Jelena Ilić Mandić

Апстракт: Оснивањем Немачко-банатске граничарске регименте 1764. године отпочело је ново поглавље у историји јужног Баната. Уследиле су промене како у демографском и привредном развоју, тако и у погледу планског коришћења простора у циљу повећања фонда корисног и обрадивог земљишта, као и изградње и регулације насеља. Покушаћемо да укажемо на факторе који су утицали на тренд промена и били резултат државне интервенције у простору, јер је живот у насељима требало прилагодити војним потребама, али и пожељном, новом демографско-економском моделу. Поглавља у раду тематски су посвећена процесима које смо препознали као кључне факторе у развоју простора у јужном Банату након извршене милитаризације – успостављању и ширењу војне управе у околини Панчева, колонизацији ветерана и планској изградњи насеља за њихове потребе, те земљишној реформи која је утицала на преуређење атара и омогућила пореску реформу. Кључне речи: Банатска војна граница, Немачко-банатска регимента, просторно планирање, 18. век, Јозефински катастар

Abstract: This paper presents an overview of the early development of the Banat Military Border, starting with the year 1764. It focuses on the process of militarisation in three areas of the Habsburg province Temeswarer Banat, affected by various problems. The area around Pančevo was militarised in 1764, the main consequence of which was the resettlement of the local population and colonisation of veterans (as part of a broader state intervention in terms of spatial organisation). The area around Bela Crkva was militarised in 1764, where the main events were the transformation of the former Miliz into frontiersmen, and the later exchange of territory between civil and military jurisdictions. The area between Orşova and Marga was militarised after 1769. It was characterised by resistance to militarisation and emigration, and was affected by the consequences of war and bandit incursions from Wallachia. Finally, the paper shows that the change of administration (shift from civil to military) brought crucial changes to the demographics, economy and spatial history of southern parts of this Habsburg province

Апстракт: Рад је посвећен миграцијама у западном Банату, и то у контексту милитаризације која је отпочела устројењем земаљске милиције 1753. године и регуларне Војне границе 1764, али и у контексту решавања земљишног питања после 1768/9. године. Миграције су биле последица размене надлежности између војне и цивилне управе – један талас је изазвало развојачења Потиске и Поморишке војне границе (1751), а други развојачење Горњих компанија Илирске граничарске регименте (1773). Мотиви граничарског становништва да се определи за останак на цивилној територији или за пресељење под војну управу, могу се посматрати кроз призму земљишног питања и актуелних правила у располагању земљишним поседом на нивоу општине и домаћинстава.

Contrary to plans, the militarisation of the border in the east of the Habsburg province of Temeswarer Banat lasted for around three years, resulting with the formation of the Wallachian Military Border and the Wallachian Battalion. It began in spring 1769 and was completed in mid–1772, and covered 35 settlements on the line Jupalnic–Mehadia–Caransebeş–Marga, in the valleys of the rivers Cerna (and its tributary Bela Reka) and (upper flow of) Timiş, and their environs. The establishment of military administration in this area aimed to complete the “uninterrupted stretch” of Military Border, which warden the Monarchy from the Adriatic Sea to the Carpathian Mountains. Militarisation implied several customary steps. First, the inhabitants of villages in the former
Orşova district and a part of the Caransebeş district were questioned about whether they wished to become frontiersmen (and remain in their abodes) or remain civilians (and move to cameral territory). In May 1770, a vast majority of them opted for the second possibility and thus demonstrated their discontent with the military administration. It was only in autumn 1771 and spring 1772 that they decided to accept the border status, which is when the population census began.

The Society of the Habsburg Monarchy Military Frontier was dependent on proper military organization and fulfilment of the obligations of its members. In other words, the main territorial-administrative units of the Military Frontier (companies and regiments) had their own representatives who were the higher and lower ranking military personnel and had the same prerogatives as the elite of any "local society". Historical sources contain information about the officers' origin, economic status and their formal (military) and informal (social and cultural) roles in the Frontier society. The topic in this paper, however, is the role of central government, represented in the Hofkriegsrath in Vienna, in army cadre (re)structuring in the Banat Military Frontier. We will address the central government's assignment and disposition of frontier officers, and how they were regarded by Vienna. Their double role-of representatives in local society and of government servants gradually changed, the second becoming more prominent with time.

