Niger Delta

In this paper, we shall attempt to provide a concise history of the advent of the Oil industry in Nigeria in general and pay particular attention to the Oil producing area of Ogba/Egbema. Petroleum production and export is the mainstay of the Nigerian economy, providing almost 90% of Nigeria's export earnings (NNPC 1993:1). Exploration and production of crude oil for export has put Nigeria in the comity of oil-rich nations. The steady increase in revenue accruing from this finite source has however dwarfed earnings from other products to turn Nigeria into a mono-product economy state. This makes historical scholarship in this sector stimulating and pertinent.

Ogba/Egbema area is the location of the first and second highest Oil producing communities in Nigeria, Obagi of Ogba being the first and Mgbede/Ebocha of Egbema being the second. It is the presence of these two oil-bearing communities that place Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni Local Government Area in the position of highest Oil-producing local government area in Nigeria; a position that is unenviable in view of the resultant environmental degradation, poverty and all the effects of the air, water and land pollution.

Ogba/Egbema is located north of Ahoada West local government area of Rivers State. The area lies within the Delta formation, covering an area of 237.5sq km. This area is situated within the Oil mining leases (OMLS) 58, 60 and 61 with mixed vegetation of freshwater swamp and rain forest (NNPC 1997:35).

Administratively, the area was designated a district until 1978 when it was assigned a divisional status. the division was later fragmented into two units; Omoku Urban and Ogba/Egbema district in 1980 before it became a part of ONELGA created in 1992 We shall trace the history of crude oil development in this great oil-bearing area and its contribution to the economy of the nation especially up to the peak of oil boom; 1979.

Keywords: Oil Exploration, Exploitation, Ogba/Egbema LGA, Oil Industry, Pollution, Degradation, Niger Delta

The Niger delta region of Nigeria, reputed to be one of the most richly endowed delta’s in the world, contributes about 80% of Nigeria’s national wealth. Years of political and economic marginalization, environmental degradation, bad governance and policy inconsistency by the government, and the divide and rule policy of the oil companies led to emergence of militancy in the Niger delta in the early 2006. The various activities of militants have created a state of general insecurity in the region.
The persistent neglect was to result in unrests by the people of the area, which eventually almost got out of hand. Long years of neglect and conflict have promoted, especially among youths a feeling of a bleak future, and thus see conflict as a stratagem to escape deprivation. The paper argues that the methods of operation of the militants, which includes kidnapping and hostage taking, blowing/shutting down of oil installations and facilities, setting off of car bombs, and illegal oil bunkering has negatively impacted Nigeria’s economic development.
The government not able to bear the embarrassment and the drop in daily oil production, coupled with the substantial loss of revenues devised the amnesty programme in 2009 as solution to the quagmire. The paper is aimed at examining the circumstances causing the crisis situation in the area, and the attendant consequences to the people of the areas and to the global community, the various effort and programmes of the government in curbing the situation, it attempt the critical analysis of the amnesty programme initiated by the Federal government, its impact at ensuring and restoring durable peace back to the region, it discusses some of the challenges to amnesty programme, it drives out appropriate recommendations as to how the crisis will be given a permanent rest and peace be fully restored to the region of Niger Delta.
The study adopted the Marxian political economy approach as its theoretical construct, and used it, in the content analysis of the secondary data on the subject matter. Materials for this paper has been drawn mainly from secondary sources found in libraries and archives in Nigeria, in general and in the Niger Delta in particular; academic and other resources available in the internet, local and international publications.

This study examined the problem of gas flaring and its contribution to energy poverty in the oil rich Niger Delta region of Nigeria. The study relied on primary data collected through interviews and Focus Group Discussions in selected communities of the region which includes Ogboinbiri, and Obunagha communities of Bayelsa state and Akala-Olu and Iguruta communities of Rivers state. The study argues that the abundant oil and gas resources in the region paradoxically has not translated into access to clean and affordable energy for the people as over 75% of the natural gas produced in the region is flared. Findings revealed that the pervasive energy poverty in the region predisposes communities to rely on fuelwood as the primary source of domestic energy. The paper hence concludes that gas flaring contributes immensely to the pervasive incidences of energy poverty in the region with severe implications for environmental sustainability in the region. The study amongst others recommends that the government takes urgent steps at halting gas flaring while enhancing alternative off grid gas to power and renewable energy solutions as well as making clean and efficient modern energy accessible and affordable for the rural poor.

