been able to transmit this
knowledge to his heirs would seem to indicate that he is not self-conscious
about the procedures of his practice, unlike a true teacher. Pericles is also
an unleisured man. Alcibiades should not be counting on learning the art of
rule from him (118e4-6). Who could orient Alcibiades? Does he intend to
remain in his present perplexed condition, or is he willing to practice selfcultivation (epimeleian tina poieisthai)?
Learning to rule others presupposes learning self-rule. If politics were
only a matter of phronesis, then, naturally Alcibiades would have to undergo
a process of apprenticeship (like most politicians do) to accumulate the
experience necessary to learn to discern political phenomena by means of
trial and error. And Alcibiades, given his outstanding nature, would very
quickly surpass his political rivals (119b-c). This kind of consideration
disappoints Socrates: he cannot admit mediocrity, that is, the willing
acceptance of lived contradictions. Socrates focuses his soul-shaping
strategy on Alcibiades thumos: with whom should a high-spirited man
(megalophrona) like Alcibiades compete against? Because being better
than ones inferiors is no reason for pride (119e5-6). Alcibiades should be
thinking about a rivalry with the powerful leaders of other great states like
Sparta, or even of empires, like Persia. This sounds like the truth (alethe
lgeis) to him.
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he comes from one of the most notorious families in Athens: those who are
well born will turn out virtuous (gignesthai pros aretn, 120d9-10), only
if properly educated. Young Alcibiades is amenable to shame into learning
not for the desire to know, but out of pride and the love of victory.
The Persian princesAlcibiades true rivalsare brought up with a
rigorous education; around age fourteen they are entrusted to four royal
tutors (basileus paidagogous), selected for being the wisest, the most just,
the most sound-minded, and the bravest. What does the Persian prince
learn from them? Four teachers, each for a cardinal virtue. Why dont the
Persians have teachers that embody all the four virtues? Would Socrates be
such a teacher? In any event, from the wise man (sophostatos) the Persian
prince learns the worship of the gods, the Magian lore of Zoroaster and
also the secrets that a king should know (122-a1-3). The most just man
(dikaitatos) teaches him to be truthful. The sound-minded (sophronestatos)
tutor teaches him how not to be mastered by the pleasures, so he can be
free, and self-ruled. The bravest one (andreitatos) teaches the Persian
prince to be fearless, because fear is slavery (122a3-8). It is no different
with the Spartan generals, who also undergo a thorough education, though
perhaps one of the differences is that the Spartans are educated in a kind
of austerity that contrasts starkly with the luxury and extravagance of the
Persians.
What is the distinction between this comprehensive education and what
Alcibiades potential teacher Socrates has to offer him? And what about
Alcibiades current tutor Zopyrus the Thrasyan, an old man selected for
him by Pericles? Pericles cannot educate Alcibiadesbut is he at least able
to select for him a proper teacher? (cf. Machiavelli, Prince, XXII). Socrates
offers to teach Alcibiades out of love (122b7-8). Is Alcibiades in a condition
to compete with these foreign kings? Socrates can help him, not because
he himself is in a position to compete with the great kingsSocrates is not
Pericles, but unlike him, he thinks he is able to improve his pupil through
intelligence (epimeteia) and skill (techne). Pericles cannot teach what he
practices, while Socrates can teach what he could (so he seems to claim)
but chooses not to practice. But Socrates is in a similar condition than
Alcibiades: the difference is that Socrates guide or guardian is better and
wiser than Pericles. What is Socrates guide? A god, he claims (124c6).
Alcibiades tells him to please be serious: an appeal to god seems to be a
way just to end reasoned discussion. The pedagogical intent of Socrates
here is to use Alcibiades sense of consistency for the purposes of elevating
his unlimited self-love towards the ultimate universal object of longing17.
17
It always is and neither comes to be nor passes away, neither waxes, nor wanes ... it is not
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clearly necessary to rule, but does someone with the political ambitions of
Alcibiades need justice and sophrosyne beyond appearing to have them for
public convenience?
19
For this section of the essay I have used The Laws of Plato. Translated, with Notes and an
Interpretative Essay by Thomas L. Pangle. (Chicago: U Chicago P, 1988).
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12. Conclusion
The purpose of this essay has been to discuss Socratic philosophical
paideia in the Platonic dialogue Alcibiades I. The aim was to depict and
analyze a Platonic illustration whereby young Socrates performs the
role of political educator. The dialogue between Socrates and Alcibiades
shows a conversation at leisure (schoole) dedicated to initiate a young
man into a philosophical practice of self-examination and self-shaping.
Initial perplexity is awakened by Socratic questioning which, in principle,
aims at bringing about a quest for self-knowledge, a process involving
both potential discovery and transformation. As we saw in the paper
however, Socrates initial encounter with Alcibiades was entangled with
many reservations the young aristocratic Athenian had with regards to
dedicating himself to the examined, contemplative life. The dialogue ends
with a willingness on the part of Alcibiades to learn the art of self-rule
from Socrates for the instrumental intent of becoming a statesman. Even
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young Socrates was conscientious of the fact that the different characters
of his interlocutors ought to inform the way he approaches them (Phaedrus
248d-c1), and therefore, his conversation with young Alcibiades aimed to
appeal to his spirited nature and self-love, suggesting a further maturation
towards the life of the love of wisdom.
One of the key themes we explored was the dynamic between Socratic
psycho-political education and his conviction that ruling should be the
manifestation of statecraft. In this dialogue, Socrates approaches young
Alcibiades with the intention of shaping his politics in the direction
of civic virtue (arete) through character formation and clear-sighted
understanding21. Self-knowledge is inextricably linked with cognizance of
other natural human types. Furthermore, the theme of eros is constantly
alluded to in Socrates philosophical rhetoric as a means to tap into his
interlocutors source of striving. Philosophical paideia is a love story: the
pull is a noble quest. Now, what are the motives preventing the love of
wisdom from taking root in a spirited young man? Should a potential ruler
become a philosopher first? And if not the lover of wisdom, who should
rule? The Alcibiades I is a Platonic dialogue trying to depict the first steps in
Socratic education, its beautiful prospects as well as its human limitations.
The relation between Socrates and Alcibiades remains the psycho-political
root for the study of Platonic political philosophy.
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