This paper presents data on the commerce „towards the sea” (mare versus) that passed on the route Zemun – Rijeka in the second half of the 18th century. Some of the aspects of this commerce are analysed and presented in four parts: the role of state in the commerce ,,mare versus”; Rijeka’s market of grains and tabacco; cooperation between Rijeka and Zemun; contra mare versus: the routes of mony, goods and people from the coast to the hinterland. This paper is mostly based on archive material from the fond of Zemun magistrate found in the Historical archive in Belgrade, as well as relevant secondary sources and works.
By the second half of the 18th century we can see the begining of commerce on the route between the Danube and Posavina region and the Adriatic coast, and its development during the 19th century. With various articles that were typical for this type of trade a special emphasis is placed on the grain trade. An important transit stop in the grain trade was Zemun. The route along the river Sava can be called the grain route, and the towns of Sisak and Karlovac its most prominent route stops and the Adriatic ports the final destinations. Because of the insuficient production (we must take into consideration that the mass commerce was still asociated with the commerce of state reserves), as well as the inadequate tehnical and transport conditions on the long journey from the Danube region towards the Adriatic, the 18th century transit commerce is more of a speculation then a real participating thing. Massive military needs in Italy became a lien for the mass commerce, and the first news of the grain transportation towards Italy began during the 1730s. It must be pointed out that the state needs were not usual, but mostly were instigated by the crops fail in Italy and so the trade existed only seasonaly. Even with the speculative character of the grain trade a profit was expected because of the fact that the grain measure (požunski merov) from 1795 cost 1 forint and 20 krajcar in Banat, while in Genoa, when converted in the Venetian currency (mletački star) it was 4 forint and 47 ½ kreuzer.
Most contemporary lists and other document testify of the buissness in the port of Rijeka, and less about the transport on the coastal part of the city. A valuable document for this topic is the list of Rijeka’s Orthodox traders with the capital in goods coming from the hinterland (1785). The structure of the invested capital of these traders (19 partnership ,,households”) indicates toward the priority of the trade with the hinterland: between a fourth and a fifth of their capital was invested in the commerce of tobacco (23%) and grain with other goods (22%), the money ready for investment comprised 21,5%, as well as the capital invested in houses (12,47%), boats on the rivers Sava and Danube (7,33%) and small shops (5,42%).
With regards of the port it is interesting that the whole export from Rijeka between 1790 and 1795 was approximately 2 milions forints, but grain is not mentioned as an export good. On the other hand, a vast quantity of grain was imported into the Monarchy precisely through the port of Rijeka. The grain compraised in 1785 11% of the value of the port import in Rijeka and at the same time it was valued second place, right behind sugar. As the export of grain through the port of Rijeka was rather small it can be concluded that the grain imported through the port was intended for the city and its sourranding area. Between 1775 and 1780 Rijeka had about 5.000 inhabitants, as many as Zemun. The statistical data inform us that the grains intended for the Italian market was mostly exported from Triest, and then Senj and Karlobag, with the Hungarian coast and Rijeka as its biggest port being only the third.
The traders from Rijeka that are mentioned in the documents from the
Zemun magistrate regarding the bussiness cooperation of Zemun traders and purveyors were: Jakov Čakulović (1787), Mihail Vohinac (1791), Trifun Blagojević (1797), Aleksej and Teodor Vuković (1799) and Jovan Serdanović (1800 and 1801). Some of the mentioned traders traveled a great deal from Rijeka in order to find themselves in Zemun or its sourranding area. They dealt with the grain trade but also traded lard, beef, while other types of trade are not specified in the documents. One of them, Mihail Vohinac, settled during the Austro-Turkish war (1788–1791) in Belgrade and kept a shop there. Traders from Rijeka didn’t conduct their buissness only in Zemun, but also in Novi Sad, Veliki Bečkerek (Zrenjanin), Segedin and so forth. Besides Rijeka’s traders
in the 18th century documents regarding grain trade there is also mention of Triest traders Bartolomej Oraš (1784/1798), Jovan Ćirković (1790), Riznić (1793) and Jovan Kurtović (1795).
The documents testify of individuals who traveled from the Adriatic coast to Zemun not only for buissness and trade, but also for egzistential reasons. Zemun was a town was in need of craftsmen and labourer that would fournised the ships. People from the coast, among which were many traders from Hercegovina, traveled through Dubrovnik and Rijeka towards the Monarchy, and with short or long stops in ports, they continued their journey towards places like Novi Sad.