The Niger Delta is an oil-producing region in Southern Nigeria. It is rich in biodiversity and has abundant petroleum resources. Increased demand for Nigeria’s low sulphur oil shortly after Shell D’Arcy discovered oil in the Niger Delta in 1956 transformed Nigeria, previously an agrarian economy, into the largest oil producer in the continent of Africa. Today, oil dominates Nigeria’s export and contributes significantly to its foreign exchange earnings. With the commercialisation of oil in 1958, the federal government introduced new institutional mechanisms which set the stage for Nigeria’s fiscal centralism. These include a nationalised oil company (NNPC) established in 1971 and the distributable pool account introduced in 1966, subsequently renamed the federation account in 1979. In contrast to the fiscal arrangement in pre-oil Nigeria, these institutional mechanisms gave the federal government the legitimacy to retain a large proportion of the profits generated from the oil industry. But while the federal government and oil companies accumulate enormous profits from oil, violence became a part of everyday life in the Niger Delta. To a significant degree, the linkages between oil and violence in the Niger Delta is connected to discontent over the oil revenue distribution pattern, which has led to the emergence of violent groups in which youths, and male youths, in particular, are the main actors. These violent groups, known locally as ‘militants’, are resisting the oil companies, local leaders, and the federal government who they blame for their experiences of violence. The media and official discourses characterise these violent groups as criminals and problematic and blame them for violence. So far, there has been little systematic effort to give these youths a voice in discussions about violence in the Niger Delta. Using a political ecology approach which combines Bourdieu’s thinking tools-(habitus, field and capital)-with Connell’s concept of hegemonic masculinity, this thesis seeks to understand petro-violence from the perspective of youths but male youths in particular. This means an analysis that prioritises how young people perceive, explain and justify their relationship with violence. The arguments in this thesis resulted mainly from 5 events of focus groups and in-depth interview with 84 youths mostly from two ethnic groups (Ijaw and Ogoni) who have experienced oil-related violence in both direct and indirect forms. It also includes in-depth interviews with 42 institutional representatives who have relevant knowledge about youth violence in the Niger Delta. The findings highlight the role of the political ecology of oil as well as institutional and social factors in shaping young people’s experiences of violence. Based on these findings, this thesis shifts away from an explanation of youth violence which focuses on youth (mis) behaviour and moves towards an analysis which locates young people’s relationship with violence within the broader social structures that contours their lives.

Traditionally, security is conceptualized within the context of the ability and capacity of the government to ensure the protection of their countries from internal insurrection or external aggression of any kind through adequate preparedness of the military to ensure intelligence gathering, secrecy and the protection of resources and rights considered critical to the existence of states. In this vein, the study examines the extent to which logistics supports from the Nigerian government to the Nigerian Armed Forces impacts the national security of the nation. The study delves to analyze the violent insurgencies and insecurity issues in the Niger Delta and the Boko Haram terrorism in the northeast, and how they have undermined Nigeria's national security. The paper adopts the Structural Functional theory to analyze the issues that facilitate the persistence of the insurgent groups in Nigeria. The study argues that in fighting insecurity in Nigeria the military personnel do not r...

This study analyzes the composition and diversity of soil dwelling insect fauna in Ekeki community, Bayelsa
State, Southern Nigeria for a period of two years. Soil corer was used in taking soil samples and Berlese–
Tullgren Funnel method was employed in extracting soil insects. A total of 2830 individuals grouped into 4
orders, 12 families, 26 genera and 28 species were collected, of which 5 represented new genera in the area.
The collected orders included Collembola, Hymenoptera, Isoptera and Coleoptera. Collembola dominated
the collections in the number of families (41.66%), species (39.29%) and abundance (79.29%). The overall
pattern of diversity of the study area showed a generally diverse community of soil insects with species
richness of 3.397, Shannon-Wiener index of 2.711 and dominance value of 0.9098. The results from this
study could be used to further knowledge concerning the biodiversity in similar areas and to indicate
conservation priorities.
Keywords: Composition, diversity, insect fauna, soil, Southern Nigeria.

