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This chapter alludes to the human rights issues and governmental responses in the five central Asian countries in light of their commitments to the U, OSCE, and the EU.
Ultimately, the claim for cyber justice is based on a globally agreed social contract and a good governance-based cyber governance regime of which (today) four billion users generally agree upon and in which they have the possibility to... more
Ultimately, the claim for cyber justice is based on a globally agreed social contract and a good governance-based cyber governance regime of which (today) four billion users generally agree upon and in which they have the possibility to interact freely and protected. This is an endeavor of a new magnitude because of the size of cyber space, the number of “cyber citizens,” and the speed and innovations IT provides. But it is not impossible as illustrated above, if this governance regimes remains to be based on the basic idea of universal human rights norms and principles which are no longer disputed among the majority of world’s population. Which in return is the same one that accesses and uses the Internet for private, economic, social, or professional causes. Good governance principles based on concepts of democracy help to design a cyber governance regime that manages these common interest of users and providers in the Internet and provide the grounds for cyber justice.
Anne van Aaken (ed.) et al.
The Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), launched in 2013 by Chinese President Xi Jinping, has thus far neither been a curse nor a blessing for democracy. Instead, China's BRI activities in over 140 countries worldwide have triggered... more
The Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), launched in 2013 by Chinese President Xi Jinping, has thus far neither been a curse nor a blessing for democracy. Instead, China's BRI activities in over 140 countries worldwide have triggered many global and local movements and initiatives which have led to both stronger autocratisation and democratisation in some regions, such as across Eurasia. The quantity of investments under the BRI is not a determinant of whether a country democratises or autocratises. The BRI has instead made trade and people-to-people connectivity both more global and local at the same time. Hence, it has to a certain extent glocalised societies along the New Silk Road initiatives worldwide. The investments and development projects have led to modest economic growth and subsequently, albeit unintentionally, to social movements, worker protests, and grassroots initiatives against governments in countries receiving investment. These movements have often been taken down by restrictive and repressive measures by governments, and this has led to political violence. Inside China, the BRI has led to further autocratisation of the autocratic regime, despite the country's economic growth. Yet, over the past ten years, China's global investment policies have triggered infrastructural investments across the Eurasian continent. Along this "New Silk Road Initiative," Chinese BRI investments have triggered civil society engagements in the form of local protests criticising the practices of Chinese investors and their local counterparts. BRI investments operate based on intergovernmental agreements between the governments of China and the partner country without including local communities, labour unions, or other forms of civil society. This has triggered a A.
This chapter alludes to the human rights issues and governmental responses in the five central Asian countries in light of their commitments to the U, OSCE, and the EU.
Ever since the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991, “human rights” has been a contentious term in the states of post-Soviet Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan). Whereas all Central Asian... more
Ever since the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991, “human rights” has been a contentious term in the states of post-Soviet Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan). Whereas all Central Asian states are parties to the major multilateral human rights instruments, significant human rights problems persist. Issues such as the rule of law, gender inequality, domestic violence, freedom of the press, and electoral rights are particularly acute. Progress was made in overcoming the Soviet legacy of the human rights nihilism in a few areas, but the Central Asian states still have a way to go to improve their human rights records. National human rights institutions should be accorded real powers. The quality of dialogue between governments and civil society should be improved. Ultimately, societal attitudes toward human rights should shift from perceiving the concept as “Western” and “alien to local cultures” to more constructive paradigms.
Historische, juristische sowie symbolische oder politische Aufarbeitungsprozesse von begangenem Unrecht umfassen das an Bedeutung gewinnende Forschungsfeld Transitional Justice (TJ). Der vorliegende Band verfolgt zwei Ziele. Zum einen... more
Historische, juristische sowie symbolische oder politische Aufarbeitungsprozesse von begangenem Unrecht umfassen das an Bedeutung gewinnende Forschungsfeld Transitional Justice (TJ). Der vorliegende Band verfolgt zwei Ziele. Zum einen soll die forschungsprogrammatische Entwicklung triangularer Methodik im Forschungsfeld Transitional Justice (TJ)-Forschung aufgezeigt und zur Weiterarbeit auf diesem Gebiet angeregt werden. Zum Zweiten soll das praktische Interesse am Thema durch die Bereitstellung theoretischer und empirischer Kernaufsatze angeregt werden. Ein zentrales Argument fur die Beschaftigung mit TJ ist dessen potenzieller Beitrag zur Herstellung von Vertrauen in (neue demokratische) politische Institutionen. Gleichzeitig konnen TJ-Masnahmen die Versohnung innerhalb einer Gesellschaft oder zwischen ehemals verfeindeten Gruppen und Nationen fordern. In diesem Kontext ist TJ ein politisch produktiver und uber Generationen andauernder Prozess, der eine Vielfalt unterschiedlicher ...