Summary
The paper presents data about cereal transit and trade on the Sava and Kupa rivers in the second half of the 18th century. A focus is placed on some aspects of transit and trade on the Zemun–Sisak–Karlovac route, such as the role of the state in “mare versus” trade, the beginnings of cereal exports from the Hungarian hinterland and Banat, conditions of navigation on the Sava and Kupa, and some characteristics of supply and trade activities (prices, costs, gains and losses). The paper mainly relies on archival records of the fund of the Zemun Magistrate kept in the Historical Archives of Belgrade, and on published sources and literature. The paper shows that intensive development of cereal transit and trade on the Sava–Pokupski route was not possible before 1780. The state’s role in “mare versus” trade is reflected primarily in the fact that the transit of large quantities of cereals was initiated by the state, i.e. military or civil authorities. This took place occasionally and, as a rule, at the time of cereal shortages in Italy and for the needs of the army during war campaigns in Italy and Germany. In addition, the role of the state in the development of transit and trade on the Sava and Kupa rivers was reflected in its exclusive power to apply current technological know-how and to gather experts – engineers in order to put into use the maritime route on the Sava and Kupa. During the 18th century, conditions for regulated navigation were gradually created, with the regulations carried out in 1733–1736 and 1784–1786 being the key milestones. The state’s enhanced care about the functionality of the Sava and Kupa route coincided with the strengthening of its interest in “wholesale” trade towards distant destinations in the early eighties (oversees trade, Trieste–Constantinople trade, expedition towards China, concessions for trade downstream the Danube etc.). In line with this, data on cereal trade on the Sava appeared first sporadically, and only from the 1780s to the extent indicating large-scale operation of trade companies (as of 1759 the Timișoara Privileged Company, and as of 1768 the New Privileged Timișoara Company) and private persons on this route. The majority of sources about 176 Јелена Илић Мандић cereal trade originate from the last decade of the 18th century. This phenomenon was certainly under the influence of the political climate – the start of longlasting wars against France and Napoleon. The paper presents a large number of documents about activities performed by Zemun boatmen and traders on the Sava and Kupa. They illustrate the conditions and problems of navigation on these rivers, which concerned security and water levels, as well as contracts, costs, gains and losses in Sava–Pokupski cereal trade.

Keywords: trade, cereals, Sava, Kupa, Zemun, Sisak, Karlovac, Habsburg Monarchy, 18th century

Summery: The planned settlement or colonisation in southern Banat started with the
foundation of the German Banat Regiment in 1764. The colonists settled in
the period 1764–1788 were the veterans from the Veterans Houses (Invaliden
Haus), garrisons and regular regiments of the Habsburg Monarchy, as well as
RomanCatholics and married persons. Such model of the colonisation was
applied for the first time in the Military Frontier. According to the plans, the
whole population of this Regiment had to be made of colonists veterans,
withthe function of frontiersmen and peasants at the same time. But, this
intention was abandoned until the eighties of the 18th century because the
Veterans Houses were not a sufficient source for colonisation and, as a result,
colonists never outnumbered the local population. The veterans were
inhabitants in the settlements of Kovin, Brestovac, Pločica, Glogonj, Starčevo,
Upper or Serbian Pančevo, Lower or German Pančevo, Omoljica, Jabuka,
Crepaja, Opovo and Sefkerin. Although the Regiment was extended to a larger
number of settlements during the second half of the 18th century (it comprised
32 settlements in 1781, 43 settlements in 1793), the number of settlements
with the colonist population was limited to the mentioned twelve. In these
settlements, partial resettlement of the local Serbian population was
conducted in the first years after 1764.
It is difficult to estimate the precise number of colonists settled in this
Regiment between 1764 and 1788, when the last AustrianOttoman
war broke out. In September 1769, the colonisation included 991 ”real” settlers
(Ackersleute) and 109 craftsman, or 1,100 men. The 1781 census ascertained
7,233 ”German” persons (3,764 men and 3,469 women), who made 15.81%
of the whole regiment population. The ”German” title (Deutsch Ansiedlungs
Commission, Deutsch Banat Regiment, Deutschen Ortschaften etc.) showed to
be only a memory of the intentions of the military authorities, because the
veterans themselves were not always Germans by origin. After 1790, the
colonisation took a different course when the first new settlements with civil
and mostly protestant population were founded. The demographic change
was seen in the religious structure of the regiment population, among whom the Roman Catholic and Protestant group could be identified as colonists. In
1781, there were 82.89% Orthodox persons, 17.07% Roman Catholics and
0.03% Protestants. The situation in 1819 was not much different as there were
81% Orthodox inhabitants, 13% Roman Catholics and 6% Protestants.
Keywords: Habsburg Monarchy, Military Frontier, Banat Military Frontier,
German Banat Regiment, 18th century, settlement, colonisation, colonists.