Nigeria represents a paradox. On the one hand, it is a relatively large country - the most populous in Africa, with abundant human and natural resources; while on the other hand, it has a high rate of income inequality, with two-thirds (70%) of its population living in poverty (CBN, 1999), although the International Monetary Fund (IMF) states that it has declined progressively to 54% as of 2005 (IMF, 2007). However, the UNDP Human Development Report for 2003 ranked Nigeria 58th out of the 88 poorest countries in the World (UNDP, 2004). Numerous debates by development experts and policy makers about the human development dilemma have been raised and tried to explore why the abundance of human and natural resources in the Niger Delta region has had very little impact on poverty (UNDP, 2006). Following the recent trend in the developing countries to move towards sustainable development, it is apparent that environmental issues cannot be looked at in isolation from social and economic a...

Illegal oil bunkering is a regular activity in the Niger Delta region in Nigeria. Despite the huge financial cost on the part of the government and the multinational oil companies, the perpetrators of this business continue to expand their operations in the creeks. Illegal oil bunkering is now a booming business in the Niger Delta. It is believed to involve the different local militant groups in creeks, commodity traders, military personnel, international businessmen, and some indigenous oil servicing companies. The successes of illegal oil bunkering in Nigeria have been ascribed to both local and national interest as a result of the profits from this illegal oil business. This study critically examines the key actors of illegal oil bunkering; the root causes and consequences of illegal oil bunkering, and the solutions to the identified challenges.

Environmental degradation and socioeconomic dilemma continue to stigmatize oil production in the Niger Delta of Nigeria. Sustainability programs of oil companies often determine the improvement of living conditions in the region. This explanatory qualitative case study, guided by systems thinking theory and sustainable value framework, explored practitioners' perceptions of sustainability programs to identify its impact on business and the host communities. The research question was designed to address how sustainability efforts of a single oil company in the Niger Delta contributed to the business performance and the livelihood of the local people. Research data were gathered from a sample of 20 experienced sustainability practitioners of the oil company, partnering nonprofit organizations, and community leaders through face-to-face semistructured interviews. Data were segmented and categorized. The data analysis process revealed several themes regarding the challenges and shortfalls of sustainability programs in the region. The oil company's understanding of sustainability as programs and projects focused on preserving resources for future generations was not evident in practice. Findings from the study suggested the need for improved inclusiveness of people in driving sustainability projects. Inclusive sustainability should enhance the oil company's contemplation mechanism to ensure eco-saving thinking and processes, which could result in improved quality of life and business performance in the region. The research findings underscore the need for oil multinational corporations (MNCs) to use a business lens in viewing sustainability to achieve sustainable value.

The letters and poems of Nigerian human rights, environmental and indigenous campaigner Ken Saro-Wiwa sent to solidarity activist Majella McCarron before his execution by the military dictatorship. Saro-Wiwa and the other 8 executed men were involved in opposing Shell's activities in the Niger Delta.

New and expanded, open-access edition thanks to Firoze Manji (Daraja Press) and Helen Fallon (Maynooth Library).

The paper examined the problems and prospects of Community Based Organizations (CBOs) in relation to the development of Nigeria’s Niger Delta rural communities. This was informed by the wide developmental space between the rural and urban areas of the country with particular reference to rate of development, poverty indices, access to information/opportunities, economic empowerment, and unavailability of coordinated rural development framework. The extent to which problems of corruption, finance, leadership, and limited knowledge challenge performance of CBOs as well as remedial actions are addressed in the investigation. This research adopted descriptive design by using one thousand (1000) randomly selected community based organizations (CBOs) in the nine constituent states of Niger Delta region. While data capture process involved the use of 5-point Likert structured interview scheme, data was analysed using simple descriptive statistics and formulated hypotheses tested using Chi-Square. The results reveal that poor funding, corruption, leadership and limited knowledge were major obstacles and therefore recommended deliberate remedial steps such as: national policy on rural development, integration of local monitoring and evaluation units (MEU), proper documentation, training/enlightenment campaigns, good governance and accountability, public-private partnership in poverty reduction and regional security. Hence, this work is of relevance to all stakeholders interested in sustainable rural development.

