Political Science

Our focus here is to interrogate the subject of poverty as a threat to democratic (political) participation. The decline of participatory democracy and fizzling of the euphoria that accompanied what may be described as the third wave of democratization (that threw Nigeria into what is erroneously described as the Fourth Republic and an aborted Third Republic) informed the choice of this topic. To explicate the intricacies of this discourse, we shall place reliance on the understanding of the concepts of poverty in its relation to democratic (political) participation as provided for by the political economy approach/framework. Guided by the class analysis of poverty, we expose that political apathy, one of the current emblems of our democratic experiment, is a creation of the ruling class. The political behaviour of the ruling class can therefore only be understood within the context of the contest for power as access to accumulation  other than for service and; those of the poor cla...

Democracy plays a very important and crucial role in promoting good governance and national development. The common feature is its emphasis on improving the socio-economic welfare of the people and this is synonymous with the idea of national development. Without doubt, most countries and continents of the world have had traumatic, exasperating and ugly experiences in organizing themselves democratically. Almost every nation, rightly or wrongly, freely or compulsively, wants to be seen as democratic even though the political system bears no semblance of a democracy. Against all odds, all over today’s world, there are serious clamors and yearnings for democratization and these seem to make democracy very fashionable. In light of the above therefore, this paper critically examines the challenges and prospects of democracy and national development in Nigeria. It argues that the ubiquity of electoral malpractices in Nigeria and corruption are the two major challenges to the materializat...

For a considerable period, the Niger Delta region and Bayelsa State in particular have been engulfed by violent conflicts and criminalities following different dimensions of agitations by the people for development and a fair and equitable share of the nation’s wealth largely sourced from crude oil resources in the area. However in contemporary times, there has  been a shift in the focus of the agitations from the above-mentioned demands  to that of prudent management of the resources, especially the 13% derivation fund (even though not enough) and other statutory allocations accruing to the state for developmental purposes. Consequently, this paper posits that for well over sixteen years of democratization in Nigeria, the political elite has not been able to pragmatically and strategically deploy Bayelsa state's share of the  13% derivation funds  for meaningful development and transformation of the lives of the citizenry. Furthermore, the paper identified  massive corruption a...

The collapse of the Cold War in 1991 did not usher in the eradication of global conflicts. Instead, a new pattern of conflicts emerged globally in the post-Cold War period after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union. In Africa for example, conflicts unprecedentedly increased throughout the 1990s and early 2000s, affecting and severely impacting on several countries in the continent. This study based on data from secondary sources retrospectively examines the various post-Cold War internal, regional and internationalized conflicts in Africa. It further highlights the conflicts that have ended, those that have greatly de-escalated and some that have witnessed undue prolongation. Finally, the article extrapolates the possible reasons for the continuation of postCold War conflicts in Africa till date.

On February 6 2007, former President George W. Bush officially announced the decision of his government to create a Unified Combatant Command for Africa, known as U.S. Africa Command or AFRICOM, which became activated as a full-fledged unified combatant command on October 1 2008. The intention was that this new security organ would have responsibility for all African countries except Egypt, which remained under the supervision of the Central Command (CENTCOM). 264

Abstract This paper is designed primarily to offer a historical overview of the politics of revenue allocation in Nigeria since independence. Revenue generation and allocation among the federating units of Nigerian federalism is a crucial issue in that as soon as there exist two or more levels or tiers of governments, it becomes necessary to introduce a system of sharing fund to various tiers of government to particularly meet constitutionally assigned and specified functions. There is the problem of how to allocate revenue to these different tiers of government in relation to the constitutionally assigned functions. The discordance between fiscal capacity of the various levels of government and their expenditure responsibilities, the non-correspondence problem is a striking feature of Nigerian federal finance. There is also the problem of how revenue should be shared among the state governments and local government councils. This explains why it has remained resolution resistant despite the determined efforts of various administrations and government in Nigeria to the conflicts. The central thrust of this paper is that revenue allocation formula are wrapped because they have not been “open covenant, openly arrived at” rather they reflect the view of commissions, individuals or groups within the commissions which have shown proclivity for embracing theories, beliefs, ideas, and approaches which have not only proved unrealistic, but have thereby contributed to the dislocation within the Nigerian state. The paper therefore, concludes that once the question that usually revolves around the derivation and allocation of revenue is resolved, the problem of inter-governmental financial relation among the federating units will be resolved and the gap between the unitary and federal states will be closed.