The census of households of Serbian Orthodox priests in the Gradiška
regiment was carried out by regiment military authorities in 1760, during the Seven
Years’ War. Their aim was to point to the increase in the number of privileged
households in the territory of the regiment compared to the earlier census of 1756.
Owing to the spiritual status of one of their members, these households enjoyed
immunity and were exempted from tax and military duties. The census published
here is one of the few which recorded all men living in Serbian priest households.
As such, it helps us learn about the size and structure of these households. In addition
to data about the number of family members, names, age and military status of male
members, the census also contains data on arable surfaces owned by the households
(ploughed fields, meadows and orchards).
The census covered 41 priests from 19 Serbian settlements. A difference
was made between the “old” (16) and “new“ (25) priests, depending on whether
they were ordained before or after 1756. Referring to earlier bans on an increase
in the number of Orthodox priests, the military authorities believed that male
members of new priest households should be treated as conscripts, just as they
were before some of their members were ordained priests. In contrast, the Bishop
of Pakrac required that all members of priest families be considered privileged,
regardless of whether their representatives were “old” or “new” priests, i.e. priests
with or without parishes. The view of the church representatives had greater weight
despite the disagreements. Based on the census, 176 persons in “new” priest
households had to be exempted from the customary military service, while the
privileged position of the “old” priests and their household members was already
taken into account. The fact that these households, as a rule, had a greater number
of members than the households of their parishioners played an important role in
the conflict between the military authorities and the Orthodox clergy concerning
military and tax duties of male members of priest families. A household of a
Serbian Orthodox priest in the Gradiška regiment had 7.18 men on average, of
whom 4.29 were adult men (above 16), while around a fifth of households covered
by the census had between ten and 16 male members.

The census of Orthodox priests of the Petrovaradin Regiment in the
Military Frontier of the Habsburg Monarchy was conducted by Austrian
military authorities in 1760. Carried out during the Seven Years’ War (1756–
1763), the register aimed to show how the number of priests in this regiment
increased and brought about a decline in the military population. The data show
the structure of priests’ households, i.e. the names, number, age and military
status of their male members, as well as the structure of their land property.
Orthodox priests were registered in 38 settlements of the Petrovaradin regiment
(of 43 in total). There were 101 priests’ households with 392 male members.
An average household had 3.88 male members and possession of 18.23 acres
of arable land.
As the military authorities aimed to point out to the growth in the
number of priests, the register noted the difference between “old” and “new”
priests, depending on whether they were appointed before or after 1756. The
increase in the number of priests between 1756 and 1760 (from 70 to 107) was
considered harmful for the military, because the newly privileged members of
priests’ households were previously registered in active military service. Since
the youngest “new” priest was only 13 years old and nine of them were under
16, it is reasonable to question the canonic legitimacy of their appointment and
their real function in parishes. The circumstances in Orthodox parishes were
not regulated before the last quarter of the 18th century, when the Assembly of
the People and Clergy in 1769 and Church Regulations in 1770 mandated a
reduction in the number of priests, and introduced a number of other reform
measures regarding the organisation of episcopacies and parishes of the
Karlovci Metropolitanate.
Keywords: Habsburg Monarchy, Military Frontier, Petrovaradin Regiment,
Karlovci Metropolitanate, 18th century, 1760, census, Orthodox clergy.