Against the background of the expansion of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), this chapter analyses the phenomenon of urbanisation in Central Asia and its political and social implications. The main argument is that major cities have... more
Against the background of the expansion of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), this chapter analyses the phenomenon of urbanisation in Central Asia and its political and social implications. The main argument is that major cities have emerged as important economic and political centres, but that these also are focal points for ethnic and social conflict which threatens regime stability. While the BRI contributes to sustainable urban development, it has so far done little to attenuate the problematic political and social consequences of urbanisation.
Exogenous and endogenous dynamics and factors determine the level of glocality, and the practice of glocal governance. Climate change, digitalization, and urbanization, the rise of non-state actors and erosion of statehood, and in many... more
Exogenous and endogenous dynamics and factors determine the level of glocality, and the practice of glocal governance. Climate change, digitalization, and urbanization, the rise of non-state actors and erosion of statehood, and in many cases dysfunctional governments, are calling for a more participatory and multi-stakeholder driven form of governance. Other modes of governance such as public–private partnership engage public and private actors to realize glocal governance. Global mobility will increase, both virtual and in person, and hence people will move in spaces and in territories without clear boundaries, laws, and limits. Glocal governance give guidelines and rules how to organize communities in this borderless world.
Common norms, standards, rules, and regulations are key to govern the Internet and subsequently the cyberspace. But to organize and agree on them within a diverse community of four billion Internet users is the current challenge of... more
Common norms, standards, rules, and regulations are key to govern the Internet and subsequently the cyberspace. But to organize and agree on them within a diverse community of four billion Internet users is the current challenge of governments, international organizations, and the multi-stakeholder community.
Migrants are policy brokers that change domestic public policy processes, turning them more global and more local at the same time. “Glocal” policy thinking and making have challenged and shifted priorities in the domestic and... more
Migrants are policy brokers that change domestic public policy processes, turning them more global and more local at the same time. “Glocal” policy thinking and making have challenged and shifted priorities in the domestic and democratically driven policy processes around the world. In this chapter it will be argued that working migrants, asylum seekers, trafficked person, or refugees are willingly or unwillingly key actors and advocates within the advocacy coalition framework that change not only belief and policy learning systems but the whole concept of domestic and democratic public policy making. Despite the fact that most migrants do not enjoy full citizenship of the country they enter, live, and work in, but nevertheless they are full part of the labor and service market and possess democratic and legitimacy deficits on public policy systems. These deficits can be best overcome by policy makers when adhering to global norms and standards and by allowing local actors and cities to apply to them while migrants are becoming a more inclusive part of the public policy cycle

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In this edited volume the editors, Mihr/Wittke and the authors explore the field of human rights dissemination in Central Asia. Offering a comparative perspective on five post-Soviet Central Asian states—Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan,... more
In this edited volume the editors, Mihr/Wittke and the authors explore the field of human rights dissemination in Central Asia. Offering a comparative perspective on five post-Soviet Central Asian states—Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan, it examines compliance with international human rights standards in these countries. The contributions capture various aspects of human rights dissemination through educational programs, seminars, training, and empowerment programs at Central Asian universities, together with Central Asian NGOs/CSOs and international organizations.
The authors illustrate  that a change of behavior among state and non-state actors in the region can only happen when both local and international actors, usually international donors, jointly take action to report, train, and empower people in human rights. This book is an invitation to anyone interested in the (troubled) nexus between international human rights norms and standards and their implementation on the local level, as well as in the effective empowerment of citizen in the region.
In this book Anja Mihr develops a conceptual framework for glocal governance as a multi-stakeholder local governance approach based on global human rights norms and democratic principles. It discusses glocal governance as part of an... more
In this book Anja Mihr develops a conceptual framework for glocal governance as a multi-stakeholder local governance approach based on global human rights norms and democratic principles. It discusses glocal governance as part of an ongoing global transformation process that began in the 1990s, when democracy and individualizing responsibilities for governance became the dominant political system worldwide, and continues through today’s dawn of a New Cold War between those countries which have democratized and those which haven’t.

This book will intrigue practitioners and scholars alike who are interested in the concepts of glocality and glocalism, local-global connectivity, and the implementation and dissemination of global norms and concepts such as human rights and democracy, at the local and community level as well as among civil society and private enterprises. The author argues that global norms have now become universal benchmarks which private, political, and civil actors use to assess day-to-day situations and market developments, and to make their decisions accordingly. This book will appeal to students, practitioners, and scholars of the social sciences and humanities who are interested in governance, human rights, public diplomacy and international relations; and in conceptualizing mechanisms for governing and enforcing political decisions locally, on the basis of global universal principles, international norms, and laws.