The first part of this article provides an overview of the development of entrenched armed conflicts in Sub Saharan Africa which continue or have resurfaced in 2016. The author (JVdB) aims to expose the underlying causes and nature of the violent contestation by drawing on the works of C. T. Call in order to break open the black box of ‘failed states’ and analyze their legitimacy, capacity and security gaps separately. In addition the author will provide short scenarios of how these conflicts are likely to evolve in the short and medium-term and which (structural) factors will dominate these trends. The second part of this article (by JR) mainly aims at presenting the basic preconditions for the activities of the major terrorist organizations in Africa. With emphasis on the importance of the north-east and north-west regions of this continent in context of terrorist threats. Hence the initial focus was put on Somalia, which as a permanent fragile state remains under the increased influence of the Jihadist organization Al Shabaab, which is an organization with a high potential for increased capacity in the coming years. Next, was sketched out the situation in Egypt, considering, in essence, the activity of the so-called Islamic State in Sinai Peninsula. In this Analysis it also pointed to the intricate internal situation in modern Libya after so-called Arab Spring and international military intervention, where, despite earlier appearances, the terrorist threat was too much positioned, mostly by comprised to the internal conflict between the different Libyan political parties. Finally, efforts were made to illustrate the current terrorist activity in the Mali area, highlighting the importance of Al Qaeda branch AQIM and the situation in Nigeria where Boko Haram group operates.

This paper attempts a critical panorama of the nascent poetry of the Niger Delta of Nigeria; a regional poetry still in the process of defining itself, but a poetry characterized by its social themes bordering on the ineluctable protest against the painful gulf between privilege and privation.  It portrays the poets as messianic minstrels mourning the stifling irony of an endowed people mangled by their wealth that enriches others. It considers the works of such recent poets as Ibiwari Ikiriko, Gilbert ’Ebinyo Ogbowei, Barine Ngagee, Daniel Ogum, and others whose voices it identifies as the creative expressions of the same contemporary agitations for economic and political justice that have lately martyred writers like Ken Saro-Wiwa.  Although it is too early to speak of a Niger Delta literary style, the paper highlights several techniques by which the poets seek to draw attention to their theme of exploitation, and describes their content as a mirror of their context.

The Nigerian federation has been enmeshed in contradictions, paradoxes, controversies and crises. These are subsumed in the national question, and social groups of varying ideological leanings cohere on the central issues. These are linked to national unity, local autonomy and self-determination, equitable distribution of revenue, rewards, opportunities and power. They also include the observation and implementation of fundamental human rights, among which are the rights of franchise and empowerment, and socio-economic rights to basic needs’ satisfaction, sustainable environment and life (Anifowose and Seteolu, 2004:45).
From 1960 till date, the revenue allocation system can neither be said to be efficient or equitable.  However, the nature and conditions of the financial relations in any federal system are crucial to the continued existence of such a system.  The study explores Nigeria’s fiscal relations and the revenue sharing allocation formula through a descriptive historical analysis cum power approach.  It specifically focuses on the imbalance and lopsidedness associated with the systems which have combined to affect the Nigerian federal system as a whole.  The study also traces some of the discordant voices and tones as well as the unrest in the oil-rich Niger-Delta to the imbalances in the revenue allocation formula in Nigeria, which gives little to the goose that lays the golden eggs. 
Data for this study came primarily from secondary sources and content analysis was a major tool for the actualization of this research work.  The work is divided into five (5) chapters with Chapter One being the Introduction basically; Chapters Two, Three and Four being an explication of the Research Questions as found in the research work; and Chapter Five being a Summary, Conclusion and Recommendations section.