SUMMARY: The sufferings and losses of property in Pančevo district during the Austro-Turkish War 1737–1739 were huge because this district was not only a borderline area but also an area ravaged by war. At the end of 1739, the conditions were listed in census in which the Pančevo district had been found. The data from this census demonstrate that the war and the plague caused a discontinuity in both demographic and economic development of the area. It turned out that the sufferings had been caused by the passing of the domestic army, attacks by the Turkish army and the bandits, but mostly – by the plague.
It was recorded in the census that the household property had been plundered by the Turkish army and the bandits as well as by the domestic army. The former would usually take the cash and the cattle that was easily driven – horses and sheep, and the latter would take small and horned cattle that was used for maintenance. Losses were so huge that after the war, in average, each household of the Pančevo district had approximately just one horse, ox and cow, and every second household had a sheep and a pig. Since the Pančevo district settlements were exposed to domestic and foreign armies and bandits, up to 1739, major property losses had been the ones in the settlements by the Danube river – Ovča, Pančevo, Starčevo, Omoljica, Kovin, Brestovac, Gaj and Dubovac, whereas in the settlements far from the military transit – Margitica, Jarkovac and Dobrica, the census does not note any loss whatsoever.
Until the end of 1739, the plague had claimed its victims in each settlement of the Pančevo district. The share of the contributing people i.e. tax payers (adult men and widows running the households) who had died from the plague, was 43.62% out of the total number of tax payers from the pre-war period. This share is slightly smaller for the settlements of the districts in the hinterland of the Danubian border, such as Bečkerek (36.0%), Vršac (33.61%) and Čakovo (27.21%). After two plague-striken years, 1738 and 1739, where the summers were particularly fatal, the plague killed 332 tax payers and 1,027 “others” which is a total of 1,359 persons. Because of the plague, tax paying people mostly died in the settlements by the roads along the riverflows of the Danube and Tamiš. In the settlements of Tomaševac, Sakule, Opovo, Jabuka, Ovča, Pančevo, Starčevo and Omoljica, the loss of the population was 50–60% of the pre-war population. The settlements that had smaller losses due to the plague are as follows: Neuzina, Ilandža, Dobrica, Sefkerin, Idvor and Gaj, where the share of the pre-war tax payers who had died from the plague was 25–33%. The lack of well-ordered sanitary crossings at the Pančevo district teritory during the whole war and the provisional solutions to the problem of the movement control with much oversight, these were the consequence of the fact that the Pančevo district, up to 1740, had not had the position or even the organization of the borderline area.
KEYWORDS: The Habsburg Monarchy, Banat, the Pančevo district, depopulation, the plague, Austro-Turkish war 1737–1739, 18th century

Banat Military Frontier was one of the youngest military frontiers of the Habsburg
Monarchy. It existed more than one century, between 1764 and 1872. The area included the
Southern Banat and was bordered with the rivers of Tamis, Dunav and Cherna. Territory
of this military frontier was completed by systematic and gradual inclusion of particular
29
settlements. By the year 1776 two regiments were finally founded – German-Banat
Regiment and Wallach-Illyrian Regiment. Their names were specified with the numbers,
at the beginning of 19th century, as XII German-Banat Regiment and XIII Wallach-Illyrian
Regiment. In the year 1838 the Illyrian Battalion was founded, and as soon as in 1845 it
was named XIV Illyrian Regiment. Banat Military Frontier was affected by confrontations
in the revolutionary year 1848-1849. It was abolished in 1872, only few years after
Austrian-Hungarian Settlement from 1867, as well as the institution of Military Frontier
of Habsburg Monarchy.
Banat Military Frontier was completed with newly founded settlements. In 1793 it
included 155 settlements in both regiments, in 1819 there were 170 settlements, and in
1842 there were 190 settlements. Only two of these settlements had urban structure and
privileged position as military municipalities Pančevo and Bela Crkva. In year 1842 Banat
Military Frontier had 1.319 sq.km and c. 300.000 inhabitants (227 inhabitants per sq.km).
Their ethnical and religious structure was more complex after 1765, when the State started
with the foundation of planned settlements for Roman-Catholic and Protestants colonists,
Germans, Hungarians, Slovaks, as well for Orthodox Romanians. The State intervention
in space and foundation of planed settlements was introduced in larger scale in German-
Banat and lesser in the Wallach-Illyrian Regiment. Great differences in demographic and
economic development between these two/three regiments were the consequence of their
geographic particularities.