Abstract This paper primarily illustrates how the practice of federalism in Nigeria has made her an epitome and pioneer of federalism in Africa in the use of power sharing mechanism and practice to promote inter- ethnic inclusiveness or discourage sectional imbalance and bias in decision making processes. This practice of federalism in Nigeria has also validated the idea that federalism is adopted with a view to ensuring unity of the people and faith in their father-land so as to further the end of liberty, equality and justice in the country. This observation has led us to conclude that it is this integrative mechanism that has been holding the convoluting federalism together.

"ABSTRACT
Our work on Elite Networks and conflicts in Niger Delta region of Nigeria is desired primarily to examine the role of elites in the Niger Delta Conflicts. It explains why volatile conflicts have come to engulf majority of the states in the region. The people and the environment once reputed for its tranquility and warmth has in the past years acquired the notoriety that has extended to all creeks and hinterland of the region. The famed Niger Delta region has become the epicenter of youth restiveness, hostage taking, cult war, and associated vices. It is hoped that clear identification of the role(s), problems and solutions to be proffered will be adopted by policy makers to resolve these conflicts.
"

Abstract The primary focus of this paper is to identify and explain the various flash points and problems of constitutional provision in Nigeria with emphasis on local government administration as enshrined in section 7 (1 and 2) of the 1999 constitution which restores to the states, the power to create and control local government among others. The paper regrets to note the gains made in local government after the 1976 local governments reforms have been depreciating. This is particularly true since the inception of the 1999 constitution of the federal republic of Nigeria and the deliberate actions of the state governments, local government appears to be weak and sickling and treated merely as state government appendages and extension rather than a tier of government that can effectively play its part in local administration and rural development. It is hoped that with the clear identification of the problem(s) and solution(s) to be proffered will be adopted by policy makers to make and enhance local government service delivery to the rural masses.

ABSTRACT This paper is motivated by the desire to examine the origin of the Niger Delta crisis in Nigeria. It explains why rural poverty, insecurity and state failure are the major reasons behind the volatile conflicts that have come to engulf majority of the once peaceful state of the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. It argues that the Niger Delta region is the home of the oil and gas industry in Nigeria. Petroleum exploration accounts for over 80% of Nigeria’s foreign earnings. The petro-dollar wealth translates into a big curse for the people and the environment. An ungrateful Nigerian state characterized by monumental inequality and naked injustice has imposed mass poverty, human/environmental degradation and misery on the oil bearing rural communities of the Niger Delta region. The area is poor in terms of income compared to most other parts of the country. Health, education and other social indices are below par. This condition has produced a sense of exclusion that has sought expression in what can be considered a revolt against the Nigeria state, and a rejection the apparent social insensitivity and environmental neglect of the area by the Nigerian government.

ABSTRACT This study examined the concept of federalism and the issue of national integration in Nigeria from 1999-2007. It is observed that governance in Nigeria is replete with very many contradictions, controversies, paradoxes and crises emanating from the country’s fragile experiment in a multi-ethnic federalism. These have generated conflicting interests, which have over the years lingered unresolved since Lord Lugard forced the amalgamation of disparate and isolated ethno-linguistic nationalities into a country in 1914. Considerable information on federalism, national integration and related concepts were synthesized. The literature review identified gaps, which the study addressed. Source of data for the study were basically secondary, while content analysis was used as the method of data analysis. The study adopted integration theory as the theoretical framework of analysis which offered a reliable framework in which the subject was carefully examined. Based on the data collected and analyzed, the paper argues that the centralized nature and the constitutional provision, structural imbalance in composition, resources and power sharing account for the impediments that exist in Nigerian federalism, while the long reign of military rule in Nigeria accounts for the tensions and contradictions observable in Nigeria’s Federal System. It was recommended, among others that the present federal system be radically restructured to give more empowerment and relative independence to the states.