After centuries of deep embeddedness within macrocosmic social structures, including trade with Europeans and other communities along the Niger, the macrocosmic tiers of Brass’ and Bonny’s cosmologies were not as prominent as Robin Horton’s Intellectualist Theory would predict. Rather, this article suggests that a process of microcosmic-tiered condensation precipitated conversion in Brass and Bonny. Church Mission Society archival materials that recount cosmological confrontations between Christian and indigenous beliefs under Bishop Samuel Crowther in Bonny and Rev. Thomas Johnson in Brass are examined, arguing that for individuals that abandoned contested beliefs, the microcosmic tier of their cosmology became smaller with each belief that was disowned. A cosmological lacuna was thereby created that could be filled in a number of ways, including conversion to Christianity. This article suggests that this process of
microcosmic-tiered condensation became a contributing factor in conversion in Brass and Bonny.

Boko Haram may be reaching its bitter end as the Nigerian military, with the support of Niger, Cameroon, and Chad, plans a massive ground invasion of the insurgents’ long-controlled safe zone, the Sambisa Forest. The regional Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) has the upper hand in this clash, as Boko Haram is running out of steam, having been subjected to constant aerial bombardment since February. Outgoing Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan has refused the offer of the United Nations to send troops, expressing confidence in the MNJTF’s ability to rout Boko Haram before the May 29 handover to the new president. This is the right decision, as
any direct involvement of the United States and its European allies, especially France, would only play into the hands of the insurgents and help broaden the international appeal of Boko
Haram to other jihadist groups. However, the US can aid the counterterrorism efforts of the MNJTF by contributing to the pool of UN-sourced special funds for the task force and providing enhanced counterterrorism training, as well as intelligence and communication support, to the Nigerian forces and their partners. However, Boko Haram remains deadly as long as sharia is the precondition for political and economic gains to the Muslim north. The Boko Haram insurgency,
therefore, is better understood within the dichotomous discourse of exclusion/inclusion and access/non-access to power. In this case, Boko Haram’s self-declared goal of establishing a sharia state offers a partial truth.

The Niger Delta is a ‘region of paradoxes’. A region so rich in resources yet so poor, a major contributor to the development of the Nigerian state yet itself underdeveloped, a region classified as the world’s largest wetland, yet lacks potable water. This is the background upon which the Niger Delta crisis is based. This paper therefore, examines the Niger Delta crisis in the context of its domino effect on the Gulf of Guinea. The paper argues that the Niger Delta militants have demonstrated adequate capability to directly extend their operations beyond the shores of Nigeria. This position is especially reinforced in light of their ability to have hijacked the Liberian flagged tanker, MT Kerala, from its Angolan anchorage some 900nm from Nigerian waters and attacked the Bonga deep-water oilfield platform located almost 120 nautical miles inside the Atlantic Ocean. Findings reveal that the activities of the Niger Delta militants have inadvertently, conditioned the behaviors of the member states of the GoG. National spending has shifted from other strategic priorities of government to militarization and securitization of national borders. The paper concludes that host communities participation in development processes as well as a collaborative regional approach is central to strengthening a system that can enhance security and stability of the Gulf of Guinea.

In my thesis I will analyze the responsibility of transnational corporations (TNCs). I chose this topic because many events of human rights violations occurred, committed by TNCs operating in emerging and developing countries who were not held accountable for it. Host states are obliged to protect their citizens but they seem to make preference when dealing with TNCs. Also, in the rich home countries, TNCs can and should be held lieble. However, there are no clear regulations how this can be made possible. I will look into the question if the current state of international law is sufficient to protect the rights of those affected by operations of TNCs and, if not, how this may be changed.