One of the most massive and organized migrations of the Serbs in the
18th century happened in 1751 and 1752. In this period, more then 12,000 people had
been resettled from the territory along the right banks of the rivers Tisa and Moriš to the
left banks of these rivers, which means from Bačka and southern Hungary to Banat. This
resettlement was the consequence of demilitarization of the Military Frontier on the Tisa
and Moriš (the so-called Potisje and Pomorišje sections of the Military Frontier), which
occured in 1751. Both sections were established in 1702, but they lost their military role
as soon as 1718, when southern areas of Banat, Serbia and Little Walachia were acquired.
The demilitarization of the Potisje and Pomorišje sections of the Military Frontier had been
a disputable question for a few decades before it eventually happened.
After Potisje and Pomorišje sections of the Military Frontier were abolished in
1751, their frontiersmen were resettled in 15, mostly newly founded, settlements in
Banat. These settlements were organized as the Banat Land Militia within 6 companies
(so-called Upper Companies): Velika and Mala Kikinda, Melenci and Taraš, Mokrin,
Jozefova (later Obilićevo) and Krstur, Idvor and Leopoldova (Čenta), Botoš, Marinovo
Selo (Tomaševac) and Sige (Perlez), Vranjevo, Karlovo (Novo Miloševo) and Kumane. All
of these settlements were located in deserted and marshland areas of western Banat, which
were, until that moment, administratively submitted to the Districts of Bečkerek and Čanad.
Depopulation of western Banat was caused by various reasons, such as plague epidemics
(1730, 1738–1739), fiscal burden, war and presence of domestic army (1737–1739).
According to the survey from the late 1739 and early 1740, plague epidemic caused a
disappearance of 36% of adult male population (Contribuenten) in the District of Bečkerek,
33.61% in the District of Vršac, 27.21% in the District of Čakova and 42.31% in the District
of Pančevo. Beside that, in the war period, the population of Banat escaped because of the
conduct of domestic army, which burdened the inhabitants of settlements along their route
on the rivers Tisa and Danube. By the year 1740 the devastation of some settlements in the
District of Bečkerek on the river Tisa, such as Bečej and Čenta, committed by domestic
army on its way towards Pančevo and Oršava was complete.
49 М. Костић, Српска насеља у Русији, 76–77 (напомена *).
51
According to military survey conducted in the end of 1753, in newly founded
settlements of the Banat Land Militia there were 1,769 householders, as well as 1,044
married members of households (brothers and sons) and 273 married poor and homeless
persons. Accordingly, only adult and physically capable men were registered. This means
that in 15 settlements there were 3,113 married individuals as well as families, but the
number of households was smaller (2,076), because the households were economic units
consisting of 1–5 married male members. In about 40% of all households there were
registered other married members (i.e. brothers and sons) beside the head of a household.
In 196 households there were even 2–5 such members, so 9.44% of all households could
be considered as zadruga (joint family). The number of potential zadruga households in
the group of officers’ households was even biger (27%).
Based on surveyed number of adult men in settlements of the Banat Land Militia
in 1753, the estimated minimum of the total number of people settled there was 12,000
persons. In the area of 1 km² of these settlements there could be found 8.92 persons or one
household in the area of 0.79 km². These data confirm the conclusion that the most important
consequence of the demilitarization of Potisje and Pomorišje sections of the Military
Frontier was the resettlement of their inhabitants in Banat, and not, as it was previously
stated in literature, in Russia.

The question of education of Orthodox children in Gradiška regiment
arose in the mid-18th century with the request for renewal of Dejanovac monastery as a
kind of educational centre in this regiment. Such application was submitted first to the
bishop of Pakrac in December 1753 by regimental officers, and soon they were joined
by the representatives of borderline Orthodox villages around Okučani. State authorities
were examining this application at the end of 1756 and during the first half of the 1757 by
organizing commissions for research in the field. The final decision was negative and, apart
from the conclusion that the monastery had never existed, it was helped by the fact that, in
the meantime, a public school was opened at the headquarters of Nova Gradiška. However,
in addition to the school at the headquarters, due to the efforts of Gradiška regiment
Orthodox officers led by then major, later colonel Jovan Miljević, a people’s school was
established in the same town and it was independent from the church and state authorities.

The Urbarial Book of Kubin (Urbarium von Kubin) was formed after
the militarization and colonization of this settlement as well as the
neighbouring ones in the former Pančevo District, in Banat. In 1764––1774
the settlements were organized as the Regiment of German-Banat Frontiersmen
(Deutsch-banatische Regiment). The Urbarial Book includes several parts, the
first and the last of which are published in this paper. The first part of the Book
(General Beschreibung und Haupt Anmerkungen) consists of 65 articles and
considers the agrarian features and the settlement organization. In the quoted
sections, it is described what position some areas of the settlement had, and
what their usefulness was considering the tributary of the Dunube River – the
Ponjavica and the Crna Bara swamp. The last segment of The Book
(Summarische Inhalt Tabellen oder Ballanz) shows the list of landowners in the
village and precise data about their land plots.

Aft er its occupation in 1718, Banat enjoyed a status of a province under the
administration of the central fi nancial Court Chamber and its state administration
in Timişoara. By the time the Chamber Administration was abolished in Banat (1778)
and its property sold out (1780), the state managed to put through some reform
measures in both the social and land ownership terms in a part of the militarised
zone – the Illyrian Frontier Regiment and the German Banat Regiment. In the 1768-71
period, the local population and the colonists of the two regiments for the fi rst time
got their individual arable land plots, with their names entered in the land registry,
with the area structure determined by its purpose, and to some limited extent, even
certain changes in land farming were introduced. Th e expected result was an increase
in the state income from the land. Th e sources about the land registries of that period
are rather modest, but some specifi c features of the farming practice could be found
in the individual cases of Idvor (the Illyrian Regiment) and of Kovin (the German
Regiment).

The Last will as a historical source was mainly used by the middle age
and early modern period reasearchers, especially those dealing with economic
and social histories. Altough the three Zemun merchants from the early 19th
century, whose last wills are here published, were not the only merchants with
interesting last testament contents. However, they were chosen because of their
close business relations, and their political relations with the Serbian
merchants who became leaders of the First Serbian Uprising. Teodor Marinović
Vuk is remembered as one of the uprising enablers, and Dragutin Milutinović
was, with Miloš Urošević and Dimitrije Marković-Ratković, one of the major
uprising suppliers and also a man of considerable political influence in Serbia.
Evidence is only scarce when it comes to Ignjat Jeftić and his connections with
his business partners in the Pashaluk of Belgrade.
Altough unequal in length and content, last wills and legacy
inventories published here provide multitude of data on various social
phenomena. These documents indicate that the Zemun merchant elite was
created with a network of marriages, godfathers and business interests. These
documents provide a possiblity to reconstruct the structure of the testator’s
family and family ties, which multi-linked a rather small group of successful
merchant families in and outside the city, and even beyond national borders.
These documents allow the observation of the close relationship between the
Serbian and Greek-Cincar communities, which was not limited only to business
affairs. These documents testify to the presence of religious practice of bequest
prayers for the deceased’s salvation and the practice of leaving contributions to
churches and monasteries. These documents open the questions of demarcation
of religious unity, and the national identity of the Orthodox community.
The last wills reveal the reasons for which they were made and how the
testators were managing their property during life, securing assets, arranging
and conducting affairs, securing debts and the like. They provide insight into
a range of commercial and business ramifications, markets and the routes for
goods transportation, organization of business, size and economic strength of
companies in which the testators took part, and the profits that were achieved.
They also indicate the status and rights of women in marriage, as well as a
Тестаменти и инвентари оставине земунских трговаца с почетка 19. века
265
widow, and the relationship of the deceased towards his wife, her family and
children. Inventories which were used to conduct the public sales of the
testator’s goods complement significantly the knowledge of the property that
was on their testamentary disposal. These inventories also point to the quality
of everyday life of merchant families in Zemun, the houses’ construction
quality, sizes, ways of furnishing, the amount of everyday and luxury items,
including the presence of Oriental and European influence in the living culture

This paper depicts the structure of the Zemun military community as
represented in the Cadastral Book and Map from 1780. The distribution of the
edifices and land owned or controlled by the central (military and cameral)
authorities, local institutions (the Municipality) and private owners, testifies that
the land in the Zemun district was used in a planned and organized manner. The
circumstances in the Municipality in 1780 were seen as a result of the already
completed process of spatial organization, whose origins are linked to the first
years of the militarization of Southern Srem (1739–1745).

From the abolishment of the Tisa-Moriš Military Frontier (1751), up until
the setting up of the Banat Military Frontier (1764), the Banat Land Militia
(Bannatische Land Miliz) was responsible for all ground military defence.
Members of the Militia, mainly men relocated from the demilitarised Tisa-Moriš
Military Frontier, were organized in eight companies. Six of these companies were
known as The Upper companies (located in the vilages: Velika Kikinda, Vranjevo,
Botosh, Idvor, Mokrin and Milenci), and the other two were called The Lower
Companies (in Potok and Okruglica). The documentation hereby enclosed, testifies
of the Banat Land Milition’s single war confrontation – the one against the Prussian
army in Silesia (Germany and Bohemia), in 1757 and 1758 respеctively (Third
Silesian War or Seven Year’s War). This report about the reorganisation of
companies and the systematisation of officers, was compiled on July 5th 1757,
after the companies already marched out into the war zone, on June 15th and 27th.
The data in this report allow for an insight into the process of reorganisation, the
constitution and aptitude of the companies, as well as background knowledge of
certain officers, half of whom served in the Tisa-Moriš Military Frontier ten years
before. The officers and the menpower to fight in the war, were extracted from the
eight existing companies and allocated into nine newfound companies. The
following increase of number of companies to seventeen in total, led to a lack of
officers. So as to increase the number of officers, the following procedure was
adopted: firstly, the officers with appropriate ranks were given posts; secondly,
posts went to those who were given promotion, or to those whose status was
changed from ,,aggregirt‘’ to the ,,würkliche‘’; and finally, posts were given to the
two newly-appointed officers. Due to the lack of available officers, Banat was
mainly left with officers unfit for warfare due to age and health reasons. In the end,
30 officers were sent with the nine companies to the warzone, while the remaining
eight companies stayed in Banat, with two thirds of the manpower and 26 officers.
According to the report, two lines of soldiers marching out from Banat held 1156
men: 705 men allocated in the infantry company, and 437 in the cavalry.
Key Words: Banat, 1757, Banat Land Militia, Upper and Lower Companies,
Third Silesian War, Seven Year’s War (1757-1763), officers.