Oil pollution is without a doubt a serious issue in Nigeria today. Since Nigeria discovered the ‘black gold’ in Oloibiri, Bayelsa state in 1956,  the environment has been wrought with oil spills which have caused the degradation of farmland and gradual destruction of aquatic life through the exploration and exploitation of crude oil. This is even more depressing considering that the general environment where these oil spills occur – the Niger Delta – is an area where the mainstay of the local environment is farming and fishing. This has caused a halt in the peoples’ occupation and more or less destroyed the local economy. This paper seeks to highlight the various legislations that have been enacted by the federal government to arrest this unfortunate reality. It will also look at the effect these laws have had on oil pollution and if they have succeeded in addressing this burning issue. Lastly, it will highlight cases that have been brought against oil companies by individuals and communities that have been severely affected by oil spills in their immediate environment.

The bioremediation processes mainly use micro-organisms consortium (OBD-Plus®) based on the interactions of microbial cells and targeted species of contaminants of concern in order to reduce their mobility and toxicity by the production of metal chelators such as metallothioneins and biosurfactants at an optimum temperature ranging from 25-45 degree Centigrade using bioaugmentation treatment techniques. OBD-Plus® treated drill cuttings (mud in Qua Iboe , Niger Delta) at pH 9.10 control was reduced to pH 7.0 resulting to 99.83% reduction of Total Petroleum Hydrocarbon (TPH) within 21 days of treatment showing decrease in the nitrogen and phosphorous containing compound. The efficacy of the treated drill mud for re-use support Maize (Zea Mays) growth to show the enhanced nutrition capability for environmental sustainability. The OML 58 12/70 well head, Obagi, Niger Delta, Nigeria in situ surface water treatment using OBD-Plus®, Total Petroleum Hydrocarbon (TPH) was reduced to 99% under iron-reducing and sulfate-reducing coupled to the reduction of chelated Fe (III) by 96%. Dissolved organic carbon was used as organic substrate reducing the Chemical Oxygen Demand (COD) occurred in 49 days treatment. Sulphate was the principal electron acceptor for the oxidation of polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbon (PAH) at 97% and TPH (99%) reduction respectively in 42 days soil/sediment treatment as the dissolved Fe (98%) increase relative to the background , indicate Fe(III) is serving as an electron acceptor in anaerobic biodegradation. The ex situ treatment of exploration flare waste pit was under aerobic/anaerobic conditions. The effects of pH on OBD-Plus® microbes was the speciation of the treatments in both powdery treatments (1 and 5) occurred between 13-25 days and Liquid Phase treatments (2, 3 and 4) occurred between 13-25 days respectively.

The interplay between Environmental Pollution and Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) is an inextricable event that mirrors the state’s quest for economic growth and sustainable development. Nigeria’s vast oil reserves in the Niger-Delta region prompts foreign investors to invest in the market, making foreign direct investments another lucrative participant in Nigeria’s economy. In fulfilling the economic goals of these multinationals and attaining sustainable development, both foreign and local players in the industry must work with acceptable standards and deliver a positive impact in the local communities. As a starting point, this research suggests the accommodation of environmental concerns in investment decisions in the oil and gas industry

Globally, The Socio-economic and Human Right Implications of Oil Exploration in the Niger-Delta region have attracted a lot of commentaries from scholars, environmental analysts, investments experts and international organizations alike. But despite the number of international instruments placed on the protection of human rights, it appears that United Nations and other minor players have barely taken affirmative measures in the protection of human rights violations in member states. This research will lay emphasis on the conflict between the Nigerian Government’s obligations to boost its economy and protect its citizen’s human rights, and also analyze the muteness of the 34 pieces of legislation encompassing this Industry in assisting this obligation.

For Exploitation and oil mining to occur in the Niger-Delta,  the Federal government has recorded over 7000 oil spills into the environment up until 2015, causing Nigeria’s former petroleum minister and President of The Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), Rilwan Lukman to describe oil production in Nigeria as “a blessing and curse”. The ecological devastation induced by multinational oil companies have rendered farming and fishing (which is the way of life of Niger-Delta inhabitants) impossible. In addressing these artificial challenges faced by Niger-Deltans, this research seeks to tally the failure of Nigerian regulating agencies to institute civil or criminal actions against oil Multinationals, with the resort of these local communities to violent self-help via militancy and extremism. This research will critically analyze the response of oil multinationals to the challenges faced in the region and if policies by the Nigerian Government under the guise of promoting Foreign Direct Investment’s in the industry, actually do more harm than good to the inhabitants playing host to foreign investors.