Tumultuous political and legal circumstances, ending with the acquisition of
the 1753 status of favorable autonomy as a military community, as well as excellent natural and geostrategic location, enabled Zemun an intensive demographic and economic development during the period of peace, between 1739 and 1788.
According to the 1776 census, in the city of 958 households — 799 homeowners
and 159 renting — there were 3918 people. Favorable circumstances stimulated
young, mobile and poor population to largely settle in Zemun. Heads of households
aged between 20 and 40 made up 36.86 per cent of all the heads of households, and because
of their youth, families had less numerous offspring, participating with 34.1 per
cent in the total male population. Overall, approximately 80 per cent of male population
of Zemun was under 40.
As demonstrated by the fragment about the origin of Zemun citizens based on
surname, most came from some of the nearby settlements of Srem, Serbia, and Banat,
mostly from the immediate vicinity of Belgrade. The great circulation of the nearby population
is confirmed by the fact that the majority of population (83 per cent) were Orthodox
Serbs. Some professions were in the hands of certain religious or ethnic communities.
Most of the merchants were Orthodox — Serbs and Tzintzars (64), except three
Jews, as well as inn owners who were mostly Orthodox (22), with the exception of two
Catholics. Transporters (8) and shedders (8) were Catholic, but non-German, while there
were equal numbers of Catholics and Jews among the boilermakers (2 each). All the
farmers, without exception, were Serbs (84), and the most numerous artisans (194) and
wage workers (267) were of mixed ethnicity.
Јелена ИЛИЋ
174
Family structure could be partially reconstructed based on the data on the size
of the household (4.08 members), proportion of the young (around 42.6 per cent under
20), number of joined members (19 sons-in-law, 16 adopted ones, 31 stepsons, 7
protégés, 11 servants, and 129 learners), gender structure (47.16 percent female and
52.83 per cent males), number of widows (115), single men (34), and childless couples
(130). With all this, the difference in the structure of the owners' and renters' households
was also obvious in the average numbers of their members — 4.3 versus 2.3. Counting
numerous joined members and renters' households (159) within the same houses, Zemun
houses were insufficiently comfortable (1 to 2 rooms, a kitchen, area for cattle, one
in three had cellar, and one in four had a shop).
Entire town organization was based on religious-organizational division. Civil
servants — the City (City Council, cops) and the State ones (contumacy, customs, post
office) were mostly Catholic of German origin, and in lesser part, Serb Orthodox. There
was a City Hall, two Catholic and Orthodox churches, two schools, and three hospitals.
Apart from the urban core, fully settled by this time period, during the 1770s the town
began to expand beyond the palisades. Even though one could also speak about separate
professional class of farmers and cattle owners, the importance of the agricultural activities
for town dwellers can be seen in that all the home owners at the same time had at least
a minimal plot of land, and that the territory of the Zemun area was mostly used. The
average holding had 6.41 acres of agricultural land, 1.22 acres of fields, 0.30 acres of
vineyards, or 8.36 acres of total arable land. Majority had middle holdings within their
consumer needs, and few who worked in profitable professions invested in land, as the
main capital of the time.
When it comes to taxes, and based on which the privileged status of the military
community was justified before the military authorities, it is notable that the largest
sum of money was gathered from the money with which adults and physically able men
bought out their military service (33.45 per cent), then, from the basic tax on property,
house, and land (41.18 per cent), and the smallest part from the town professions and
real estate (25.33 per cent).