With 5 chapters, the first will embark on an analysis of crude oil discovery and its relationship with the Nigerian economy, as her over reliance on oil has caused other keys sectors (Agriculture and Manufacturing) who ought to be the main engine of any economy, to be neglected- initiating a silent demise of the Nigerian economy. The second chapter will briefly review the existing Legislative Framework put in place to govern the Nigerian Oil & Gas industry.
In exploring the existing laws, the chapter will also critically consider the lacuna’s in regulations that have caused the industry to regulate itself and create room for oil multinationals to have a stronger bearing in market shares and bargaining power than local oil companies. As well as addressing the corruption faced by the industry, Chapter Three addresses pollution, its extents and parties responsible. While oil brings many benefits to the economy, the jeopardy it brings to the Niger-Delta is devastating. Amongst the long and short-term effects of the pollution in the Niger-Delta region, it is important to state that while the oil multinationals have been liable for instigating the pollution in the region as a result of the oil spill’s during their explorations, both the Nigerian government and the international community have parts to play in deciphering the problems faced by Niger-Deltans. With the use of case-law This chapter will  dissect the manner in which oil multinationals have undermined development, socio-economic and cultural growth in the region under the guise of “carrying out the oil exploration activities” to further the Nigerian economy. Amid the various consequences of the pollution in the region and neglect by the government, include the various extremist movements formed in the Niger Delta region to gain the attention of oil multinationals and the Nigerian government. These group of militants have created security insurgences in the Southern region of Nigeria, interrupting oil exploration and production in the Niger-Delta and kidnapping foreign workers as a revenge plot to “take back” from those who have seemingly robbed them of their livelihoods and human rights. With the use of case-law and reference to human rights watch articles, this research will buttress the lackadaisical attitude of oil multinationals and the Nigerian Government in creating an objective overall assessment of the damage caused by oil exploration in the Niger-Delta.

The research will resolve with an analysis of the obvious double standard and reason behind the need for developing countries such as Nigeria to lower environmental standards in their countries for foreign direct investments and investors to thrive. Unlike most developed countries where prospective companies are made to recompense some of the costs following from oil spillage with the help of legislation, Nigeria is yet to cultivate such relevant policies to aid this. With no confidence and backing from the judiciary arm of government, the question of who pays for the Niger-Delta oil spills cannot be sufficiently answered. This research will appraise how the Nigeria Oil boom has influenced political power and brought some level of socio-economic advancement in Nigeria, as this can be seen in the conceptualization and creation of the Federal Capital Territory of Nigeria, which is now Abuja. Costing Nigeria more than 6Billion naira, this paper will buttress how and why the proceeds from oil & gas production and exploration in the Niger Delta should have been directed towards the region to maximize its resources. Concluding, policy limitations will be addressed and recommendations to the Federal Government, Oil Multinationals and the International Community will be made, as it is important to note that a country this economically sensitive must acknowledge that a control on corruption and better legal framework, will have a direct positive effect on FDI influx.

The Niger Delta has some of the largest oil fields in the world. It is a dangerous place often associated with guns and the kidnapping of foreign nationals. It is also devastatingly underdeveloped, and suffers from heavy pollution from 50 years of living with the oil industry. The presence of Multinational oil corporations has provoked contention for decades but the execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa and the Ogoni Nine in 1995 drew the plight of the region into the international spotlight. In recent years, the region hit headlines again with the emergence of the militant group the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) which launched attacks on oil installations and kidnapped oil expatriates. This insurgency reached its height in 2009 and it was in the midst of this national emergency that President Yar’adua introduced the Niger Delta amnesty programme. Since implementation the region has witnessed relative peace; however, with the programme due to end in December this year, the chance of this peace enduring is uncertain. This paper offers a critical analysis of the programme arguing that, because it failed to address the environmental degradation of the region, it is probable that the Niger Delta will witness renewed violence.